Church History of Britain
I doubt not but the Reader will give his verdict, that the very Scotiety of Scotus belongeth to England as his Native Country, who being born in Northumberland, which Kingdom in the Saxon Heptarchie extended from Humber to Edinburgh Frith; it was a facile mistake for Foreigners to write him a Scotch-man on his Monument. As for the name of Scotus, it is of no validity to prove him that Country-man; as a common-Sir-name amongst us, as some four years since, when the Scotch were enjoined to depart this Land, one M r English in London, was then the most considerable Merchant of the Scotch Nation. The sad manner of Scotus his death is sufficiently known, who being in a fit of a strong Apoplexy, was by the cruel kindness of his over-officious friends, buried whilst yet alive, and recovering in the grave, dashed out his brains against the Coffin, affording a large field to such wanton wits in their Epigrams, who could make sport to themselves on the sad accident of others.
20. I had almost over-seen John Baconthorpe, being so low in stature, as but one remove from a Dwarfe, of whom one saith,
Insomuch that Corpus non tulisset, quod ingenium protulit, his body could not bear the Books which his brain had brought forth. Coming to Rome (being sent for by the Pope) he was once hissed at in a Public Disputation, for the badness forsooth of his Latin and pronunciation; but indeed because he opposed the Popes power in dispensing with Marriages, contrary to the Law of God, whose judgment was afterwards made use of by the defenders of the divorce of King Henry the eight.21. William Occam sided with Lewis of Bavaria against the Pope, maintaining the Temporal power above the Spiritual; he was fain to fly to the Emperor for his safety, saying unto him,
22. Robert Holcot was not the meanest amongst them, who died of the Plague at Northampton, just as he was reading his Lectures on the seventh of Ecclesiasticus; wherein as many Canonical truths, as in any Apocrypha chapter; and although as yet in his public reading he was not come to the last verse thereof (so proper for mortality) we may charitably believe he had seriously commented thereon, in his private meditations. Whatsoever thou takest in hand, remember the end, and thou shalt never do amiss.
23. Thomas Bradwardine bringeth up the rear, though in learning and piety (if not superior) equal to any of the rest, witness his worthy book against Pelagianism, to assert the freeness of God's grace in man's conversion, which he justly intituleth, De causa Dei, of God's cause; for as God is a Second in every good cause, so he is a Principal in this, wherein his own honor is so nearly concerned. And though the Psalmist saith, plead thine own cause O Lord; yet in this age (wherein Miracles are ceased) God pleadeth his cause, not in his Person, but by the proxie of the tongues, and pens, hands, and hearts, of his Servants. This Bradwardine was afterwards Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and how highly esteemed, let Chaucer tell you.
This testimony of Chaucer by the exact computation of time, written within forty years after Bradwardines death, which addeth much to his honor, that in so short a time his memory was in the peaceable possession of so general a veneration, as to be joined in company with S t Augustine and Boethius, two such eminent persons in their several capacities.
24. The School-men principally employed themselves in knotty and thorny Questions of Controversial Divinity; Indeed as such who live in London, and like populous places, having but little ground for their foundations to build houses on, may be said to enlarge the breadth of their houses in height (I mean increasing their room in many stories one above another; so the School-men in this age, lacking the latitude of general learning and languages, thought to enlarge their active minds by mounting up. So improving their small bottom with towering Speculations, though some of things mystical, that might not, more of things difficult, that could not, most of things curious that need not be known unto us.
25. Their Latin is generally barbarous, counting anything Eloquent that is Expressive, going the nearest way to speak their own Notions, though sometimes trespassing on Grammar, abusing if not breaking Priscians head therein: Some impute this their bald and thread-bare language, to a design that no vermin of Equivocation should be hid under the • ap of their words; whilst others ascribe it to their want of change, and their poverty in learning, to procure better Expressions.
26. Yet these School-men agreed not amongst themselves in their judgments. For Burley being Scholar to Scotus, served him as Aristotle did Plato his Master, maintaining a contrary faction against him. Ocham his Scholar, father of the Nominals, opposed Scotus the founder of the Reals; which two sactions divided the School-men betwixt them; Holcot being a Dominican, stiffly resisted the Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, which they would have without any original sin. However the Papists, when pressed that their Divisions Mar their Viritie, (a mark of the Church whereof they boast so much) evade it, by pleading that these poines are not de side only, in the out skirts of Religion, and never concluded in any Council to be the Articles of faith.
27. All of these School-men were Oxford, most Merton College men. As the setting up of an eminent Artist in any place of a City, draws Chapmen unto him to buy his wares, and Apprentices to learn his Occupation. So after Roger Bacon had begun School-Divinity in Merton College, the whole Gang and Genius of that house successively applied their studies thereunto, and many repaired thither from all parts of the Land for instruction in that nature. Mean-time Cambridge men were not Idle, but otherwise employed, more addicting themselves to preaching, whereof though the world took not so much notice, possitive Divinity not making so much noise as controversial (where men engage more earnestness) yet might be more to God's glory, and the saving of the souls of men.
28. Some will wonder, seeing School-Divinity was so rise in Oxford in this Age, for some hundred years together (viz. from towards the end of Henries, to the end of Edwards Reign, both the third of their names) how the study thereof, should sink so suddenly in that University, which afterwards produced not such eminent men in that kind. But hereof several reasons may be assigned:
1. The Wars betwixt York and Lancaster soon after began; a Controversy indeed, which silenced School-velitations, Students being much disheartened with those martial discords.
2. Once in an Age the appetite of an university alters, as to its diet in learning, which formerly filled (not to say surfeited) with such hard questions, for variety sake, sought out other employments.
3. The sparks of Scholars wits, in School-Divinity, went out for want of fuel in that subject, grown so trite and thread-bare, nothing could be, but what had been said of the same before. Wherefore fine wits, found out other ways to busy themselves.
4. Only information of the brain, no benefit to the purse, accrued by such speculations, which made others in after ages, to divert their studies, à Quaestionibus, ad Quaestum, from Metaphysical Queries, to Case-divinity, as more gainful, and profitable; best enabling them for hearing Confessions, and proportioning Penance accordingly.
28. Return we now to the Common-wealth which we left bad, and find amended, as an old fore without a plaster in cold weather; King Edward rather wilsul then weak, (if wilsulness be not weakness, and sure the same effects are produced by both, ruin and destruction) slighted his Queens company, and such a Bed, if left (where Beauty without Grace) seldom standeth long empty. Queen Isabel blinded with fury, mistook the party who had wronged her, and revengeth her husbands faults on her own conscience, living incontinently with R. Mortimer; a man martial enough, and of much merit otherwise, save that an Harlot is a deep pit, therein invisibly to bury the best deserts. The two Spencers ruled all at pleasure, and the King was not more forward to bestow favors on them, as they free to deal affronts to others their superiors in birth and estate. Thus men of yesterday, have Pride too much to remember what they were the day before; and providence too little to fore-see what they may be tomorrow. The Nobility (then petty Kings in their own Countries) disdained such Mushrooms should insult over them; and all the Spencers insolencies being scored on the Kings account, no wonder if he (unable to discharge his own engagements) was broken by suretyship for others.
29. I find it charged on this King, that he suffered the Pope to encroach on the dignity of the Crown, to the great damage, and more dishonor of the Nation. Indeed his father left him a fair stake, and a winning hand, (had a good Gamester had the playing thereof) having recovered some of his privileges from the Papal usurpation, which since it seems his Son had lost back again, though the particulars thereof in History do not so plainly appear. Only it is plain, that to support himself, and supply his necessities, he complied with the Clergy (a potent party in that age) favourably measuring out the causes of their cognizances; for although in the Reign of his Father, an hedge was made by an Act in that nature, betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Courts; yet now a Ditch (an new act) was added to the former scene. So that hereafter (except willfully) they could not mutually trespass on each others Jurisdictions.
RICHADO SEYMERE, Necessario meo.
INter Amicum meum & Necessarium hoc pono discriminis, quod ill ad been esse, Hic, ad meum esse quodammodo requiratur; Quo nomine Tu mihi es salutandus, qui sine te plane mancus mihi videor. Tuâ enim artifici dextrâ, usus sum, per totum hoc opus in scutis Gentilitiis depingendis. Macte, vir Ingenue, ac Natales tuos, Generosos satis, novo splendore illustriores reddito.
1. COlledges, yet, were few, and Students now many in Oxford: whereupon Walter Stapleton, (Bishop of Exeter) founded and endowed one therein, by the name of Stapletons Inn, since called Exeter College. This Bishop was one of high Birth and large Bounty, being said to have expended a years revenues of his (this rich) Bishopric in the Solemnity of his instalement. He also founded Hart-Hall in Oxford. But oh the difference betwixt the Elder and Younger Brother, though Sons to the same Father! the one carrying away the whole Inheritanoe, whilst the other sometimes hath little more than himself left unto Him, as here this Hall is altogether unindowed.
2. This worthy Bishop had an unworthy and untimely death some ten years after. For being Lord Treasurer, and left by the King in his absence, to govern, the (then mutinous) city of London, the Citizens, (not without encouragement from the Queen) furiously fell upon him, and in Cheapside most barbarously butchered him, and then (as hoping to bury their murder with his body) huddled him obscurely into a hole. But afterward to make his Ghost some reparation and stop the clamour of the Clergy, the Queen ordered the removing and interring of his Body and his Brothers (a valiant Knight slain on the same account) in the Cathedral of Excter. One would wonder this Bishop was not made a Martyr and Sainted in that Age, save that his suffering was of civil concernment, and not relating to Religion.
3. This House hath since found two eminent Benefactors, first, Sir William Petre (born of honest Parentage in Exeter) principal Secretary to four successive King and Queens. One who in ticlish and turning times, did good to himself, (got a great estate) injurious to none, (that I ever heard, or read of) but court • us to many, and eminently to this College, wherein he bestowed much building, and augmented it with eight Fellowships.
4. The other George Hackwel Doctor of Divinity, late Rector thereof, who though married, and having children, (must it not be a quick and large fountain, which besides filling a Pond, had such an over flowing stream?) bestowed more than one thousand pounds in building a beautiful Chapel. This is He who wrote the Learned and Religious Apology for Divine Providence, proving that the World doth not decay. Many begin the reading thereof with much prejudice, but few end it, without full satisfaction, converted to the Authors Opinion, by his unanswerable Arguments.
5. This College consisteth chiefly of Cornish and Devonshire men, the Gentry, of which latter, Queen Elizabeth used to say, were Courtiers by their birth. And as these Western men do bear away the Bell for might and sleight in wrestling, so the Scholars here have always acquitted themselves with credit in Palaestra literarie. The Rectors of this House anciently were annual, (therefore here omitted) fixed, but of latter years, to continue the term of their lives.
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So that lately therein were maintained, one Rector, twenty three Fellowes, a Bible-Clerk, two Pensioners, Servants, Commoners and other Students to the number of two hundred.
6. Clergy-men began now to complain, that the Lay-Judges entrenched on their Privileges, and therefore they presented a Petition to the King in his Parliament at Lincoln, requesting the redress of sixteen grievances. To most of them the King returned a satisfactory answer, and so qualified his denials to the rest, that they could not but content any reasonable disposition.
7. These Concessions of the King were digested into Laws, and are printed at large in the Statutes known by the title of Articuli Cleri. Whereon Sir Edward Coke in the second part of his Institutes, hath made no less learned then large Commentary. So that though the Law of circumspecte agatis had stated this difference; Yet it seems this Statute (as Circumspectivus agatis) was conceived very requisite.
8. Moreover, these Statutes did not so clearly decide the difference betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdictions, but that many contests happened afterwards betwixt them, no longer ago then in the fifth of King James, when the Doctors of the Commons under Richard Bancroft (Arch-Bishop of Canterbury their General) opposed the Judges about the indeterminable controversies of Prohibitions. Add hereunto, that the Clergy claimed to themselves the most favorable interpretation of all Statutes in their own behalf, whilst the Temporal Judges (in the not sitting of Parliaments) challenged that privilege to themselves.
9. The most lasting Monument of the memory of woeful King Edward the second, was the building of Orial College in Oxford. Indeed some make Him, and others Adam Brown his Almoner Founder thereof, and both perchance truly, the King allowing, his Almoner issuing money for the building and endowing thereof. Others will have it, that his Almoner persuaded him on conscientious Principles to this good work, pertinently all eadging and pressing this instance, to prove that the Kings nature not bad in itself, but too yielding to the impressions of others. Now whereas the other Alms of this King were perishing, as relieving only poor for the present, these, as more lasting, have done good to many Generations.
10. I meet with no satisfactory reason of the name which some will have to contain something of Easternes therein: So situated comparatively to some more ancient Foundation. Others deduce it from Criolium an eminent room in Monaesteries, and I cannot but smile at such who will have O Royal, as a Pathetical admiration of Princely Magnificence.
11. However, I do not deny, but that the Kings of England have been very indulgent to this Foundation. For besides, King Edward the second the Founder thereof, his Son King Edward gave unto them the Hospital of Saint Bartholomew's nigh Oxford, with Lands to maintain eight poor people, subject to the government of the Provost and Fellows of this College. Besides, King James being informed of some Legal defects in this Foundation, granted them a new Corporation Cavil-proof against all exceptions.
12. This College being much decayed, Anthony Blencow late Provost, bequeathed twelve hundred pounds to the new building of a Front thereof: Which being done, lest it should be a disgrace to the rest of the Fabric, the whole College is rebuilt in a most decent manner.
So that lately were maintained therein, one Provost, eighteen Fellows, one Bible-Clerk, twelve Exibitioners, with Commoners and College Officers amounted to one hundred and sixty.
13. Let us cast our eye on the Common-wealth only, as it is the Ring wherein the Diamond of the Church is contained, and that now full of Cracks, caused by the several state-factions. The two Spencers ruled all things till the Queen and her Son (who politiquely had got leave to go beyond the Seas) returned into England with a Navy and Army landing in Suffolk; She denounceth open war against her Husband, unlessse he would presently conform to her desires.
14. The King proclaimed that a thousand pound should be given to Him that brought the head of Roger Mortimer. The Queen proclaimed (such who had the better purse may give the greater price) that whosoever brought the head of the young Spencer (it seems his Father was not so considerable) should have two thousand pounds. The Queens party gave out that the King of France had sent over a vast Army for her assistance, and the Kings side Anti-rumoured (who could raise reports easier then Armies) that the Pope had excommunicated all such who sides against him: now though both reports were false, they made true impressions of hope in such hearts as believed them.
15. Three ways were presented to King Edward, Fight, Flight, and Concealment, the first he was unable to do, having no effectual Forces, only able for a time to defend the Castle of Bristol, till many of his Complices were taken therein: a Tower therein (given out to be undermined) being indeed undermonied with bribes to the defenders thereof. Here the elder Spencer was taken and executed.
16. Flight was no less unsafe then dishonorable, For his Kingdom being an Island, the Sea would quickly put a period thereunto. Indeed there was some thoughts of his Flight into Ireland, which was no better then out of a dirty way, into a very Bogg, besides great the difficulty to recover the Sea, and greater to pass over it, all Ports and passages were so way-laid.
17. Concealment was at the last resolved on, not as the best; but only way of his security, for a time he lay hid amongst the Welsh (not able to help, but willing to pity him as a Native of their Country) concealed in the Abby of Neath, till men are sent down with money (no such ligh: as the shine of silver wherewith to discover a person inquired for) and soon after he was betrayed into their hands. The younger Spencer taken with him, is hung on a Gallows fifty foot high, and the promised two thousand pounds were duly paid, and equally parted betwixt several persons employed in his apprehension.
18. Many Persons of quality were sent down from the Parliament then sitting, to King Edward, to Kenelworth Castle, to move (alias to command) him to resign the Crown, which at last he sadly surrendered. Sir William Trussel a Lawyer of great [abused] abilities (being rather to make then find a precedent in this kind) improved his wits in the formalities thereof. Soon after, Prince Eward his Son is Crowned King, whose Father is now no more then plain Edward of Caernarvon, though his mother (whose title was Relative to, and a Derivative from her Husband the dethroned King) was now more Queen Isabel then ever before. Thus the degradation of a Knight (as some have informed me) extendeth not to his Wife, who by the courtesy of England, if once, is ever a Lady.
19. Edward late King, with many Letters Solicited to be admitted into the Queens company. All in vain, she found embraces at a less distance, dearer unto her, preferring the society of a Lord, who, in effect, had deposed a King, before a King, who had deposed himself: She made many excuses of sickness, and indisposition to enjoy him. So easily can that Sex make plausible pretences, that they cannot, what they will not do.
20. Roger Mortimer, whose lust and revenge was equally insatiable, could not be quiet whilst King Edward was alive: he feared King Edward was might play an after game of affection in his Subjects, in order therefore to his death, he is removed from Kenelworth (where the Earl of Leicester his Keeper was suspected too, sympathising with his sorrow) unto Berkley Castle, where he was barbarously butchered, being struck into the Postern of his body with a hot spit, as it is generally reported.
21. Nothing now remaineth in this Kings reign, save to take notice, how the Clergy (understand such who were Active (for Newters, shall pass for none) stand affected in this great State-difference. I find not enough to call a number of the Bishops cordial to the King. For besides Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exeter (of whom before) only John Stratford Bishop of Winchester heartily adhered unto him, and yet this Stratford was employed on a message from the Parliament to the King at Kenelworth, to persuade him to resign sign the Crown, though having no other design, then the Kings safety therein. He hoped that in this tempest the casting out of the Lading, would save the Hulke of the Ship, and the surrendering of the Scepter, secure the Kings person.
22. With John Stratford let me couple Robert de Baldock (though no Bishop, a Bishops mate) as a Priest and Chancellor of England. This man unable to assist, resolved to attend the King, and was taken with him in Wales. Hence was he brought up to London, and committed to Adam Tarleton Bishop of Hereford. Here the shadow of Tarleton Miter, (if pleased to put forth his power) might have secured this his Guest-prisoner from any danger, whereas on the contrary, it is more then suspicious that he gave a signal, to the tumultouous people to seize his person. For he was dragged to Newgate, and there paid his life for his Loyalty: yet was never heard to complain of the dearness of his penyworth. If any violence was secretly offered unto his person, he might endure it the more patiently, having read, that the Disciple is not above his Master, nor the servant better then his Lord. This Baldock was a good Justicer, nor charged in our Chronicles with any misdemeanor, save faithfulness to an unfortunate Master, and his Memory will travers his Innocence, as confessing the Fact, but denying any fault therein.
23. But we have more then a good number of such Bishops, which ungratefully sided with the Queen, against her Husband, and their Sovereign. Walter Reynolds Arch-Bishop of Canterbury leads their Van, preferred to that See, at the Kings great importunity, and by the Pope his Power of Provision. On the same token that, a Far better Man, Thomas Cobham by name, Dean of Salisbury, (so learned and pious a person, that he was generally called the good Clergy-men) legally elected by the Commons, was put by, by the Pope, to make room for this Reinolds. He afterwards complied with the Queen, (his new Mistress) against his old Master, active to perform his desires. This some seek in vain to excuse, by pleasing Her imperious spirit, and this Arch-Bishops fearfulness, alleging, that cowardliness is rather a defect in nature, then default in Morality.
24. A word by the way of the nature of the Popes provisions (lately mentioned) which now began to be a general grievance of our Nation. When any Bishopric, Abbots place, Dignity or good Living (Aquila non capit muscas) was like to be void, the Pope (by a profitable Prolepsis to himself) predisposed such places to such successors as he pleased. By this devise he defeated (when so pleased) the Legal election of all Convents, and rightful presentation of all Patrons. He took up Churches before they fell, yea, before they ever stumbled: I mean, whilst as yet no suspicion of sickness, in Incumbents younger and healthier than his Holiness himself. Yea, sometimes no Act of Provision, was entered in scriptis in the Court, only the Pope was pleased to say by word of mouth, (and who durst confute him?) he had done it. So that Incumbents to Livings, who otherwise had a rightful Title from their Patrons, were, (to purchase their peace) glad to buy of the Popes provisions. Yea, his Holiness sold them aforehand to several persons, so that not he who gave the first, but the most Money, carried away the preferment.
25. Next we take notice of Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln, lately restored to the favor of King Edward, and by him lately esteemed. Yet no sooner did the Queen appear in the field, with an army, against him, but this Bishop was the first, and for wardest, who publicly repaired unto Her. This Burwash was he, who by mere might, against all right and reason, took in the Land of many poor people, (without making also the least reparation) therewith to complete his Park at Tinghurst. These wronged persons, though seeing their own Bread, Beef, and Mutton, turned into the Bishops Venison, durst not contest with him who was Chancellor of England, though neither Law, nor equity in this his Action; only they loaded him with curses and execrations. This mindeth me of a Modern accident, when, (some twenty years since) a Knight went about injuriously to inclose the Commons of a Town, and demanded of his Builiffe what the railing in of the same would amount to; to whom his servant answered, that if he would take in the Commons, the Country would find him railings, as here they did this injurious Bishop. Otherwise let me say, that enclosures made without oppression, are a grand enriching both to private persons and to the Commonwealth.
26. Here let the Reader smile or frown, I am resolved to write what I find recorded in a Grave Author, deriving it no doubt from good intelligence. This Bishop Burwash is said after his death, to have appeared to one of his former familiar friends, appareled
27. This pretended Apparition seems inconsistent with the nature of Purgatory, as usually by Papists represented to people. Surely the smoke thereof would have sooted his Green suit, and the Penance seems so slight and light for the offense, as having so much liberty and pleasure in a place of Command. Some Poets would have fancied him rather conceived himself turned Acteon-like, into a Deere, to be daily hunted by his own Hound; (guilt of Conscience) until he made restistution. But it seems there be degrees in Purgatory, and the Bishop not in the Prison itself, but only within the Rules thereof, privileged to go abroad, (whether on his Parel, or with his Keeper, uncertain) till he could procure Suffrages for his Plenary relaxation.
28. Adam Tarlton Bishop of Hereford, is the last we will insist on, born in that City, where afterward he became Bishop, yet not honored, but hated, and feared in the place of his Nativity. He was the grand Engineer, and contriver of all mischief against the King. Witness the Sermon preached by him at Oxford, before the Queen (then in hostile pursuit after her Husband) taking for this Text the words of the sick Son of the Shunamite) My head, my head. Here his wit and malice endeavored to reap, what God's Spirit did never intentionally sow, and urged that a bad King (the distempered head of a State) is past Physic, or Chirurgery to be cured by Receits or Plasters, but the only way is to cut it off from the Body.
29. His writing was worse then his Preaching: For when such Agents set to keep King Edward in Berkley Castle, were (by secret Order from R. Mortimer) commanded to kill him, they by letters addressed themselves for advice to this Bishop (then not far off at Hereford) craving his Counsel, what they should do, in so difficult and dangerous a matter. He returned unto them a Ridling Answer, altogether unpointed, which carried in it Life and Death, yea, Life or Death, as variously construed, resolved to be guided and governed wholly by his direction, not to dispute, but do what from him was recommended unto them, as knowing him able both in Conscience and Policy to advise them.
Life, and Death.
To kill King Edward you need not to fear it is good.
Life.
To kill King Edward you need not, to fear it is good.
Death.
To kill King Edward you need not to fear, it is good.
30. This Adam Tarlton was afterwards accused of Treason, in the beginning of the reign of King Edward the third, and arraigned by the Kings Officers, when in the presence of the King, he thus boldly uttered himself,
My Lord the King, with all due respect unto your Majesty, I Adam, an humble Minister and member of the Church of God, and a consecrated Bishop, though unworthy, neither can, nor ought to answer unto so hard Questions, without the connivence, and consent of my Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, my immediate Judge under the Pope, and without the consent of other Bishops who are my Peers.
Three Arch-Bishops were there present in the place, Canterbury, York, and Dublin, by whose intercession, Tarlton escaped at that time.
31. Not long after, he was arraigned again at the Kings Bench, the news whereof so startled the Clergy, that the foresaid Arch-Bishops erected their standards, I mean, set up their Crosses, and with ten Bishops more, attended with a numerous train of well-weaponed servants, advanced to the place of judicature. The Kings Officers frighted at the sight, fled away; leaving Tarlton the Prisoner alone at the Bar; whom the Arch-Bishops took home into their own custody, denouncing a curse on all such who should presume to lay violent hands upon him.
32. The King offended hereat, caused a jury of Lay-men to be impannelled, and to inquire according to form of Law, into the actions of the Bishop of Hereford. This was a leading case, and the first time that ever Laymen passed their verdict on a Clergy-man. These Jurors found the Bishop guilty, whereupon the King presently seized on his Temporals, he proscribed the Bishop, and despoiled him of all his moveables. However, afterwards he came off, and was reconciled to the King, and by the Pope made Bishop of Winchester, where he died, a thorough old man and blinded with age, many envying so quiet a death, to one who living had been so turbulent a person. But these things happened many years after.
SECT.
To Master THOMAS WILLIAMS And Master WILLIAM VANBRVG of London Merchants.
AStronomers affirm that some Planets; [Saturn, Jupiter &c.] are by many degrees greater then the Moon it self; And this they can easily evidence by Demonstration. However the Moon is bigger, and shows brighter to men's eyes, because of the Vicinity thereof; Whilst other Stars are dimmed, and diminished by their distance.
He is not the happiest man who has the Highest friends (too remote to assist him) whilst others lesser might be nearer at his need. My own experience can avouch the truth thereof, in relation to your Courtesies bestowed upon me.
SOon after his death, King Edward was much lamented by those of whom in his life time he was never beloved. Whether this proceeded from the mere mutability of men's minds (weary to loiter long in the lazy posture of the same affection.) Or whether it proceeded from the pride of Mortimer, whose insolence grew intolerable. Or whither it was because his punishment was generally apprehended to be too heavy for his fault; So that Deposition without death, or (at the worst) death without such unhumane cruelty had been sufficient.
One of our English Poet-Historians acquainteth us with a passage, which to my knowledge appeareth not in other Authors.
It is much that one but a small Saint whilst alive, should be so great an one when dead, as to be miraculously illustrious. But every man may believe his proportion.
2. Indeed great was the conformity betwixt this King Edward and that King Richard, both being secundi, the second of their name: but not secundi, happy in their success. And had King Richard the second known aforehand what casualty did attend him, no wonder if he secretly sympathized with his condition. Both sons of valiant and beloved Fathers, both of proper and amiable persons. Both debauched by the ill Counsel of their dissolute companions. Both deposed from their Crowns. Both murdered, whilst prisoners in a Clandestine (and as some report self same) way of Cruelty.
3. Ingenuous people are very loath to believe King Edward the third accessory to his Fathers death, otherwise then by accepting the Crown which he should have resused, and antedating his own Sovereignty. Which may be excused by his tender years, thirteen as some, fifteen as others compute them. Nor is it a weak argument of his innocence with impartial people, because he reigned above fifty years, and lived to be a thorough old man. An happiness promised by God to such who are obedient to their Parents. Besides, it is considerable, that this King having a numerous issue of active children of both Sexes none visibly appear a cross unto him, for any notorious undutifulness.
4. The former part of this Kings reign affords but little Church-History, as totally taken up with his achievements in Scotland and France, where his success by Sea and Land was above belief and even to admiration. He conquered both before his face and behind his back. Whence he came and whither he went. North and South, the one in his person, the other by his substitutes in his absence. Insomuch that he got more then he knew what to do with, exhausting the Land to man, the Cities which he had gained. Herein he stands without a parallel, that he had both the Kings he fought against, viz. John de Dalois of France, and David the King of Scotland his prisoners at one time, not taken by any cowardly surprise, but by fair fight in open field.
5. It soundeth much to the commendation of his modesty and moderation, that intending to found an Order of Knight-hood at his Castle of Windsor, where he had these two Royal prisoners. In the institution thereof he neither had any insolent relation to his own conquest, nor opprobrious reflection on his enemies captivity, but began the innocent Order of the Garter, unreferring to any of his former achievements. But more hereof in due time.
6. The King and State began now to grow sensible of the great gain he Netherlands got by our English Wool, in memory whereof the Duke of Burgundy not long after instituted the order of the Golden Fleece, wherein indeed the Fleece was ours, the Golden theirs, so vast their Emolument by the Trade of Clothing. Our King therefore resolved, if possible to reduce the Trade to his own Country, who as yet were ignorant of that Art, as knowing no more what to do with their Wool, then the sheep that wear it, as to any Artificial and curious Drabery, their best Clothes then being no better then Freezes, such their coursnesse for want of skill in their making. But soon after followed a great alteration, and we shall enlarge ourselves in the manner thereof.
7. The intercourse now being great betwixt the English and the Netherlands (increased of late since King Edward married the Daughter of the Earl of Hainalt) unsuspected Emissaries, were employed by our King into those Countries, who wrought themselves into familiarity with such Dutch men as were Absolute Masters of their Trade, but not Masters of themselves, as either Journeymen or Apprentiees, These bemoaned the slavishness of these poor servants, whom their Masters used rather like Heathens then Christians, yea rather like Horses then Men. Early up and late in bed, and all day hard work, and harder fare (a few Herrings and mouldy Cheese) and all to enrich the Churls their Masters without any profit unto themselves.
8. But oh how happy should they be if they would but come over into England, bringing their Mystery with them, which would provide their welcome in all places. Here they should feed on fat Beef and Mutton, till nothing but their fullness should stint their stomachs: yea they should feed on the labors of their own hands, enjoying a proportionable profit of their pains to themselves, their beds should be good, and their bedfellows better, seeing the richest Yeomen in England would not disdain to marry their Daughters unto them, and such the English beauties, that the most envious Foreigners could not but commend them.
9. Liberty is a Lesson quickly conn'd by heart, men having a principle within themselves to prompt them in case they forget it. Perswaded with the premises, many Dutch servants leave their Masters and make over for England. Their departure thence (being picked here and there) made no sensible vacuity, but their meeting here altogether amounted to a considerable fullness. With themselves, they brought over their Trade and their Tools, namely, such which could not [as yet] be so conveniently made in England.
10. Happy the Yeomans House into which one of these Dutchmen did enter▪ bringing industry and wealth along with them. Such who came in strangers within their doors, soon after went out Bridegrooms, and returned Son in laws, having married the Daughters of their Landlords who first entertained them. Yea, those Yeomen in whose houses they harboured, soon proceeded Gentlemen, gaining great estates to themselves, arms and worship to their estates.
11. The King having gotten this Treasury of Foreigners, thought not fit to continue them all in one place, lest on discontent they might embrace a general resolution to return, but bestowed them thorough all the parts of the Land, that Cloathing thereby, might be the better dispersed. Here I say nothing of the Colony of old Dutch, who frighted out of their own Country with an Inundation, about the reign of King Henry the first, (possibly before that Nation had attained the cunning of Cloath-making) were seated only in Pembroke-shire. This new Generation of Dutch was now sprinkled everywhere, so that England (in relation, I mean to her own Counties) may be speak these Inmates in the language of the Poet,
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I am informed that a prime Dutch Cloth-maker in Gloucestershire, had the Sirname of Web given him by King Edward there: a Family still famous for their manufacture, Observe we here that mid- England, Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, and Cambridge, having most of Woe • l, have least of clothing therein.
12. Here the Dutchmen found Fullers earth, a precious Treasure, whereof England hath (if not more) better then all Christendom besides: a great Commodity of the Quorum to the making of good Cloath, so that Nature may seem to point out our land for the Staple of Drapery, if the idleness of her inhabitants be not the only hindrance thereof. This Fullers Earth is clean contrary to our Jesuits, who are needless Drugs, yet still staying here though daily commanded to depart, whilst Fullers earth, a precious ware is daily scoured hence, though by law forbidden to to be transported.
13. And now was the English Wool improved to the highest profit, passing through so many hands, everyone having a fleece of the Fleece, Sorters, Kembers, Carders, Spinsters, Weavers, Fullers, Diers, Pressers, Packers, and these Manifactures have been heightened to a higher perfection since the cruelty of the Duke de Alva drove over more Dutch into England. But enough of this subject, which let none condemn for a deviation from Church-history; First, because it would not grieve one to go a little out of the way, if the way be good, as this digression is for the credit and profit of our Country. Secondly, it reductively belongeth to the Church-History, seeing many poor people both young and old, formerly charging the parishes (as appeared by the accounts of the Church Officers) were hereby enabled to maintain themselves.
14. The extortion of the Pope being now somewhat aba • ed in England, the Caursines or Lumbards formerly the money Merchants of his Holiness, and the grand Usurers of England, did not drive so full a Trade as before. Wereupon they betake themselves to other Merchandize, and began to store England with foreign commodities, but at unreasonable rates, whilst England itself had as yet but little and bad shipping, and those less employed.
15. But now King Edward, to prevent the ingrossing of Trade into the hand of Foreigners, and to restore the same to his native Subjects, took order, that these Aliens should no longer prey on the Radical moisture of his Land, but began to cherish Navigation in his own Subjects, and gave a check to such Commodities which Forreiners did import as in ancient Poems is largely described, whereof so much as concerneth our purpose,
16. About this time the Clergy were very bountiful in contributing to the Kings necessities, in proportion to their Benefices. Hereupon a survey was exactly taken of all their Glebeland, and the same (fairly engrossed in parchment) was returned into the Exchequer, where it remaineth at this day, and is the most useful Record for Clergy men, (and also for Impropriators as under their claim) to recover their right. Many a straggling Acre, wandering out of the way, had long since by Sacrilegious Guides been seduced into the possession of false owners, had not this Record directed them at last to their true proprietary.
17. The worst is, whilst some Dioceses in this Terreer were exactly done, and remain fairly legible at this day, others were so slightly slubbered over that (though kept with equal carefulness) they are useless in effect, as not to be read. Thus I was informed, from a Clerk in that Office lately desceased, who when Living, was older and as able as any therein. And thus Manuscripts (like those men who wrote them) though starting with their equals, hold not all out to the same length, their humidum radicale, (their ink I mean) not lasting alike in all Originals.
18. It was now generally complained of as a grand grievance, that the Clergy engrossed all places of Judicature in the Land. Nothing was left to Lay-men, but either military commands, as General, Admiral, &c. or such Judges places as concerned only the very letter of the Common Law: and those also scarcely reserved to the Students thereof. As for Embassies into foreign parts, Noblemen were employed therein, when expense, not experience was required thereunto, and Ceremony the substance of the service: otherwise when any difficulty in civil-law, then Clergy-men were ever entertained. The Lord Chacellor was ever a Bishop, (as if against Equity to employ any other therein) yea that Court generally appeared as a Synod of Divines, where the Clerks were Clerks, as generally in Orders. The same was also true of the Lord Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer.
19. Some imputed this to the pragmaticalnesse of the Clergy, active to insinuate themselves into all employment, how improper soever to their profession. Others ascribed it to the Kings necessity; The war engrossing the main of his men of merit; so that he was necessitated to make use of Clergy-men. Others attributed it to the Kings election (no way weak in head or hand, plotting or performing) finding such the fittest to serve him; who being single persons, and having no design to raise a family, were as knowing as any in the Mysteries of money, and safest to be entrusted therein. But more hereof hereafter.
20. Robert Eglesfield Bachelor of Divinity, Chaplain to Queen Philippa, wife to King Edward the third, founded a College on his own ground, by the name of Queens College (commending the Patronage thereof to his Lady the Queen, and to the Queens of England successively) which he endowed with Lands and Revenewes for the maintenance of a Provost and twelve Fellows, which were to be augmented as the Revenews increased.
21. Now though this was called Queens, from their Honorarie Patronesses, it may be styled Princes College from those pair of Students therein. Edward the black Prince, who presently after this foundation had his Education therein, and Henry the fifth (as yet Prince of Wales) under Henry Beaufort Chancelor of this University and his Uncle, his Chamber was over the College gate, where his picture at this day remaineth in brass with this inscription under it
22. Now according to the care and desire of the founder. The Queens of England have ever been Nursing Mothers to this Foundation. O what advantage they have when lying in the bosoms of their Royal Consorts, by whom they cannot be denied what is equal, and of whom they will not desire what is otherwise. Thus Queen Philippa obtained of her Husband King Edward the third, the Hospital of St. Julians in Southampton, commonly called God's House. Queen Elizabeth, wife to King Edward the Fourth procured of him the Priory of Sherbourn in Hampshire, and Queen Mary by her intercession prevailed with King Charles for the perpetual Patronage of certain Benefices in the same County.
23. Nor let not our Virgin Queen be forgotten, as in effect Refoundresse of this from the third year of her reign, being informed that the Title of the Foundation thereof, with the lands thereunto belonging, were in question, and subject to eviction; by Act of Parliament conferred a sure Estate of the same.
24. I meet in the Records of the Tower Rouls, with a passage concerning this College, and though I do not perfectly understand, I will exemplify it.
And a little after, upon divers matters moved between the said Arch-bishop, and the Arch-Bishop of York, upon certain privileges pretended by the said Arch-Bishop of York in the College called QUEEN-HALL in the University of Oxford. The said Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in presence of the King and of the Lord's promised, that if the said Arch-Bishop of York could sufficiently show any Privilege, or specially of Record, wherefore the said Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ought not to use his Visitation of the said College, he would then abstain, Saving to himself always the Visitation of the said Scholars abiding in the said College, according to the judgment and decrees, made and given by K. Richard the second, and by our Lord K. Henry that now is, as in the Record thereof made, thereof more plainly is declared.
It seems hereby (so far as I can apprehend) this College was so parted betwixt the two Metropolitans, that the dead Moity, viz. the Lands and Revenues) thereof belonged to the inspection of the Arch-Bishop of York, whilst the living half, namely the Scholars (especially in matters concerning their Religion) pertained to the Visitation of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
So that at this present are maintained therein, one Provost, fourteen Fellows, seven Scholars, two Chaplains, two Clerks, and other Students about 160.
25. In the mean time the Pope was not idle, but laid about him for his own profit. Knowing King Edward could not attend two things at once. And therefore whilst he was busied about his wars in France, his Holiness bestirred him in England, cropping the flowers of the best Livings in their bud before they were blown. Yea in a manner he may be said to seethe the Kid in the Mothers milk. So that before Livings were actually void, He provisionally pre-provided Incumbents for them, and those generally Aliens and his own Countrymen.
26. Though late, the King got leisure to look on his own Land, where he found a strange alteration, for as France lately was made English by his Valour, England was now turned Italian by the Popes Covetousness. In prevention therefore of future mischief, this Statute of Provision was made: whereby such forestalling of Livings to Forrainers was forbidden.
27. Our Authors assign another accidental cause of the Kings displeasure with the Pope, namely, That when his Holiness created twelve Cardinals at the request of the King of France, He denied to make one at the desire of this King of England. Surely it was not reasonable in proportion, that his Holiness giving the whole dozen to the King of France, might allow the advantage to the King of England. However betwixt both, this statute was made to the great enriching of the Kingdom, and contentment of the Subjects therein.
28. Yet this Law, of Provisions (as all others) did not at the first making meet with present and perfect obedience. The Papal party did struggle for a time, till at last they were patient per-force finding the Kings power predominant. True it is, this grievance did continue, and was complained of, all this, and most of the next Kings Reign, till the Statute of praemunire was made, which clinted the nail which now was driven in. So that afterwards the Land was cleared from the incumbrance of such Provisions.
29. A good Author tells us, Habent Imperia suos Terminos, huc cùm venerint, sistunt, retrocedunt, ruunt. Empyres have their bounds, whither when they come, they stand still, they go back, they fall down. This is true in respect to the Papal power in England. It went forward until the Statute of Mort-main was made in the reign of King Edward the first. It went backward slowly when this Statute of provisions, swiftly when this Statute of Praemunire was made. It fell down when the Papacy was abolished in the reign of King Henry the eighth.
30. Three years after the statute against the Popes Provisions was made, the King presented unto him Thomas Hatlife to be Bishop of Durham, one who was the Kings Secretary, and when this is, all is said that can be, in his commendation, as utterly devoid of all other Episcopal qualifications. However the Pope confirmed him without any dispute or delay; and being demanded why he consented to the preferment of so worthless a person, he answered, that rebus sic stantibus, if the King of England had presented an Ass unto him, he would have, confirmed him in the Bishopric. Indeed as yet his Holiness was in hope, that either the K. would revoke the foresaid statute, or else moderate the execution thereof.
31. This year, Authors generally agree (some few making it later, viz. after John K. of France was taken prisoner) K. Edward instituted the Order of the Garter, consisting of
1. One Chief Guardian, or Sovereign, being the King of England.
2. Five and twenty Knights, whereof the first set were termed Founders, and their Successors ever since called Fellows or Companions of the Order.
3. Fourteen Canons resident being Secular Priests.
4. Thirteen Vicars, or Chorol Priests.
5. Twelve Military Gentlemen of the meaner sort decayed in age, and estate, commonly called the poor Knights of Winsor.
6. One Prelate of the Garter, being always the Bishop of Winchester.
7. One Chancellor thereof, being anciently the Bishop of Salisbury (in whose Diocese Winsor is) but lately a Lay-Person. The truly Honorable and well experienced Statesman and Traveler Sir Thomas Row (if I mistake not) was the last Chancellor of the Garter.
8. One Register, being always the Dean of Winsor.
9. One Usher, who is one of the Ushers of the King his Chamber) called the Black Rod.
10. A chief Herald added for the more Solemnity by K. Henry the 5. and called Garter. This Order the K. founded within his Castle of Winsor, to the honor of Almighty God, and the blessed Virgin Mary, and of the glorious Martyr St. George, and to the exaltation of the holy Catholic Faith.
32. Four Essentials are requisite in the Persons Eligible into this Order, that they be Gentlemen of Name and Arms by Fathers and Mothers side, for three descents. Secondly, that he be without spot or foul reproach, understand it not convicted of Heresy, or attainted of Treason. Thirdly, that he have a competent estate to maintain the dignity of the Order. Fourthly, that he never fled in the day of battle, his Sovereign Lord or his Lieutenant in being in the field.
33. Their habiliments are either ordinary, as a Blew Ribbon with the picture of St. George appendent, and the Sun in his Glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak) added as some say by King charles) being for their daily wearing; or extraordinary, as their Collar of S. S. their Purple Mantle, their Gown, Kirtle, Chaperon, and chiefly their Garter. This being made of Blew is with, Honey Soit qui male pense in Golden Letters, enchased with precious stones, fastened with a Buckle of Gold, and worn on the left leg of the Fellows of this Order.
34. They take an Oath, that to their power, during the time that they are Fellows of the Order, they shall defend the honor, quarrel, rights, and Lordships of their Sovereign, that they shall endeavor to preserve the honor of the Order, and without fraud or Covin, well observe the Statutes thereof. This is taken absolutely by the Natives of this Kingdom, but by Forrainers relatively, and in part, with their reference to some former Order.
35. They oblige themselves, first, to be personally present, (without a just cause specified to, and accepted by the Sovereign or his Deputy) at Winsor on the Festival of St. George. Secondly, that if coming within two miles of that place, (except hindered by some important business) they repair thither, put on their Mantles, (lying constantly Liegers there) proceed to the Chapel and there make their Offering. Thirdly, that they be never openly seen without their GEORGE'S which they shall neither engage, alien, Fell, nor give away on any necessity whatsoever. Lastly, that they take order their Garter at their death, be safely and solemnly sent back to the Sovereign, to confer the same on one to succeed him in the Order.
36. I have done when I have told that their places may be vacated, on three occasions. First by death, which layeth this (as all other) honor in the dust. Secondly, by deprivation on the persons misdemeanor or want of the foresaid qualifications. Thirdly, by cession, or surrender, when a Foreign Prince (entereth into enmity with this Crown) is pleased to send his Garter back again.
37. Excess in Apparel began now to be great in England, which made the State take order to retrench it. Some had a project, that men's Cloatthes might be their signs to show their Birth, Degree, or Estate, so that the quality of an unknown person might at the first sight be expounded by his Apparrel. But this was soon let fall as impossible. Statesmen in all Ages (notwithstanding their several laws to the contrary) being fain to connive at men's R • ot in this kind, which maintaineth more poor people than their charity. However, the ensuing passage must not be omitted.
38. Item that the Clerks which have a degree in a Church, Cathedral, Collegial, or in Schools, and the Kings Clerks which have such an estate that requires Fur, do, and use according to the constitution of the same, and all other Clerks which have above two hundred marks rent per annum, use, and do as Knights of the same rent. And other Clerks under that rent, use as Squires of an hundred pound rent. And that all those, as well Knights as Clerks, which by this Ordinance may use Fur in Winter, by the same manner may use it in Summer.
39. Passe we now from soft Furr, to hard Steel, I mean a command from the King for the arming of all Clergy-men.
40.
Here we see, In hosts publicos omnes homo miles, none are dispensed with, to oppose an invading enemy. But where were these Foreign Foes, France, and Scotland, being now both of them ordered into a defensive posture, whose invasion was expected? Possibly these dangers were represented thorough State -Multiplying Glasses, to quicken the care, and continue the Taxes on the English Nation.
41. The Lord's and Commons in Parliament began now to find themselves much agrieved, that the Clergy engrossed all Secular Offices, and thereupon presented the ensuing Petition to the King, according to this effect insisting only in the substance thereof.
42.
43. To this Petition the King returned, that he would ordain upon this point as it shall best seem to him by the advice of his good Council. He therefore who considereth the present power of the Clergy, at the Council-Table, will not wonder, if all things remained in their former Condition, till the Nobility began more openly to favor John Wycliffe his Opinions, which the next Book, God willing, shall relate.
44. We will close this with a Catalogue of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury, Contemporary with King Edward the third, and begin with Simon Mepham made Arch-Bishop in the first year of his reign, so that the Crown and the Mitre may seem in some sort to have started together, only here was the odds, the King was a young, (yea, scarce a) man, whereas the Arch-Bishop was well stricken in years. Hence their difference in holding out, the King surviving, to see him buried and six more (whereof four Simon's inclusively) heart-broken as they say with grief. For when John Grandison Bishop of Exeter (making much noise with his Name, but more with his Activity) refused to be visited by him, (the Pope siding with the Bishop) Mepham so resented it, that it cost him his life.
45. John Stratford was the second, Consecrated first Bishop of Winchester on the Lord's day, whereon it was solemnly sung, many are the afflictions of the Righteous, whereof he was very apprehensive then, and more afterwards, when his own experience had proved a Comment thereon. Yet this might comfort him, whilst living, and make others honor his memory, that a good Conscience without any great crime, generally caused his molestation. For under King Edward the second, he suffered for being too loyal a Subject, (siding with the King against the Queen and her Son) and under King Edward the third, he was molested for being too faithful a Patriot, namely, in pitying his poor Countreymens taxations, for which he was accused for correspondency with the French, and complying with the Pope, (Pope and King of France then blowing in one Trumpet) whereat King Edward was highly incensed.
46. However Stratford did but say what thousands thought, viz. that a peace with France was for the profit of England, especially as proffered upon such honorable conditions. This the Arch-Bishop was zealous for, upon a threefold accompt, First, of Piety, to save the effusion of more Christian blood. Secondly, of Policy, suspecting success, that the tide might turn, and what was suddenly gotten, might be as suddenly lost. Thirdly, on Charity, sympathizing with the sad condition of his fellow Subjects, groaning under the burden of Taxes to maintain an unnecessary war. For England sent over her wealth into France, to pay their victorious Soldiers, and received back again honor in exchange, whereby our Nation became exceeding proud, and exceeding poor. However the end (as well as the beginning of the Psalm) was verified of this Arch-Bishop, the Lord delivereth them out of all, dying in great honor and good esteem with the King, a strong argument of his former innocence.
47. The third was Tho. Bradwardine, whose election was little less then miraculous. For Commonly the King refused whom the Monks chose: the Pope rejected whom the Monks and King did elect, whereas all interests met in the choice of Bradwardine. Yea, which was more, the Pope as yet not knowing that the Monks and the King had pre-elected him, of his own accord (as by supernatural instinct) appointed Bradwardine for that place, who little thought thereon. Thus Omne tulit punctum, and no wonder, seeing he mingled his profitable Doctrines with a sweet and amiable conversation: indeed he was skilled in School Learning, which one properly calleth Spinosa Theologia, and though some will say, can figs grow on thorns, yet his thorny Divinity produced much sweet devotion.
48. He was Confessor to king Edward the third, whose miraculous victories in France, some impute more to this man's devout prayers: Then either to the Policy or Prowess of the English Nation He died before he was inthronized few months after his consecration, though now advanced on a more Glorious and durable Throne in Heaven, where he hath received the Crown from God, who here defended the Cause of God. I behold him as the most pious man who from Anselm (not to say Augustine) to Cranmer, sat on that Seat. And a better St. Thomas (though not sainted by the Pope) then one of his predecessors commonly so called.
49. Simon Islip was the fourth, a parcimonious (but no avaricious) man, thrifty whilst living, therefore clandestinely Inthronized, and when dead, secretly interred without any solemnity: Yet his frugality may be excused (if not commended herein) because he reserved his estate for good uses, founding Canterbury College in Oxford: Thus generally Bishops founders of many Colleges therein, denominated them either from that Saint to whom they were dedicated, or from their See, (as Exeter, Canterbury, Durham, Lincoln) putting thereby a civil obligation on their Successors to be (as Visitors, so) Benefactors thereunto. This Canterbury College is now swallowed up in Christ Church, which is no single Star as other Colleges, but a Constellation of many put together.
50. Simon Langham is the fifth, much meriting by his munificence to Westminster Abbie. He was made Cardinal of St. Praxes, and by the Pope Bishop of Preneste in Italy, with a faculty to hold as many Ecclesiastical preferments as he could get. Hereupon he resigned his Arch-Bishopric of Canterbury, lived for a time at Avenion in France, and there buried (according to his own directions) in a temporary Tomb, in a Religious house of his own, till three years after removed to Westminster. William whitlesee succeeded him, famous for freeing the University of Oxford, from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Lincoln, formerly the Diocesan thereof. As for Simon Sudbury, the last Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in the reign of King Edward the third, of him, God willing, hereafter.
CENT. XI.
1. WIlliam Duke of Normandy being thus arrived, soon conquered Harold with an army of Normans, as far beneath the English in Number as above them in temperance: For the English being revelling before, had in the morning their brains arrested, for the arrearages of the indigested fumes of the former night, and were no better then drunk when they came to fight. But these things belong to the Historians of the State to relate; whilst it is proper to us to observe, that King William to testify his gratitude to God, for the victory, founded in that place, Battle-Abby, endowing it with revenues, and large immunities. The Abbot whereof (being a Baron of Parliament) carried a pardon in his presence, who casually coming to the place of Execution, had power to save any Malefactor. The Abbey-Church, was a place of safety for any Fellon or Murderer, though such Popish sanctuaries themselves, if accused as unlawful, can find no refuge in Scripture precepts, or presidents for their justification, seeing the very Horns of the Altar, by divine command, did push away those willful offenders which fled unto them: and impunity being the greatest motive to impiety, made their Covent the Center of sinners. Here the Monks flourished in all affluence, as the Old world in the days of Noah, they ate, they drank, they bought, they fold, would I might add, they married wives and were given in marriage, (for want whereof they did worse) till in the days of King Henry the eight they were all drowned in the general Deluge of the Dissolution.
2. Now it was proper to the place of Stigand, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to perform the Solemnities of King Williams Coronation; but he declined that employment, pretending Williams unlawful title, and loath to pour the sacred oil on his Head, whose Hands had shed so much innocent blood: The other accounting himself to have a better title to the Crown, by conquest, then the Arch-Bishop had to his Miter by Simony, disdained his service, and accepted the Crown from the hands of Aldred, Arch-Bishop of York: who first required an Oath of him, to defend the Church, minister justice, and (amongst other things) to use English-men as favourably as Normans. Notwithstanding which Oath, he made the Normans his Darlings, and the English his Drudges; insomuch as many English Bishops and Abbots unable to comport themselves with his harshness, and conceiving it more credit and safety, to go then to be driven away; fearing by degrees they should all be quarrelled out of their places, unwillingly willing quitted their preserments, and fled into Scotland. Here King Malcolme Canmore (who had married Margaret Niece to Edward the Confessor) freely received them. He himself had formerly lived fourteen years in England; and now of a grateful Guest, became a bountiful Host, and courteously harboured these Exiles. And as, at this time, England began to turn France, imitating the language, Garbe, and manners thereof; so Scotland began now to turn England: the Families transplanted thither, transporting the English customs, fashions, and Civilities along with them.
3. About this time Doomes-day-book was made, containing an exact survey of all the houses and land in the Kingdom, impartially done with rigorous severity. They omitted Nec lucum, nec lacum, nec locum, so accurate they were in the very fractions of the land: and therefore it may seem a miracle, that the Monks of Crowland should find a courtesy peculiar to themselves, (belike out of veneration to their Covent) that their lands were rated nec ad spatium, nec ad praecium, neither so much in quantity, nor so high in value as indeed they were worth. This book of the General Survey of England, though now begun, did take up some years, before it was completed.
4. King William called a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester, wherein he was personally present, with two Cardinals sent thither from Rome. Here Stigand Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was deposed, for several uncanonical exorbitances, and Lanfrank a lordly Lombard substituted in his room. Stigand lived some years after in a Prison, and (which was worse) a prison lived in him, being straightened in his own bowels towards himself. For pretending poverty, he denied himself necessaries, being afterwards discovered to carry a Key about his Neck which opened to infinite treasure, so that none would lavish pity on him, who starved in store, and was willfully cruel to himself.
5. A learned lawyer hath observed, that the first encroachment of the Bishop of Rome upon the liberties of the Crown of England, was made in the time of King. William the Conqueror. For the Conqueror came in with the Popes Banner, and under it won the battle, which got him the Garland; and therefore the Pope presumed he might boldly pluck some flowers from it, being partly gained by his countenance and Blessing. Indeed King William kindly entertained these Legates, sent from Rome, so to sweeten the rank savor of his coming in by the sword, in the nostrils of religious men, pretending what he had gotten by power, he would keep by a pious compliance with his Holiness. But especially he did serve the Pope to be served by him; that so with more ease and less envy, he might suppress the English Clergy. But although this politick Prince was courteous in his complemental addresses to the See Apostolic, yet withal he was careful of the main chance to keep the essentials of his Crown, as, amongst others, by these four remarkable particulars may appear.
6. First he retained the ancient custom of the Saxon Kings, investing Bishops and Abbots, by delivering them a Ring and a Staff, whereby without more ado, they were put into plenary possession of the power and profit of their place. Yea, when Arch-Bishop Lansrank, one so prevalent, that he could persuade King William to anything, (provided that the King himself thought it fitting) requested William to bestow on him the donation of the Abbey of Saint Augustine in Canterbury; the King refused, saying, that he would keep all pastoral Staves in his own hand. Wiser herein then his successors, who parted with those Staves, wherewith they themselves were beaten afterward.
7. Secondly being demanded to do Fealty for his Crown of England, to Gregory the seventh Pope of Rome, he returned an answer as followeth.
EXcellentissimo Sanctae Ecclesiae Pastori Gregorio, gratia Dei Anglorum rex, & dux Normannorum Wilhelmus salutem cum amicitia. Hubertus Legatus tuus Religiose Pater, ad me veniens ex tua parte me admonuit, quatenus tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam antecessores mei ad Romanam ecclesiam mitere solebant, melius cogitarem. Vnum admisi, alterum non admisi. Fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo, quia nec ego promisi, nec antecessores meos antecessoribus tuis, id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus serme annis, in Galli is me agent, negligenter collecta est. Nunc vero, divina misericordia me in regnum meum reverso, quod collectum per praefatum Legatum mittitur; Et quod reliquum est per Legatos Lanfranci, Archiepiscopi fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmittetur. Orate pro nobis, & pro statu Regni nostri, quia antecessores vestros dileximus, & vos prae omnibus sincere diligere & obedienter audire desideramus.
TO Gregory the most excellent Pastor of the holy Church, William by the grace of God, King of the English & Duke of the Normans, wisheth health, and desireth his friendship. Religious Father, your Legat Hubert coming unto me, admonished me, in your behalf, in as much as I should do fealty to you, and your successors, and that I should take better care, for the payment of the money, which my predecessors were wont to send to the Church of Rome. One thing I have granted, the other I have not granted. Fealty I would not do, nor will I, because I neither promised it, neither do I find that my predecessors ever did it to your predecessors. The money for almost three years when I was abroad in France, hath been but negligently collected. But now seeing by divine mercy, I am returned into my Kingdom, what is gathered is sent by the aforesaid Legat; and the arrears which remain, shall be sent by the messengers of Lanfrank, our faithful Arch-Bishop, in time convenient. Pray for us, and for the good state of our Kingdom, because we have loved your predecessors, and do desire sincerely to love, and obediently to hear you, above all others.
It is strange on what pretence of right the Pope required this Fealty; was it because he sent King William a consecrated Banner, that under the color thereof he endeavored to display his power over all England, as if the King must do him homage, as a Banneret of his creation, or because he had lately humbled Henry the fourth, the German Emperor, he thought that all Kings in like manner, must be slaves unto him, the Pope being then in his Vertical height, and Dog-days of the heat of his Power? But we need no further inquiry into the cause of his Ambition, when we read him to be Gregory the seventh, otherwise Hisdebrand that most active of all that sat in that Chair. Surely he sent this his demand rather with an intent to spy then hope to speed therein, so to sound the depth of King William, whom if he found shallow, he knew how to proceed accordingly; or else he meant to leave this demand dormant in the Deck, for his successors to make advantage thereof; who would claim for due, whatsoever they challenged before. However so bold an asker never met with a more bold denier. Soon did King William find his spirits, who formerly had not lost but hid them for his private ends. England 's Conqueror would not be Rome's Vassal, and he had Brain enough to deny, what the other had Brow to require, and yet in such wary language, that he carried himself in a religious distance, yet politick parity with his Holiness.
8. Thirdly, King William would in no wife suffer any one in his Dominion, to acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for Apostolical without his command, or to receive the Popes Letters, except first they had been shown unto him. As for the Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY, Primate of England, though by his own authority he might congregate Councils of Bishops, and fit President in them; yet the King permitted him to appoint, or prohibit nothing, but what was according to His own will and pleasure, and what the King had ordained before.
9. Lastly, King William suffered no Bishop to excommunicate any of his Barons, or Officers, for adultery, incest, or any such heinous crime, except by the Kings Command, first made acquainted with the same. Here the word Baron is not to be taken in that restrictive sense, to which the modern acception hath confined it, only for such of the higher Nobility, which have place, and Votes in Parliament; but generally for such who by Tenure en chief, or in Capite (as they term it) held land immediately of the King. And an English Poet (counted the Virgil of his age, and the Ennius in ours) expresseth as much in his Rythmes, which we here set down, with all the rust thereof, without rubbing it off, (remembering how one John Throkmorton a Justicer of Cheshire, in Queen Elizabeth 's days, for not exhibiting a judicial Concord, with all the defects of the same; but supplying, or filling up what was worn out of the Authentical Original, was fined for being over officious) and therefore take them with their faults, and all, as followeth.
And a grave Author gives a good reason, why the King must be informed before any of his Barons be excommunicated, lest otherwise (saith he) the King not being certified thereof, should out of ignorance unawares, communicate with persons excommunicated, when such Officers of His, should come to kiss His hand, be called to his Council, or come to perform any personal attendance about Him. Hitherto we have seen how careful the Conqueror was, in preserving His own right in Church-matters. We will conclude all with the Syllogism, which the Oracle of the Common-Law frameth in this manner,
It is agreed, that no man only can make any appropriation of any Church, having cure of souls, being a thing Eccelesiastical, and to be made to some person Ecclesiastical, but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.
But William the first of himself, without any other (as King of England) made appropriation of Churches, with cure to Ecclesiastical persons, as by many instances may appear.
Therefore it followeth, that He had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.
10. First, whereas before his time the Sheriff and Bishop jointly kept their Courts together, (especially at the two solemn times, about Easter and Michaelmas) King William, in favor of the Clergy, assigned the Bishops, an entire jurisdiction by themselves, wherein they should have cognizance of all causes, relating to Religion. I say relating to Religion, a latitude of a cheverel extension, adequate almost to the mind of him that will stretch it out, and few Ecclesiastical Judges would lofe, what might be got by measuring. Now formerly, whilst the power of Sheriff, and Bishop went hand in hand together in the same Court, neither could much outstrip other: but but since they were severed, the Spiritual power far outwent its old mate, improving his own, by impairing the Secular Courts; and henceforward the Canon-law took the firmer footing in England; Date we from hence the squint-eyes of the Clergy, whose sight (single before) was hereafter divided with double looks betwixt two objects at once; the Pope and the King, (to put him first whom they eyed most) acting hereafter more by foreign, then domestic interest.
11. A learned pen makes a just complaint, that Courts which should distribute peace, do themselves practice duels, whilst it is counted the part of a resolute Judge to enlarge the privilege of his Court. A grievance most visible in contest, betwixt the Common, and the Canon Law; which, as if they were stars of so different an Horizon, that the elevation of the one necessitated the depression of the other, lie at catch, and wait advantages one against another. So that, whilst both might continue in a convenient and healthful habitude, if such envious corrivalitie were deposed, now alternately those Courts swell to a tympany, or waste to a consumption, as their Judges find themselves, more, or less strength'ned with power, or befriended with favor. A mischief not to be remedied, till, either that mutual consent, or a predominant power to both, impartially state their jurisdictions, rightly setting down the land-marks thereof, and binding their proceedings not to exceed their bounds, which would both advance learning, and expedite the execution of Justice.
12. To return to King William: As He conferred power on, so he confirmed profit to the Clergy. Witness his Charter, granting them throughout England, tithes of calves, colts, lambs, milk, butter, cheese, woods, meadows, mills, &c. Which Charter is concluded ('tis the strong hem keeps all the cloth from reveling out) Qui decimam detinuerit, per justitiam Episcopy, & Regis (si necesse fuerit) ad redditionem • rguatar: Who shall detain his tithes, by the power of the Bishop, and King (if need be) let him be argued into the payment thereof. And Kings arguments, we know, are unanswerable, as a • authoritate, carrying power and pehalties with them. This Charter might seem to give the tenth loaf, of all the bread in the land, into the hands of the English Clergy. But the municipal laws, which were afterwards made, did so chip and pare this loaf, with their Modus decimandi, that in many places (Vicaridges especially) a small shiver of bread falls to the share of the Minister, not enough for his necessary maintenance.
13. And here, to make a short, but needful digression, I find in eminent Writers, two contrary characters of King William. Some make him an arrand Tyrant, ruling only by the Magna Charta of his own will, oppressing all English without cause, or measure. No author need to be alleged for the avouching thereof, the thing being author for itself, being so notoriously known, and generally believed. Others make him to quit his title by Conquest, and hold the Crown, partly by Bequest from King Edward the Confessor, whose good laws he is said to confirm (Leges boni Regis Edvardi quas Gulielmus bastardus postea confirmavit) and partly by compact with his people. Yea, the Chronicles of Lichfield make him to call a Parliament in effect; I mean, a Meeting of his Clergy and Nobility in a great Council; where, as if he had turned perfect English-man, he conformed his practice to their ancient constitutions.
14. Should I interpose between these opposite parties, to reconcile them; probably the blows from both sides would fall heavy on my charitable indiscretion. Yet thus far I will be bold to say, such confirmation of King Edward 's law (if made by King William) probably was rather oral and verbal, then real and effectual. But if real, certainly it was not general, but limited to some particular place, as the Province of Kent, the English land of Goshen, which alone enjoyed the light of liberty, though rather gotten by them, then given unto them. But if any will contend, that this confirmation was general, they must confess it done in the later end of his Reign. King William, when young, loved honor; when old, ease: when young, to conquer; when old, to enjoy. Age will make all to stoop, as here it bowed him to a better compliance with his people. However, this his confirmation of King Edward 's Laws, was not such as either gave general content to, or begat assured confidence in the English: perchance, because but a personal act, and but partially done, and no whit obligatory of his posterity. This made the English press so importunately (though in vain) to William Rufus, the King's son, and successor, for a re-confirmation of King Edward 's Laws, which had been needless (as being the same with actum agere, or rather dacum petere) had the former grant from King William his father been conceived sufficient for their security.
15. As for King William 's particular bounty to Battle-Abby in Sussex, (which he founded) it bare better proportion to the dignity of the giver, then to the deserts of the receivers. For (besides those privileges formerly mentioned) he gave it all the land within a league of the site thereof. He ordered that no foreigner should be obtruded on their Abbey, but in every vacancy, one of their own Covent should be elected Abbot thereof; except (which heavens forbid) no fit person should be found therein for that preferment. Nor should the Abbot be forced to appear at any Synod, or meeting, except pleased of himself so to do. These, and many moe immunities he confirmed to that foundation, in such an imperious style, as if therewith he meant to bluster all future Princes (and King Henry the eighth among the rest) into a perfect obedience unto his commands. Especially with that clause in his Charter, Nullus Successorum meorum violare praesumat. But dead King's Charters, though they have tongues to threaten, yet have no teeth to bite, especially when meeting with an equal after-power to rescind them.
16. The more the pity, that such drones, lazy Abby-lubbers went away with the honey, whilst the industrious Bees were almost starved. I mean, the Scholars of Oxford. For, at the coming in of the Conqueror, the Students in University-College (formerly founded by King Alfred) were maintained by pensions, yearly paid them out of the King 's Exchequer: which provision was then conceived, both most honorable, as immediately depending on the Crown, and less troublesome, issuing out in ready coin, free from vexatious suits, casualties of Tenants, and other incumbrances. But now King William, who loved that the tide of wealth should flow into, but not ebb out of his coffers, detained, and denied their exhibitions. Yea, the King picked a quarrel with them, because they sought to preserve, and propagate the English tongue, which the King designed to suppress, and to reduce all to the French Language. And yet the French speech was so far from final prevailing in this Kingdom, that it was fain at last to come to a composition with the English tongue, mixed together, as they remain at this day. Save that in terms of Law, Venarie, and Blazon, the French seemeth folly to command. The Scholars, thus deprived of their pensions, lived on the charity of such as loved the continuance of their native tongue. Their Latin was then maintained by their English: though surely it was no small disturbance to their studies, merely to depend for their subsistence, on the arbitrary alms of others.
17. Pass we now from King William unto Lanckfranck Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, next the King, then the most considerable person in our Ecclesiastical History. To Rome he went with Thomas, elect of York, and Remigius of Lincoln, all three for confirmation from the Pope in their preferment. Pope Alexander treated Lanckfranck so civilly, that a stranger, if beholding the passages betwixt them, haply might have mistook Lanckfranck for the Pope, and the Pope for the Petitioner. His Highness honored him as his Master, cujus studio sumus in illis quae scimus imbuti; by whose care (said he) we have been instructed in those things whereof we have knowledge.
18. Then Lanckfranck charged Thomas in the presence of the Pope, as canonically uncapable of that Arch-Bishopric, because the son of a Priest. And yet by Lanckfrancks leave, no Canon can be produced then in force, to debar Priests sons from preferment, though some few years after in the Council of Clermont such a prohibition was made. And therefore Eadmerus, speaking of Lanckfranck, calumniatus est Thomam coram Papâ, in the proper acception of his words, speaks more truth then he was aware of, or probably did intend. But Lanckfranck, being a Privado to the Popes projects, and as well to the intentions, as the actions of the Church of Rome; might by a Prolepsis antedate this objection against Thomas, using it for the present as a rub to retard him, which some years after was constituted a legal obstacle, to exclude any Priests son from promotion. But, even when that Canon some years after was made, the Pope was not so cruel, as thereby fully, and finally to exclude all Priests sons from Church dignity, but only to shut them out for a time, that they might stand at the door and knock, (I mean with the chink of their money) and at last be let in when they had paid dear for a dispensation.
19. Lanckfranck likewise charged Remigius, elect of Lincoln, as irregular, because guilty of Simony. Yet he did not tax him with a penny of money, either paid or contracted for, only charged him that officio emerar, by service-Simony he had purchased the place of King William; so that his officiousness to comply with the Kings pleasure, had made him injurious, and vexatious unto the people. Here all things were referred to Lanckfrancks own arbitration; whom the Pope, of an accuser made a Judge; so far as either to admit or exclude the aforesaid Prelates; affirming, that if any unworthiness crept into English preferment, be it charged on Lanckfranck his account, whom he made sole judge of men's merits to any promotion.
20. But all is well, that ends well; and so did this contest. Lanckfranck, having first given them a taste of his power, did afterwards give them a cast of his pity, and favourably accepted them both into their places. Hence they all post homewards, where we leave Lanckfranck safely arrived, and foundly employed in variety of business.
1. In asserting the superiority of his See above York.
2. In defending his Tenants, in what Diocese soever, from the visitations of their respective Bishops, which gave the first original to Peculiars.
3. In repairing his Church of Canterbury, lately much defaced with fire.
4. In casting out Secular Priests, and substituting Monks in their room.
5. Lastly, in recovering lands long detained from his See.
Nor was he affrighted with the heighth and greatness of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux (though half-brother to King William, and Earl of Kent) but wrestled a fair fall with him, in a legal trial, and cast him flat on his back, regaining many Lordships, which Odo had most unjustly invaded. Such as desire more of Lanckfranck his character, let them consult Eadmerus, a Monk of Canterbury, and therefore prodigal in Lanckfrancks praise, an Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and great promoter of monastical life. Indeed there was a design, driven on by Walkeline, Bishop of Winchester (who had privately wrought the King to abet it) to reinduce Secular Priests into Monks places, till Lanckfranck, getting notice, defeated the plot; procuring, that all such Monks, whom he had first fastened in their Covents, were afterwards riveted therein by Papal authority.
21. About this time a constitution was made, that Bishops should remove their Sees, from petty towns to populous places. This reason being rendered for their removal, Ne vilesceret Episcopalis dignitas, by their long living in so little villages. Such Bishops Churches could not properly be called Cathedrals, who fate not upon chairs, but low stools, so inconsiderably small were some places of their residences. A fair candle-stick, advantageously set, in some sense may be said to give light to the candle itself; and Episeopal luster will be the brighter, if placed in eminent Cities. Besides, Bishops having now gotten Canon-Law, and distinct Courts by themselves, much people repaired unto their Consistories, which conveniently could not be accommodated in little villages, but required bigger places for their better entertainment. In order to this command, the Bishop of Dorchester, near Oxford, removed to Lincoln; as somewhat before, Selsey was translated to Chichester; and Sherborne to Sarisbury; and, not long after, Thetford to Norwich. Now, as these Cities, to which they removed, being great before, grew greater afterwards: so those places which they left, Dorchester (and Selsey especially) decayed to contemptible villages, it faring with places, as with persons; the rich grow richer still, and the meaner are daily diminished,
22. As these Bishops accounted themselves well busied, in removing their Bishoprics: so some, I am sure, were ill employed in endeavoring to remove a good Bishop, I mean Wolstan, from his Church of Worcester. As the Poëts saign of Janus, that he had two faces, because living before, and after the flood: so this Wolstan may be charactered accordingly, made Bishop before, but continuing his place long after the Norman inundation. But, in what sense soever he may be said to have two faces, he had but one heart, and that a single and sincere one to God, and all goodness; yet his adversaries heaved at him, to cast him out of his Bishopric (because an Englishman of the old stamp) but he fate safe, right-poised therein, with his own gravity and integrity. And, being urged to resign his staff and ring, (ensigns of his Epifcopacy) he refused to surrender them to any man alive, but willingly offered them up at the Tomb of Edward the Confessor, from whom he received them. This his gratitude to his dead Patron, and candid simplicity in neglecting the pomp of his place, procured him much favor, and occasioned his peaceable confirmation in his Bishopric.
23. At this time several Liturgies were used in England, which caused confusion, and much disturbed men's devotions. Yea, which was worse, a brawl, yea, a battle happ'ned betwixt the English Monks of Glassenbury, and Thurstan, their Norman Abbot, in their very Church, obtruding a Service upon them, which they dislik'd. Unfit persons to fight (being by their profession men of peace) and unfitter the place for a quarrel. Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? saith S t Paul to the Corinthians, or despise ye the Church of God? Was there no other room in their Covent, for them to fall out, and fight in, but their Church alone? Here was an Holy War indeed, when Church-forms, candle-sticks, and Crucifixes, were used for shields, by the Monks, against the Abbot's armed-men, brought in against them. Nor was Holy-water only, but much blood spilled in the place; eight Monks being wounded, and two slain (or if you will sacrificed) near the steps of the High Altar. But this accident, ill in itself, was then conceived good in the event thereof, because occasioning a settlement, and uniformity of Liturgy all over England. For hereupon Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, devised that Ordinary, or form of Service, which hereafter was observed in the whole Realm: his Churches practice being a precedent, and the devotion therein a direction to all others. Hence forward the most ignorant Parish-Priest in England (though having no more Latin in all his treasury) yet understood the meaning of, Secundum usum Sarum, that all Service must be ordered, According to the course and oustome of Salisbury Church.
24. I find no Jews in England (no deviation I hope from ChurchHistory, to touch at the Synagogue) before the Reign of the Conqueror, who brought many from Roan in Normandy, and settled them in London, Norwich, Cambridge, Northampion, &c. In what capacity these Jews came over, I find not; perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed English men's goods, which Christians would not meddle with. Sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by Conquest (such as King William then made) is like an Inn entertaining all adventurers; and it may be these Jewish bankers assisted the Conqueror with their coin. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in England) grew rich by usury (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all) so that in the barest pasture (in which a Christian would starve) a Jew would grow fat, he bites so close unto the ground. And ever low down their backs, is part of God's curse upon the Jews. And crook-backed men, as they eye the earth, the center of wealth; so they quickly see (what straight persons pass by) and easily stoop to take up that they find thereon; and therefore no wonder, if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William favored them very much; and Rusiu, his Son, much more; especially, if that speech reported of him be true, that he should swear by S t Lake 's face (his common oath) if the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect.
25. Now was the time come of King Williams death, ending his days in Normandy. But see the unhappiness of all human felicity; for, his breath, and his servants forsook him both together; the later leaving him, as if his body should bury itself. How many hundreds held land of him in Knightsservice? whereas now, neither Knight, nor Esquire to attend him. At last, with much ado, his corps are brought in mean manner to be interred in Cane. As they were prepared for the earth, a private person forbids the burial, till satisfaction was made unto him, because the King had violently taken from him that ground, on which that Church was erected. Doth not Solomon say true, A living dog is better then a dead lion; when such a little curr durst snarl as the corps of a King, and a Conqueror? At last the Monks of Cane made a composition, and the body was buried. And, as it was long before this Kings corps could get peaceable possession of a grave: so since by a firm ejection he hath been outed of the fame. When French soldiers Anno Domini 1562. (amongst whom some English were mingled) under Chattllion conducting the remnant of those which escaped in the battle of Dreux, took the City of Cane, in his way (out of pretence, forfooth, to seek for some treasure supposed to be hid in his Tomb) most baratously and cowardly brake up his coffin, and cast his bones out of the same.
26. William the Conqueror left three sons, Robert, William, and Henry: and, because hereditary sir-names were not yet fixed in families, they were thus denominated, and distinguished;
1. The eldest from his goods of fortune (to which clothes are reduced) Robert Curthose, from the short hose he wore; not only for fancy, but sometime for need, cutting his coat according to his clothe: his means, all his life long, being scant and necessitous.
2. The second from the goods of his body, viz. a ruddy complexion, William Rufus, or, Red. But, whether a lovely, and amiable; or ireful, and choleric Red, the Reader on perusal of his life, is best able to decide.
3. The third from the goods of his mind, and his rich abilities of learning, Henry Beauclerke, or, the good scholar.
The middlemost of these, William Rufus, presuming on his brother Roberts absence in Normandy, and pretending his Father got the Crown by Conquest, which by will he bequeathed unto him (his eldest brother being then under a cloud of his Fathers displeasure) adventured to possess himself of the Kingdom.
27. On the Twentie sixth of September, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with good Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, assisting him, Crowned Rufus King of England, though but his Fathers second son. And indeed, the known policy of the former, and the reputed piety of the latter, were the best supporters of his title. Jacob, we know (acted with a prophetical spirit) guiding his hands wittingly, laid his right on Ephraim the younger, and his left on Manasseh the elder brother: but, what warrant these Bishops had to invert, and transpose natures method, by preferring the younger brother, before the elder, was best known to themselves. Under Lanckfranck he had his education, who made him a Knight, though it had been more proper for his Tutors profession, yea, and more for his credit, and his Pupils profit, if he (as the instrument) had made him a good Christian.
28. He began very bountifully, but on another man's cost; not as a Donor, but a Dealer thereof, and Executor of his Fathers Will. To some Churches he gave ten mark, to others six, to every country village five shillings, besides an hundred pound to every County, to be distributed among the poor. But afterward he proved most parcimonious, though no man more prodigal of never performed promises. Indeed Rehoboam, though simple, was honest, speaking to his Subjects, though foolishly, yet truly according to his intent, that his finger should be heavier then his fathers loins: Whereas Rufus was false in his proceedings, who, on the imminence of any danger or distress (principally to secure himself against the claim of his brother Robert) instantly to oblige the English, promised them the releasing of their taxes, and the restoring of the English Laws: but, on the sinking of the present danger, his performance sunk accordingly; no letter of the English Laws restored, or more mention thereof, till the returning of the like Statestorme, occasioned the reviving of his promise; and alternately, the clearing up of the one, deadened the performance of the other.
29. This year died Lanckfranck, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: after whose death, the King seised the profits of that See, into his own hand, and kept the Church vacant for some years; knowing, the emptiness of Bishoprics caused the fullness of his coffers. Thus Arch-Bishop Rufus, Bishop Rufus, Abbot Rufus (for so may he be called, as well as King Rufus; keeping at the same time the Arch-Bishopric of Canterbury, the Bishoprics of Winchester, and Durham, and thirteen Abbeys in his hand) brought a mass of money into his Exchequer. All places which he parted with, was upon present payment. Simon Magus with his hands full of money, would carry anything from Simon Peter, with his Silver and gold have I none. Yea, John Bishop of Wells, could not remove his feat to Bath, nisi albo unguento manibus Regis delibatis, unless he had moist'ned the Kings hands with white ointment; though a less proportion, of a yellow color, would have been more sovereign to the same use. And picking a quarrel with Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln, about the founding of his Cathedral, he forced him to buy his peace, at the price of a thousand marks.
30. But in the midst of his mirth, King Rufus, coming to Gloucester, fell desperately sick, and began to bethink himself of his ill-led life. As all aches, and wounds prick, and pain most the nearer it draweth to night; so, a guilty conscience is most active to torment, men, the nearer they conceive themselves approaching to their death. Hereupon he resolveth to restore all ill-gotten goods, release all persons unjustly imprisoned, and supply all empty places with able Pastors. In pursuance hereof, he made Anselm (the Abbot of Beck in Normandy) one of eminent learning, and holiness of life, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; which place he was hardly persuaded, with much importunity, to accept. The first eminent act, of his Archiepiscopal office, which we find, was, when preaching at the Court on Ash-wednesday, he denied Ashes and Absolution to all those Courtiers, who affected effeminateness in their behavior; especially, in wearing their hair long, and kemb'd like women. A sin, no doubt; for, whereas Tertullian calls the length of women's hair, Sarcinam suae humilitatis, the same in men (so promiscuously worn) may be called, Sarcina suae superbiae.
31. There passeth a memorable expression of Anselm 's, cried up, and commended by some, for a master-piece of devotion; namely, That he had rather be in hell without sin, then in heaven with sin; which others condemn as an unfavoury speech, not according to Scripture-phrase, as from one not sufficiently acquainted with the justisication of a Christian man. Indeed, some high-flown expressions often knock at the door of blasphemy, but yet not with any intention to enter in thereat; in which we are more to mind the sense, then the found of the words. Amongst those may this of Anselm 's be ranked, uttered no doubt in a zealous detestation of sin; yea, which charitably may be desended in the very letter thereof. For, Adam (we know) was some while in Paradise (Heavens suburbs) after the eating of the forbidden-fruit, yet was sensible of no pleasure therein, which made him hide himself, as prosecuted by his guilty conscience: and some of the Ancients conceive, that Christ went locally to hell, yet no pain did feife on him there, seeing sorrow can arrest none, but at the suit of sin going before.
32. But, to leave Anselm 's words, let us come to his deeds. Who was scarce warm in his Arch-Bishopric, when the King sent to him for a thousand pound; which sum, being so small in itself (Rufus usually demanding more of less Bishoprics) and that after his entrance on his See, free from any precontract, might have passed without the suspicion of Simony, under the notion of a mere gratuity. However, Aaselme refused to pay it, because he would avoid the appearance of evil. Others say, that he freely sent the King five hundred pounds, with this complement; that, though it was the first, it should not be the last he would present to his Majesty: which the King in choler refused, because short to the sum he expected. Indeed, Rufus only retained this, of all his Archiepiscopal education (being bred under Lanckfranck, as is aforesaid) that thereby he experimentally knew the sweetness of Church-preferments; and in his bargain and sale, set a rate upon them accordingly, being after his recovery from his sickness, far more fordid, and sacrilegious then before.
33. Amongst the many Simoniacal Prelates that swarmed in the land, Herbert Bishop of Thetford, must not be forgotten; nick-named (or surnamed shall I say?) Loseng, that is, the Flatterer; our old English word leasing, for lying, retains some affinity thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating fellow, a Glozing companion. Though the best perswafiveness of his flattery, consisted in down-right arguments of gold, and silver. For, guilty of the hereditary sin of Simony (his father formerly having bought the Abby of Ramsey) he purchased the Bishopric of Thetford of the King. But afterward he posted to Rome, confessed his fault, and was absolved from the guilt thereof. Thus, as the leprofie of Naaman was washed away in Jordan, so that his flesh came again as the flesh of a little child, and he was clean: so this Bishop was persuaded, that all his Simoniacal corruption was cleansed, in this his holy pilgrimage, conceiving himself henceforward to begin on a new account of integrity, especially having, after his return, removed his Episcopal Seat from The • ford to Norwtch, where he first founded the Cathedral.
34. wolstan, the venerable Bishop of worcester, left this life. A Bishop of the old edition, unacquainted with Lanckfranck's Italian additions; not faulty in his conversation, but Country, because an Englishman borne. It was laid to his charge, that he could not speak French (no essential quality in a Bishop, as S t Paul describes him) sure I am, he could speak the language of Caanan, humble, holy, heavenly discourse. A mortified man much macerating his body with fasting, and watching, if not overacting his part, and somewhat guilty of will-worship therein.
35. About this time began the Holy War, which here we will not repeat, having sormerly made an entire work thereof. Robert, Duke of Normandy, to fit himself for that voyage, sold his Dukedom to King William Rufus for ten thousand mark, say some; for six thousand, six hundred; sixty six pounds, that is, one mark less, say others; haply, abating the odd mark, to make up the rotundity of so sacred, and mystical a number. To pay this money, King Rufus laid a general, and grievous tax over all the Realm, extorting it with such severity, that the Monks were fain to sell the Church-plate, and very Chalices, for discharging thereof. Wonder not, that the whole land should be impoverished with the paying of so small a sum; for, a little wool is a great deal, when it must be taken from a new-shorn sheep: so pilled and polled were all people before, with constant exactions. Such, whom his hard usage forced beyond the seas, were recalled by his Proclamation; So that his heavy leavies would not suffer them to live here, and his hard Laws would not permit them to depart hence. And, when the Clergy complained unto him, to be eased of their burdens; I beseech you (said he) have ye not coffins of gold and silver for dead men's bones? intimating that the same treasure might otherwise be better employed.
36. The streams of discord began now to swell high, betwixt the King and Arch-Bishop Anselm; flowing principally from this occasion. At this time there were two Popes together, so that the Eagle with two heads, the Arms of the Empire, might now as properly have fitted the Papacy for the present. Of these, the one [Guibertus] I may call the Lay-Pope, because made by Henry the Emperor; the other [Urban] the Clergy-Pope, chosen by the Conclave of Cardinals. Now, because like unto like, King William sided with the former, whilst Anselm as earnestly adhered to Urban, in his affections, desiring to receive his Pall from him, which the King resused to permit. Hereupon Anselm appealed to his Pope, whereat King William was highly offended.
37. But, because none are able so emphatically to tell their stories, and plead their causes, as themselves, take them in them in their own words;
The King Objected.
The custom from my Father's time, hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the Pope, without the Kings license. He that breaketh the customs of my Realm, violateth the power, and Crown of my Kingdom. He that violateth, and taketh away my Crown, is a Traitor, and enemy against me.
Anselm Answered.
The Lord hath discussed this question. Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and unto God the things that are God's. In such things as belong to the terrene dignities of temporal Princes, I will pay my obedience; but Christ said, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, &c. Whose Vicar he ought to obey in spiritual matters, and the fetching of his Pall was of that nature.
At last an expedient was found out, that Anselm should not want his Pall, nor fetch it himself from Rome, being by the King's consent brought to him by Gwalther, Pope Urban 's Legate (whom the King at last was fain to acknowledge) and so all things for the present reconciled.
38. But the wound betwixt them was rather skinned over, then perfectly healed; and afterwards brake out again, the King taking occasion of displeasure at Anselm's backwardness to assist him, in his expedition into Wales. Whereupon Anselm desired a second journey to Rome, there to bemoan, and probably, to relieve himself by complaint to the Pope. But the King stopped his voyage; affirming, that Anselm had led so pious a life, he need crave no absolution at Rome; and was so well stored with learning, that he needed not to borrow any counsel there. Yea, said the King, Urban had rather give place to the wisdom of Anselm, then Anselm have need of Urban. In fine, after much contesting, Anselm secretly stole out of the Realm, and the King seized all his goods, and lands into his own coffers. Three years was he in exile, sometimes at Lions, sometimes at Rome; welcome wheresoever he came, and very serviceable to the Church by his pious living, painful preaching, learned writing, and solid disputing, especially in the general Council of Bar, where he was very useful in confuting, and condemning the errors of the Greek-Church, about the Procession of the Holy Spirit.
39. King Rufus was a hunting in New-Forest, which was made by King William, his Father; not so much out of pleasure, or love of the game; as policy to clear, and secure to himself, a fair and large landing-place, for his forces out of Normandy, if occasion did require. Here then was a great devastation of Towns, and Temples; the place being turned into a wilderness for Men, to make a Paradise for Deer. God seemed displeased hereat, for (amongst other Tragedies of the Conquerors family, acted in this place) Rufus was here slain, by the glancing of an arrow shot by S r Walter Tirrel. An unhappy name to the Kings of England; this man casually, and another willfully (S r James Tirrel employed in the murthering of King Edward the fifth) having their hands in royal blood. Now it is seasonably remembered, that some years since, this King William had a desperate disease, whereof he made but bad use, after his recovery; and therefore now, Divine Justice would not the second time, send him the summons of a solemn visitation by sickness, but even surprised him by a sudden, and unexpected death.
40. Thus died King William Rufus, leaving no issue, and was buried (faith my Author) at Winchester, multorum Procerum conventu, paucorum vero planctu; many Noble-men meeting, but few mourning at his funerals. Yet some, who grieved not for his death, grieved at the manner thereof; and of all mourners Anselm, though in exile in France, expressed most cordial sorrow at the news of his death. A valiant and prosperous Prince, but condemned by Historians for covetousness, cruelty, and wantonness, though no woman by name is mentioned for his Concubine; probably, because thrifty in his lust, with mean, and obscure persons. But, let it be taken into serious consideration, that no pen hath originally written the life of this King, but what was made by a Monkish pen-knife; and no wonder, if his picture seem bad, which was drawn by his enemy. And he may be supposed to fare the worse, for his opposition to the Romish usurpation; having this good quality, to suffer none but himself, to abuse his Subjects, stoutly resisting all payments of the Popes imposing. Yea, (as great an enemy as he was conceived to the Church) he gave to the Monks called De Charitate, the great new Church of S t Savior's in Bermondsey, with the Manor thereof, as also of Charlton in Kent.
41. Henry Beauclarke, his brother, succeeded him in the Throne, one that crossed the common Proverb, The greatest Clerks are not the wisest men, being one of the most profoundest Scholars, and most politick Princes in his generation. He was Crowned about four days after his brothers death. At that time, the present providing of good swords, was accounted more essential to a Kings Coronation, then the long preparing of gay clothes. Such preparatory pomp as was used in after-ages at this Ceremony, was now conceived, not only useless, but dangerous, speed being safest to supply the vacancy of the Throne. To ingratiate himself to the English, he instantly, and actually repealed (for his brother William had put all the Land out of love, and liking of fair promises) the cruel Norman Laws. Laws written in blood, made more in favor of Deer, then of Men; more to manifest the power, and pleasure of the imposer, then for the good, and protection of the Subject; wherein, sometimes, men's mischances were punished, for their misdeeds. Yea, in a manner King Heary gave eyes to the blind in winternights; I mean, light to them who fomerly lived (though in their own houses) in uncomfortable darkness, after eight a clock; when heretofore the Curseu-bell did ring the knell of all the fire, and candle-light in English families. But now these rigorous Edicts were totally repealed; the good, and gentle Laws of Edward the Confessor generally revived; the late Kings extorting Publican's (whereof Ranulf Flambard, Bishop of Durham, the principal) closely imprisoned; the Court-corruption, by the Kings command, studiously reformed; adultery (then grown common) with the loss of virility, severely punished; Anselm from exile speedily recalled; after his return, by the King heartily welcomed; by the Clergy, solemnly and ceremoniously received; he to his Church; his lands, and goods to him fully restored; English and Normans lovingly reconciled; all interests, and persons seemingly pleased; Robert, the Kings elder brother (though absent in the Holy-Land) yet scarcely missed; and so this Century, with the first year of King Hearie 's reign, seasonably concluded.
CENT. XII.
JOHANNI FITZ-JAMES DE LEUSTON, In Com. Dorset. ARMIG.
NOn desunt in hoc nostro saeculo, qui Librorum Dedicationes pene ducunt superstitiosum, plane superfluum; sic enim argutuli ratiocinantur. Liber, si bonus, Patrono non indiget, sno Marte pergat; sin malus, Patrono ne sit dedecori, suo merito pereat.
Habeo tamen quod huic dilemmati possim regerere. Liber Meus, nec bonus nec malus, sed quiddam medium inter utrumque. Bonum, ipse non ausum pronuntiare, cum plurimis Mendis Laboret: Malum, alii [spero] non dijudicent; cum Legentibus possit esse usui.
Sub hác dubiâ Conditione, vel Adversariis nostris Judicibus, opus hoc nostrum, Patronum sibi asciscere, & potest & debet; Et sub alis Clientelae tuae qui tam MARTE praestas quàm MERCURIO, foveri serìo triumphat.
1. GRrave Anselm Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, espoused and married Maud (daughter of Malcolme King of the Scots, and S t Margaret his wife) to Henry King of England. She had been a professed Votary, and was pressed by the importunity of her parents and friends, for Politick ends, to this marriage; insomuch as in the bitterness of her soul, (able to appale the writer hereof, seeing his ink out-blacked with her expression) she devoted the fruit of her body to the Devil, because they would not permit her to perform her promise of Virginity. Thus Matthew Paris. But the Reader reserveth his other ear for the relation of Eadmerus, reporting this story after a different, yea contrary manner, as followeth.
2. The aforesaid Maud, when a Girle, lived under the tuition and correction of Christian her Aunt, and Abbess of Wilton, at what time the Norman soldiers conquering the Kingdom, did much destroy, and more endanger virgins by their violence. Christian therefore to preserve this her Neete, clapt a black clothe on her head, in imitation of a Nuns veil, which she unwillingly ware in the presence of her Aunt, but in her absence off it went, from above her head, to under her heals, so that in despightful manner, she used to tread and trample upon it. Yea, if Malcolme her father, chanced to behold her, wearing that mock-veil, with rage he would rend it off, cursing the causers of it, and avowing, that he intended her no votary, but a wife to Count Alan. Besides, two grave Arch-Deacons, sent down to Wilton to inquire into the matter reported, that for ought they could learn from the Nuns there, this Maud was never solemnly entered into their order. Hereupon a Council was called of the English Clergy, wherein some grave men attested of their own knowledge, that at the Norman conquest, to avoid the fury of the soldiery, many maids out of fear, not affection; for protection, not piety; made a Cloister their refuge, not their choice; were Nuns in their own defense, running their heads, (but without their hearts) into a veil. And in this case it was resolved by learned Lanckfranck, that such virgins were bound, by an extraordinary obligation above other women
which is in effect, that they must be chaste wives, though they need not be constant maids. These things alleged and proved, Anselm pronounced the Nunship of Maud of none effect, and solemnly married her to King Henry. However, some infer the unlawfulness of this match, fron the unhappiness of their children, all their issue male coming to untimely deaths. But sad events may sometimes be improved by men's censures, further then they were intended by God's Justice; and it is more wisdom, seriously to observe them to the instructing of ourselves, then rigidly to apply them to the condemning of others. The rather, because Maud the Empress, their sole surviving child, seemed by her happiness to make reparation for the infelicity of all the rest.3. Next year a more solemn Synod was summoned by Anselm, with the Kings consent, held at Westminster; whereat, besides Bishops, were present at Anselm's request, from the King, the chief Lay-Lord's of the Land; and this Reason rendered. Forasmuch as that whatsoever should be determined by the Authority of the said Council, might be ratified, and observed by the joint care and solicitousness of both estates. But whether the Lord's were present, as bare spectators and witnesses to attest the fair Transaction of matters, (which some will conceive to little) or whether they had a power to vote therein (which others will adjudg too much) is not clearly delivered. Here we insert the constitutions of this Synod. And let none say, that it is vain to look after the Cobwebs, when the besom of Reformation hath swept them away; seeing the knowledge of them conduce much to the understanding of that Age.
1. That the Heresy of Simony be severely punished, for which several Abbots were then and there deposed.
2. That Bishops undertake not the Office of secular Pleas, wearing an habit beseeming Religious Persons, and not be like Lay-men in their Garments; and that always, and everywhere, they have honest persons witnesses of their Conversation.
3. That no Arch-Deaconries be let out to farm.
4. That all Arch-Deacons be Deacons.
5. That no Arch-Deacon, Priest, Deacon, or Canon marry a wife, or retain one being married unto him: and that every sub-Deacon, who is not a Canon, if he have married after his Profession made of Chastity, be bound by the same Rule.
Here what a grave Author, almost of the same Age, saith of this Constitution. Hoc quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, ne dum munditias viribus majores Sacerdotes appeterent, in immunditias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent. And as Jordan wanting a Vent or Influx, (like other Rivers) into the Ocean, loseth its Current at last in a filthy lake, or dead sea of its own making: So it was to be feared, that these men, now debar'd that remedy for their weakness, which God, who best knew the Constitution of his own Creatures, hath Provided, settled themselves in some unclean ways, and most mortal filthiness occasion by this prohibition.
6. That a Priest so long as he keeps unlawful Conversation with a Woman. (understand his own Wife) is not legal, nor rightly celebrateth the Mass; nor is his Mass to be heard if he celebrate it.
7. That none be admitted to the Order of Sub-Deacon, or upwards, without the profession of Chastity.
8. That the Sons of Priests be not made heirs to the Church of their Fathers.
9. That no Clerks be Provosts or Proctors of Secular matters, or JUDGES IN BLOUD.
This is the reason saith the Appendix to Harpsfield (reporting is no approving of his judgment) why Bishops being arraigned for their Lives, are not to be tried by their Peers, but by a jury of ordinary men; because debarred by their Canons to be Judges of Lay-Peers in like cases, and therefore it was conceived unfitting that they should receive that honor, which they could not return.
10. That Priests should not go to Public Drinkings, nec ad pinnas bibant, not drink at Pins.
This was a Dutch trick (but now used in England) of Artificial Drunkenness, out of a Cup marked with certain Pins, and he accounted the Man, who could nick the Pin, drinking even unto it; whereas to go above or beneath it, was a forfeiture.
11. That the Garments of Clergy-men be of one color, and their Shooes according to order.
12. That Monks and Clerks that have cast off their Order, either return thereto or be excommunicated.
13. That Clerks have CROWNS PATENT, so that their shaving be conspicuous to the beholder.
14. That Tythes be given to none but to Churches.
15. That Churches or Prebends be not bought.
16. That new Chapels be not made without the consent of the Bishop.
17. That no Church be Consecrated, until necessaries be provided for the Priest and Church.
18. That Abbots make no Knights, and that they eat and sleep in the same house with their Monks, except some necessity forbid.
It appeareth it was the Ancient Custom of Abbots in this Age to make Knights. Thus Brando the Abbot of S t Edmunds-bury, Knighted Heward his Nephew, having first confessed his sins, and received absolution, Indeed in those days men's minds were so possessed, that they thought nothing well and fortunately done; but what came from Church-men. Whereupon he that was to be made a Knight, first offered his sword upon the Altar, and after the Gospel read, the Priest put the sword first hallowed, upon the Knights neck with his Benedictum, and so having heard Mass again, and received the Sacrament, he became a lawful Knight. And seeing the HOLY WAR now was begun, no wonder if Church-men made Knights: And that Age conceived that a Knights Sword dipt in Holy water was well tempered, and became true metal indeed: Why Abbots were now prohibited to confer this honor, the cause is not rendered; Whether because it made KNIGHTWOOD too common, or that this Priviledg was reserved only for higher Prelates, such as Bishop and Arch-Bishop were, or that it was an encroachment upon the Royal dignity, it being as proper for Kings to ordain Priests, as for Abbots to dub Knights. This is most sure, that notwithstanding this Canon, King Henry the first, some years after granted, and King John confirmed to the Abbot of Reading, the power of Knighting persons, with some cautions of their behavior therein.
19. That Monks enjoin no Penance to any, without permission of their Abbot, and that only to such persons, whereof they have cure of Souls.
20. That Monks and Nuns be not God-fathers or God-mothers.
21. That Monks hold no Lands in Farm.
22. That Monks take no Churches by the Bishops, and that they spoil not such as are given unto them of the Revenues, but so that the Priests serving in those Cures, and the Churches might be provided with necessaries.
23. That Faith in way of marriage, pledged secretly and without witness, betwixt man and woman, be of no effect if either party do deny it.
24. That Criniti, such as wear long hair be so shaven, that part of their Ears may appear, and their Eyes not be covered.
Criniti are opposed to Tonsi, extended to all Lay-persons. If any demand how it came within the cognizance of the Church to provide about their trimming, (which might well have been left to the parties pleasure, and his Barbars skill) know this Canon was built on the Apostles Words, doth not even nature itself teach you, that if a man have long hair it is a shame unto him. And the Church forbad whatsoever was a Trespass against Christian decency. Gildas giveth this Character of the Picts: Furciferos magis vultus pilos quam Corporum pudenda vestibus tegentes, that they covered rather their Thievish Eyes with their hair, then their shame with Cloaths: which Ruffin-like custom of long hair now used by the Normans, was here justly restrained.
25. That parties akin to the Seventh Generation be not coupled in marriage; and that persons so coupled remain not in Marriage; and if any be privy to this Incest, and not declare it, let him know himself to be guilty of the same crime.
This brought much Grist to the Popes Mill for Dispensations. As secular Princes used to stop travellers on common Bridges, or at the entrance of Gates, not with intent finally to forbid their going further, but ot receive Tole or Custom for their passing by: So the Pope prohibited these degrees in marriage, not absolutely ot hinder such matches, but to receive large sums of money for his leave; after whose faculties obtained, if such marriage were against the Law of God, men did sin not with less guiltiness, but more Expences.
26. That the Bodies of the Dead be not carried to be buried out of their own Parishes, so that the Parish Priest should lose his due unto him.
27. That none out of a rash novelty, (which we know to have happened) exhibit reverence of Holiness to any Bodies of the Dead, fountains or other things, without Authority from the Bishop.
28. That none persume hereafter (what hitherto men used in England ) to sell Men like brute Beasts.
This Constitution, as all others, which concerned the Subjects Civil right, found not general obedience in the Kingdom. For the proceedings of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land; but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to secular Laws and national Customs. And the Laity, at pleasure, limited Canons in this behalf. Nor were such sales of servants, being men's proper goods, so weakened with this prohibition, but that long after they remained legal according to the Laws of the Land.
29. That the sin of Sodometry, both in Clergy and Laity, should be punished with heavy Censures.
Remarkable that the same Synod which forbad Priests Marriage, found it needful to punish Sodometry, an Italian Vice, beginning now to be naturaliz'd in England. For those who endeavor to make the way to heaven narrower then God hath made it, by prohibiting what he permits, do in event make the way to hell wider, occasioning the committing of such sins, which God hath forbidden. We may further observe, that the plaster now applied to the rotten sore of Sodometry, was too gentle, too narrow, and too little time laid on. Too gentle; for whereas the sin is conceived to deserve death, it was only slubber'd over, that the party convict of this Wickedness, if in Orders was admitted to no higher honor, and deposed from what he had, till restored again on his repentance. Too narrow, if it be true what one observes, that