Church History of Britain

SECT. III.

1. NOw though nothing was done in matters of Religion, but what was fairly and largely discussed; first by the most Learned of the Clergy; yet this year the Clergy in the Convocation so submitted themselves to the King, that each one severally promised in verbo Sacerdotis, never henceforth to presume to allege, claim, or put in ure, any new Canons, unless the Kings most Royal Assent might be had unto them, and this soon after the same was ratified by Act of Parliament.

2. And here it will be worth my pains, and the Readers perusal to observe the differences between English Synods or Convocations, which may eminently be distinguished into four ranks, such as were,

• 1. Called before the Conquest.
• 2. Called since the Conquest, but before the Statute of Praemunire was made.
• 3. Called after the aforesaid Statute, but before another made in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, wherein the Clergy were bound up, for doing ought, without the Royal assent.
• 4. Called after the twenty fifth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth.

These did plainly differ in the several manners of their meeting, and degrees of power, of their acting in Spiritual matters.

3. As for Councils, called before the Conquest, whilst the Popes power, had not as yet Lorded it over the Kings of England, the Kings ever were (if not in person) in power present thereat; as by perusing S ^r Henry Spelmans Councils plainly doth appear. Yea, matters both of Church and Common-wealth were often dictated and concluded in the same Meeting, Communi consensutam, Cleri quam Populi Episcoporum, procerum, comitam, nec non omnium Sapientum, Seniorum populorum{que} totius Regni.

4. For the second sort (called after the Conquest, but before the Statute of Praemunire) the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury or York, used-upon all extraordinary, and immergent cases, toties, quoties, as their own discretions adjudging necessary or convenient, to assemble the Clergy of their respective Provinces, at what place they pleased, dontinuing Convocations in them so long, or dissolving them, as soon as they pleased. And this they did, either as Metropolitans, or Primates, or as Legati Nati to the Pope of Rome, without any leave from the King afore obtained, and such Canoas, and Constitutions then and there concluded on, were in that Age (without any further Ratification) obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction. Such were all the Synods from Lanckfranck to Thomus Arundel, in whose time the Satute of Praemunire was enacted.

5. A Third sort of Convocation succeeds: For after the Statute of Praemunire was made, (which did much restrain the Papal power, and subject it to the Laws of the Land) when Arch-Bishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command, but at the pleasure of the King, as oft as his necessities and occasions with the distresses of the Church did require it. Yea, now their meetings were by virtue of a Writ or Precept from the King, and it will not be amiss here to exemplify the form thereof.

7. In this Writ we may observe, first, that from the word Convocari faciatis, the word Convocation took its denomination, being formerly called Synods, as lately (since our Scotizing) termed Assemblies. Secondly, that clause, in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis, pointeth at a power placed, or rather a Liberty left to the Arch-Bishops, to call their Synods elsewhere, in case they adjudged it more convenient. But because the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, might the better attend their business in Parliaments (henceforward commonly kept at the same time with Convocations) S ^r Paul's in London was generally preferred for the place of their convention. Thirdly, this Writ was used even after the Reformation, mutatis mutandis, namely, the title of Apostolical Legate to the Arch-Bishop being left out, as also the names of Priors, and Abbots are extinguished. Lastly, of this third Sort of Convocations, was all those kept by Thomas Arundel and the ArchBishops of Canterbury his successors, unto Thomas Cranmer; or if you will, from the sixteenth of Richard the second, unto the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth. These Convocations did also make Canons (as in Lynwood his Constitutions do appear) which were binding, although none other, then Synodical authority did confirm them.

8. The last sort of Convocations remains, called since the Statute, the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth, that none of the Clergy should presume to attempt, allege, claim, or put in ure, any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial, or Synodals, or any other Canons, Constitutions, or Ordinances Provincial, (by whatsoever name or names they may be called) in their Convocation in time coming; (which always shall be assembled by the Kings Writ) unless the same Clergy may have the Kings most Royal Assent and Licence to make, promise and execute such Canons, Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial, or Synodical, upon pain of everyone of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act, and thereof convicted, to suffer imprisonment, and making Fine at the Kings will. Since this year, from Arch-Bishop Cranmer to Arch-Bishop Laud, all Convocations (so long as they lasted) are born tongue-tied, till the King did cut the string thereof with his Letters Patent, allowing them leave to debate on matters of Religion. Otherwise, what they conclude, are arrows without piles; daggers without points; too blunt to pierce into the practice of others, but sharp enough to wound themselves, and bring them within the compass of a Praemunire. Yea, even such Convocations with the Royal assent, subject not any (for recusancy to obey their Canons) to a civil penalty in person or property, until confirmed by Act of Parliament

9. This I humbly conceive to be the difference betwixt the three kinds of Convocations, submitting what I have written to the censure and correction of the Learned in the Law, conscious of my own ignorance therein, as indeed such skill neither is to be expected or required in one of my profession, who am ready with willingness, yea, with cheerfulness, yea, with thankfulness to God and man, publicly to recall, and retract what any such convince me to have mistaken herein; hoping that my stumbling in so dark a subject, may prevent the failing of others.

10. There goeth a tradition (taken up by many without examination) that anciently the Clergy sat as one body with the Parliament, and were not divided till in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, as a modern Author hath written in a Tract. But when I asked of Him, where he had read the same, he cited a French Letter of Cardinal Sadolets. Strange that a Foraigner should be more seeing herein, then any of our Native Authors and Records that I ever could behold. But it may be, the Error had its Original hence, because anciently Bishops sitting in the Parliament, did not always appear personally, or by the proxie of men of their own order, but sometimes sent one or more of the inferior Clergy to represent them, if it be true what I have read in a small English book, bearing the name of M ^r Selden (but I question whether avowed by him) of the proceedings in Parliament.

11. John Fryth sealed the Truth with his blood, one who justly may be said aged sixty at six and twenty (so young was he Martyred) such his learning, gravity, and constancy. It was chiefly charged on him, that he denied the believing of the real presence in the Sacrament (understand him de modo; thereof) to be an Article of the Faith, though confessing Christ really present, in the bread, so he might not be compelled to the worshipping thereof. But these things are set down largely in M ^r Fox. Only I will add, that persons out of groundless suggest two scandals on this good man, and his wives memory. One that he was guilty of some practice against the State, merely because he was committed to the Tower. The other that his wife being beyond the Seas with M ^r Tyndale, expressing himself, content with the will of God, that for her sake she would not have the glory of God hindered, desired to be rid of her husbands life, that M ^r Tyndale might the more freely enjoy her company. Thus this Jesuit, being himself a Bastard, measureth others by the chastity of his own Parents. Indeed the aforesaid Tyndale much exhorted Fryth to patient suffering, but not as those Cowardly Captains, which encourage others to fight, and themselves forsake the field, because afterwards he valiantly brought up the rear, and suffered for the same cause two years after.

12. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was now prisoner in the Tower, where he was but coarsely used, as appears by a Letter to M ^r Secretary Cromwell.

His first petition for clothes was granted him, (having exchange thereof at his execution) and it is probable the other two petitions being so reasonable were not denied him.

19. During his durance in the Tower, he was often and strictly examined, before Sir Edmund Walsingham Lieutenant thereof, by Thomas Bedyll, and Richard Layton Clerks of the Council, and was sworn in verbo Sacerdotii, to answer to many Interrogatories, but chiefly concerning four subjects.

• First, about the King 's Divorce; wherein he was always constant to what he had printed of the unlawfulness thereof.
• Secondly, about His Supremacy, which (at last) he peremptorily denied.
• Thirdly, about his concealing the Imposture of Elizabeth Barton, the Maid of Kent; wherein, he confessed his weakness, and over-easy belief; but utterly denied any ill Intentions to the King 's Person.
• Fourthly, about the Statute of Succession, wherein (as appears by his Letter to Secretary Cromwell ) he was content to subscribe, and swear to the body, but not to the Preamble thereof.

20. Which words therein, so offensive to Fisher ( except there be any other unprinted Preface to this Statute) were these: The Bishop of Rome and See Apostolic, contrary to the great and inviolable grants of Jurisdiction by God immediately to Emperors, Kings, and Princes, in Succession to their Heirs hath presumed in times past to invest, who should please them to inherit in other men's Kingdoms and Dominions: which thing we Your most humble Subjects, both Spiritual and Temporal, do most abhor and detest.

21. Here I know not whether more to commend the policy or charity of Archbishop Cranmer desiring in a Letter to Secretary Cromwell that this partial subscription which Bishop Fisher proffered, to the Statute of Succession, might be accepted: adding that good use mighe be made thereof, to the King 's advantage, such general reputation the World had of this Bishop 's Learning, and of Sir Thomas Moore 's: both which, it seems, went the same path and pace, and in this point, started, 〈◊〉 , and stop'd together. Indeed, it was not good to strain such fine springs too high, which possibly moistened with mild usage, might in process of time, have been stretched to a further compliance. But, it seems, nothing at present would satisfy, except both of them came up to the full measure of the King 's demands.

22. As for Bishop Fisher his concealing the pretended Prophesies of Elizabeth Barton, it was so far waved, that he was never indicted for the same. And indeed he made an ingenuous Plea for himself; namely, that the said Elizabeth had told him, she had acquainted the King therewith; yea, he had assurance thereof from the Archbishop. And therefore, knowing the King knew of it; before, he he was loath to hazard His displeasure in that, which was not revealing what was unknown, but repeating what would be unwelcome to His Grace.

23. But not long after, he was arreigned of high Treason, and it will not be amiss to insert the sting of the Indictment out of the Original.

DIversis Domini Regis veris, subditis false malitiose & proditorie loquebatur & propalabat videlicet. The King owre Sovereign Lord is not Supreme Hed ynerthe of the Cherche of England. In dicti Domini Regis immund. despect. & vilipendium manifest.

Of this he was found guilty, had Judgment, and was remanded to the Tower, where, for a time, we leave him, and proceed. 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉

24. Thus was the power of the Pope totally abolished out of England, whereof the Romanists at this day do bitterly complain, but can revenge themselves no other way, save by aspersing us as guilty of Schism and Separation for rending ourselves from the Mother-Church. Blame us not, if loath that the Church of England (in whose Doctrine and Discipline we were born, and bred, and desire to die ) should lie under so foul and false an Imputation, which by the following Narrative may fully be confuted.

25. Three things are Essential to justify the English Reformation, from the scandal of Schism, to show, that they had

• 1. Just cause for which
• 2. True authority by which
• 3. Due moderation in what
  • they deceded from Rome.

26. The first will plainly appear, if we consider the abominable Errors, which contrary to Scripture and Primitive practice were then crept into the Church of Rome. As the denying the Cup to the Laity; Worshipping of Images; locking up the Scriptures in Latin, and performing prayers in an unknown Tongue, with the monstrosity of Transubstantiation, inexcusable practices. Besides, the Behemoth of the Pope 's Infallibility, and the Leviathan of his Universal Jurisdiction, so exclaimed against by Gregory the great, as a Note of Anti-Christ.

27. Just cause of Reformation being thus proved, proceed we to the Authority by which it is to be made. Here we confess the most regular way, was by order from a Free and General Council, but here alas no hope thereof. General it could not be, the Greeks not being in a capacity of repairing thither; nor Free, such the Papal Usurpation; For before men could try the Truth, hand to hand, by dint of Scripture (the Sword and Buckler thereof, by God 's appointment ) the Pope took off all his Adversaries, at distance, with (those Guns of Hellish Invention ) his Infallibility and Universal Jurisdiction, so that no approaching his presence to oppose him, but with certainty of being pre-condemned.

28. Now seeing the Complaints of the conscientious in all Ages, against the Errors in the Romish Church, met with no other entertainment than frowns and frets, and afterwards fire and fagot, it came seasonably into the minds of those who steered the English Nation, to make use of that power which God had bestowed upon them. And seeing they were a National Church under the civil command of one King, He by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation, and great Council in Parliament, resolved to reform the Church under His inspection from gross abuses crept into it, leaving it free to other Churches either to follow His example, or continue in their former condition: and on these terms was the English Reformation first advanced.

29. But the Romanists object, that England being first converted to Christianity, by the zeal and care of the Church of Rome, (when Pope Gregory the great sent Augustine over to preach here) cannot, not only without great Ingratitude, but flat Undutifulnesse depart from the Church which first taught it true Religion.

It is answered, First, this Argument reacheth not west of Severne into Wales, where the ancient Britain's by general confession, were converted before the time of Augustine.

Secondly, this first favor received from Rome, puts not on England so strict and servile an obligation of perpetual continuance, that she may and must not serve God without asking her leave. It ties England only to a fair and grateful respect, which she always tendered, till the Insolency of the Church of Rome, made Us unwilling to pay, and Her unworthy to receive it.

Thirdly, some strength may be allowed to this Objection, if Rome could be proved the same in Doctrine and Discipline, when under the Reign of King Henry the eighth, England divided itself from it, with Rome, when in the time of Gregory the great, it was converted by God 's blessings on his endeavors. But since that time the Church of Rome hath been much corrupted in Opinions and practice, easy to prove, but that it is not the set work of our History.

30. But again the Papists object, that the most judicious Protestants do ingeniously confess, that the Church of Rome maintaineth all the Fundamentals of Religion. England therefore cannot be excused from Schism, for dividing from that Church, which, by their own confession, still retaineth the true Foundation of Christianity.

31. It is answered: if some Protestants be so civil in their censures on Papists, it appears thereby, though they have left Rome, they have not lost their courtesy, nor their Charity. But grant (which is disputable) the Errors of the Church of Rome not Fundamental, they are Circa-Fundamental, grating on the very Foundation. Besides, we are bound to avoid, not only what is deadly, but what is hurtful; not only what may destroy the life, but what may prejudice the health of our Souls.

But our Adversaries persist to object, that our Reformation took its rise, from King Henry 's pride, to pluck down a Power which crossed His designs, from His covetousness to compass the Revenues of Abbey, and from His wantonness, to exchange His old Embracings, for new ones. Well therefore may the English blush at the Babe, when they behold its Parents, and be ashamed of their Reformation, considering the vicious Extraction thereof.

Answ. Malice may load the Memory of K. Henry about His demerit; yet grant the charge true, that bad inclinations first moved Him to the Reformation, yet He acted therein nothing, but conformable to the Law Divine and Human. It is usual with God 's wisdom and goodness, to suffer Vice to sound the first Alarum to that fight, wherein Virtue is to have the Victory. Besides, King Henry 's Reformation hath since been Reformed, by successive Princes of England, who cannot justly be taxed with any vicious reflection therein.

32. It remaineth that we take notice of the moderation of the Reformers, who being acted not with an Opposition to all which the Papists practiced, but with an Affection to Truth, disclaimed only the Ulcers and Sores, not what was sound of the Romish Church, retaining still what was consonant to Antiquity, in the Four first General Councils.

33. Matters thus ordered, had the Romanists been pleased to join with us, there had been no complaining of Schism either in their Streets, or ours. But such their pride and peevishness, to persist obstinate, to this day incense many people (who listen more to the loudness, than weigh the justness of Complaints ) accusing us of willful Separation; But the Premises well considered, England may say to Rome, Pharez, the breach be upon thee, who (with Athaliah, crying Treason, treason, being herself the prime Traytour ) taxeth us with Schism, when she the only Schismatic.

34. We enter now on a subject, which we must not omit, such is the concernment thereof, in our History; yet which we cannot complete, so intricate the nature thereof, and so short and doubtful our intelligence therein; namely, to give a general estimate (particulars being impossible) of the Papal Revenues of England.

35. Here be it premised that I humbly conceive, the Pope 's Income ran the highest in England under King Henry the third, and King Edward the first, before the Statute of Mortmaine (and after it that of Premunire ) was made, for these much abated his Intrado. And although, I deny not, but under King Henry the eighth, he might receive more Money, (as then more plentiful in England ) yet his profit formerly, was greater, if the standard of Gold and Silver be but stated proportionably.

36. However, the vast sums Rome received hence at the time of Reformation, will appear by the ensuing commodities. For, first Agnus Dei 's, this is here set by Synecdoclie, to signify all Popish Trinkets, Medals, consecrated Beads, &c. which I as little know what they be, as Papists, why they use them: Of these were yearly brought over from Rome, into England, as many, as would fill the shop of a Habberdasher of Holy Wares. Now, though their prices were not immediately paid into the Pope 's purse, but to such his subordinate Officers who traded therein; Yet they may be accounted part of the Papal Revenues (the King hath what the Courtiers have by His consent ) and if such trading was not permitted unto them, the Pope must either abate of his Traine, or find his Officers other ways of subsistence.

37. Secondly, for Annates, so called, because they were the entire Revenues of one Yeare (in the nature of first Fruits ) which the Bishops and inferior Clergy paid to the Pope; We have no light concerning the latter, but can present the Reader with an exact account, what every Bishop in England, (new elected or translated to a See ) paid at his entrance to his Holiness.

In this account [F] stands for Florenes, being worth 4s—6d. in our English money. [D] for single Ducats sufficiently known for 8 shillings. Lincolns, not being valued, I behold as a me • casual omission in this Catalogue; but can render a reason, why Rochester not rated, who being accounted as Chaplain, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, (and anciently in his Donation ) may be supposed valued in the high valuation of his Patron. That Bath and Wells then so high in Wealth, should be so low in first Fruits (whereat my Author wonders) plainly shows that Favor was fashionable, (as in all other Courts, so) in the Court of Rome. The rest of the English Bishoprics were not in being, before the Reformation.

39. Thirdly, by Appeals; The Pope having learned this policy from the Council of Jethro to Moses, every Great thing they shall bring unto thee; but every Small matter they ( viz: the 70 Elders ) shall Judge; reserved to himself the definitive sentence in all high Controversies, which brought no small profit unto him.

40. Fourthly, by K. Athelph 's Pension given by him to the Pope, Anno 852. whereof largely before; A distinct payment from Peter pence, (with which some confound it) as stinted to three hundred Marks; whereas the other were casual, and increased according to the number of Houses.

41. Fifthly, for Dispensations. Oh the charity of the Pope, to lay heavy Burdens on men's consciences, (without command from God 's Word ) too heavy for them to bear! but then so merciful he was, for Money to take them off again; thus Licences to marry within degrees forbidden; for Priests [base] Sons, to succeed their Fathers in a Benefice, and a hundred other particulars brought yearly a Nemo scit, into the Papal Treasury.

42. Sixthly, Indulgencies are next, though I know not how essentially distinguished from Dispensations, nor dare warrant the distinction, that the former was against, the other above Canon Law. As when Abbeys, and other places were freed from Episcopal Jurisdiction, and many other Privileges and Exemptions both personal and conventual.

43. Seventhly, by Legatine Levies, these though not Annual, yet came [almost] as often, as the Pope 's needs, or covetousness would require them.

44. Eighthly, Mortuaries, due, at the death of great Prelates, though, I find not in what manner and proportion they were paid.

45. Ninthly, Pardons; He saveth his credit the best, who makes no conjecture at the certainty of this Revenue. And though the Pope, (as then too politick openly to confess his profit by granting; so since ) be too proud publicly to bemoan his loss, by stopping of these Pardons, yet is he secretly and sadly sensible of a great emptiness in his Treasure thereby.

46. Tenthly, Peter-pence succeed, granted by Ina, King of the West Saxons to Pope Gregory the second, Anno 626. It was a penny paid for every Chimney that smoaked in England, which in that Hospital Age had few smoaklesse ones; the device of Cypher Tunnels or mock-Chimneys merely for uniformity of building, being unknown in those days. Indeed, before the Conquest, such only paid Peter-pence, who were worth thirty pence in yearly revenue, or half a mark in goods, but afterwards it was collected generally of all solvable Housekeepers, and that on most heavy penalties.

47. Now though none can tell what these amounted to, yet conjecture may be made, by descending to such proportions, which no rational man will deny. Allowing nine thousand Parishes (abating the odd hundreds ) in England and Wales, a hundred houses in every Parish, two chimneys in every house, one with another, it ariseth unto a yearly sum of seven thousand five hundred pounds. Here I say nothing of the intrinsical value of their Penny, worth two pence in our Age.

48. Eleventhly, Pilgrimages follow, many persons of quality going yearly to Rome, sometimes perchance with bare feet, but never with empty hands. But the Pope 's principal harvest was in the Jubile (which of late recurred every five and twenty years ) when no fewer than two hundred thousand strangers have been counted at Rome at once. Of these, more than the tenth part may be justly allowed English, it being always observed, that distance increaseth devotion; and the farthest off, the forwardest, in Will-worship of this nature.

49. Twelfthly, we conclude with Tenths, and on what Title they were paid to the Pope, largely hereafter.

50. Here we speak not of the accidentals, as Legacies bequeathed by the deaths of Princes and great Persons, and other Casualties, and Obventions; Sixtus the fourth being wont to say, that a Pope could never want Money, while he could hold a Pen in his hand; (understand him to grant general Indulgencies ) though Luther 's holding a pen in his hand, hath since much marred his Mart herein. Now certainly Demetrius could tell better, what was gotten by making silver Shrines for Diana, than S. Paul himself: and while some Protestants compute the Papal profit, to be a hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum, some more, some less, (but all making it above the King 's Revenues ) they do but state his Income at random.

51. Only Polidore Virgil, if alive, and willing, were able to give a certain account of the Peter pence, (a good guess at the rest of Papal Revenues ) knowing them, as well, as the Beggar knows his dish, as holding the Bason into which they were put, being Collector general of Peter pence all over England. But this Italian was too proud to accept them as gratuities, (in which nature they were first given) but exacted them in the notion of a Rent and Tribute due to the Pope his Master.

52. This is that Polidore Virgil, who was Dignitary of the Cathedral of Wells, (and, as I take it, Archdeacon of Taunton ) on the Choir whereof he bestowed Hangings flourished with the Laurel Tree, and as I remember, wrote upon them,

But would he had spared his benefaction to the Church of Wells, on condition he had been no Malefactor to the Church of England, yea, to Religion and Learning in general, if it be true what commonly is reported.

53. For he wrote a Latin History of Britain, from the Original of the Nation, until Anno Dom. 153. the year of King Henry the eighth, out of many rare Manuscripts, which he had collected together. Now, partly to raise the reputation of his own Writings, (that he might seem no lazy Transcriber ) partly, to render himself out of the reach of confutation (being suspected not over-faithful in his Relation ) he is said to have burnt all those rare Authors, which he could compass into his possession. Thus Tyrant-like he cut down those stairs whereby he ascended the Throne of his own knowledge. If this be true, the World may thank Polidore Virgil, for his work, de Inventione Rerum; but have cause to chide, (not to say, curse ) his Memory, for his Act de Perditione Librorum.

54. I have met with a paper of Verses, which like a two-edged Sword cut on both sides, plainly at Polidore Virgil, but obscurely at a later Plagiary, and in my opinion, not unworthy to be inserted.

Who this second Plagiarie was, complained of for plundering Leyland, if the Reader cannot conjecture, I will not tell, such the honor I bear to his admirable performances, though herein not to be excused.

55. Papal power thus extinguished in England; it is worth our enquiry, where the same for the future was fixed, which we find, not entirely settled in any One, but according to justice, and equity, divided amongst many Sharers therein.

56. And first, Give unto God the things which are God's. What the Pharisees said, was true in the Doctrine, though false in the Use thereof, (as applied to our Savior whom they mistook for a mere man Who can forgive sins but God alone? ) This paramount power no less blasphemously than arrogantly usurped by the Pope, claiming an absolute and authoritative pardoning of Sins, was humbly and justly restored to the high God of Heaven.

57. Restitution was made to the second Person in the Trinity, of that Universal jurisdiction over the whole Church as belonging to Christ alone, who is the Sheepherd and Bishop of our souls, and a badge of Antichrist for the Pope proudly to assume the same.

58. To the Holy Ghost was restored that Infallibility, which to him doth properly pertain, as being the Spirit of Truth, which neither will deceive, nor can be deceived, and which hath promised to lead his Church in general into all Truth; but never fixed any inerrability, on any particular person, or succession of single persons whatsoever.

59. And now give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar 's. The King comes to claim His own right, what the Kings of Judah (his Predecessors in Sovereignty ) had by the Word of God, and Christian Emperors by the practice of the Primitive times, did possess. In order whereunto the Parliament did notify and declare, that Ecclesiastical power to be in the King, which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded. Yet so, that they reserved to themselves (besides other privileges which we leave to the Learned in the Law ) the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical; so that the person or property of Refusers, should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament.

60. Of this power thus declared in the King, part thereof He kept in Himself, as to call, and dissolve Convocations at His pleasure; to grant or deny them Commission to debate of Religion; to command Archbishops and Bishops to be chosen in vacant Sees; to take order for the due Administration of the Word and Sacraments.

61. The other part of power Ecclesiastical, the King passed over to the Archbishop of Canterbury, as His Substitute; first, to grant Faculties in cases not repugnant to the Law of God, necessary for Honor and Security of the King, formerly wont to be remedied in the See of Rome. Secondly, to determine Causes Ecclesiastical in his Court, whence lay an Appeal to the Court of Delegates, &c.

62. The representative Clergy had power by the King's leave, to make Canons and Constitutions, whilst each Bishop in his respective Diocese, Priest in his Parish, were freer than formerly in execution of their Office, acquitted from Papal dependence.

63. Lastly, every English Lay-Man, was restored to his Christian Birth right, namely, to his judgment of practical discretion (in perusing the Scriptures in his own Language) formerly swallowed up in the Ocean of the Pope's Infallibility. Thus on the depluming of the Pope every bird had his own feather: in the partage whereof, what he had gotten by sacrilege, was restored to God; what by Usurpation, was given back to the King, Church, and State; what by Oppression, was remitted to particular Christians.

SECTION III.

FOR twelve Moneths had Bishop Fisher (formerly condemned) now lived in durance, and so was likely to continue, until (in all probability) his soul at the same time, should be freed from two Prisons, I mean, that of his body, and that of the Tower. For, his life could do the King no hurt, whose death might procure Him hatred, as of one generally pitied for his age, honored for his learning, admired for his holy conversation. Besides, it was not worth the while, to take away his life, who was not only mortalis, as all men; and mortificatus, as all good men; but also moriturus, as all old men, being past seventy six years of age. But now an unseasonable act of the Pope accelerated his execution, in making him Cardinal of S. Vitalis; a title which Fisher so little affected, that he professed, If the Hat lay at his feet, he would not stoop to take it up.

2. His Holiness could not have studied a more destructive way against Fisher 's life, than to fasten this injurious favor upon him. This heightened the King's anger into fury against him. He expounded the Pope's act, or rather the act expounded itself (as capable of no other comment) as done in his defiance, and therefore a Warrant is sent to the Lieutenant for his execution. Let not the Reader grudge his pains, if we describe this Bishop, from his cradle, to (I cannot say his coffin, or winding-sheet, being made to believe he had neither, but) his grave: The rather, because I collected the same out of his Manuscript-life, compiled by Richard Hall, of Christ College in Cambridge, and communicated unto me by a worthy friend. Only be it premised, that the same Hall was a stiff Roman Catholic, and therefore accordingly must abatement be made in his relations.

3. This John Fisher, born at Beverly in York shire, of Robert, his Father (a wealthy-man, and a kind of Merchant) Anno 1459, was by his Parents sent to Cambridge to have his education in Michael House, under Mr. William Melton, his Tutor.

• Admitted 1484.
  • Commenced
    • Bachelor Master
      • of Arts
        • 1488.
        • 1491.
          • made
            • Proctor 1495.
            • Doctor 1502.
            • Master of the House, thereabouts.

• Bishop of Rochester 1504.
• Chancellor of Cambridge
  • chosen 1505.
  • confirmed, 1514.

He was Chaplain, and Confessor to the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, at whose instance, and by whose advise, She founded, and endowed Christ's • , and S. John 's- College in Cambridge. Employed in building of the latter (her posthume College of S. John 's) and effectually advancing that work, he wanted the accommodation of a convenient Lodging, when Dr. Thomas Wilkinson, President of Queens College, opportunely departed this life: and that Society requested Bishop Fisher to succeed in his place, which he gratefully accepted, faithfully discharged, and thereby had the advantage to finish his new College in the less time, to his greater contentment.

4. Here I meet with two descriptions of Fisher, as contrary each to other, as the Religions of the two Describers, whereof the one was a rigid Papist, the other a zealous Protestant:

For mine own part, I conceive no Covetousness (much less such Sacrilege) can be charged on Fisher 's account, it being notoriously known, that King Henry the eighth (Who formerly favored him) proffered to remove him from Rochester, to Lincoln, or Eli, (treble the other in Revenue) which Fisher refused, both in word, and print; Habeant alii (saith he) proventus pinguiores &c. being used to say, He would not change his little old wife, to whom he had been so long wedded, for a wealthier.

5. It is no wonder if a Papist, and a Protestant, cannot agree about Fisher 's character, when we find two stiff Papists at a vast distance about his Estate. Hall, as is aforesaid, makes him very wealthy, which is not improbable, considering, he had a paternal bottom, whereon; competency of revenue, wherewith; long continuance of time, wherein; and commendable frugality, whereby to build an estate. Not to speak that he served a good Mistress, the Lady Margaret, known to have rich coffers, and her Confessor could command the keys thereof. But on the contrary, Sanders makes him as poor as Job; insomuch, that Soldiers coming to seise on his supposed wealth, found (what was quickly told) nothing at all belonging to him, save a great barred-chest. These, from the facing of Iron, concluded the lineing thereof Silver at least: and, having broken it open, found nothing therein but Sackcloth, and a Whip; which put them all to penance, and soundly lashed their covetous expectation. But, leaving his life, come we now to the manner of his death.

6. After the Lieutenant of the Tower had received the Writ for his execution, because it was then very late, and the Prisoner asleep, he was loath to disease him from his rest. But in the morning, before five of the clock, he came to him in his chamber, in the Bell-Tower, finding him yet asleep in his bed, and waking him, told him, He was come to him on a message from the King, to signify unto him, that His pleasure was he should suffer death that forenoon. Well! ( quoth the Bishop ) if this be your errand, you bring me no great news, for I have looked a long time for this message, and I must humbly thank His Majesty, that it pleaseth Him to rid me from all this worldly business. Yet, let me by your patience sleep an hour or two, for I have slept very ill this night, not for any fear of death, I thank God, but by reason of my great infirmity, and weakness.

7. The King's pleasure is farther (said the Lieutenant) that you shall use as little speech as may be, especially of anything touching His Majesty, whereby the people should have any cause to think of Him, or His proceedings otherwise than well. For that (said he) you shall see me order myself, as, by God's grace, neither the King, nor any man else, shall have occasion to mislike of my words. With which answer the Lieutenant departed from him, and so the Prisoner, falling again to rest, slept soundly two hours, and more; And, after he was awaked, called to his man to help him up. But first commanded him, to take away his shirt-of-hair (which customably he wore) and to convey it privily out of the house; and, instead thereof, to lay him forth a clean white shirt, and all the best apparel he had, as cleanly brushed as might be. And, as he was arraying himself, his man, seeing in him more curiosity, and care, for the fine, and cleanly wearing of his apparel that day, than was wont, demanded of him, What this sudden change meant? saying, That his Lordship knew well enough, that he must put off all again, within two hours, and lose it. What of that? (said he) Doest not thou mark, that this is our marriage-day? and, that it behooveth us therefore to use more cleanliness for solemnity thereof.

8. About nine of the clock the Lieutenant came again, and, finding him almost ready, said, He was now come for him. Then said he to his man, Reach me my furred-Tippet to put about my neck. Oh my Lord! ( said the Lieutenant ) what need ye be so careful for your health for this little time, being, as yourself knows, not much above an hour? I think no otherwise ( said he ) but yet in the mean time, I will keep myself as well as I can. For, I tell you truth, though I have, I thank our Lord, a very good desire and willing mind to die at this present, and so trust of his infinite mercy and goodness he will continue it, yet will I not willingly hinder my health in the mean time one minute of an hour, but still prolong the same, as long as I can, by such reasonable ways and means as Almighty God hath provided for me. And with that, taking a little book in his hand, which was a New Testament lying by him, he made a cross on his forehead, and went out of his prison-door with the Lieutenant, being so weak, as that he was scant able to go down the stairs, wherefore at the stairs-foot he was taken up in a chair between two of the Lieutenant's men, and carried to the Tower-gate, with a great number of weapons about him, to be delivered to the Sheriff of London for execution.

9. And, as they were come to the uttermost precinct of the liberties of the Tower, they rested there with him a space, till such time as one was sent before to know in what readiness the Sheriffs were to receive him. During which space he rose out of his chair, and standing on his feet, leaned his shoulder to the wall, and lifting his eyes towards Heaven, he opened a little Book in his hand, and said, O Lord! this is the last time that ever I shall open this book, let some comfortable place now chance unto me, whereby I thy poor servant may glorify thee in this my last hour. And with that, looking into the Book, the first thing that came to his sight were these words, Haec est autem vita aeterna, ut cognoscant te solum verum Deum, & quem misisti Jesum Christum. Ego te glorificavi super terram, opus consummavi quod dedisti mihi &c. and with that he shut the Book together, and said, Here is even learning enough for me to my lives end. And so the Sheriff being ready for him, he was taken up again among certain of the Sheriffs men, with a new and much greater company of weapons than was before, and carried to the Scaffold on the Tower-hill, otherwise called East-Smithfield, himself praying all the way, and recording upon the words which he before had read.

10. When he was come to the foot of the Scaffold, they that carried him offered to help him up the stairs, but, said he, Nay Masters, seeing I am come so far, let me alone and ye shall see me shift for myself well enough: And so went up the stairs without any help, so lively, that it was a marvel to them that before knew his debility and weakness. But as he was mounting the stairs, the South-east Sun shined very bright in his face, whereupon he said to himself these words, lifting up his hands, Accedite ad eum, & illuminamini, & facies vestrae non confundentur. By that time he was upon the Scaffold, it was about ten a clock; where the Executioner, being ready to do his office, kneeled down to him (as the fashion is) and asked him forgiveness. I forgive thee (said he) with all my heart, and I trust thou shalt see me overcome this storm lustily. Then was his gown and tippet taken from him, and he stood in his doubler and hose in sight of all the people, whereof there was no small number assembled to see the execution.

11. Being upon the Scaffold, he spake to the people in effect as followeth:

These words he spake with such a cheerful countenance, such a stout and constant courage, and such a reverend gravity, that he appeared to all men, not only void of fear, but also glad of death.

12. After these few words by him uttered, he kneeled down on both his knees, and said certain prayers. Among which (as some reported) one was the hymn of Te Deum laudamus, to the end; and the Psalm, In te Domine speravi. Then came the Executioner and bound an handkerchief about his eyes; and so the Bishop lifting up his hands and heart to heaven, said a few prayers, which were not long, but fervent and devout. Which being ended, he laid his head down over the midst of a little block, where the Executioner, being ready with a sharp and heavy Ax, cut asunder his slender Neck at one blow, which bled so abundantly, that many (saith my Author) wondered to see so much blood issue out of so lean and slender a body: Though in my judgment, that might rather have translated the wonder from his leanesse to his age, it being otherwise a received tradition, That lean folk have the most blood in them.

13. Thus died John Fisher in the seventy seventh year of his age, on the two and twentieth of June, being S. Alban 's day, the Protomartyr of England, and therefore with my Author most remarkable. But surely no day in the Romish Kalendar is such a Skeleton, or so bare of sanctity, but (had his death happened thereon) a Priest would pick a mystery out of it. He had a lank, long body, full six foot high, toward the end of his life very infirm, insomuch that he used to sit in a chair when he taught the people in his Diocese.

14. His corpse (if our Author speaketh truth) was barbarously abused, no winding-sheet being allowed it, which will hardly enter into my belief. For, suppose his friends durst, his foes would not afford him a shroud, yet some neuters betwixt both (no doubt) would have done it out of common civility. Besides, seeing the King vouchsafed him the Tower, a noble prison; and beheading, an honorable death; it is improbable He would deny him a necessary equipage for a plain and private burial. Wherefore when Hall tells us, That the Soldiers attending his execution, could not get spad • s to make his grave therewith, but were fain with halbards, (in the North-side of the Church yard of All-Hallows Barking) to dig a hole wherein they cast his naked corpse: I listen to the relation as inflamed by the Reporters passion. Be it here remembered, that Fisher in his life-time made himself a Tomb on the North-side of the Chapel in S. John 's- College, intending there to be buried, but therein disappointed. This Fisher was he who had a Cardinals Hat sent him, which (stop'd at Calais ) never came on his head; and a Monument made for him, wherein his body was never deposited.

15. Our Author reporteth also, how Queen Anna Bolen gave order his head should be brought unto Her (before it was set up on London bridge ) that She might please Her self at the sight thereof, and like another Herodias insult over the head of this John Her professed enemy. Nor was she content alone to revile his ghost with taunting terms, but out of spite, or sport, or both, struck Her hand against the mouth of this dead head brought unto her; and it happened, that one of Fisher 's teeth, more prominent than the rest, struck into her hand, and not only pained Her for the present, but made so deep an impression therein, that She carried the mark thereof to Her grave. It seems this was contrary to the proverb. Mortui non mordent. But enough, yea, too much of such damnable falsehoods. Passe we from Fisher to More, his fellow prisoner, whom Fisher 's execution had not mollified into conformity to the King his pleasure, as was expected.

16. Son he was to Sir John More, one of the Judges of the Kings Bench, who lived to see his Son preferred above himself. Bred a Common-Lawyer, but withal, a general Scholar, as well in polite, as solid learning: a terse Poet, neat Orator, pure Latinist, able Grecian: He was chosen Speaker in the House of Commons, made Chancellor first of Lancaster-Dutchie, then of all England, performing the place with great integrity and discretion. Some ground we have in England, neither so light, and loose as sand; nor so stiff and binding as olay, but a mixture of both, conceived the surest soil for profit, and pleasure to grow together on: such the soil of this Sir Thomas More, in which facetiousnesse and judiciousnesse were excellently tempered together.

17. Yet some have taxed him, that he wore a feather in his cap, and wagg'd it too often: meaning, he was over-free in his fancies and conceits. Insomuch, that on the Scaffold (a place not to break jests, but to break off all jesting) he could not hold, but bestowed his scoffs on the Executioner and standers-by. Now, though innocence may smile at death, surely it is unfit to flout thereat.

18. But the greatest fault we find justly charged on his memory, is his cruelty in persecuting poor Protestants, to whom he bare an implacable hatred. Insomuch much that in his life-time be caused to be inscribed, as parcel of his Epitaph on his Monument at Chelsey, that he ever was Furibus, Homicidis, Haereticis{que} molestus; a passing good praise, save after the way which he there calleth Heresy, pious people worship the God of their fathers. He suffered the next month after Fisher 's execution in the same place, for the same cause July 6. and was buried at Chelsey, under his Tomb aforesaid, which being become ruinous, and the Epitaph scarce legible, hath few years since been decently repaired at the cost (as I am informed) of one of his near Kinsmen.

19. At this time Katharine Dowager, whom we will be bold still in courtesy to call a Queen (notwithstanding King Henry 's Proclamation to the contrary) ended her woeful life at Kimbolton. A pious woman toward God (according to Her devotion) frequent in prayer, which She always performed on Her bare knees, nothing else between Her and the earth interposed; little curious in Her clothes, being wont to say, She accounted no time lost, but what was laid out in dressing of Her; though Art might be more excusable in Her, to whom Nature had not been over-bountiful: She was rather staid, than stately; reserved, than proud; grave from Her cradle, insomuch that She was a matron, before She was a mother. This Her natural gravity increased with Her apprehended injuries, settled in Her reduced age into an habit of melancholy, and that terminated into a consumption of the spirits. She was buried in the Abby-Church of Peterborough, under an Herse of black Say; probably by Her own appointment, that She might be plain when dead, who neglected bravery of clothes when living. A noble pen tells us, that in intuition to Her corpse here interred, King Henry, at the destruction of Abbeys, not only spared the Church in Peterborough, but also advanced it into a Cathedral. If so, it was civilly done of Him not to disturb Her in Her grave whom He had so disquieted in Her bed. The news of Her departure was not unwelcome to Queen Anna Bollen, who, though too good a Christian to desire Her death, was too wife a woman to be over-sorrowful for the same: seeing formerly She was the King's Wife but by sequestration, the true possessor of His bed being yet alive; whereas now Rehoboth, She conceived God had made room for her.

20. This Anna Bollen was great-grand-child to a Citizen, Sir Jefferie Bollen, Lord Major of London; grand-child to Sir William Bollen Knight, who lived respectedly in his Country; daughter to Thomas Bollen Earl of Wiltshire, a great Courtier: and, she had Her birth in England; blood, by her Grand-mother, from Ireland; and breeding in France, under Mary the French Queen: so that so many relations meeting in Her, accomplished Her with an acceptable behavior to all qualities and conditions of people. Of an handsome person, and beautiful face; and therefore that pen that reports Her lean-visaged, long-sided, gobber-toothed, yellow-complexioned, with a wen in her neck, both manifests his malice, and disparageth the judgment of King Henry, whom all knew well read in books, and better in beauties; who would never have been drawn to so passionate a love, without stronger load-stones to attract it. This Queen, remembering how Her Predecessour lost the King's love with her overausterity, tuned Her self to a more open and debonaire behavior, even generally to all with whom She conversed. Which being observed by Her adversaries, was improved by them to Her overthrow; so that She, but for a very short time had the sole and peaceable possession of Her Husband. In a word, She was a great Patronesse of the Protestants, Protectour of the persecuted, Preferrer of men of merit (among whom Hugh Latimer ) a bountiful Reliever of the poor, and the happy Mother of Queen Elizabeth.

21. On the eighth of June began a short, but sharp Parliament (dissolved the eighteenth of July following) effecting much in little time, matters it seems being well prepared afore-hand, and the House assembled not to debate, but do the King's desires. The parallel Convocation began the day after, being one newmodelled, and of a fashion different from all former Convocations. Therein the Lord Cromwell, prime Secretary, sat in state above all the Bishops, as the King's Vicar, or Vicegerent-General in all spiritual matters. Deformi satis spectaculo (saith my Author) indocto Lacio coetui praesidente sacratorum Antistitum, omnium, quos ante haec tempora Anglia unquam habuisset, doctissimorum. In one respect, that place had better become the person of King Henry, than this Lord His Proxy, all allowing the King a very able Scholar. But Cromwell had in power and policy what he lacked in learning, if he may be said to lack it, who, at pleasure, might command the borrowing thereof, from the best brains and pens of those of his own party in the Convocation.

22. This Convocation consisted of two Houses: the Lower, of the Clerks, and Proctors, of their respective Cathedrals, and Dioceses, with the Deans, and Arch-Deacons therein: the Upper, of the Bishops, with the Lord-Abbots, and Priors (I mean so many of them as voted as Barons in Parliament) as may appear by their several subscriptions. However, I find not the Abbots active in any degree, in canvassing matters of Religion. Whether this proceeded from any desire of ease, their laziness being above their learning; or, out of humility, counting it more proper to permit such disputes to the sole disposal of the Bishops, as most concerned therein; or, out of fear, loath to stickle on religion, knowing on what ticklish terms they stood. For, in this very Parliament, all Abbeys, which could not dispend 200 li. a year, were dissolved, and bestowed on the King; and those rich Abbots (which had more than so many thousands yearly) knew that Maxim in Logic to be true, Magis & minùs non variant speciem, More and less do not alter the kind; and, might say with him on the Cross, They were in the same condemnation, though as yet the sentence was not passed upon them.

23. We will observe the daily motions in this Convocation, as with mine own hand I have faithfully transcribed them out of the Records: Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, made the Latin-Sermon, taking for his Text The children of this world are in their generation wiser than the children of light. On the Friday following, Richard Gwent, Arch-Deacon of London, was presented, and confirmed Prolocutour, in this Convocation. On the same day Master William Peter, Doctor of the Laws, came into the House, as deputed from his Master the Lord Cromwell, who could not be present, because of his greater employment in Parliament. This Dr. Peter claimed the highest place in the House, as due to his Master the Lord Cromwell, & petiit dictum locum sibi, tanquam Procuratori dicti Magistri; and he (shall I say requested? or) required the same precedency, as due to him, being his Proctor, and obtained it accordingly, without any dispute. Though some, perchance, might question, whether a Deputy 's Deputy (as one degree farther removed) might properly claim His place, who was primitively represented. Next Wednesday came in the Lord Cromwell in person, and having judiciously seated himself above all, tendered unto them an Instrument to be publicly signed by all the Convocation, concerning the nullity of the King's marriage with the Lady Anna Bollen.

24. Some ten days before, Archbishop Cranmer at Lambeth had held an open Court, in the presence of Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellor; Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and most of the Privy Council. Wherein the King and Queen were cited to appear, as they did by their Proxies, Doctor Richard Sampson being the Kings, and Doctor Nicholas Wootten the Queens. Then proceeded the Archbishop to discuss the validity of their marriage, and at the last, by his definitive Sentence, pronounced the same invalid, frustrate, and of none effect. No particular cause is specified in that Sentence, (still extant in the Record) and though the Judge and Court seemed abundantly satisfied in the Reasons of this Nullitie, yet concealing the same unto themselves, they thought not fit to communicate this treasure to posterity; except they shut their coffers on purpose, because there was nothing in them. Sure I am, there is no dashing on the credit of the Lady, nor any the least insinuations of inchastity in that Instrument; Praeclara Domina, & Serenissima Regina, being the worst titles that are given her therein.

25. Men may justly marvel what King Henry meant by this solemn and ceremonious Divorce, which the edge of the Ax, or Sword was more effectually to perform the day after, Her death being then designed. Was it because He stood on this punctilio or criticism of credit, that He might not hereafter be charged with cruelty for executing His Wife, that first He would be divorced from Her, and so cannot be said to put His Queen, but Anna Bollen to death? Or, did He first but barely intend Her divorce, and afterwards suspecting this would not make sufficient avoidance in His bed, to clear all claims, took up new resolutions to take away Her life? Or, was it because He conceived the execution would only reach the root, the Queen Her self, and not blast the branch, the Lady Elizabeth, whom by this divorce He desired to render illegitimate? Whatever His aims were, He got Her divorce confirmed both by Convocation and Parliament, interesting all equally therein, that hereafter none should accuse Him of this act, but first they must condemn themselves. However, after-ages take the boldness to conceive, that the greatest guilt of Anna Bollen was King Henry 's better fancying of another, which made Him, the next day after Her death, to mourn so passionately for Her in the embraces of a new and beautiful Bride, the Lady Jane Seymour.

26. But, to return to the Convocation. That Instrument of Divorce was no sooner tendered therein, but all subscribed it. The Papists willingly, the Protestants faintly, but all publicly. Yea, in this Convocation nothing was propounded in the King's name, but it passed presently. Oh the operation of the purge of a Praemunire, so lately taken by the Clergy (and an hundred thousand pounds paid thereupon!) How did the remembrance thereof still work on their spirits, and made them meek and mortified? They knew the temper of the King, and had read the Text, The lyon hath roared, who will not fear? Gardener the fox, durst not so much as bark to oppose the King, nor the proudest in the place. As for Edmond Bonner, Arch-deacon of Leicester, present, and active in this Convocation, I may say, Bonner was no Bonney yet, but a perfect Cromwellist, and as forward as any to promote his designs.

27. On the Friday following, Mr. Gwent the Prolocutour, brought to the Upper House of Convocation, a Book containing the Mala dogmata, those erroneous doctrines, then (as he complained) publicly preached, printed, and professed; requesting reformation thereof, that order might be taken against the future propagation of such dangerous positions. Behold them here transcribed out of the Record, partly for novelty-sake (because to my knowledge never printed before) and partly, because (though many wild and distempered expressions be found therein, yet) they contain the Protestant Religion in oar, which since, by God's blessing, is happily refined.

28. The Protestation of the Clergy of the Lower House, within the Province of Canterbury, with declaration of the faults and abuses which heretofore have, and now be within the same, worthy special reformation:

IN very humble and reverent manner, with protestation, That we the Clergy of the Lower House within the Province of Canterbury, nother in word, deed, or otherwise, directly, or indirectly, intend anything, to speak, attempt, or do, which, in any manner of wise may be displeasant unto the King's Highness, our most dread Sovereign Lord, and supreme Head of the Church of England; but in all things, according to the command of God to be most obedient to His Grace, to Whom accordingly we submit ourselves, minding in no wise by any colorable fashion, to recognize, privily, or apertly the Bishop of Rome, or his usurped authority, or in any wise to bring in, defend, or maintain the same, into this noble Realm, or Dominions of the same: but that the same Bishop of Rome, with his usurped authority, utterly forever with his inventions, rites, abuses, ordinances, and fashions, to be renounced, forsaken, extinguished and abolished; And that we sincerely addict ourselves to Almighty God, his laws, and unto our said Severeign Lord the King, our supreme Head in earth, and His Laws, Statutes, Provisions and Ordinances made herewithin His Graces Realm. We think in our consciences and opinions these errors and abuses following, to have been, and now to be, within this Realm, causes of dissention, worthy special reformation. It is to were,

• 1. That it is commonly preached, taught and spoken, to the slander of this noble Realm, disquietness of the people, damage of Christian souls, not without fear of many other inconveniences and perils, That the Sacrament of the Altar is not to be esteemed: For divers light and lewd persons be not ashamed or aferde to say, Why should I see the sacring of the high Mass? Is it anything else but a piece of bread, or a little predie round Robin?
• 2. Item, That they deny Extreme Unction to be any Sacrament.
• 3. Item, That Priests have no more authority to minister Sacraments than the Lay-men have.
• 4. Item, That Children ought not in any wise to be confirmed of the Bishops afore they come to the age of discretion.
• 5. Item, That all Ceremonies accustomed in the Church, which are not clearly expressed in Scripture, must be taken away, because they are men's inventions.
• 6. Item, That all those are Antichrists, that do deny the Lay-men the Sacrament of the Altar▪ sub utrâque specie.
• 7. Item, That all that be present at Mass, and do not receive the Sacrament with the Priest, are not partakers of the said Mass.
• 8. Item, That it is preached and taught, That the Church, that is commonly taken for the Church, is the old Synagogue; and, that the Church is the congregation of good men only.
• 9. Item, It is preached against the Litany, and also said, That it was never merry in England, sithence the Litany was ordained, and Sancta Maria, Sancta Catharina &c. sungen and said.
• 10. Item, That a man hath no Free-will.
• 11. Item, That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great estate or rich man, and that they in no wise follow the same.
• 12. Item, That all Religions and Professions, whatsoever they be, are clean contrary to Christ's religion.
• 13. Item, That it be preached and taught, That all things ought to be commune, and that Priests should have Wives.
• 14. Item, That Preachers will in no wife conform themselves ad Ecclesiam Catholicam, nor admit or receive Canonices, & probatos Authores, but will have their own fancies and inventions preached and set forward.
• 15. Item, That Images of Saints are not in any wife to be neverenced. And, that it is plain idolatry and abomination to set up any lights before any Images, or in any place of the Church the time of Divine Service, as long as the Sun giveth light.
• 16. Item, That it is idolatry to make any Oblations.
• 17. Item, That it is as lawful to Christian a Child in a Tub of water at home, or in a Ditch by the way, as in a Font-stone in the Church.
• 18. Item, That the Water in the Font-stone is alonely a thing conjured.
• 19. Item, That the Hallowed oil is no better than the Bishop of Rome his grease or butter.
• 20. Item, That Priests crowns be the Whores marks of Babylon.
• 21. Item, That the Stole about the Priest's neck is nothing else but the Bishop of Rome 's rope.

22. Item, That Images, as well of the Crucifix, as of other Saints, are to be put out of the Church, and the Relics of Saints in no wise to be reverenced. And, that it is against God's commandment, that Christian men should make courtesy or reverence to the Image of our Savior.

23. Item, That it is no sin or offense to eat white meats, eggs, butter, cheese, or flesh in the Lent, or other Fasting-days commanded by the Church, and received by consent of Christian people.

24. Item, That it is lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday, as upon Easterday, or other times in the year.

25. Item, That the sinner offending in the Lent, or other high Feasts of the year, is worthy no more punishment that he that transgresseth in any other time.

26. Item, That Confession auricular, Absolution, and Penance, are nother necessary nor profitable in the Church of God.

27. Item, That auricular Confession is only invented and ordained to have the secret knowledge of men's hearts, and to pull money out of their purses.

28. Item, That the ghostly Father cannot give or enjoin any penance at all.

29. Item, That it is sufficient for a man or woman to make their confession to God alone.

30. Item, That it is as lawful at all times to confess to a Lay-man as to a Priest.

31. Item, That confession is but a whispering in a Priests care, and is as well to be made, a multitude being present, as secretly.

32. Item, That it is sufficient that the sinner do say, I know myself a sinner.

33. Item, That Bishops Ordinaries and Ecclesiastical Judges have no authority to give any sentence of excommunication or censure; ne yet to absolve or lose any man from the same.

34. Item, That it is not necesssary or profitable to have any Church or Chapel to pray in, or to do any divine service in.

35. Item, That the Church was made for no other purpose, but other to keep the people from wind and rain, other else that the people upon Sondaies and Holy-days should resort thither to have the Word of God declared unto them.

36. Item, That buryings in Churches and Church-yards be unprofitable and vain.

37. Item, That the rich and costly ornaments in the Church are rather high displeasure than pleasure or honor to God.

38. Item, That it is pity that ever the Mass, Matins, Evensong, or any other Divine Service was made, or suffered to be read, said, or sung within any Church, because it is only to the deluding of the people.

39. Item, That Saints are not to be invocated or honored: and that they understand not, nor know nothing of our Petitions, nor can be Mediators or Intercessors betwixt us and God.

40. Item, That our Lady was no better than another woman; and like a bag of pepper or saffron when the spice is out: and that she can do no more with Christ than another sinful woman.

41. Item, That it is as much available to pray unto Saints, as to hurl a stone against the wind: and that the Saints have no more power to help a man, than a man's wife hath to help her husband.

42. Item, That Dirige, Commendations, Mass, Suffrages, Prayers, Alms-deeds, or Oblations, done for the souls of them that be departed out of this world, be but vain and of no profit.

43. Item, That the Souls departed go straight to Heaven, other to Hell.

44. Item, That there is no mean place between heaven and hell, wherein souls departed may be afflicted.

45. Item, That if there be a place where they be punished, God is not yet born, nor he that shall redeem the world.

46. Item, That Prayers, Suffrages, Fasting, or Alms-deeds, do not help to take away any sin.

47. Item, That there is no distinction of sins after this sort, sin to be venial, and sin to be mortal.

48. Item, That all sins, after that the sinner be once converted, are made by the merits of Christ's passion venial sins, that is to say, sins clean forgiven.

49. Item, That Almighty God doth not look for, nor yet require of a sinner after his conversion from sin any fasting, alms-deed, or any other penance; but only that the sinner be sorry for his sins, amending his life, and sinning no more.

50. Item, That hallowed-water, hallowed-bread, hallowed-candles, hallowed-ashes, hallowed-palm, and such like ceremonies of the Church are of none effect, and to be taken as trifles and vanities to seduce the people.

51. Item, That Holy-days ordained and instituted by the Church are not to be observed and kept in reverence, inasmuch as all days and times be like: and that servile works, as plowing and carting may be done in the same, without any offense at all, as in other ferial days.

52. Item, That the singing or saying of Mass, Matins or Even-song, is but a roreing, howling, whistleing, mumming, tomring and juggling: and the playing at the Organs a foolish vanity.

53. Item, That pilgrimage, fasting, alms-deeds, and such like are not to be used: and that a man is not bound to the Church, but only to the preaching.

54. Item, That it is sufficient and enough to believe, though a man do no good works at all.

55. Item, That men be not content to preach of certain abuses found in pilgrimages, in fasting, in prayer, in invocation of Saints, in reverencing of Images, in alms-deeds, but they will have needs the thing self taken away, and not enough the abuses to be reformed.

56. Item, That by preaching, the people have been brought in opinion and belief, that nothing is to be believed, except it can be proved expressly by scripture.

57. Item, That it is preached and taught, that forasmuch as Christ hath shed his blood for us and redeemed us, we need not to do anything at all but to believe and repent, if we have offended.

58. Item, That there is of late a new Confiteor made after this form, Confiteor Deocoeli & terrae, peccavi nimis cogitatione, locutione, & opera, mea culpa. Ideo deprecor majestatem tuam, ut tu Deus deleas iniquitatem meam, & vos orare pro me.

59. Item, That it is preached, that because auricular Confession hath brought forth innumerable vices, it is clearly to be taken away.

60. Item, That the canon of the Mass is the comment of some foolish, unlearned Priest: and that the names of the Saints there expressed are not to be rehearsed.

61. Item, That water running in the channel or common river, is of as great virtue as the holy-water.

62. Item, That holy-water is but jugg'led water.

63. Item, That the holy-water is more savoury to make sauce with than the other, because it is mixed with salt; which is also a very good medicine for an horse with a galled back: yea, if there be put an onion thereunto, it is a good sauce for a gibbet of mutton.

64. Item, That no human constitutions or laws do bind any Christian man, but such as be in the Gospels, Paul 's Epistles, or the New Testament: and that a man may break them without any offense at all.

65. Item, That besides seditious preaching, letting unity to be had, there are many slanderous and erroneous books that have been made and suffered to go abroad indifferently, which books were the more gladly bought, because of these words, Cum privilegio: which the ignorant people took to have been an express approbation of the KING, where it was not so indeed.

66. Item, That where heretofore divers books have been examined by persons appointed in the Convocation, and the said books found full of heresy and erroneous opinions, and so declared, the said books are not yet by the Bishops expressly condemned, but suffered to remain in the hands of unlearned people, which ministereth to them matter of argument, and much unquietness within the Realm.

67. Item, That Apostates, abjured persons, and of notable ill conversation, and infamed, have without license of the King's Grace, or the Ordinary, taken upon them to preach slanderously.

29. The Reader hath no sooner perused these opinions, but well he may conceive himself to have put his hand into Jeremiah 's basket of figs, Those that are good, exceeding good; and those that are bad, exceeding bad: Most of these tenets being true in themselves, grounded on God's Word, and at this day professed by the Protestants; But blended with these are some, rather expressions than opinions (and those probably worse spoken than meant, worse taken than spoken ) which we will not go about in any degree to defend, only may the unpartial Reader take this into consideration. It happeneth in all heights and heats of oppositions, as in horse-races; wherein the Rider, if he doth not go beyond the post, cannot come to the post, so as to win the prize; for being upon the speed, he must go beyond it that he come to it, though afterwards he may rain and turn his horse back again to the very place of the mark. Thus men being in the heat of contest upon the very career of their souls, because of their passions, cannot stop short at the very mark they aim at, but some extravagancies must be indulged to human infirmity, which in their reduced thoughts they will correct and amend. As some Protestants, no doubt, now lashing out so far in their language, retrenched them afterwards to a just proportion of truth.

30. Two contrary interests visibly discovered themselves in the Upper-house of this Convocation betwixt the Bishops therein; and certainly in the Lowerhouse, their Clerks and Chaplains adhered to the parties of their Lord's and Masters. An honorable pen hath stated the principal parties, whom we implicitly follow herein; only, where he mentions their bare Sees, we willl add their names and sirnames for the better clearing thereof:

Oh! what tugging was here betwixt these opposite sides? (For, I dare not take Bishop Latimer 's phrase, as he took it out of his text, Betwixt the children of this generation, and the children of light) whilst with all earnestness they thought to advance their several designs. But, as when two stout and sturdy travellers meet together, and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to sight for it, in their passage they so shove & shoulder one another, that dividing the way betwixt them both, and yet neither ge • the same; so these two opposite parties in the Convocation were fain at last in a drawn battle to part the prize between them, neither of them being conquering, or conquered: but, a medlie-Religion, as an expediment, being made betwixt them both, to salve (if not the consciences) the credits of both sides.

31. Some Zealots of our Age will condemn the Laodicean temper of the Protestant-Bishops, because if stickling to purpose, and improving their power to the utmost, they might have set forth a more pure and perfect Religion. Such men see the faults of Reformers, but not the difficulties of Reformation. These Protestant-Bishops were at this time to encounter with the Popish-Clergy, equal in number, not inferior in learning; but, far greater in power and dependencies. Besides, the generality of the people of the Land being nusled in ignorance and superstition, could not on a sudden endure the extremity of an absolute Reformation. Should our eyes be instantly posted out of mid-night into noon-day, certainly we should be blinded with the suddenness and excellency of the luster thereof. Nature therefore hath wisley provided the twilight, as a bridge, by the degrees to pass us from darkness to light. Yea, our Savior himself did at the first connive at the carnality of his Apostles, and would not put now wine into old bottles for fear of breaking. Yea, he had some commandments, which as yet they were not able to bear; and therefore till they could bear them, his wisdom did bear with them. Thus the best of Artists do not always work to the height of their own skill, but according to the aptness of the instruments wherewith, and the capacity of the subjects whereon, they employ themselves.

34. And here we present the Reader with the aforesaid medley-Religion passed in this Convocation, and confirmed with Royal assent; requesting him, though it be somewhat long, not to grudge his time and pains, seriously to peruse it. Partly for the authenticalness thereof, being by me transcribed out of the Acts of the Convocation: partly for its usefulness, showing by what degrees the Gospel insinuated itself into the souls of men. What said Zeresh, Haman 's wife to her husband? If thou hast begun to fall before Mordecai, thou shalt not prevail against him, but shalt surely fall before-him. Seeing Popery began even now to reel and stagger, within few years we shall have it tumble down and lay prostrate with the face thereof at the footstool of truth.

35. HENRY the Eight, by the grace of God, KING of England, and of France, Defensour of the Faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth Supreme Head of the Church of England; to all, singular, our most loving, faithful, and obedient Subjects, greeting,

AMongst other cures appertaining unto this Our Princely Office, whereunto it hath pleased Almighty God of his infinite mercy and goodness to call Vs, We have always esteemed and thought, like as We also yet esteem and think, that it most chiefly belongeth unto Our said charge, diligently to foresee and cause, That not only the most holy Word and Commandments of God should most sincerely be believed, and most reverently be observed and kept of Our Subjects; but also that unity and concord in opinions, namely, in such things as do concern Our Religion, may increase & go forthward, and all occasion of dissent and discord, touching the same, be repressed and utterly extinguished.

For the which cause, We being of late to Our great regrete, credibly advertised of such diversity in opinions, as have grown and sprongen in this Our Realm, as well concerning certain Articles necessary to Our salvation, as also touching certain other honest and commendable ceremonies, rites, and usages, now a long time used and accustomed in Our Churches, for conservation of an honest polity, and decent and seemly order to be had therein: minding to have that unity and agreement established through Our said Church concerning the premisses. And, being very desirous to eschew, not only the dangers of souls, but also the outward unquietness, which, by occasion of the said diversity in opinions (if remedy were not provided) might perchance have ensued; have not only in Our own Person, at many times taken great pain, study, labors, and travails; but also have caused Our Bishops, and other the most discreet and best learned men of Our Clergy of this Our whole Realm, to be assembled in Our Convocation, for the full debatement and quiet determination of the same. Where, after long and mature deliberation had, of, and upon the premisses, finally they have concluded, and agreed upon the most special points, and Articles; as well such as be commanded of God, and are necessary to our salvation, as also divers other matters, touching the honest ceremonies, and good and politick orders, as is aforesaid. Which their determination, debatement, and agreement, for so much as We think to have proceeded of a good, right, and true judgment, and to be agreeable to the laws, and ordinances of God, and much profitable for the stablishment of that charitable concord, and unity in Our Church of England, which We most desire, We have caused the same to be published, willing, requiring, and commanding you to accept, repute, and take them accordingly. And farther, We most heartily desire, & pray Almighty God, that it may please him, so to illuminate your hearts, that you, and every of you, may have no less desire, zeal, and love to the said unity and concord, in reading, divulging, and following the same, than We have had, and have, in causing them to be thus devised, set forth, and published.

And, for because We would, the said Articles, and every of them, should be taken, and understanden of you, after such sort, order & degree, as appertaineth accordingly; We have caused by the like assent & agreement of our said Bishops, & other learned men, the said Articles to be divided into two sorts; where of the one part containeth such as be commanded expressly by God, and be necessary to our salvation; and the other containneth such things as have been of a long continuance, for a decent order & honest polity, prudently instituted & used in the Church of Our Realm, & be for that same purpose & end to be observed & kept accordingly, although they be not expressly commanded of God, nor necessary to our salvation. Wherefore, We will & require you to accept the same, after such sort as We have here prescribed them unto you, & to conform yourselves obediently unto the same: whereby you shall not only attain that most charitable unity & loving concord, whereof shall ensue your incomparable commodity, profit & lucre, as well spiritual as other; but also you shall not a little encourage Vs to take farther travails, pains, & labors, for your commodities in all such other matters, as in time to come, may happen to occur, and as it shall be most to the honor of God, the profit, tranquility & quietness of all you Our most living Subjects.