Of the Head Cornerstone

was, as the Angel bad him do in the name of the Lord: namely to go and erect an Alter unto the Lord, in the threshing flower of Araunab or Ornan the Jebusite, where the Angel then was. In the success that David had from God, we are are first to see, how he followed the direction given him, wherein he had the success we speak off: then, the success he had therein. His direction he followed so well, that presently he went about it: and although the Jebusite would freely have given him the ground it self and Sacrifices too, yet David would not so, but would first give him the value threof, and so did; and then built his Alter there, and offered Sacrifices thereon. The success that he had therein, was, that the Lord did graciously accept of his offerings at that praesant, sending fire from heaven to receive them, as he did when the Tabernacle was first erected: and was so appeased towards the whole Land, that thenceforward the plague likewise ceased. The resolution of David hereupon was, that that place was the house of the Lord, or the place where he would be worshipped, or where the Temple was to be built: and so accordingly he forthwith set in hand to make provision. That little business that was occasioned by another, was that Adonijah, one of David's Sons, and as it seemeth the eldest of them now (of those that were left) with the advise and help of Joab David's chief Captain, and Abiathar the Priests, when David was laid and not like to continue, without the consent or priuity of David, began to usurp the Kingdom unto him: but when David heard of it, he appointed Solomon to be annointed King forthwith; and so did presently overthrow the usurpation of the other. In which Story it is not amiss more specially to note, first that Adonijah from his youth was so tenderly affected by his Father, that he could never find in his heart to displease him; and therefore less marvel, that now he could thus requite him again: then, that there is so diverse a placing of certain persons in this action, as if it were according to their regard of them, which is most like, thence also may we gather some piece of instruction. For in Adoniahs usurpation, and with Adonijah himself, Joab hath the first place, before Abiathar who joined with him also, and was then, as it is noted, the High Priest: and so it may become usurpers well, to regard Captains or Martial men most; [ F] which also is for the most part practiced by all politician worldlings besides. But in the end it had the success according. One the other side, when David would more orderly place Solomon in the Kingdom, he first placeth both Zadok the Priest, and Nathan the Prophet, before Benaiah then to be as in Joab's room: so placing them both before the Captain; and betwixt these two also, Zadok, though but one of the ordinary Priests then, before Nathan a special Prophet. And though Benaiah was of so special reckoning, that the Text it self doth set him elsewhere, before the Prophet and others of special account: yet there also doth it place Zadok before him, though, Abiathar being the High Priest then, he could be but of the second rank of the Priests.

8 These troubles of David being thus over-blown, and God vouchsafing him a little calm wherein to close up his life in the end, we are now to see the Story [ A] of it. But whereas it is the most usual manner of History, first to lay down the chief and principal matters thereof appertaining (and those according to the order of Story, so near as their own judgment doth serve them) and then to remember such others also, as might not so well come in before; seeing that here we have, in diverse things, the like order observed, it shall be good the same be accordingly followed: and so, first to consider of such things as we have in this part of his Story, that belonged to a former time; then, of those that did appertain to that present. Of those that belonged to a former time, some of them were such as did most concern the whole estate: and some again but particulars only, at least in comparison of the others. Of those likewise that concerned the whole, some did most respect the Civil estate: others, the Ecclesiastical rather. Those that did most respect the Civil estate, were some of them for times that were troublesome: others, for peaceable. For troublesome times he had in a readiness for every month in the year, a several Army of sour and twenty thousand men: and Captains or Leaders for them of special reckoning to such a purpose. Concerning whom, whereas they are specially named, & the total sum of them so gathered in the end, that it is not so ready to be perceived how the particulars and total agree, but that there be diverse opinions thereof, it seemeth to me we may best take them, as already some of good reckoning have done: namely (but then is the common translation sometimes to give place) that he which is vouchsafed the first place (but in the vulgar translation is not named but [ B] only described, but since is called Adino of Esni) must be the first, and Eleazar and Shammah, the residue of the first three, to whom the first place and greatest honor for worthiness is ascribed; and, that these were those three, that had broken thorough the Hoast of the Philistines, and had brought Water from the Well of Bethlehem for David to drink. Then, that Abishay, Benaiah, and Asahell, must be the next three, that are vouchsafed the second place for worthiness and valor. After whom, seeing we have thirty by name, and a known matter it was that Joab was one, and the chief of them all (else-where also named to be the Leader, though he be omitted here) if now we do but bring him to his company, so have we just thirty and seven, the very total that here is named, which many have much labored to find: Joab to be the General over them all; those six worthies that first are named to be next under him, and every of those six, having five of those thirty (with their forces and officers) next under them. But now it shall not be amiss to note some particulars here: one, out of them all; others, out of certain of them. Out of them all we may note thus much, both that David hath given good example to cherish expert and valorous men, even to the Son of Ahithophel his Mortall Enemy, and to the Armor-Bearer of Joab his Servant: and that when God was purposed to make him victorious, and to enlarge the bounds of his Kingdom, he furnished him with such as were for his purpose. Such as we gather of certain of them do all concern David one way or other: most of them indeed, to his commendation; but one of them, to his just reproof. To his commendation it was, that he could moderate his affections so well as diverse of them do witness he did: first in the Story of the first three worthies; then, in the Story of some of the thirty. In the Story of the first three worthies, the same that is noted before, namely, that he would not drink of any of that Water which so much he desired when he understood with what danger it was obtained for him: diverse of us making no conscience at all, if in our own minds we be something scanted, and not a few that have great plenty nevertheless to prey on the needful maintenance of the Ministry, thereby straining the blood of our Brethren, and those very many, thorough our greedy, cruel, and cursed teeth. In the Story of the thirty, that he could vouchsafe that place of honor to one of the Servants of Ioah, Joab himself being but one of his Servants, and the same so maisterfull as he was, as in the slaughter of Abner and Amasa it appeared, and David [ C] himself in the former of them complained, and afterward remembered both unto Solomon, and as some think, bewraying his secrets too in the cause of Uriah: and in like manner, that he could vouchsafe it unto the Son of Ahithophel (as there also we read that he did) if it were so that he enjoyed it after his Father had taken part with Absalom against him. For, the conspiracy of Absalom is taken to be but a little before the last year of David's reign: and this relation of those his woorthies seemeth to be of them as they stood a good while before, what time Achitophel himself, was in that near and honorable place with David. In which kind of cases our distemperature is such, that as in pride we disdain the meaner sort though otherwise their deserts may be good: so do we on stomach stand off from those, whose nearest friends have been against us. That other of them which 〈◊〉 to his just reproof, was, that he so made away Uriah, being, as it seemeth, the very same which is one of his worthies here: a sufficient pattern to show, how easily such perturbations in us, may work the ruin of those that have no way deserved, and otherwise ought to be dear unto us. David now through vicious lust (and of pride detesting the shame of his own ways) in bad manner contriving the death of a notable Soldier and Captain: and Alexander after, of insolent vanity (but Cup-shot withal) with his own hands slaying Clitus his dearest friend, and a notable Leader besides. For peaceable times he had Governors besides throughout them all; over every Tribe one: and indeed such as are Martial, are not lightly so meet for peaceable government; no more than such as meetest for peace, are but seldom meet for wars likewise. In those that respected the Ecclesiastical estate rather, we are first to consider of the main parts of the things themselves: and then of one particular thereunto appertaining. The main partes of the things themselves were that whereas now he understood, that shortly a Temple should be built, and the same in rare and sumptuous manner, and such as (for the beauty of it) should be of special note to all the Countries round about: he did in like manner think it meet, that there should be some such order taken for the Ministration or Service there to be done, as should be suitable to the excellency of the place it self. For the substance of it, God had taken order before, at the first erecting of the Tabernacle in [ D] the Wilderness: but since that time one great part of the Levites business became void, which was the carrying of the Tabernacle with them (too and fro as they had to journey) and all the implements thereunto appertaining. For now they had rest, and did not travel, but had a settled habitation: and so should the Temple be fixed too. So that the Levites were now delivered from all those burdens: and therefore might be otherwise employed, as the most honorable, and the best dispatch of the Service of God should then require. David therefore advising himself of some convenient order now, and conferring with the Prophets, Gad and Nathan therein, or those Prophets comminig unto him with such direction from the Lord (for afterward it is plainly said, that the order now taken, was of the Lord, and by the ministry of those two Prophets) gathering together the Princes of Israel, and the Priests, he caused all the Levites to be numbered from thirty year old and up-ward: and finding the number of them to amount to thirte and eyght thousand, he appointed four and twenty thousand of them, to the chief and principal service of the Temple that should be; and of the other fourteen thousand remaining, four thousand of them he appointed to adorn and help forward that Service by Music, both by voice and Instruments too, and other four thousand to be Porters and Keepers, to see to the safety of them all, and of all things unto the Temple belonging. And to the end that all these should perform their parts the better, everyone as his Lot should fall, or as otherwise he should be appointed, whereas yet there were of the whole sum six thousand remaining, those he appointed to be over-seers, and to judge and determine such matters as should fall out among them. Having thus made a general distribution of all, then come they to the several branches: and first to those that were to be occupied in the Service within; then, to those others that were to keep their watch abroad. Those that were to be occupied in the service within, were of two sorts: one company of them, as it were, about the substance of their business; another, about the manner of doing. The substance of their business was, to make oblation and sacrifices, to burn Incense, and such like, [ E] as by the Law was before appointed: withal which, by the nature of them, and with every of them, there was to go, either an acknowledging of their own guiltynesse and Prayer thereon; or the remembrance of some favor of God, and thanksgiving withal. But at this time it seemeth, it was farther appointed, that every Morning and Euening there should be some set Thanksgiving and praising of the Lord, and for all his favors and mercies towards them. The manner of doing these things afore-said, was to join Music withal. Unto the former of these were the Priests appointed; and the Singers unto the other: but to either of them did appertain other attendants; especially unto the Priests, who could never perform their duty but by the good help of those that did attend them, and often needed very many. First therefore, as touching the Priests, whereas there were found of Eleazar and Ithamar, those two Sons of Aaron that remained, sixteen Families of the former, and eyght of the latter, and so four and twenty in all: now he distributeth or divideth them all into four and twenty courses; and every of them to take their place therein by Lot. So that, whereas they had twelve months in the year, and these were four and twenty several Families of the Priests, none of them were either excluded from that dignity of serving in the house of the Lord, or anything at all burdened with it: coming to their course but twice in the year if they took but a sennight at once, and but once, if they took a fortnight. All which Families or courses, and every of them, were to be in like place now under the High Priest for the time being, as Eleazar and Ithamar were under Aaron their Father for his time: and to their better help in that their function, they had the rest of their Brethren thereunto appertaining sorted in unto them. Then as touching the Singers, or those that had the charge to furnish out the Service with Instrument and voice, as ever should be most seemly and meet, those also were divided into four and twenty courses or Families: a dozen of them, and their attendants, appertaining to every course. For albeit, that twelve of every course be only noted, and yet they were four thousand in all, seeing that twelve times four and twenty make but two hundred eighty and eyght, needs must there be many attendants besides, unto every of these appertaining. Those others that were to keep watch abroad, were most of them employed about the Gates or passages into the Temple: but some of [ F] them, about their Treasure also. In both which we find but the chief or principal named, and not their companies that they had in their service attending. For these also were four thousand; and yet have we no mention of the employment but of certain of them: but of four and twenty courses, as the others before. But here it is needful, that some-thing be said more specially of these, because the Text it self doth not so plainly set down the number of them as in the other: and those that do (that yet I have seen) agree not fully together. Cornelius Bertramus, and Carolus Sigonius, have both written of this matter: the one 1574. the other, 1582. Both which agree, that there were four and twenty courses of these also: but the particular sums of Sigonius are, seven, eyght, six, & four, which do exceed his own number by one. The other espied before, that by that reckoning there was one too many: and therefore putteth two of them in one, without any likely-hood of warrant that I do find, either in the Original it self, or in any other thereon. To show therefore how the reckoning may better be gathered by the Text it self, we are to note, that for the first seven, the Sons of Meshlemiah (whom Sigonius, without any warrant also that I do find, calleth Selemia) and of the last four, the Sons of Hosah, there is no question: the Text it self keeping account of them. So that all the question lieth betwixt the next eyght, the Sons of Obed-Edom, and the six that follow immediately after, the Sons of Shemaiah, the eldest Son of Obed-Edom: the eyght being numbered by the Text likewise; but not the six. Now because the eyght are numbered, it is easily conceived that they must all stand: and because the six are not, it seemeth that might be some part of the cause that Bertram made less conscience to put two of those in one. But if we look well unto it, we may soon perceive, that Shemaiah is the Man (the eldest Son of Obed-Edom) that must in this reckoning be left out, all those his six Sons being taken in. Neither may that be any derogation to him, when the leaving out of his own person is so richly recompensed in six of his Sons taken in, in his room: no more than Joseph himself was injured, when himself is never accounted one of twelve (in the recital of the Tribes) when his two sons Ephraim & Manasseh are taken in for him. So the seven of Meshelemiah, the other seven of Obed-Edom, the six of Shemaiah, and the four of Hosah, as they do justly make up the number aforesaid: so are they the persons that by the warrant of the Text it self, and plain demonstration [ G] are meetest for it. That one particular hereunto appertaining, is, whereas first it is said, that David to this end took the number of the Levites from the age of thirty years & upward; and afterward twice, that he took them at the age of twenty and above: as it is plain, that both these ways he took account of them, and that he had some special cause to move him thereto; so it seemeth to me the reason is good that is conceived thereof by Innius himself, far better then, than when he joined with Tremellius therein. For he conceiveth, that the Levites especially were Catechized or taught even from their yongth such things as belonged unto the Ministry: but yet, that all that while they were accounted, but at under age, or children. But that from that time forward they were taken unto the public ministration: yet for the next five years but only to the contemplation or behoulding of it, at five and twenty to some inferior service under others, and not to take farther upon them till they were thirty.

9 Those that are but particulars only, at least in comparison of these more [ A] general matters going before, did some of them concern in a manner, them all: and some again did most respect David himself. Those that concerned them all in a manner, are those battles that there are noted they had with the Giants: concerning which, seeing they are the last of this kind that we read of, and we have set down withal, that when God had delivered him out of the hands of all his enemies, he then gave special thanks unto God, it shall be good, when we have considered of these battles; then to consider somewhat of that same his thanksgiving also. As touching the battles, one there is, wherein David himself was in person; but we do not read that he was in the others. In that wherein himself was in person, he was also in great danger to have been slain, by the Giant himself: but it pleased God to send him help by one of his Captains, who stepped in betwixt, and slue the Giant. Howbeit his people were so touched with that his danger, that then they took order, that himself should be no more in the field in his own Person: as also it seemeth, that at that time his years were such, that according to the ordinary course of Soldiers he was to be priuileged by them. In the others, three other Giants were likewise slain by David's men, in every of them one, by a several person: two of which battles were fought near unto Gezer, in the Southwest side of the Tribe of Ephraim, not far from the Philistines Land; and the other at Gath, in the land it self. As touching that thanksgiving of his it is not only notable in it self, [ B] ascribing, it wholly to God that he was preserved from all those dangers, and that his enemies were so brought under on every side: but also, he did commit it to writing, to remain of record, to God's glory in him, and to the instruction and comfort of God's people in the ages ensuing; God having given that success unto his godly care therein, that now we have it in two several places recorded, here first originally, then among his Psalms afterward also. Such as most respected David himself, were either of such as belonged unto him: or, of some good examples that himself did give. Such as belonged unto him, were of two sorts: some that did attend his private; others that he had nearer unto himself. Of those wherein himself gave some good examples, one was in a thing done by himself: another in some things to be done by Solomon. That which was done by himself, was, that by the regard that he heard to be in Rizpah the Concubine of Saul, towards two of her Sons, and others of the line of Saul, he also, provoked thereby, and as it seemeth, loath to be overcome by any in gracious regard, did specially honor the memory of Saul and Jonathan: though but Jonathan only were his friend, and Saul his Father his Mortall Enemy; not disdaining in any good to follow so base a person as she. In that other, which was in some things to be done by Solomon, we are first to see, on what ground that part of the Story is now to be taken in here: then, wherein it was, that David gave good example therein. The ground whereupon it is now to be taken here, before that Solomon was yet appointed to be King, is this. David, we see, doth move Solomon his son, to have Joab in mind and to cut him off. Whereunto that he may persuade him, he allegeth but old matters only: the willful and Treacherous murder of two Captains and special men; and, at the most, but some other displeasure besides done to himself, which he not particularly name, and so is it taken to be none other, but the murder of those two, and in that respect done unto him, for that he had taken them (in some good sense) into his protection. Which, if it had been after that Solomon had been appointed King, had been nothing so meet to have been remembered (nor anything needful) as that fresh fault that he made in being of Counsel with Adonijah, in usurping the kingdom in David's time, and against Solomon that was to succeed. And it is plain, that Solomon was not there-unto actually appointed, but only upon that occasion of Adonijah, endeavoring to prevent him therein. So that although this Story of David's leaving that charge with Solomon, be placed immediately before David's death, and after that usurpation of [ C] Adonijah, yet it seemeth hereby to have been before: nevertheless not denying but that for the freshness of it, it might be, that it was not mentioned then; but rather making choice of the other, as the better ground to build upon. That wherein David gave good example herein, rested in two principal pointes: one, towards God, another among men; but both of them mingled (as it seemeth) with the common infirmity of us all. That which was commendable in him towards God, was, that he did so well exhort Solomon his son to cleave to the Lord: in all his ways: though, making mention of establishing his own estate thereby, it may be he had some respect to that also. That which may seem to be of our common infirmity that mingled therewith, was, that having spared Joab all his time, he would now have his son to remember him. Wherein though it may be, that he had but the care to have Justice executed; yet it may be doubted withal, that he had some private respect therein. It may be he sought no more but to have justice done, because Joab indeed had very wickedly committed willful murder twice and yet was he too strong, in the opinion of David himself, for him to deal with; and both those murders were such, as wherein he might seem, to have had some special care of David's estate. For they were of two such persons, as were professed and great enemies to David a little before; albe it at that time David him-self accepted of them, as unfeignedly reconciled unto him: and Joab himself was a dangerous man to be trusted now, having dealt so badly before; and especially, to the estate of Solomon, being so privy as he was (by the cause of Uriah) to the adultery of Bethsabe his mother. Doubted it may be, that he had some private respect therein, because it is not unlikely, but that Joab had bewraid his secret in the cause of Uriah: & certain it is, that otherwise he had wounded his heart very sore. Vnlikely it is not, but that he bewrayed David's offense in the cause of Uriah, not only because Rabbi Solomon was of that mind, as it is alleged, and others think it likely enough (albeit some others there be, that reject it as a fixion, & do somewhat help the Text with their id est, to that end also:) but much rather, for that by Nathan's speech unto David, it seemeth it was then divulged or blown abroad; and most likely to be done by Joab. (for David was careful enough to keep it close) either to excuse himself to the other [ D] Captains, for that so easily he lost Uriah before, or for the affection he bare unto Adonijah against Solomon now: And the Original it self doth rather lead us to conceive, that they should be two several matters that are spoken off (one against David himself, the other, the murder of those two Generals) than to make but one of them both; as others also besides the Original, by their distinction or manner of reading do seem to incline. If therefore Joab had so bewrayed David's secrets, less marvel then, if David yet kept memory of it: when as otherwise we are given to understand, that it is an offense of that nature, as is very hard to be reconciled. That wherein it is certain, that he had wounded David's heart very sore, was in the slaughter of Absalom his ungracious Son: of whom he gave so special a charge to all his Captains. And not unlikely, but that whereas David was of mind by and by after to have taken in Amasa into his room, it was some fruit of his displeasure on that behalf. Praesupposing then, that David's choler was not altogether yet settled against him, we may soundly gather, that unless we take special pains to subdue the flesh unto the spirit, the best that are, may soon be found in diverse cases de 〈…〉 therein. That which was commendable in him among men and wherein 〈…〉 a good example unto us, was, that he had so special care of the Sons of 〈…〉 ▪ for the friendship that Barzillay their Father, in his adversity had shown unto him. A very good example to all, ever to be mindful of those, and to be thankful to them and theirs, whom it hath pleased God at any time to use to our good. The infirmity that may be doubted to have mingled withal (or at least to have followed very soon after) was in that same his charge of Shimey: giving his son in charge to have an eye to cut him off also, for his wicked railing on him before. And true it is, that his railing was passing ill: but, both he had submitted himself; and David had assured him of pardon by Oath, as David now also in this place confesseth. Wherein though it may be, that David did respect him also now, but as like to prove a dangerous member unto the State: yet, because it may be otherwise also (for men are men, even the best of us all) therefore, so praesupposing, this [ E] may be another example, how hardly such a great disgrace and special villainy obtaineth pardon with those that may seem to be more easy; and therefore to be a good warning to all, to take heed of the like. Of those that did appertain to that present, one there is, that yieldeth in this place but part of the Story, and hath the other part following after the others are accomplished here. That which yieldeth but part of the Story here, is that remedy that David had, after that once he became so feeble: the rather to be marked, for that the more likelihood there is, that David never had the use of her body, being so weak as then he was, and the more certain it is because the Text it self doth say it; the stronglier it teacheth in the end, how far the Son should nevertheless reverence his Fathers bed. Of those that are accomplished here, some things there were of special purpose before: others, that did but then come in with the time it self. Those that were of special purpose before, were most about the building of the Temple that should be: but partly, a prayer for Solomon's Kingdom. About the building of the Temple that should be, first he dealt but himself therein: then he endevoreth to lay that charge on others also. His own dealing therein was, that when he had found (as we saw before) what place it was that the Lord had chosen, then he did set Masons on work to make stones ready: and made much provision besides. He endevoreth to lay that charge on others also, two several times, as it seemeth: first while Solomon yet was but a private man under his Father; then again, after that he had made him King. While yet he was but a private man, his Father nevertheless knowing that he had to succeed him, he now dealeth both with himself, & with the Princes of the people, about this matter. Himself he chargeth and exhorteth, to set in hand with it: both assuring him that the Lord would prosper him therein; and letting him understand what himself had already gotten in a readiness for it: which was, besides Brasse and Iron, Timber and Stone, matters of less moment, much Marble, and a great number of precious stones of all sorts, and withal, even an hundred thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand thousand talents of Silver: every talent being about half an hundred with us, or threescore pounds weight. A rare example of the zeal of a Prince, towards the [ F] advancement of God's glory, in so great a Mass as this, so fair a mean in the eye of the world, to have advanced his own line, to some special height. The Princes of the people he chargeth likewise to be assistant and helping therein: and showeth them withal, that they have a notable opportunity thereunto. That he did the like again, after that Solomon was set in the Kingdom, because it is a thing somewhat rare the Son to be ordained King in the days of his Father, therefore it shall be good, first to consider, how it came to pass, that in his Fathers days he came to be King, on whom that charge was chiefly to rest: then, how he laid that charge among them. That Solomon should succeed him in the Kingdom he knew before, and so he was minded to leave it unto him, as unto whom God himself had it appointed: but, by occasion that Adonijah was so forward, as to step unto it in his Fathers days (as we saw before) when he thought his Father unlike to recover, or to stay long among them, to break that pack, and in his own days to put it of question, he presently ordained Solomon King, and caused him to be set on the Throne of his Kingdom, his Nobles and people then coming in, and yielding their allegiance unto him. Having thus ordained him to be King, then he did set in hand in such sort with the matter again, that it sorted to good effect in the end: and so are we first to consider, what it was that himself did now; then, how far his desire was effected therein. That which he did, was first to get those together that were meetest to such a purpose: and when he had gotten them together, then to deal accordingly with them. Those that now he got together, as meetest to such a purpose (Solomon his son, and newly made King, being with him already) were all the chief and principal men in all the land. His dealing with these, was first by gracions and loving speech: then, by such doing of his own besides, as served unto the business he had in hand. His speech was such, as directly tended to get them of mind to set in hand with the building of the Temple, and to finish the same in the best manner that they were able: but first to them all generally, and then to Solomon more specially; to each of them so, as to such purpose was fittest for them. In that which he did besides, as fitly serving unto the business he had in hand, we are not only to note what it was: but farther of some particulars thereto appertaining. [ G] It was no more but this, that first he gave unto Solomon the pattern of the house it self, and of all things thereunto appertaining, after what manner they should be made; giving him withal to understand, that him-self had received the same in writing from the Lord, to the end that he might better conceive the meaning of it, and that so he made him to conceive it: then, to the end that those his Nobles, officers, and principal men might yield to be more open-hearted in this business, and willingly give some good contribution unto it, himself doth give them a good example therein, contributing of his own private substance, 3000. talents of pure Golde, and 7000. Talents of fined Silver. The particulars hereunto appertaining, are two: one, appertaining unto the pattern that he gave unto Solomon; the other unto his own contribution. That which belongeth unto the pattern, is but a note in some of our Bibles, over-much restraining the direction that David had for these matters, unto that which was set down for the Tabernacle before, as though he did speak of no other direction there, but such as was given before for the other: whereas, when we come to the building of the temple, then it will plainly appear, that both it self, and the things thereunto appertaining, differed much from the Tabernacle, and the things that to it belonged; neither do I find any other of that opinion besides. That which belongeth unto his own contribution, is, that having provided so much before, and yet now giving thus much besides, it occasioneth us, first to consider, in what point these do varry: and, what our selves may gather on it. That these two contributions of his do some way varrie, there is no question, because they are so distinctly and severally set down. And because this latter, of three thousand Talents of Gold, and seven thousand of silver, is termed so peculiarly his own, when as notwithstanding it is said of the other also, that he had prepared it, out of both these thus laid together, it seemeth, that the other great Mass of one hundred thousand Talents of Golde, one thousand thousand of Silver, with all those precious stones of Brasse and Iron without number, was such as he (in his wars and spoil of the enemy, as also in the presents were brought him, or such other like ways besides) had from time to time laid by to that very use: and that this latter was but of such as before he took to his own use; but now thought good thus to bestow it. It being so, then dowe [ H] plainly see two things herein: one, a rare and wonderful zeal in him, who having prepared so much before, would nevertheless add this also now; the other, that he aimed at a wonderful sumptuous building, on the which he did set down to bestow such abundance of Gold & Silver, besides such plenty of precious stones, and all things else that should go unto it. An evident, and a notable check unto the profane miserlings of our age, so greedily and so incessantly spoiling the Church of God of those needful things that others had given it before. His good desire was so well affected herein, that then his Nobles and Officers both gave plentifully: and that with great willingness also. Their liberality was such, that they gave (among them) five thousand Talents of gold, and 10000. pieces besides (this, belike in coin, and of the meaner sort of them; the other, in mass or Bullion) 10000. Talents of silver, 18000. of brass, and 100000. of Iron, and all the precious stones they had besides. As touching their willingness herein (a matter of great moment in all such cases) first it is plainly said: thē are there good tokens besides. In that it is so plainly said as it it, it might well be sufficient for us: but that there be other tokens also ensuing, may farther teach us, that where there is true willingness indeed, it showeth it self plainly enough, one way or other. Those tokens were one in David: another in thenselves. That which was in David, was, that he did greatly rejoice to see it: and thereupon both gave great thanks to God likewise, joining prayer withal in the end, such as imported the same thing also; and exhorted them all to praise God for it. But David, being of a liberal heart himself, could never so greatly have rejoiced in that their contribution, unless he had seen, that indeed they had done very well therein: neither could he otherwise so heartily have praised God, nor have prayed for the continuance of it; nor by likelihood would so readily have exhorted them to praise God for it. Neither can we clear our selves to those that are liberal and godly indeed, with any base or bastardly show of such liberality in those cases, howsoever our selves may please our selves in it, and others withal of as miserable devotion as we. That which was in themselves, was, that they also in like manner rejoiced, and besides their Peace-offerings, wherewithal [ I] they feasted before the Lord with great joy, the next day they offered Burnt-offerings in great abundance (whereof there was no part to redound to themselves, but all to be consumed to the Lord) of young Bullocks, Rams, and other sheep (Lambs belike) of every of those three sorts, even a thousand. Neither can we soundly rejoice before the Lord, until we truly find, that in the advancement of his glory among us, we do as it were (in our liberality) forget our selves, and utterly detest and abandon all our worldly respects whatsoever. In the Prayen that we have for Solomon's Kingdom, considering that it is but one of the Psalms, and that which is with us (and according to the original, the Hebrew it self) the threescore & twelfth, seldom or never taken by any to belong to this place: therefore it shall be good, first to advise ourselves, how we may conceive it to belong to the place that now we are in; then, to consider of the thing it self. That it should belong to this place there be but few (yet some there are) that have conceived: all the residue that yet I have seen, otherwise interpreting (some, one way, some another) the title of it, out of which it seemeth there should arise good probability, that it should indeed appertain to the place we are in. For whereas some go no farther, but only that it was made to Solomon's use (and not resolving, that David made it) others, that it was made by Solomon himself: the last verse of it, showing that there the prayers (or Psalms) of David do end, doth give a fair probability, first that this was made by David; then also towards the end of his life, when he had put Solomon in the Kingdom already. But besides that those two aforesaid do so take it, seeing the Psalm is for the good estate and long cotinuance of the reign of King Solomon (especially as it was a figure of the Kingdom of Christ) if it were David that made the same (as the end, I said, is a fair probable witness) even the whole course of the Psalm it self doth sufficiently witness, that to this place it doth rightly belong. The thing it self is no more but this, that God having made choice of Solomon to succeed him in the Kingdom, and having made so large promises to him, as that the accomplishment of them was to be expected in a greater than he, of whom he was but only a figure, David also by occasion having set him in the Kingdom already: now he specially commendeth him, and the estate of his Kingdom, to the good and gracious blessing of God; that, as it was of him, and of his mere and gracious goodness, so it might of him receive stablishment, increase, and all other good blessings meet [ K] for the same. Therein both acknowledging the great mercies of God to him and his line: and notably raising up the hearts of the faithful to show them what they may expect in Christ. But as he had that godly care of his posterity; so were it meet, that we should learn to have the like: and seeing he did nevertheless by prayer seek for the accomplishment of those things that were so firmly promised unto him; much rather should we seek for such things by prayer likewise, that we need to the glory of God, and our eternal comfort in him, when we otherwise see not any such assurance of them. Those that came in with the time it self, are but two: the last words that is noted to have uttered a little before his death; and, his death ensuing thereon. In the last words of David, it shall not be amiss if we consider of them, first, as they did proceed from him: then, •• they may give instruction to us. As they did proceed from him, it seemeth to me, that they were some-thing troubled by his infirmity and wearing away: as diverse times it is seen, even with the best men that are, towards their deaths; and some-times even in their age too when it is great. But needs must he be of an excellent Spirit, and of an heart very well exercised in godly meditation, and especially in the assurance of the special favor of GOD towards him and his, that could in such case utter so many good speeches of those matters, though in diverse places some-thing broken, as I do take it, and not so knit or tied together, as otherwise he was wont to do. He was before a sore broken man, when in his bed he was fain to be covered by others: and wanting no Clothes, yet could he get no warmth thereby. But now being nearer to his dissolution, and so far worn, that there was no hope but of small continuance (as we may see by the usurping of Adonijah, which was not without the advice of Abiathar and Joab principal men, nor in any dislike of many others near unto David) seeing that a body loaden with infirmity, is ofttimes such a Clogge to the mind, that it suffereth it not in diverse things so orderly to proceed, as otherwise it could and would: less marvel it is, if some of these his speeches, though good in themselves, nevertheless be not so orderly and full as well might be, in other case, of him expected. It may be likewise, that this was not a [ L] continued speech, but rather consisting of many particulars, thus gathered together, but severally uttered by him, as his godly mind was occupied in that Meditation: calling to mind, now one thing, now another: and sometime, it may be, uttering in word, but part of that which in heart he conceived. As they may give instruction to us, thereby may we gather, how far short we are, of any good temper for those matters: when as, in our best estate, we do so hardly utter anything to any good purpose. So far off are we, if our minds should be clogged with some special infirmity or pains of body (as it is certain it was with Job, and not unlikely in some sort now to be so with David also) yet nevertheless to have none other but so good Meditations and speeches as these. But some vessel of Wine there is, that keepeth his Verdure, and drinketh better, even to the Leese, than others do, when they are at the best. His death that ensued or followed thereon, was at the age of seventy years, when himself had reigned forty in all. A very good pattern, as lighly we have anywhere else, both of the great corruption that is in us; and what good things may be lodged withal in the self-same breast, by the goodness and grace of God: and so likewise, that God doth not forever cast off those that are his, though they do very justly deserve it; and yet (ofttimes) that he doth not suffer their lesser offenses to go unpunished.

CHAP. 14.

1 SAlomon was the next of those under whom the people continued [ A] together under one Kingdom and State: immediately after dividing themselves (though abiding one people still) yet into two several Kingdoms. Being therefore now to consider of Solomon's Story, in him do we find just cause to consider, not only of his life: but also of his death. As touching his life, in it do we find great variety betwixt the former, and the latter part of his reign: the former part of it being such, as, in figure, might well resemble the glory and excellency of the Kingdom of Christ; but the latter of it, so odding again the contrary way, that well may it teach us, to look for no perfection here. It might well in figure resemble the glory and excellency of the Kingdom of Christ, because it was for that time, [ B] (especially when it was come unto the growth that GOD would give it; yea, and in the time of increasing too, so far as was needful for it) a comfortable estate unto the people, and very glorious at home and abroad. In so much, that immedialy after his first entrance into his Kingdom, it is said, that the Lord was with him and magnyfied him, and that his Kingdom was mightily established. Nevertheless, as in reason we may conceive, that it had a beginning and time to grow to a settled estate: so the course of the Story doth likewise lead us, first, to such things as did appertain unto the beginning of it: then, unto others that belonged unto it, when it was come to a settled Estate. Those things that did appertain unto the beginning of it, before it grew to a settled Estate, were certain civil affairs of his own: and then a religious seeking of GOD. Those civil affairs of his own, were, first the clearing of himself of certain ill members: then, how he disposed himself to marriage. Of those ill members, one of them was very dangerous unto his Tytle and Estate in the Kingdom: the residue, though they were great offenders too, yet not in so high a degree as the other, in respect of the State it self. He that was so dangerous unto his Tytle or Estate in the Kingdom, was Adonijah his elder Brother: who would have stepped (as we saw before) betwixt Solomon and the Kingdom, in the days of David his Father. But when he understood that Solomon was by David appointed and proclaimed, he then submitted himself, and craved pardon: which also he obtained upon condition, that he should after become of good and dutiful allegiance. Nevertheless, being now a while after taken away in such sort as he was, we are the rather to consider on it, both for the Story it self: and for another thing thereof arising. In the Story it self, we are first to consider of his offense: then, of the punishment of it. In his offense likewise, first what it was: then, howe it came to Solomon's knowledge. His offense was, some part of it, open and plain: but some other, that lay more secret. That which was open and plain, was such an impotency in fleshly desire, that he was not ashamed to seek to defile his Fathers Bed; desiring Abisag a Concubine of his, to be in marriage given unto him. True it is, that David had not her, till it may be probably thought, that he was not of ability to have carnal Copulation with her: but yet not to be denied withal, but that he had her [ C] company day and night, and that they were together as Man and Wife, saving only for the Act it self of carnal knowledge. That which lay more secret, was, as it seemeth, that thereby he thought to get him a step to the Kingdom, as vouchsased one of his Fathers Wives; being, as he was, the elder Brother besides: yet so much the greater fault in him, if that were his meaning, for that he did know, that the Lord himself had appointed Solomon to succeed his Father in the Kingdom. How this desire of his came to Solomon's knowledge, is so much the more worthy the marking, for that it seemeth to carry with it a very just judgment of God: that whereas he had not the honesty, nor that Child-like reverence unto his Father, as to suppress so beastly a motion; so neither should he have the wit to conceal it, but himself must make it known to the King. For he cometh to Bethsabe the Kings Mother, and entreateth her to move the King in it: which also she did, and her-self besought the King to grant it. In his punishment, we have first set down the Kings determination of it: then, the execution soon after ensuing. Whereof, as in the one we may see a quickness and readiness in Solomon to espy, that his elder Brother was yet aspyring: so in the other we may likewise see, that his wisdom thought good, to take the advantage of his former offense (though he were his Brother) even for this doubt of aspyring that now brake forth of him; albeit it was not certain that thence it proceeded, and it may be it was but the love he had to the party, being so beautiful as she was. That other thing hereof arising, is, that whereas in the days of our late ignorance, this speech of Solomon: Ask on my Mother, for I will not say thee nay, was applied (or wrested rather) as to be spoken by Christ to his Mother; so to bear people in hand, that the blessed Virgin could readily attain for us at the hands of Christ whatsoever she would: here may we see so hard a success of that course taken, that in reason it should rather terrrify others from it, than allure any unto it. For though Solomon did great reverence unto his Mother, arising out of his Throne, meeting her by the way, bowing himself unto her, and causing her to sit down on the right hand of him; and told her withal, when he perceived that she had a suite unto him, that he would not say unto her nay: yet when he conceived, that that request was but so far derogatory to his Crown and Dignity (and yet not certain, but only as himself [ D] suspected: whereas that seeking to the blessed Virgin that was used by us, and yet is by diverse of us, was undoubtedly derogatory to the Crown and Dignitiy of Christ) he quickly took in his word again, and made the only moving of that matter unto him, to cost the party himself his life, that first did move it. Of the residue that were great offenders too, yet not in so high a degree as this other was conceived to be, whereas there were three of them in all, one there was whom the King did otherwise punish: but he did put the two others to death. That one whom he did otherwise punnish, was Abiathar (the High Priest, it seemeth, at that time:) concerning whom we are to consider; first, of his fault; then, of his punishment. His fault was, that he was with Adonijah in his usurpation: whereby it may seem, that either it was not then so well known, that Solomon was to succeed; or else that his fault was so much the grearer, both to do it in the days of him that then was, and against him that was to succeed. In his punishment we are to consider what it was: and what farther cause there was, why it was inflicted on him. His punishment was, that he and his Line were removed from the Priest-hood; and himself appointed to keep his House: being then also given to understand, that he had deserved death, but that he was spared therein, for the service he did to David before. That farther cause why it was inflicted on him, was the sin of Eli before (the fourth above him, or great Graund-Father unto his Father) as then it was denounced unto him, for suffering his Sons to grow so loose as they did: according as Ahimelek his Father, and many others of that Race with him, (as we saw before) had a sharp scourge for that matter also. Those two others that he put to death, were Joab, and Shimey: Joab at this present, when he displaced Abiathar (upon this motion of Adonijah, having spared them hitherto, it seemeth;) but Shemey not till three years after. But seeing he also had his judgment now, though his execution were not yet, therefore it shall be very good now to dispatch the one with the other while we have it in hand. As touching Joab, when he heard that Adonijah was executed, and Abiathar put from his Dignity, he suspecting that which was towards him indeed, would have saved himself or put off his death for a time, by taking Sanctuary (as we term it:) but it would not avail him now, when he before had so foully cast at his heels the fear [ E] and reverence of that GOD, by whose Altar he would have been spared. As for Shimey, the King sent for him, and charged him to keep in Jerusalem: giving him to understand withal, that he should die for it, if ever he stepped out thence. At which time he liked it well, as glad that the King had given him that sparing, and as it seemeth took his Oath to observe the same: but his own iniquity before, and Solomon's resoluteness now, not to pardon that advantage unto him, would not suffer him long to enjoy it. And so shortly after, coming in danger, at least of the latter of that his restraint, the advantage was taken, and he executed: but whether, only to take away a bad man by such opportunity as may be obtained (as indeed a crooked cast, needeth ofttimes a crooked measure) or that some strain of revenge was mingled withal (for there is no question, but men are men) though it be the parts of all to think the best, yet may there be no hurt to leave it unto the freedom of every man's judgment therein. Having thus cleared himself of these bad members, the next that we read of, is, how he disposeth himself to marriage: but as in the Text it is termed making of affinyty with Pharaoh King of Egypt, by taking his Daughter to Wife, and seeing after we find, he had many Wives and Concubines besides, it seemeth to me, that this also was more for affinities sake, than only or chiefly for marriage it self. For it appeareth he was married already, about two years before the death of his Father, his Son Rehoboam that did succeed him, being one and forty years old when he came to the Kingdom, and so about a year old when Solomon himself began his reign, which was the space of forty years. Being therefore married so lately before, and making no conscience to take so many Wives and Concubines, it may well seem, that many of them, and this for one, were but to make affinity with the Princes and Nobles about him: plurality of being of no more censcience with many then, than plurality of benefices in the Church of Rome since, or plurality of Lordships, Offices, Farms, or other livings (not of the gift of God, but by their own busy and guilty industry, and though others want never so much) with the children of the world now; and to Princes and great men, not the least part of their pomp or magnificent ostentation in the eyes of others. But now concerning [ F] this and such like affinity of his (for though we have no mo so specially noted, yet have we good probability of many) it shall be good to note something as touching himself: and something again as touching others. As touching himself, it seemeth to me he did much offend therein: and yet I am not ignorant, but that others there be, that are better persuaded of him for this matter. It seemeth to me he much offended, first in matching with the Heathenish people: then, in that he matched with many. In that he matched with those that were Heathenish, he had not that care, either of himself or of his posterity (so far as it seemeth) that he ought to have. That himself might be corrupted by them, the common weakness of us all doth witness, by oft & pitiful experience: and was verified in himself shortly after. His posterity must needs be endangered likewise, not only by that common infirmity in them as well as in others, but so much the more, for that they were like to be over-weighed so ill by the surer side whereof they came: and yet notwithstanding was the case such with him, that in many respects he ought to have had a singular care thereof. Insomuch that whereas it is noted, that the natural line of Solomon reached not to Jesus Christ in the flesh, but was broken off before, it is less marvel, when so he mingled himself before with so many Idolatrous people: In that he matched with so many, besides that it was a manifest token of great incontinency or pompous vanity, and withal that he made no reckoning of yielding conjugal duty unto the first, and to all the former sort of them, when he brought in the latter upon them (a plain breach likewise of that branch of equity) he had the word of God directly against him: reasonable plainly, as he was but one of the people; but much more, as he was now in the Throne of the Kingdom. As he was but one of the people, he had the first institution of marriage against him; and the Law afterward given: of neither of which he might be ignorant, but with breach of his duty therein, for that every King of that people was charged diligently to study that Book of God. In the first institution of marriage he could not but see, that God made but one for one: and that the corruption of that institution for this point, was first found in the line of accursed Kain. In the Law, it had been an easy matter for him to have found, by the propriety of his own mother tongue (the [ G] want whereof hath made many great men since unable to find it) that a man having a Wife already, might not take another unto her duting her life; and though there were no other cause, yet even for the vexation only that such dealing might breed to the former: especially, that other understanding of it (of natural Sisters) being sufficiently, by the like, decided a little before. As he was now in the Throne of the Kingdom, he might find himself, even as it were by name, forbidden to have any mo but one: and a good reason thereunto annexed. That others are better persuaded of him for this his doing, is a matter sufficiently known: myself finding none of other opinion; and some that profess the defense of him in it. But the chief and principal reasons they use, me think are to weak to such a purpose: one, that she was converted first to the Jews profession; the other, that as yet he loved the Lord. As touching the former, first they have no warrant thereof, that so it was: then, that also would not serve, though so she were, Naamah his former Wife yet remaining, as there is no knowledge yet of her death, nor sufficient cause to suspect it, being married so late as they were. As touching the latter of them, that yet he loved the Lord, and walked in the ordinances of David his Father, so might he do, at least in some measure, and yet be wanting in this point of duty, as also his Father was before, and yet other-wise hath good Testimony towards God likewise. As touching others, there is one of the Psalms which goeth under the Name of David together with the rest, though for some of them we do not know who were the Inditers of them, and diverse of them do bear (in their beginning) the Names of others that made them: but it is of that argument, that well it might become David himself to have indicted it, and to have used it to this very purpose. For in his time it was, that Solomon his Son married with Naamah afore-said: and she being an Ammonite, of an Heathen and an Idolatrous Race likewise, there was good cause why David should exhort her to forget her own people, and her Fathers house, when now she was to be Solomon's Wife: and praesupposing that she was Daughter to the King of the Ammonites (as was most likely) the residue of the Psalm would very fitly agree to her also. But if it were indicted but about this his marriage with the King of Aegypts Daughter, as a figure of the Espousals betwixt [ H] Christ and his Church (as it is the most common judgment of all) it is then out of question, that it was after David's time: and it may seem, that some of the godly noting him to have married with an Heathen Princesse before, and now to be in hand with the like again, doubting whereunto such marriages might grow in the ende, and yet conceiving how well they might figure that other Mystery between their Messiah and his chosen people, did to their use for that present, and in that present case of theirs, indite that Psalm, and to the use and benefit of the Church that then was, or at any time should afterward be. Which if so it were, is a token sufficient, that some there were in those days also that did not like it, but rather stood in some special fear of it. But now, that some there be of special reckoning, who are of opinion, that seeing he did marry her, therefore it is not to be doubted, but that first she yielded to their profession, because that yet he loved the Lord, affirming, that otherwise he might not have done it, by the virtue of that prohibition which we have in the seventh of Douteromy: I cannot see, but that they are very wide therein, because that prohibition is not of all Heathen folk generally but only of those seven Nations that inhabited the Land of Canaan, being there set down namely on them; the Egyptians being sufficiently known to be none of that people, but of another Country and Nation. And else-where it is plain, that GOD permitteth them to marry with Women of other Nations, only after some Ceremonial purging; and doth not enjoin them to tarry till they be instructed in the knowledge of God, and till they yield to that profession: leaving them rather, it seemeth, to win them in time, by sound instruction and kind usage joined together; than forbidding them till then to take them. And yet it is certain, that there were no Nations about them, but such as were Heathenish and Idolatrous too. Whereunto the very Psalm it self seemeth to bear sufficient witness, in the witness, in the case that now we are in, for that, so effectually calling upon her, to forget her own people and Fathers house, it seemeth to teach us, that as then she had not done it. In that his religious seeking to God, we are to note, what it was done by him: and how [ I] God accepted of it. That which was done by him, was, that he gathered together all the Princes, Captains, and Governors of the people, even all the chief of the Land, and went to to Gibeon where the Tabernacle was, to worship, and did offer a thousand Burnt-offerings on the Brazen Altar there. It pleased God so to accept thereof, that in a dream that night he appeared unto him, and offered unto him a very special and a singular favor: namely to ask, whatsoever it was he most desired, to the end he might give it unto him. Whereupon Solomon made his choice so, that therein again he pleased the Lord marvelous well: and so it shall be good for us more specially to mark, what it was that Solomon craved; and how far the Lord did like on him therein. That which he craved, was, that whereas God, according to his promise to David his Father, had now placed him in the kingdom; and the people thereunto appertaining, were so many, that to govern them aright he had nothing near that furniture of wisdom and knowledge that would be needful: it would please him to give him an understanding heart, or the gift of wisdom and knowledge, whereby he might rightly determine of all such causes as to the government of that his people should appertain. Wherein it shall be good for us to mark, what kind of wisdom it was, that, it seemeth, he did desire: then, how it came to pass he desired the same. As touching the former, it seemeth it was but such wisdom and understanding, as may stand clear of the knowledge and fear of God, and of the sincerity or truth in Religion: and but such as the Children of the World, and Heathnish Politicians ofttimes have. For neither can there necessarily be anymore gathered of the words themselves: and seeing afterward it followeth, that God gave him (in plentiful measure) that which he asked, his great and strange fall that followed may sufficiently show, that it was no more that he desired; it may be, as making no doubt (for the opinion, that we have such power in our selves, doth naturally grow in the hearts of us all) but that he could well enough order himself for that matter. How it came to pass, that he made his choice of wisdom, is so much the rather to be considered, for that it seemeth to carry the cause with it: & yet is not so noted by others. For the cause seemeth to be, that he was wise-hearted already; and thereupon most desired wisdom: common experience [ K] ever teaching, that the wiser that any have been, the more have they desired to have more wisdom; and the more they have been lapped up in the swatheling-clouts of folly, the less have they made any reckoning of it. And as David his Father commending unto him the causes of Joab and Shimey, before made reckoning of special wisdom in him: so himself also, in taking them away so as he did, did sufficiently verify that opinion of David of him. Yet notwithstanding it goeth for currant with all the Children of the World, that they are none of the wisest, that most of all covet the best and purest wisdom that is: and yet (of their courtesy) they will not deny them, but that they may be honest and plain, simple and well-meaning men; but yet still withal, none of the wisest. Whereas notwithstanding, the true and best wisdom of all, is never desired but only of such as are wise-hearted indeed: all Aesop's Cockes joying more in a Barley Corn, than in the most Orient precious stone that can be conceived. How far the Lord did like on him herein, may soon be conceived, by all things in a manner that afterward ensued, concerning him & his estate, during the time that he abode in the fear of God. But because most of those do concern the main part of the Story, therefore is it meetest, that for this matter we rest on those things only, that do immediately follow hereupon, and most properly belong to the place that now we are in: first, the comfortable words that God thereupon did give unto him; then, a present experiment, howe effectually he obtained that which he desired. The words that thereupon God did give him, were so comfortable unto him, that having done at Gibeon, and returning to Jerusalem, there he did the much like also. For at this time the Lord did affure him absolutely, not only of that which he asked, in very liberal and plentiful measure; but of riches and honor besides in great abundance; and on condition that he would diligently walk in his ways, then of farther favor besides. Returning to Jerusalem, there he worshipped again before the Ark, first offering Burnt-offerings there again, and Peace-offerings besides: then also, feasting all [ L] his Servants. That present experiment, which showeth how effectually he obtained that which he desired, was in the cause of those two Women that strove so busily about the dead and the living Child: he readily finding out by his wisdom, without any witnesses, the true Mother, both of the dead Child which they both refused, and of the living, which both of them challenged, only by that natural affection that Parents do commonly bear unto their Children. In both which Stories of his we may do well to mark, in the former of them, how much we also might please God and benefit ourselves at his hands, if we should above all worldly things here covet to do him the best service we could, everyone in our several callings: and in the latter, how undoubtedly we were like to be discarded from the number of true Fathers and Mothers, to those that are under our charge, if our Solomon Jesus Christ should make trial of us, by our hearty affection towards them.

2 Those things that belonged unto it when it grew to a settled estate, were [ A] many and diverse: and yet none other in effect, but such as shown, to what power and glory it pleased God to bring that Kingdom or State of his unto. And the power and glory whereunto it pleased God to bring it, was by his religious regard of God, wherein for a time he was very commendable: and so are we first to see, what was that religious regard of his towards God; then, to consider withal, what was the glory wherewith it pleased God to cloth him. That religious regard of his towards God we most of all find, in that chief and principal work that he had to do, and did most properly belong unto him: then also, in some others besides, which were common to him and others. That chief and principal work that he had to do, & did most properly belong unto him, was about the Temple that he had to build or set up unto the Lord: & first to dispatch the workmanship of it; then, to consecrate or to give up the same to his use, by whose appointment, and to whose use, he had ordained it. That the work-manship of it might be the better dispatched, it was needful there were some good fore-casting before; and so we find there was: first praeparing things meet for the purpose; then, setting in hand with the business it self. That there was such praeparation [ B] before, we have first some likelihood of it: then also, good testimony, that so it was. The likelihood we have, is, that it was in the mind of Solomon, or that he determined to build an House unto the Lord. For wise-men, or that are of any fore-cast, when once they are determined of special business, then do they also provide accordingly. The Testimony we have that so it was, doth not only show, what it is was done: but withal, howe effectual it was besides. That which was done, was partly abroad: and partly at home. Abroad he laid a tribute on all generally, that were subject to his Dominions: and more specially dealt with Hiram King of Tyre, for his help in this business. The tribute he raised, was not only for the House of the Lord, but for diverse other works besides, which he had in mind to do: but the house, the chiefest and greatest of them. As for Hiram King of Tyrus (a Citty and Territory of great reckoning thereby, North of Palestine, on the Sea-Coast, and of special opportunity for Traffique too and fro, from the East to the West) he for the love he bare to David before, sent unto Solomon, hearing they had anointed him King instead of his Father, belike (as the manner is) to congratulate that his dignity unto him. Hereupon it seemeth, Solomon now dealt more effectually with him, for his help in the matter. Certain it is, that he craved his help, both for Timber; and some special work-men besides. The Timber he desired, was of the Caedars of Libanus, the largest and fairest Timber in all those Countries: in the felling and working of which, King Hirams people, dwelling near thereunto, were much more skillful by their experience, than any of Solomon's people were. Solomon therefore gave unto Hiram for his help in this matter, 20000. measures of Wheat: and of three commodities besides, which were, Barly, Wine and Oil, of every of these the like quantity, every year, so long as they were occupied in this his business. Which measure of theirs is noted to be of that quantity with them, as in one quarter, one Bushel, one peck and an half, one quart and seven ounces, with us: and so the greater quantity that it cometh unto, the greater doth it show that provision of his to have been for Timber thence; and, that the whole work it self was like to be of great Magnificence. Of those special workmen besides, whom of him he desired; one was one Hiram also; a workman of rare and special skill, in the casting and working of brass: and himself doth not name any other, but only craveth that he would send him some such as should have special skill, in the working of Gold, Silver, B •• sse, Iron; Crimsin, Purple, Blew silk, and grauing. At home he took order to employ in this business, both such of the Canaanites as were yet left in the land: and certain of his own people besides. Of those Canaanites or strangers, causing the number to be taken, he found that they came to one hundred fifty three thousand, and six hundred. Of those he appointed 70000. to bear Burthens, 80000. Masons to hew stones, and 3600. to be over-seers of them. Of his own people besides, he took out thirty thousand to this business: appointing them to work by course ten thousand every month; so leaving to everyone, two months liberty, for one months labor. How effectual this his fore-casting or providing beforehand was is likewise reasonable plainly declared, in that it is in such sort commended, as if his provision were such, that even from the first beginning, unto the end or finishing of it, it still went forward without any stay. When we are to see how they did set in hand with the work it self for which all this provision was, we are to know, that whereas God would now have a Temple or fixed place of worship reared unto him, there must needs be many other things thereunto appertaining: and so are we first to consider of the place it self, where he would be worshipped; then of the things that belonged unto it. The place that God would have to this purpose, is for the most part called the Temple: but then under it we are to consider both of the House that was then to be reared, and of the Courts thereunto appertaining. As touching which House and Courts, thereunto appertaining, we first have certain circumstances going before: then in what manner the same was built. The circumstances are two: one of the place; another of the time. The place where it was to be set, and where accordingly they first laid the foundation and building thereon, was a part of Ierusalim which of old was of the bounds of Moriah, where Isaac in the time of Abraham was laid on the Altar to be sacrificed, though God gave him home with his fathers again: but, a little before this time the threshing flower of a Jebusite then dwelling there; which David, to this purpose bought of him, as we saw before. The time when this building began, was in the fourth year of Solomon: and four hundred and fourscore years, after they [ D] came out of Egypt, and were fully settled in the land. The former of which limitations seemeth to import, that Solomon bestowed the time before in making provision for the building; and then may his example therein teach us to cast before hand for whatsoever service of God we have, to do it in the best manner we can: and the latter of them doth plainly declare, that the Temple was not absolutely so needful a thing to the people of God, when as they were nine hundred years together his people without it; as we also need not to doubt, but that having the word and Sacraments, we may well be the people of God, without that outward magnificence and pomp, that in the judgment of some is so needful. For the manner of the building of it, we are first to consider of some difficulties that are therein: then, what may seem to have been the manner of it. The difficulties that are therein, are all about the house it self, and do all arise out of the variety of men's judgments thereon: some about the measure of the whole; but most about the manner of building the several parts. About the measure of the whole, there be some that be of opinion, that they were not the ordinary but double cubits that in this building were meant and used, and their reasons are two: one as it were, on the Text it self; the other, on probability only. That which is gathred as upon the Text it self, resteth on two principal places, both where these things are repeated again: one, where it is said, that Solomon began to lay the foundation according to threescore cubits in length, and twenty in breadth, After the first measure; the other, where the two pillars are in such sort for their height described, that it may seem the places agree not, unless the measure be such as they have conceived. In the former therefore they do not translate, as others do, Mensuram primam, but Primariam: and interpret that to be double to that which was ordinary; supposing also, that to that very end it was so named. Howbeit, both the sense of this place may be otherwise: and there is another soon after ensuing, that cannot well brook this interpretation. The fence of this place may be, that both these houses were cast together in laying out the foundation of them, threescore cubits in length, and twenty in breadth, being lined or laid forth on the earth for them both, on the outside whereof they had to open the earth▪ so far as the thickness of the wall, and the laying of the foundation of it should require: and that this being first done, [ E] Solomon began to build, or to rear up the work, according to this proportion first laid. And seeing all buildings, that are of any reckoning, are in such sort laid forth before, to direct the workmen how to lay their foundations, therefore may such laying forth thereof be well accounted the first measure: as also this place i • by others expounded. That other ensuing, which could not well brook the aforesaid interpretation, is the measure of the Brazen Altar, noted to be ten cubits in height: over great a measure by far, for the use whereunto it was ordained, if the cubit should be double, as they conceived in the other. In that of the pillars their reasoning is, that there speaking but of the ordinary measure, and but of the length of one of them only, it doth fitly agree with the other relation before, if so it be taken, but otherwise varieth much: the one of those places setting down the height of those two pillars to be but eighteen cubits; and the other, thirty and five. For one cubit they conceive to be hid in the base or foot of the pillar beneath. Which one being added unto the other 35. making 36. should be the just measure of the other eighteen; they being taken for double cubits, & these for single. But in this also not only others are of other opinion, namely, that the measure in both places is one, and that the odds is no more but this, that in the former the length of one is noted by it self, and in the latter the length of both (so much as was seen without their bases beneath) was joined together: but also, taking the measure in both places to be one, if but one of them should be five and thirty Cubits high, and the Temple it self but thirty (as we have that measure set down for it) that were not so meet a proportion for it. That reason of theirs which resteth on probability only, is, that otherwise the house that he built in Libanus, should be greater than this House of the Lord; it being an hundred Cubits long; & this but threescore: whereas if these be accounted double, and the other but single, then would these sunnount the other by twenty; no great matter to answer the odds that in proportion was betwixt the owners of them, God the Lord, and Solomon his Seruaunt. Again, though so it might gain the advantage in length; yet could in not (by that means [ F] neither) reach it in breadth: the breadth of the Temple being but twenty Cubites; and so not able to make but forty in all, though they were doubled; whereas the breadth of the other was fifty. But that house in the Fortest of Libanus was an house of pleasure, for Solomon to recreate himself in, when he was disposed: who being a magnificent Prince, and having many attendants and great affairs, had need more room (even at the streightest) than the Lord should need to have in his house, for one Priest only, or at any time but very few, to do that little service that there he required. And so is that reason of no great force to this purpose. About the manner of building, the difficulties are, both about the house it self, and about the Porch. For the house it self, it is thought by many (and I wonder by what warrant) that this whole building of threescore Cubits in length, and twenty in breadth, was an hundred and twenty in height. For so doth Lyra set it down, and according to the Doctors of the Church, as he conceiveth: and those that have set forth some of our English Bibles (what is done in the rest I know not) seem to be of the same opinion also, by a marginal note thereto annexed. And true it is, that such an height is spoken off in the Text: but in that part of it that treateth of the Porch; and in such sort there, as seemeth rather (and so is distinguished by some of good reckoning) to be spoken of that part only, than of the whole. Which height of an hundred and twenty Cubites when they have given unto it, then, without any color of warrent that I can find the Text to yield them, do they make two heights or losts above the nethermost rooms, one above another, and of the self same length and breadth: giving those thirty Cubites that are spoken of for the height, only unto the lowest rooms; and the like quantity of height again to the next, and double as much to the highest of those lofts that they conceive to have been above. A thing that may probably seem to be very unlikely (and so is it taken by others) that any such rooms should be above a place of that reckoning, as should occasion any to be trampling above it, as needs they must, if any way they made any use of them. Again, seeing that it is plain that the Galeries, Chambers, or walks were but three, [ G] and but five Cubites high a piece, one above another, and so but fifteen Cubites in all, the whole height to be but thirty is a meeter proportion, than if these Galeries still being but fifteen, yet the residue of the height above should nevertheless be an hundred and five: as also the breadth of the house within, might seem to be much overmatched in proportion (as also it is so noted by some) with so great an height above, unless it were one way or other taken off from it, as they do conceive by those two Lofts; but then we see not, how they can be there by any good warrant. Neither is it altogether to be neglected, that whereas it should be a figure of Christ, and of his Church (at least of the truer members thereof) it should outwardly be but of reasonable reckoning, both for the quantity and fairness of it; and yet of rare and wonderful beauty within: as also, that the beauty or glory it had within, should not be communicable but only to the eyes of few; others being left to their choice, whether they would believe it or not, when as see it they should not. As touching the Porch, though we read but of two things only therein, which were those two fair and special Pillars: yet therein also have we some difficulty, both as touching the Porch it self; and the Pillars that were therein. In the Porch it self no more but this, that it is not (that I find) described by any; but only for the length and breadth, rhe height being altogether omitted: and not only by those that give so great height unto the Temple; but also by those that dare not be so liberal therein, as are the others. Of those that give so great height unto the Temple, it is the less to be expected, not only for having given so much to the one, they may well have the less to give to another: but much rather, for that if they should make it of one height with the other, both they were without warrant (but only for it self) and could not find any use for it, having attributed that to their Lofts before. But as for those that conceive not the Temple it self to be but thirty cubits high, they might have found so good use of the height of the Porch, that it is more strange that they also omit it. For Vatablus hath a fair description of the Temple and Chambers thereunto appertaining, and giveth but thirty Cubites height unto the Temple: [ H] but altogether omitteth the height of the Porch. Divers of our English Bibles likewise (especially those that were set forth by such of the learned of our own Country, as were at Geneva in the days of Queen Mary, and which they published in the beginning of her Majesty's reign that last was) have the like description in them likewise, and so like, that whereas that of Vatablus was newly set forth but a little before by Robertus Stephanus 1557. it may seem that ours took their direction thence: which do in like manner altogether omit (so far as yet I have seen) the aforesaid height of the Porch. And then, whence are others to take their light, when such Torches as these do nevertheless in that point burn so dim? As touching the Pillars, the difficulty concerning them, is only (to speak off) about the height of them, for that the Text doth tell us, but of eighteen Cubites in one place, and of thirty five in another: and so there be that hold opinion, some, that the Pillars themselves with their Bases beneath, Chapters above, and their Ornaments on the tops of those their Chapters, were indeed thirty and five Cubites high, and yet the Pillars themselves but eighteen, so reconciling those places together (others) that the Pillars themselves, besides their Bases, Chapters, and top-ornaments, were six and thirty Cubits high, saving that one Cubit was hid in the Base beneath, and so but five and thirty in sight. But, if we look a little into the matter, we quickly meet with some doubt therein: both in respect of the Temple it self; and in respect of the measure that of them is given us. In respect of the Temple it self we find, that if the Pillers were five and thirty Cubites high, and the Temple but thirty of the self-same measure, as I think it is likely to prove to be, then, whether the Cubites were double as some have conceived, or but single, as I think will fall out to be the more sure, yet were they five Cubites higher than it: which seemeth to be no due proportion. In respect of the measure that of them is given us, it is certain, they had but ten Cubites square to stand in, and if it be like to prove to be but of the ordinary Cubit, as it seemeth it will, then the measure it self for the bottom, will help to show, whether of these two were likeliest to be the height of them. For the pillars themselves being four cubits thick would leave but three cubits on any side betwixt them and the Wall, [ I] both for their Bases to stand in, and as is most likely, for convenient passage about them. Which being so, then four times and an half their thickenesse, is as it seemeth more like to be their height, than eight times and three quarters, where the room it self would bear no greater a Base: especially, when besides the bodies of the pillars, either of them had Chapters or heads of five cubits a piece above, and much other work besides for ornaments sake reaching much higher.

3 These difficulties being thus far cleared, and now being to see what may seem to be the manner of it; I hold it best for most men's understanding, that first [ A] we consider of the outside of it: then, of the inside also. On the outside of it, it seemeth to me, that it was to see too, much like (at the first blush) to the wonted or most accustomed manner of Churches or Chapels with us, saving that in the erecting of it, and entrance into it, it did much varry from ours. In the erecting of it, it varried, first in the coast towards which it was erected: then in the place itself where it stood. As touching the coast towards which it was erected, it was erected from the East to the West, as ours are from the West to the East. That it was erected from the East to the West, I find not on what reason it was, saving only that so it pleased God. But the Tabernacle was so erected before: and it may be, that God thereby would as it were point to the Coast, whither afterward he would specially direct the course of his word, and the knowledge of him; as the Sun likewise hath his course from the East to the West. And if Christian Princes themselves first receiving the Gospel, according to the truth and purity of it, sundered from all corruption of men, would endeavor on zeal towards God, and love to their Neighbors, to advance the course of the Gospel in some such measure, as that the Western people from us might be well and orderly lightened with it: there were good hope that from them also it would proceed farther, even unto those that are Western from them also, and Eastern from us. In the place it self where it stood, it varried likewise, for that it was set up in the far-part of the ground to it allotted, whereas ours for the most part are set in the midst, so near as may be. The entrance into it also was but one, and the same at the East end of it, whereas ours for the most part have mo, and (lightly to such use) none at the ends. It was otherwise much like unto the most accustomed manner of our Churches, for that it had [ B] one main roof, house, or building, of free-stone without, at one end thereof shut up with a Tower, as most of our Churches are with our Steeples: and with such like additions or buildings on the sides, as in many of our Churches the Isles or Eelings thereof are. But then if we consider more specially of it, we find that the main or chief part of the building was of no great quantity, in comparison of many of ours, as not passing (for the largeness of it) the middle sort of our Parish-Churches; though large & big enough for the use whereunto it was ordained; but yet (to see to) twice so high as those lower buildings or Eelings were, that to it were annexed: as also, that the Tower we speak of was about four times so high as any part of the building besides. That those lower buildings or Eelings likewise, being but half so high as the main part of the House it self, appeared to be of three stories or heights, and about two yards and an half in height one above another: compassing the House round about, saving only at the East end of it, that they all likewise were outwardly even, or every Story lying forth as much other, but inwardly reaching, the middle-most of them one cubit farther than the lowest, and the highest one cubit more than the middlemost towards the outside of the wall of the house and close unto it; yet not let in into it, but resting on it, by a sole-tree laid on a shoulder of the wall, the wall being of purpose made so thick beneath, that it might be taken in one cubit more on the outside of it to every of these, three cubits in all, and yet be thick enough for the building. The main part therefore of the Howse it self being so high above these lower Eeelings, lay better open to the •• ght of all; and besides had convenient room for Windowes to let in light to the houses within: as also it was appointed, that there they should be, and that they should in such sort be made, as was meetest to such a purpose. How this house and the Tower of it together with those Eelings beneath were covered above, we have not described: but by the proportion of the residue of the work besides, we may safely conceyne that the covering of them was suitable also unto the rest, both for good workman-ship and beauty too. And seeing it was the manner there, to build with flat roofs, and that thereon they were wont much to keep, while they solemnized the feast of Tabernacles; and seeing their houses generally were to have battlements: it is not unlike, but that in those things it was much like unto many of our Churches also; saving that both in matter and workman-ship, it far exceeded. Neither have we particularly set down, what was the front or outward workman-ship and show of these three lower Stories or heigthes of the Eelings; nor what was the use or partition of them: but yet that they had winding stairs from one to another. Whereof notwithstanding we may conceive [ C] is also men do, that there was special good use, either as of needful rooms, for such as ministered there, or to lay up things needful, or as of Galeries to walk in for pleasure, or some part of them for one use, and some for another; and that the Workmanshippe or outward show of them was very fair, and suitable unto the rest of the building. We read but of one only door, and that at one of the ends of them on the East, for entrance to all. But now having viewed these buildings without, and being desirous to draw somewhat nearer, and to see them within, we are first to come by the Courts: one, that was common unto the people; another that was proper unto the Priests. Concerning which, it is certain that they both lay before the house it self on the East: but whether they reached but to the Porch of the Temple it self, and closed up there, as some there be that do describe it, or whether they closed in the Temple round about, as others do take it, I do not find that that may be decided out of the Text. But because God himself had given them example before, in ordaining the Court of the Tabernacle, to compass all the Sanctuary it self, and seeing it seemeth that otherwise the Temple should have stood nakedly and bare, and not with that dignity that was due unto it: therefore it seemeth to be the likelier, that they compassed the whole Temple; and that the words round about, that are used in the description of the great Court, are to be taken, not only to show howe that and the inner were taken in, but also what they were in respect of the Temple, as on every side also compassing it. Notwithstanding a doubt there is, that myself have conceived, and do not see well how to clear it: namely, that in the same place, the like seemeth to be set down for the Porch also. But whereas these two Courtes were open, and so such taking in as there is spoken of might well become them; unless the Porch were open too, it seemeth that this would not in like sort be said of that: and so, that either the Porch was open also, or else that such wormanship as this would not be attributed unto it. Yet not denying, but that such might be the workmanship of it likewise, so far as was needful to be suitable unto the other: albeit that afterward it was reared higher (and it may be of the same work still) until it came to the height to it appointed; and then was covered. Howsoever it was, two Courts there were, of what measure or quantity we know not, but such no doubt as were proportionable unto the rest of the building, and meet for the use to which [ D] they were taken: taken in with three rewes of fair polished stones, and one of Cedar fayrely wrought. Entering from the East into these, we come to the Porch, the front or first part of house it self: a Tower of no great room within, but answerable and joining to the rest of the building, ten yardes one way, and five another, but twice so high (as the better opinion seemeth to be) as the residue of the house was long, and covered over above. In which respect, a note in some of our English Bibles had need to be heeded; and would deserve, as I do take it, when once it should be well examined, then to be amended also: and so that description of Uatablus too, which seemeth to have led the way unto ours; and that not only for the leaving of it uncovered (which that kind of description could not bear) but also for the want of due proportion betwixr the pillars & room that they stand in, in both his figures. Which room within, being but the Porch or entrance unto the house it self, was nevertheless, as it seemeth, over-laid within with pure Gold. But whereas afterward it is noted to have had three large double Gates of Silver (but then the description of that, doth in diverse things varry from this) at this time it seemeth, by the proportion of the Pillars, and room that they stood in (the bigness filled the room so near, as, by other occasion, we saw before) that it had but one Gate only, and that towards the East. Again, in this sort taking it to be a covered building, and so high, it may probably seem, although thc Text make no such mention (as, in particular, it omitteth many things besides) that after a convenient height for the lowest room, wherein the Pillars stood, such as in proportion might be answerable to them, it had some lofts above for necessary uses, with convenient way or passage into them: and that Windowes were in convenient places disposed, both in the lower and higher rooms, as was most meet for beauty and use. But whether those Chambers above, were to be accounted any of those that David spake of under the name of Closets and Chambers, and of those that Solomon likewise is said to have over-laid with Gold, it is not certainly to be affirmed: but so far, as that which may seem to be spoken of that whole Tower, may be in particular to those applied. Nevertheless, seeing but very few persons (which were but a few of the Priests themselves were allowed to come into the Temple, and but the High Priest only, and but once in the year, into the Holiest of all; and yet the Nature of man inclyneth, when they have any special excellency, some way or other to acquaint others [ E] with it, or at the least with some part of it: it may probably be, that as Solomon had sufficient declaration of his Magnificence in his Houses, Throne, and such like, in civil account, so would he in this also (especially so far as GOD would allow him to do it; and by these other things we may see, that GOD gave him great liberty for that matter) that concerned Religion, have some such rooms to impart unto others, as might (together with the residue) plentifully witness that special favor of GOD towards him. The next hereunto was the Holy-place, that which properly was called the Temple: the entrance whereinto, was no baser than a double door of Fir or Caedar fairly wrought, and covered over with beaten Gold: the Henges also no meaner than Gold. The space or room of it within, about twenty yardes long, ten broad, and fifteen high: the Lights or Windowes thereof being only in the upper part of the Walls thereof: all the Walls thereof being first reared, and the Flower covered with Stone, in very substantial and beautiful manner: but then all seeled over with Caedar, on the Walls imbossed and curiously wrought: and both the sides and flour beneath, and the Timber of the Roofe above, all over-laid or covered over with beaten Gold, of Work-manship suitable unto the Mettal, and richly adorned with many precious stones besides. That which remaineth is the Holiest of all. Where again we have, besides a fair and rich Vayle, another door whereby to enter, of Olive-Tree, both the sides of it fairly wrought, and covered with Gold: the Henges also of pure Gold. But where-about this door was set it is not declared: and we shall afterward have better occasion to inquire of it. The room within, altogether of the same matter and work-manshippe that the other was of, for the sides, flour, and roof, for the stone Timber. Seeling, and work-manshippe of it, and everywhere over-laid with gold: but then but half so great as the other, holding only ten yardes square. And yet do we read of six hundred Talents of Gold to have been bestowed only on it: as also, that whereas they had occasion to use Nayles for the better setting forth of the work, for the doors and other places over-laid with Gold, there were they so little spating of their Gold, that one only of the Nailes of Golde that they used therein, was the weight of about fifty ounces with us. As touching all which building that now we have spoken of, although being begun in the fourth year of the reign of Solomon, it was not finished but in the eleventh, and so was seven year in building (which plainly argueth the exceeding great beauty of it. Considering how many were employed about it; and yet it may not be denied, but that many other things were done besides, of which as yet we have not spoken:) yet all things were made so ready before, the Stone at the Quarry, and Timber at the Wood, that there was no hewing or cutting there; but only setting up that which was done. A comfortable figure, that howsoever we be exercised here with any kind of tribulation to make us fit for the building then: yet at that time we shall be fully aquitted of all affliction, and quietly and readily made up together, into a joyful and glorious habitation: and a matter of good instruction withal, that in the building of God's Temple here all things should be so well praepared, and in such readiness before, especially the hearts of those that are to be built, yea and of the builders too, towards those whom they build, and among themselves) that while we are setting up of the work, there be no noice either of sorrowful crying, or of bitter contending among us.

4 Having thus considered of the place which Solomon ordained for the worship of God, and being now to consider of such things as were therein to that [ A] purpose, it shall not be amiss, seeing we were last in the holiest place of all, there likewise now to begin, & so to come forth as we went in: saving that we are first to know, that we are not to look to have all the rooms furnished with such as belonged unto them, because diverse of them were to be brought in by the Priests and Levites, and that was not done till the time of the dedication, of which we are not to speak yet, but next unto this that now we are in. Now therefore we are but to look for such things as it may seem were to massy for men to bear conveniently, or such as the Priests and Levites were not charged withal; and therefore that Solomon made the Woorke-men to set them up in their places as they were made, to be in a readiness against the time that they were to be used: and for the others that were to be brought in by the Priests and Levites, not to look to find them in their places, til [ B] the time of the Dedication. Beginning then with the most Holy-place, there we have yet but the two Cherubims only, to the likeness of young Men, standing on their feet, and their faces down-ward, towards those that came in, or towards the next Roome thereunto called the Temple, but having the Wings and appearance of Angels (not as they are in themselves being but Spirites, and not subject to Mortall eye; but as it hath pleased God, that in his service they have appeared to Men) themselves being about five yardes high, in such sort situate, and so stretching out their Wings side-ways, that touching together with the point of their Wings in the midst, with the others they reached, either of them to the Wall beside them. And true it is, that God hath given his Angels charge, of all and every of those that are his; even from one ende of the World to the other: not but that himself only praeserueth, maintaineth and quickeneth all; but that it pleaseth him, to our comfort, to use theer Mynistery also about us. But whereas the others on the Lidde of the Ark, reared up on the ends thereof, were but little ones in comparison of these, but all of Gold: these being much bigger, were of Timber work within, of the Wood of the Olive; but over-laid with beaten Gold. Unto the next room without, the Temple or the Holy-place, did many things appertain; but all of that Nature as I do take it, that were to be brought in and to be placed by the Priests and Levites: and therefore the relation of them meetest to be referred unto the time of the dedication. The next unto this was the Porch as we saw before: in which there was nothing that did appertain to the charge of the Priests or Levites, nor anything that might well be carried by men. For there were nothing therein, but only two great Pillars of Brasse, on either side one, both of one work-manship, and very fair: the bodies of the Pillars themselves being about nine yardes high, and two yardes thick; their Chapters also, together with the furniture of them (which on either of them was a fair round Globe or Ball of Brasse likewise, but curiously wrought and adorned) about two yards and an half higher. What their Bases were, we have not described: but yet we may well conceive, that they were suitable unto the rest, not only in proportion, but in workmanship also. Which two fair and stately Pillars, being so placed as they were, betwixt that house of God on the one side, and those Courtes of the Priests and people on the other, might well be as two visible and perpetual witnesses unto [ C] them, that they observing their part of their covenant towards him, he also for his part would ever be one towards them again. For in that significant names were given unto them, the people thereon might probably gather, that they carried some signication with them: and in that both their Names point in effect, but to one only thing; namely, establishment or power to stand, they might thereon gather, that one thing rather to be substantially witnessed unto them (for two Witnesses are by the Law of God it self sufficient) than moe to be but only avowed, and not given under sufficient witness. The next unto this, is the Court of the Priests, in which there were many things much belonging (at least by wonted use, about the Tabernacle, until they came to rest in their promised Land) unto the Office of the Priests and Levites: but some of them (it seemeth) too chargeable now for them to deal with, and so most likely to be set in their places by the Work-men that made them. Those that seem to be to chargeable for them to deal with, were but two: the great Brazen Altar: and that great Vessel of Brasse called the Sea. The great brazen Altar was as long and broad, as the House it self was broad within, being about ten yardes square, and five high, and was placed towards the upper end of the Court that now we speak of. That it was of so great a square; was no more than often it needed: as also it was too little sometimes, for the sacrifices that were to be offered thereon. The height also was no more, than the proportion of the breadth thereof did require: but now much more than the use thereof might bear, but that it seemeth they were now allowed to go up by steppes thereunto, which notwithstanding was forbidden before. But that prohibition was indeed somewhat before that God appointed the Priests to have Linnen Garmentes under their other Clothes to cover their Loynes, and to hide their priuities, so often as they ministered unto him: and so it seemeth, that now it is so much the more easily dispensed withal. Again, by this means the people that should repair thereunto, might ever better see what was done: and so have better exercise of their repentance & Faith thereby, and so belike they ascended about four yardes or better by steppes (which, it seemeth were of Brasse likewise, and fast to the Altar) that so they might more conveniently reach towards the midst of the Altar, to lay on such proportions or partes of each Sacrifice as was appointed. For that some of ours do conceive, by the direction of an Haebrew Rabbin, or [ D] at least incline thereunto, that they had an ascending thereunto, not by steppes, but by some kind of ascent that did rise but by little and little, even reason it self may teach, that though such ascent may be conceived, yet could it hardly fit both the place and the service well. For the more easily that the ascent did rise, the farther must it spread it self into all the Court besides: and the Altar bearing so great a square as it did, it was needful the ascent should be so much the higher, which of necessity must needs take up very much room which way soever it lay. On the other side if the ascent were scanted in room, then must it be so much the branter, especially being without steppes:) and then over slippery to pass too and fro as that service required. And whether it were the one or the other, yet so must the Altar be hidden thereby for most part of it, or rather as it were buried in it, or swallowed up of it. But now put case that so it were, yet that were no help against the reason by the Law alleged, why there should be no ascending by steppes to the Altar: because that being on such an height above the people, and so much within the power of the wind, it forceth not then whether they came thither by steppes, or by an height softly ascending; as the top of an house, Mast, or Tree, is no more in danger for that matter, then of some height of ground thereby, as high as the other. But these having given some judgment thereon so well as they could have done more commendable as I do take it, than others that have left it at large, nothing at all helping to give some light how it is to be taken, but leaving all to perplexity in it: albeit that as themselves have professed to have had it their meaning to help others in the understanding of the Text, so have they indeed otherwise done so marvelous well therein, that a right good reader might in many things have stuck, if we had not have been holpen by them. As also one other there is, that I do meet with, who is very plain, that they were not to go up thereunto by steps, and yet doth nothing at all help the reader to conceive how it might otherwise be well and orderly done: but so doth leave him, and give him over to shift for himself so well as he can. Neither is it strange, that some of the Laws of God are but for some special time, though there be no such limitation therein mentioned: as diverse of those ceremonies of eating the pascall Lamb at the first institution of it; the Altar of earth; the quantity of the Altar in the Tabernacle, by this in the Temple; one Table of Shew bread there, ten here; one standing Candlestick there, ten here, and such like. And therefore less marvel, if having forbidden [ E] steps to his Altar before, when he had given them no such help to cover their nakedness, and when he ordained no such Altar for breadth or height but that otherwise they might do their service about it: now nevertheless he appoint such an Altar for breadth and height, as by it self might argue, that now they were by steps to ascend unto it. For whensoever anything is required, then are the means allowed also, without the which it cannot be done: and though those means were forbidden before, yet not in such case as this was now. And Christ himself, the only true sacrifice, told us plainly, the he must be lifted up: and so was his Altar advanced indeed. As also we, God be thanked for it, have in him, a most large and beautiful Altar, whereon we, and all the people of God together, may offer our sacrifice to GOD our Father: but so highly advanced withal, that we must of necessity ascend, even step by step, to do him that service. That great vessel of Brasse, called a Lake or Sea (according to the manner of the Hebrews, calling all abundance or great gathering together of waters, a Lake or Sea) was likewise to chargeable (as I do take it) for any but the workmen themselves to deal withal: neither could they themselves deal with it (to remove it to and fro) but only by engines and such labor withal, and that but so fair and softly, that it was not for the Priests and Levites to have brought it in when the dedication was, nor such kind of labor answerable then to that solemnity. For it was about five yards broad within, and half as deep, out of question round above, but thought by some to grow to a just square in the bottom, and to be there ten Cubits square: and it was an hand breadth thickness of the mettele, fairly and substantially wrought; being seated, or standing upon twelve Oxen or Bulls of Brasse, their heads and forepartes being outward, and directed three of them apiece towards the four several Coasts of the earth, and all their hinder parts being inward, sustaining the burden. The capacity of which great vessel or Sea is in two several places diversely noted, and in such sort, that though it be reconciled by some (others also inclining towards it) as if the lesser number we have in the one place, were nevertheless as much as the greater we have in the other: yet seemeth it rather, and so is it taken by others, that where the lesser measure is spoken off, that is meant which ordinarily was used to be put into it; and in the greater, the full measure of it even to the brim. What the certainty of this measure was, is thought to be a thing that cannot [ F] now be attained unto, for want of the just knowledge of the Hebrew measures: neither is it certain unto us now what was the form of it; though it may rather seem to have been an Hemisphere, or half a Globe, concaue or hollow. Especially, being so as is conceived, and the most likely, that they had the use of the water within, by certain Cocks set towards the bottom of the outside of it: and as some think, even in the mouths of every of those Oxen, so that a dozen might at once have the use of that water. For in such case a round plain bottom, yea vessel descending aequaly round about unto it, was more likely of it self to keep clean, than if it had so many corners, and straiter passages, as of necessity needs it must have, if it were square. But of this we might make reasonable sure, that if either the form of this vessel, or the measure allotted unto it, were certainly known, they have so good a reciprocatiue and mutual respect one to another, that by the knowledge of either of them, we might come to a reasonable guess of the other also. For if we certainly knew of what measure the Bath was that here is spoken off: then might we thereby readily find, whether of those two forms (the whole round throughout, or else to be round but above, and square beneath) it was like to have had. So likewise if we knew the form, then would it also quickly help us to find, what was the Bath that here is mentioned. But now if the Bath then were such, as it is now taken to be, for threescore and twelve Sextaryes, and every Sextary to be a pinte and a half of our measure; then every Bath falling out to be thirteen Gallons and an half of our measure, so should we have (as I do take it) in those two thousand Baths of theirs, seven and twenty thousand Gallons of ours, which would make one hundred and five Tunnes) one Hoggeshed, one barrel, three Firkins, and two Gallons: as also the full measure of it being three thousand of their Bathes, would in like sort amount in our measure to one hundred fifty and seven Tunnes, two Hoggesheads, one Barrel, three Firkins and an half: every Firkinne, being eyght Gallons; every Barrel being four Firkins, or thirty two Gallons; and every Hoggeshead, being two Barrels, or threescore and four Gallons. So that if this were the measure of that great Vessel, needs must it be much more than in such case was to be dealt with, and not to be placed so fitly, but only by the workmen themselves. But being thus made, by [ G] whomsoever it was placed, placed it was at the entering into this Court of the Priests, on the left hand towards the South. And may well assure our selves, that although this vessel was very great, and many might wash at once about it, on the East, West, North, and South, even out of the mouths of those Oxen or Bulls that bare it: yet the mercies of God by Jesus Christ in the Fountain of regeneration are much greater, and many in all partes of the World do wash together at it; even in him, whom those silly Beasts, so usually sacrificed there, did preach unto them. One there is, who may seem to account that of the Tabernacle, and this of the Temple to have been all one: but the greatness of his learning and judgment may easily lead us to conceive, that he did account them but one in respect of the use whereunto they were both ordained; that before, and this now. And as in the Altar, so in this also it seemeth, that God would enlarge the figures and Testimonies of his graces towards us: as the Sun, the nearer he draweth towards his rising, the greater light he casteth among us. Otherwise they both were indeed one so much, that the use of this is but briefly mentioned here, and left to be gathered out of the other there; for such as would more fully have it. The outward Court only remaineth, which the Temple now had more, than the Tabernacle had before. For it had but one Court for the Priests before, wherein they were to do the service that to them was appointed: and if the people would offer any sacrifice, or make any Oblation to the Lord, they were to come to the door of the Tabernacle, and there to deliver it to the Priest▪ that he might go and present it farther: and not only the common sort of the people, but even the Princes or chief of them, and the Priests themselves, when they were to make any oblation. And so the people yet were not yet to meddle with the Court of the Priests: but yet had they now another Court allowed unto them: and the same joining to that of the Priests. As also God hath now not only taken in us Gentiles to be of his people: but, in our High Priest Jesus Christ, hath allowed us all to be Priests unto him, and to have our place in his holy Temple. So that this Court may well be taken before to insinuate unto us, that which the Prophet [ H] did afterward utter in plainer speech, both of strangers and Eunucks too. In this Court there was nothing to speak off, as only for the use of the people: and there it was wherein Solomon (now shortly after, when all things were ready) on a brazen Scaffold, to that end erected, did dedicate the Temple which he had made unto the Lord. And unless that Scaffold were left there after, we find nothing else to that Court appertaining: but hereupon it seemeth it was, that afterward it grew to be called Solomon's Porch, they terming it a Porch, that we (in our language) more properly call a Yard or a Court.

5 How he did consecrate or give up the house it self, and the things thereunto [ A] apperiaining unto his use, by whose appointment, and to whose use he had ordained them, being now to be seen, we are first directed to consider of the time: then, of the business it self. The time is noted by two limitations: one, that all things were first made ready; the other, what time it was of his reign. As touching the finishing of all things first, that is a thing that is not only recorded, but hath added withal, that it was done in very goodmanner: all things needful being made in great abundance: and such things as were made of Brasse, to be so large and many, that the weight or value thereof could not be reckoned. For the time of his reign it is likewise noted, that being begun in the fourth year of his reign, the second day, & the second month of that year (they beginning, in this account, when the days and nights are of a length in the Spring of the year, some few days lightly before the midst of March with us; and so by that reckoning about the midst of our April) it was finished in the eleventh year of his reign, and in the seventh month thereof; and that the dedication thereof was in the same month also. In the business it self, whereas Solomon was purposed to have it done with special solemnity, and to that end gathered together all the chief of the Land, we are first to consider of their gathering together unto that business: then, of their dismissing again when it was done. In their gathering together unto that business, we are first to see, in what sort they were so assembled: then, how the business was performed, for which they were so gathered together. They were so assembled, for that Solomon sent for the Elders of Israel, to come unto him to Jerusalem about that business: and [ B] they accordingly repaired unto him. The performance of the business, that being so gathered together, they all did their parts in some good measure well, for anything that we read to the contrary: and we have good likelihood that so they did, because it pleased God to take it so graciously as he did. And then were they more happy than David, in his first attempt of bringing the Ark unto Jerusalem: he having that whole solemnity dashed by some over-sights therein committed. But these we may account to have done their parts well, both in the substance of the business they had in hand: and in the manner of doing it. The substance of their business was, first to bring in such things to the Temple as now they had for it: then, to worship in such sort withal, as to such action did appertain. In bringing in such things to the Temple as now they had for it, some there were on whom that service did chiefly lie: and others besides, that by their praesence did put to their hands to help forward the solemnity of it so well as they could. Those on whom that service did for the most part lie, were those that had the charge of the Tabernacle before: and they were the Priests and Levites. And the things that were to be brought in, were most of them such, as wherewith such of the Levites as were not Priests might deal withal, for anything that seemeth to be to the contrary: but some other such, as now belonged to the charge of the Priests alone, as is most likely. Such of the Levites, as were not Priests might deal, it seemeth, with all such things as belonged to most of the Temple: namely, unto the inner Court; and to the outward part of the Temple it self, called also the Holy-place. Unto the inner Court appertained all the Pots, Basons, Fleshookes, Ash-pans, and Beezoms; yea, and all the Instruments of Music also (of this kind: for some of them were of Gold, but not unlikely, but that some were of Brasse also) to the Temple belonging, if they had any moe (as not unlikely but that in such abundance of other things they had:) and all those ten Bases, together with their Caldrons on them. As for those Pots, Basons, and such like, yea, and those Instruments of Music also, we have no special description of them, neither for the form nor number of them: but we may well conceive, that they were proportionable to those that are described, and then, both that they were very beautiful or fair, and that they had great plenty of them. More [ C] specially me find, that although all generally to this place appertaining were of Brasse; yet most of those Basons of Gold, if not all (and we read of an hundred of them) did appertain to this place also: and whereas their Beesoms are noted to be of Brasse also, it seemeth, that all such Instrumentes are meant thereby, as whereby such places or Courts, yards, or streets, are wont to be cleansed (and this place though it were well & fair paved, and though they had many vessels to receive the water they used, and the blood of the sacrifices that they shed, yet when they had great doings, as often as they had, needs must it grow foul thereby:) and that such as properly go under the name of Beesoms with us, were so devised with them, that instead of Twigs, their Bushy part was of Brasen Wire, and of such temper as would be flexible, and yet return to the place again. These things it seemeth, were all brought in by the Levites, and in fair and decent manner (because all things were, by all likelihood, orderly here) but yet, as it seemeth, in the first place withal, as giving place to others that were of more special regard. In the next place, it seemeth to me, came those Bases, together with their Caldrons on them: all of Brasse, all going on wheels, and every of them having four wheels a-piece for the more easy carriage of them, being otherwise very Massy and heavy. For the Caldrons themselves were about two yards wide, and, it seemeth, half so deep: and containing forty Baths a-piece, they were of our measure, by our former reckoning, two Tun (allowing two hundred fifty six gallons to a Tunne) one barrel (allowing four Firkings, of eyght Gallons a-piece to a Barrel) and two gallons besides. Their Bases likewise or frames, were square, about one yard and an half high, and two yardes square above: fairelie wrought, and having fair and fit stays, both in the the midst, and at every corner of the frame besides, for those Caldrons to rest upon, and all of Brasse. The wheels, on each side two, were but half so high as the frame it self, but of brass likewise. And so, though they were chargeable and heavy, yet being made so fit for carryage, [ D] to be drawn too and fro, as a man would have them, the Levites also being so many as they were, they might in such sort lead these with them, as would be nothing unseemly for the best solemnity of that so honorable and holy an action. These being on their way, it seemeth those did follow next, who carried the holy things of the Temple: of which again it seemeth, there were many things, though rich in themselves, and to special good use; yet not altogether of such regard as were some other. So in this company also, it seemeth to me, that these were likeliest to make the way unto the others. Of these we have two sortes now: one, of such as then were, as it were, Antiquate, as having their date out already; the other of such, as then were most to be used. Such as were then, as it were, antiquate, as having their date out already, were the Tabernacle, and such things (the Ark excepted) as thereunto appertained, were nevertheless now on their way to be had in into the Temple, and there to be forever reposed. Those that were then most to be used, were of two sortes likewise: some that were, as it were but voluntary; others that were of stricter necessity. Those we may account to be but voluntary, that David before had dedicated to the use of the Temple; which Solomon also is noted to have brought in: and so it seemeth, that these also had place in this solemnity, as well worthy they were, being at it seemeth both Plate and Treasure (and by likelihood in no scant or sparing measure;) and not unlikely as I take it, but that their place might be here-about also. Those that were of stricter necessity, were all those that God had commanded, and Solomon had now made, as necessary appurtenaunces (in the serurce of God) unto all the principal things to the holy place belonging: as Incense-Cups, Basons, Boales, Lamps, Snuffers, Ash-pannes, and such like, and diverse Instruments of Music here also it seemeth, all which things here were of pure Gold. Those others that were of more special regard to this place appertaining, were the Golden Altar, which was for Incense or sweet perfume to be burnt thereon; the ten golden Tables of Shew-bread, five to be on the one side, and five on the other; and ten Golden Candlesticks, with their Lamps thereon, in which there should be lights to burn before the Lord, and to give light to the house beneath, all the Windowes being above, That which I take to appertain to the [ E] Priests alone, which also doth only remain, and may seem to come in last, and to shut up (for those matters) the whole solemnity, and was the chief thing to the Temple belonging, was the Ark of Testimony, appertaining to the in-most or most holy place, add the only Jewel or glory of it; the two Cherubims there awaiting, and attending the coming of it; and so was it also accordingly carried.

6 With these things therefore approaching the place where they were to [ A] be bestowed, and first coming to make their delivery of such things as they had for the inner Court which was for the Priests, there may we conceive, that whatsoever vessels, or instruments they had, either for those things that were there before (as for the great brazen Altar for the better or more seemly dispatch of their sacrifice, or for the great Sea for the readier supplying of it with water so oft as need should be) or for those Caldrons that now they brought with them for the readier supplying of them likewise: all those and every of them did they there bestow in their places, as to everyone did appertain. Those ten Caldrons also did they bestow in their places, five on the one side, and five on the other: so furnishing the whole room, with great plenty, and readiness to wash as need should require. And blessed be God, that we also, in Jesus Christ, are so provided and have such facility of making our oblations and sacrifices to God our Father: and that, when everywhere, and in all things we do so readily offend, in him likewise we have everywhere such abundance of water, and in such readiness to cleanse us again. And whether those wheels of theirs were the more readily to bear them some little way forth or not, when they were empty (for the more honor of the place) there to be filled, & then to come in readily again: certain it is, that we can no sooner have any sensible feeling of our uncleanness, with a sound desire to be cleansed therefro, but that we have a readier and speedier cleansing in him, than for any earthly thing whatsoever, any earthly wheels could help us unto. But this is sure, that whereas by the holy Commandments of God, we find our selves to be foul, observing not one, but guilty in all, as they be ten, and every of them charging us with great uncleanness: so here have we ten vessels likewise, every of them yielding great plenty of water, and [ B] altogether, a great deal more, to cleanse us withal. Then holding on their way by those two untainted, credible, and standing witnesses, that cleaving to God, he faileth not us, and passing into the Temple or Holy-place, though there they find great riches, & excellent beauty: yet do these bring those things with them, in which those riches, and all that beauty, have, as it were, even all their being. For these bring with them, all those Tables of Shew-bread, those Candlesticks also, and the Altar of sweet perfume: all being of gold themselves, or richly over-laid therewith; and all pointing to Jesus Christ, the honor and glory of all the whole building, and of all things therein. By those Tables of Shrew-bread, giving us to understand, that ever there is sustenance in the Church of God: by those Candlesticks and their Lamps burning on them, that the people of God ever have light; and by that Altar of sweet perfume, that our selves though otherwise odious, and our service to him, though otherwise exceeding unsavory in it self, are nevertheless made acceptable in him: and whereas there was but one Table of Shew-bread before, and but one Candlestick also, and of either ten now (five for the one side, and five for the other, that both those Mysteries might on both sides be witnessed unto us) we may therein plainly behold, laying our experience thereto, that in those matters the goodness of God is very much enlarged unto us. Neither are we to doubt, but that as the Tables and Candlesticks do in number answer the Commandments now: so do every of the Commandments minister both food and light unto us; especially leading us unto Christ, in whom we have both in plentiful measure. All which as they bring in, so do they set in their places likewise, & whatsoever vessels and other instruments belonged unto them, or to the place where now we are: all which were of pure gold. They bring in likewise the Tabernacle of the Congregation, and all the holy vessels thereof: and the things that David had dedicated. In that the Tabernacle and the holy things thereof were now brought in, it may seem, that now they should rest, having served their tlme already: the Temple and the things thereof being now to succeed, and to serve for the time ensuing, as they had served before till now. We also, we trust, when we have served our time, shall then be laid up in a blessed fruition of eternal glory. In that the things that David had dedicated were now brought in, we need not to doubt, but that we can dedicate neither our selves nor anything else unto the Lord, according as he hath taught us to do, but that in time, both we [ C] and ours shall be brought in: and that where Religion was indeed, there dedicated things before were truly brought in; and not either withheld or withdrawn, as they are since over often with us. Where these things were laid up, or how they were placed, it is not declared: but in the most Holy-place there was reasonable good room also, besides the place that now we are in; and in the upper part of the Porch, as it seemeth. Of the upper part of the Porch there is noted before sufficient for this matter. The Temple or Holy-place that now we are in, was twice so big as the Most-holy: but then had it many things therein. The Most-holy being but half so big, was nevertheless ten yardes square, and otherwise had nothing therein but only the two Cherubimmes as yet: whom we may conceive to be set so near to the Temple or Holye-place, that they left beyond them, better than two parts of the three, of the whole room void beyond them. For the Cherubims must so stand, that they might spread their in-most wings over the Ark: and the Ark, it self being but about an ell long (and to stand long-wise, is the most advantage for it that now we speak of) must be placed so near to the partition betwixt these two houses, that the bars of the Ark being drawn but a little forthward might have the ends of them seen in the Holy place or Temple, whereinto the Priests were daily to come. So much then of the room of this house remaining so void, it is not unlikely (for anything that I do see to the contrary) but that these things might there be reposed: especially the Tabernacle and the holy things thereof, of which there was no farther use now to be had; and this place it self though the Most-holy, not too good for it neither, in respect of the reckoning it was of before, and the use that then it yielded. For therein also was the Most-holy: and the likelier it is that it should rather sanctify the residue that was all one with it; than that the residue should be any abasing at all unto it. And God be thanked for it, it is no doubt with us, but that if he do vouchsafe us to be of his Holy-place here, he will also receive us unto the fruition of those eternal and most glorious habitations of his there, such also as cannot be but Most-holy. As for those things which David had dedicated, though those were most likely to be elsewhere bestowed, because it seemeth they were holy Vessels or treasure, such as [ D] sometimes they should need to use: yet so far as such use of them should not occasion any other repairing thither than was allowed, even those also were like enough to be of that dignity with them, that there also they might have place, or some part of them, if the trust and charge of them were to the High-priest only committed, and if there were no farther business with them, than without impeachment to his other service he might dispatch when orderly he was to come in. Howbeit it seemeth rather, that they were such things as were diverse times to be used: and so to be elsewhere bestowed. But we need not to doubt, but that if truly we consecrate or dedicate our selves unto God, he will accept of us in so gracious manner, as that even the holiest place of all shall at no time be barred unto us. Having done here, then were the Priests to set the Ark in the place for it provided, a little within the Most-holy place, under the wings of the two Cherubims: and then to draw forthward (from the West to the East) the ends of the bars so far, as that they might something appear in the Holy-place without, and yet the other ends not forsaking their rings neither. At which time it is plainly noted, that there was nothing in the Ark, but only those two Tables of stone of the Ten Commandments; about which diverse of our Writers trouble themselves more than needeth, because of a place of the Apostle, which seemeth to say: that other things were there besides. But the Apostle speaketh of a former time: & because these were not so needful as these, nor so propper to that very place originally; therefore, is it less marvel, if since they were lost, or elsewhere bestowed. A matter that may seem to teach us, that God would not always have his people to depend on such rudiments (as that pot of Manna, and Aaron's rod, were Testimonies how God had fed their Fathers, and how he detested that any should approach as Priest unto him but only such as him-self allowed) but that he would have the word only to suffice them now: and withal, that he having a greater care for our sakes for the preservation thereof, than of the others (though those also were rich Jewels) we in like sort, to his glory, should be more regardful to his word, and careful to keep it, than any other Treasure of earthly wisdom, or whatsoever goodthings of that kind besides. But as touching this manner of placing the [ E] Ark in the place Most-holy, in such sort that the bars thereof should appear a little within the Temple adjoining unto it, as it behooveth us to consider of the meaning of it: so is there just occasion given likewise, not to omit the manner neither. For the meaning of it, I think it best, that we begin with the first institution of it. So do we find, that the Ark was ordained for those two Tables of stone wherein the Ten-Commandments were written: and that, whereas while they were in the wilderness and traveling there, they had ever to carry the same with them, the bars likewise whereby it was to be carried, were ever to be in their places ready. A plain document to them, that they were to have a special regard unto those Commandments, to observe and keep them in all their ways, so near as they could. All which time of their travel there, and diverse times in their Country after, they had such sight of the Ark, as might renew that regard unto them. ••• now at this time it was to be shut up generally from the sight of them all: for that the people were to come but only unto the outward Court as it seemeth, and but the Priests and Levites into the inward; and but the Priests only into the Temple or Holy-place, and that but by course, when their time was to serve; and but the High Priest only into the Most-Holy or inmost place of the Temple, & but once in the year neither, where that Ark was to be reposed now. In which case we may readily see, that it was to very good purpose, that the ends of the bars, being ever in a readiness for the carriage of the Ark if need should be, should nevertheless be so disposed, as that withal they might cast themselves (or some part of them) into the eyes or sight of the Priests, that still by course and order came in, to do such service in the Temple as was appointed: that they being the teachers of the people, might so be put in mind by those two witnesses, how carefully they ought to teach the people to have special regard in all their ways to those holy Commandments. And whereas it is noted by diverse, and reason it self teacheth that so it must be, that those ends of the bars reaching out to the veil, and butting somewhat hardly upon it, should in those two places bear it forth more than in others, and so make those two places of the veil somewhat like to a woman's breasts: true it is, that if the Priests [ F] should take so good regard thereat, that they thereupon would more diligently teach the people those Commandments, so might those two swellings of the veil, made by those two ends of the bars, be justly accounted as very motherly papes indeed, yielding forth such milk to the Children. The manner of it is somewhat harder: yet not in it self, for anything that I can find therein; but only by the inordiate hast of such as have written thereon, setting down their judgment of diverse particulars, before they have considered of altogether, and thē framing their judgment of those that follow, by others mistaken going before. For amending of which, the best way to me seemeth to be, first to set down that which is certain and plainly declared: then, thereby to determine of that which is not so plainly set down, and therefore left more uncertain unto us. Certain it is and plainly declared, that those two Cherubims which Solomon made, were so set in the inner House, or the Most Holy-place, that as with their outward wings they reached to the walls or sides of the house, so their inward Wings meeting together should be directly over the Ark, and the bars thereof above. But now if the inner Wings of the Cherubims did where they met, cover the Ark and the bares thereof above, then must the Ark of necessity be under their wings so meeting together. Certain it is again, that the Ark it self was but two Cubits and an half long, or about an ell with us. How long the bars thereof were, it is not declared: but then we are to conceive, that they were of such length as was most convenient. For as touching that that is reported by some, that certain of the Hebrews held them to be ten Cubites or five yardes long, which, it seemeth was much more than needed, or for swaying was convenient: by other that they were but two Cubites long, which was too short, though it had been carried to the greatest advantage to that purpose, I think we do best when we least trouble our selves therewith; though for the latter of these, it seemeth to be an err • e in the print, and not to be that which the Author himself did mean. But if we consider what may be a convenient length for the bars, we are first to determine, which way it may seem most likely that it was carried, whether end-long, or flat-long, as we do term it: for that diverse there are that varry herein▪ some on the 〈◊〉 [ G] side, and some on the other. Howsoever it were carried, it seemeth that two Cubits, or two cubits and an half at most, were large enough to be at both ends of them without the Ark it self: and that as if they were too short, they could not well bear it for want of length; so if they were too long, either they must sway vndecently in the bearing, or else they must be the heavier burden. Supposing then that it was carried end-long (for the Ringe must be on the sides of the Ark: & the bars likewise, being put through the Rings, must be on the sides. As for the reasons that do move some to the contrary, they are not so forcible, for though sometime the ends are accounted sides too; yet▪ neither so usually, nor so propperly: and though two men a-front could not so well carry together in so narrow a room, to employ which shoulder they would to their business, yet ye •• ding their inward shoulders unto it, well they might, as we have daily experience carrying a dead corpse on the Beer; and they were for the most part, enow to shift so often as they would) and allowing the bars to be an Ell long at each ende, longer than the Ark it self, so have we the length of three Elles in all, or of three yardes, and three quarters: and being so set in the Most-Holy place under the wings of the Cherubims, that the East end of the Barres being drawn forth Eastward, so far as they may, not being drawn from within those other Rings of the Ark at the West end of it, so have we two Els of those bars Eastward from the East end of the Ark, and nothing remaining at the other. And so the Ark, being thus placed, should be full two yards within the Most-holy, leaving the other cubit or half yarde (of the bars) to pierce into the Temple or out-most place: and so should the Cherubims that Solomon made, stand (in the midst, from side to side) about half an Ell farther within, that so the meeting of their in-most wings might be just over the midst of the Ark, and of the bars above or upper ends of them, & over the meeting of the wings of those others that were on the lid that was made by Moses. So likewise if the sides of the Ark be taken more generally to signify both the sides [ H] and the ends, and so the bars being put through rings at the ends, the Ark it self was flat-long carried and placed here (for that is the judgment of diverse) then the Ark being but little more than half an Ell broad, if we suppose the residue of the bars to be as long for carriage as before, so must the Ark and Solomon's Cherubims too (for those of Moses ever went with the Ark it self, & so I doubt are il omitted by some) be so much nearer unto the Temple or outmost place, and so much less within the Most-holy: but otherwise the meeting of those in-most wings of Solomon's Cherubims, should this way also be over the midst of the Ark, and over the bars above at the West end of them. But the former of these I should think most likely, saving that one place there is, that seemeth rather to make for the latter; namely, the sprinkling of the blood East-ward, on the Mercy-seat once a year by the High Priest: which seemeth more meet to have been on the full side thereof than on the end, which should have been, if long-way it stood East and West. Those thar are not so plainly set down, but that by those others that are more certain, we need to gather not our determination of these, are two: one the partition betwixt those two Houses; the other, the entrance into the Most-holy. The partition by diverse is accounted a wall: but it seemeth rather to be of the Nature of a Lattice, tralice, or grate (& so the word it self doth seem to import) whereby the ends of the bars might be put through unto the veil that hung within betwixt the two houses likewise; & being made of wood, to be covered over with beaten gold. On the East of which▪ and close unto it, within the Temple or outmost place, did a rich and fair Vail of wrought work hang, over the whole partition from the one side to the other, all even (as such hangings may be) saving where the ends of bars did bear it a little out, and as it were, in these two places imbossed the same. That the 〈◊〉 thereunto was a door of two leaves (as we term it) made of Timber but of fair workmanship, and ouerlaid with beaten Gold, there is no question with any: no • for so many as I have seen, but that it stood in the midst of the parti •• on. But it seemeth rather to have been • t one of the ends of it, and at the North end as I should think most meet: not taking the right hand of it, but coming upon the left hand rather. For if it were in the midst, the coming in must have [ I] been upon the Ark, and the bars by likelihood must have been put back first: else should the door have opened outward upon the Vail, which was not likely; and inwardly it could not open, the bars so mingling with it, unless they were put back before. In the Tabernacle before, I take it, there is no question with any; but that both the ends were loose, and neither of them made fast to the wall by which they hung; and that, as so it afforded entrance at either end of the veil, so it was there likewise taken: as also it is the manner in all such rooms as are hung, so to cast the hangings, as that in such sort they fall fit with the doors that are to be used. And so was it in much like manner with the entrance both into the Court of t •• Tabernacle and into the Holy-place it self: both of them being shut up with hangings, and having the entrance, not in the midst, but at the ends of those hangings only. And that the veil that now we speak of did rend in two, from the top to the bottom, at the death of Christ, and likely enough about the midst, that was not to patronage any entrance thereby now, but to show that the true High Priest was otherwise entered once for all, and to abolish that veil forever. The Cherubims also I grant, if there height be not considered, may seem to bar all entrance that way, in stretching out their Wings so close to the wall: but so would they do everywhere else besides. Howbeit for this matter there is no doubt to be conceived. These Cherubs we speak of, were as it were young men standing on their feet boult upright having their faces towards the people, and towards the whole service of God there, stretching out their wings as arms, on either side of them, out-right from them: which, by due proportion must be accomplished in the vpmost fourth part of their stature. Being therefore ten Cubites or five yardes high, or four elles, and this their stretching out of their wings being finished (for the most part of the length of their wings) very fully in the uppermost ell, or in the uppermost yard and one quarter, so have we three yardes and three quarters, or, which is all one, three elles remaining for men to go under almost twice so much as the ordinary stature of men doth require. And true it is, that as God by the wings of his Angels giveth, in his Holy-place, protection to all: so giveth he liberty or freedom of access unto all, even from the lowest unto the highest.

7 Of those on whom this service did not so properly lie, but yet now attended [ A] to help forward this solemnity, with their praesence so well as they could, there were, as it may seem, two principal sorts: of which we have certain knowledge for the one sort of them; and but probability for the other. Those of whom we have certain knowledge, were King Solomon himself, and those Elders & Heads of the Tribes, even the flower of all the Land, that at this time he had gathered together. For of those we have it plainly set down, both that the King himself was there: and that those Elders together with the people did accordingly repair unto him and attend him therein. Of those of whom we have no certainty but only probability, some of them were of the same people: others, but strangers. Of that people it seemeth, that the Queen, King Pharoes Daughter, whom King Solomon had married before, as also Naamah and Ammonitish woman but one of his Wives (whom that he had married before he was King, it appeareth, as before is noted, by the age of Rehoboam, being one and thirty years old when he began to reign, immediately after his Father, who had reigned but forty years) and if he had any others then (as it may well be that he had) these I say it may seem, were some part of this assembly, and by them, many other of the Princesses, Ladies, and chief women in Israel: because this assembly was not of any civil affairs, but altogether religious, and about a special service of God, wherein both the godlyer sort of the women them-selves would be desirous to be partakers, and not unlike, but that their husbands (at least the better sort of them) would have a special regard to it also. Of strangers likewise it seemeth that many were at this assembly, not only for the solemnity of it (as it is the manner of strangers, on such occasions oft to come in on every side, especially such as are well affectioned to the Princes or people to whom they come) but much rather because he had rule over all those Kings and kingdoms which lay betwixt the great River Euphrates on the North and North-East, and the Lande of the Philistines and Egypt, on the South and South-West: which being about sixteen degrees from the West to the East, and about eyght from the North to the South, do make one hundred twenty and eight in all; and every degree being multiplied by theescore miles, amount to the number of seven thousand [ B] six hundred and four-score miles, the square as it were of Solomon's Dominions. And we may probably think, that where-as in duty they were to attend him, if he should call for them, both himself would take this opportunity to acquaint them with some knowledge of God now: & that many of themselves •• uld be ready enough so to curry favor with him. The assembly being in this sort gathered together, and all things being now in a readiness, Solomon first belike setting the Priests and Levites on work to offer the Sacrifices that fell for the time, and that he or any of the people did then bring in, gat him up to the Scaffolde or Stage of Brasse, purposely made (but not so nakedly, as I should take it, as is described, belike because the Scripture maketh no farther mention of the manner of it, but only of the height and breadth of it: which notwithstanding by likely-hoode had stays above, both convenient and fair, as the rest of his work was then) in the out-most Court which was for the people, he first acknowledgeth the great goodness of GOD unto him, in that he hath vouch-safed him that mercy, that now he hath built that House unto him: then he desireth, that GOD would continue his mercies to him and his, and that in what distress soever the people should at any time be, it would please him in that place to hear them and to help them; and, if the case were at any time so, that them-selves could not in person be there, and then did turn their faces thither in their Prayer, that in such case also he would be merciful unto them. Our selves in like manner are much beholding to GOD, if it please him at any time to vouch-safe us the favor, to do any special service unto him: so far off is it, that he is any way beholding to us, when we do him the best service that we are able. And whether Solomon had respect or not, unto him whom that Temple did figure, Jesus Christ, when he craved, that in that place GOD would be so favorable unto the Prayers of his people: true it is, that in him it pleaseth GOD ever to hear us, and in none other in Heaven nor in Earth. When Solomon had thus far dealt with the Lord, then turning to the people, he [ C] put them also in mind how deeply they were beholden unto God: and exhorted them ever to stand in his holy fear. Then proceeding in their Sacrifices, both the King and the people brought in so plentifully, that the Altar was for that time a great deal to little, and they were fain to use therein a great part of the Court it self; even their Peace-offerings themselves were so many (of which there was but some little part of them burnt to the Lord, and so the less room would serve them▪ but for the great multitude of them:) insomuch, that those that are ascribed to Solomon only, were two and twenty thousand Beeues, and one hundred and twentye thousand Muttons: and when account is made of those that not only Solomon offered, but wherein all the whole Congreation had their hands in besides, then it is said, that they could not be numbered for multitudes. But all the charge was not in these, for that they were to add to every of these a certain quantity of very fine Flower, besides Wine, Oil, Fanckensence, and Salt: the very Flower which at that time was to go with their Sacrifices only besides, that which was otherwise spent (allowing according to the Law, to every of those Beeues, as it were, three pottles of our measure, and to every of those Muttons two) coming to about two thousand three hundred fourscore and ten quarters or better. But as touching the multitude of these Sacrifices, being as they were but Peace-offerings, there was but little of them to be consumed with fire, as the fat of the inwardes the Kidnies and Rumpes: all the rest going (the Priests Fees only excepted) to the use of those that brought in those Sacrifices, wherewithal to Feast themselves before the Lord. Insomuch, that whereas the more able sort did by likelihood at this time sacrifice for themselves, and so feasted on their own, that over-plus of Solomon's Sacrifices, being so many as they were, might serve very well for great contentment to all the meaner sort of the people then gathered together. And true it is, that the true worship of God would ever have liberality and Charity joined withal: and indeed, is not, but where it hath those also attending. This being the substance of their business, the manner of doing it that now we speak of, was no more but this, that there were a number of the Priests and Levites, that being [ D] appareled fit to such purpose, helped forward this whole solemnity with the sound of Trumpets, with their voice also, and with many Instrumentes of Music besides: so expressing the joy of their own hearts; and giving glory to God withal. As with us also, we should not only have our joy in the Lord, when it so falleth out that we do rejoice: but farther that we should still endeavor our selves to joy in him, and ever stir up our selves unto it. How graciously it pleased GOD to take it, we have declared unto us, both at that present, and the night ensuing besides. At that present, as the Priests and Levites were in their ministration, and Solomon withal had ended his Prayer, Fire came down from Heaven, and consumed the Sacrifices, and the glory of the Lord filled the House, so that the Priests could not for a time perform their offices and duties. Insomuch, that all the company touched there-with (as it was great reason they should) gave glory to GOD, for that so comfortable and plain demonstration of his so gracious favor towards them: GOD so testifying, that he graciously accepted of this their service, and would accept of them in him that was to come, by that house now repraesented unto them. The next night ensuing he appeared to Solomon, and told him that he had heard his Prayer, and accepted of the House he had built unto him: and withal assured him of great favor, if he persisted in his holy fear; but otherwise, threatened very heavy and strange judgments, both to his people, and to that fair and glorious House that he had built. Neither are we at any time so ready to serve the Lord, as he is, both to accept of, and to reward all such our service, if it be right, and that in most gracious and liberal manner: and yet must we take heed we do not praesume, he being altogether as ready again, severely to chastise if need require. All which solemditie of this dedication, continuing seven days, and that with great joy and feasting, not only at Jerusalem, but even all the Country over, from the farthest bounds of it towards the North, even to the uttermost Coast in the South, reached unto the Feaste of Tabernacles, and joined close unto it; which also continued eyght days more, and was kept with great gladness on all hands likewise: and then the people being dismissed towards the end of the last of these fifteen days, and [ E] taking their leave of the King in dutiful manner, the next day following, returned home-ward. Out of which we also may conceive (because all things were so much in figures then) that a time will be, when all the faithful in Jesus Christ, shall Feast with him forever in eternal glory: as now also, even in this World, even in the midst of all their labors and sufferings, do nevertheless in Spirit Feast with him now, even all the World over. This erecting of the Temple being the chief and principal work that he had to do, and which did most properly belong unto him, those others besides, which were common to him and others, were, that we read of, of this kind, but two. One, that himself (for a time) was a diligent Worshipper of God, offering Sacrifices unto God on the Altar that he had made, in such sort, and at such times as the Law required: on the Sabbaoths, on their New-Moons, and on the three principal Feasts. The other, that he took order for the ordinary Service in the Temple to be executed by the Priests and Levites, according to that form, and those courses, that David had before prescribed: and that so effectually, that it is noted withal, that it was very well observed. Which whether it were more commendable than the other, if there should be a question set, it might prove some-what hard to decide against it, though the other be a work, in the eye of most men, of greater glory. For as for such rare and singular works, the more glorious they are in the eye of others, the more willingly can we be occupied about them: but as for things that are more ordinary, and with most men not of that reckoning, though of as great moment as the other, yet seldom go we so readily about them. But letting it alone whether of the two were the more commendable, both of them being the service of God, and by him required, certain it is, that even this also was very commendable, and a singular good proof of his zeal and godliness then. And so with us also, it were a work of rare estimation (to be aesteemed, as the worth of it would deserve) if such as sit at the stern with us, would carefully uphold and maintain, for the furtherance of God's holy service, such things as were well disposed before by our good Elders, according to the word of God generally, and as God himself more specially led the way unto us by his example. But many of us are so impotently given to rear up some new works of our own devise, and so egged on by the insatiable and profane greediness of others, that we rashly pull down what we find to such end set up already, [ F] before that ever our dull heads can conceive, to how good purpose the same was reared and left unto us.

8 As touching the glory where-with it pleased God to clothe him, there [ A] be strange things reported thereof: but therein also he was a figure of Christ; and blessed be God that he would give so comfortable a pattern in him, to show what may be the the reward of well doing even here on earth, so far, as the wisdom of God shall not at any time find it unmeet for his Children here. That which is spoken of his glory, doth most of it but respect himself: but part of it, his people also. That which doth respect but himself, is, first in the thing that himself desired God to give him: then, in that farther augmentation, that it pleased God (of his own goodness) to give him besides. The thing that himself desired God to give him, was, as we saw before, but wisdom: in which, what his glory was, we have set down, first, but simply in it self; but then, by the way of comparison also. Simply in it self it is said, that as God promised to give him wisdom in great measure so did he indeed; insomuch that out of it, both he indicted or wrote three thousand parables or Proverbs, sentences of profound and great wisdom, and one thousand and five Songs or Sonnets, belike, by the help of those, the better to let in wisdom to others; and was able likewise, well to discourse of the property, Virtue, or Nature of all these inferior Creatures. By the way of comparison it is said likewise, that in wisdom he excelled, not only all the Kings of the Earth: but those also that were otherwise of special reckoning for that matter. That farther augmentation that it pleased God of his own goodness to give him besides, was, of such things as most men do most desire, and very often follow after, where there is some special measure of wisdom going before: a thing so much the rather in this case to be noted, for that, although whatsoever of such things he had, it all proceeded of the good gift of GOD unto him; yet for the obtaining, or farther advancing of some part of it, he used the wisdom that God had given him. So it shall not be amiss, distinctly to mark, both what it was that God did farther give him; and, howe himself came to the fruition or benefit of it. That which God did farther give him, we may plainly find in the promise that thereof he made unto him: and so do we find, that it consisted of [ B] two principal favors; Riches, and Honor. That he was specially blessed with riches, that which his Father David had left him, and that which already he hath bestowed on the Temple (of both which we have heard already) may sufficiently witness. But besides those, he did build an house or Palace, peculiarly for the Daughter of Pharaoh whom he had married (and then brought her into it, there to dwell: as Jesus Christ also provideth for his Spouse a glorious habitation in the heavenly Jerusalem, and will not fail, when all things are ready to bring her thither) and two others for himself, one, in Jerusalem, the other, in the Forest of Libanus: and besides these a special house for the administration of Justice; and a Throne for himself, of great value and beauty, such as then was thought not to be in the world besides. Of which, his own House or Palace in Jerusalem is plainly noted to have been in building thirteen years (a great probability, that it was a very sumptuous thing) & not only his magnificence and correspondency of his other works do both of them boad, that all these his works were, in their kind, very sumptuous and fair, but the Text itself likewise doth so affirm it of some part of them, that we may well conceive the like of the whole. In like manner, those two hundred Targets, and three hundred Shieldes, or Bucklers (for these were the lighter) all of beaten Gold, every Target weighing better then eighteen pounds, and every Buckler better than nine (after two of these Sickles to an ounce sterling with us) and that all his drinking Vessel or Plate was of Gold, and all the Vessel of the Libanon (not only the Plate, but other necessary implements besides, it seemeth, that being an house of pleasure) of Gold likewise, are all great witnesses, that his riches or treasure was great: besides that, the Text it self doth witness, that therein he exceeded all the Kings of the Earth; and then could it not be, but that himself was very well sped. That in like sort he was specially blessed with honor, although it followeth on the other so readily (as for the most part it doth) that the other going before, this doth necessarily follow after; yet have we more special declaration of it also: partly among [ C] his own people at home; but especially with others abroad. At home he reigned over them all: and such of the Canaanites as his praedecessors could not expel, those nevertheless did he make tributaries unto him; such power it pleased God to give him over them all. Abroad likewise he reigned over all the Kings, from Euphrates unto the Philistines, and the Land of Egypt: and it seemeth that the Kings round about him, either brought or sent in to Solomon their praesents yearly; even all the Kings of Arabie, and the Princes or great men of the Country there-about. At least he had coming in (from among them, it seemeth) six hundred threescore and six Talents of Gold yearly, besides that which the Merchants brought in, and the tribute of Hiram only, the King of Tyrus, is noted to have been one hundred and twenty Talentes of Gold likewise. And besides these that ought such duty unto him, both Princes and people came from all quarters to be acquainted with the wisdom of Solomon, and to see his honor and glory: and among others, one special example we have delivered unto us of the Queen of the South. But as her example is more specially set down unto us, so have we more special instruction thereby likewise delivered: first in that her coming unto him; then, that she was so well resolved. In that her coming unto him, that she came so painful, and chargeable a journey: and that she came with hard quaestions, or with such doubts, as wherein her self was not yet resolved. For so should we also, not stick for pain nor charges, to attend the Gospel when we have it among us: and thereunto bring whatsoever doubts we have conceived in matters towards God, and whatsoever hard points we light on, and seek to be thereby resolved. And true it is, that the Spouse of Christ here in this World, a Queen likewise, and crowned with glory, and all the true members thereof, do in such sort seek unto Christ, and to the Gospel, as she did unto Solomon: and whosoever they are that do not, themselves do sufficiently show thereby, without any other proof at all, that they are none of that company. In that she was so well resolved, both in her quaestions, that she had all made plain unto her: and in that wisdom of his, that she found it much more than was reported, and therefore, that those Servants of his, were happy that did attend him: [ D] we may safely gather, both that so we might be resolved in all our doubts or hard points whatsoever; and that the wisdom thereof is a great deal deeper than we were aware of, as also that it maketh those happy forever that do attend it. How himself came to the fruition or benefit of this that God so promised unto him, it is good so much the rather to mark, for that it may seem that he sought the same immoderately: partly, in his diet; but chiefly, in some others besides. In his diet it seemeth, he was somewhat immoderate, in that he raised it to so great a proportion: his daily expenses being better than four and thirty of our quarters of fine Flower, threescore and eyght of Meale, ten Oxen stall-fed, twenty out of the pastures, and an hundred Weathers, besides Venison, Wilde-Foule, and all such like. In disposing Officers to that purpose in such sort as he did, and as it seemeth not dealing praecisely by the Tribes, but dividing the whole land that should be liable thereunto into twelve several partes, for every month one (of whom one of them had threescore walled Cities in his part, another as much as two Kings had before, whatsoever the others had of theirs) as also in his other Officers besides, no doubt his wisdom plainly appeared: but he was very sumptuous; and his people after complained, that he was very chargeable unto them. And thing herein noteth a special moderation, and it may be a godly care besides, that being so mighty a Prince as he was, and having so many Princes about him as would be glad of his alliance, nevertheless having two Daughters that we read of, he married them to his own subjects, to two of those his Officers aforesaid. Those other things besides, wherein it may chiefly seem that he dealt for those earthly things immoderately, were the provision he made for so many Horses and Charets: and his nauigations for Gold: both those being so plainly forbidden as before they were. And though as yet Solomon hath good commendation for godliness, until that afterward he fell so foully as he did, and in many things gave good proof of the same; yet, seeing such warning was before so plainly given him, and himself so pitifully afterward fell (and in such sort, as was likely enough by his abundance to be something occasioned) and seeing it seemeth, that Christ therefore advanced the beauty of a silly and common flower, above all that royalty of Solomon, as having but that beauty that God did give it, and he not contenting himself with it, but still endeavoring by the wisdom that God had given [ D] him, and by his industry to advance it farther: therefore is there great probability left unto us to doubt, that herein he some-thing passed those bounds of moderation that he ought to have kept; not, but that God himself did mean both those unto him in very ample and great measure, but that he helped forward the same more than for his part he should have done. As for example, when seed was promised to Abraham, and the blessing to Jacob, neither of them abode so firm as they ought, expecting the performance at the hands of God; but either of them added their own industry withal immoderately: the former, by getting Ishmael of Agar; the other, by praeuenting his Brother, and by circumuenting his Father. Or as it is the manner of the great men of the World to do, who, when God hath given them by descent or birth, lands, or goods in plentiful measure, do not so content themselves with that liberality of his towards them, that they nothing labor to better their estate therein, but rather to advance the glory of him who hath so far advanced them: but on the other side, being gotten so high already, they make it a mean ever to get higher and higher, or still to lay more unto that which God before had given unto them. But as if Solomon, having so great and large a promise had now altogether sequaestred himself from those matters, letting GOD alone with them, and had given himself fully and wholly, to the advancement of God's glory and good of his people, he might so have done much better service to God, and have been more answereable unto those special favors of God towards him: even so, might all our great men of the world do marvelous great service to God, and be a blessing of wonderful comfort unto their brethren, if being so well provided already, they should altogether give themselves to the advancement of God's glory, and to the good of their inferiors with whom they live; and in such sort likewise might they become a great deal more answereable unto God for his favors towards them, than by so busy endeavoring themselves as they do, either still to be climbing higher, or else to grow greater and greater. But such is the corruptinn of our Nature, and so unlucky (as it were) are the Children of men to so special favors here, that seldom it is seen, that such as are most blessed of GOD, with the good things of the World, do any good there-with to others that stand in need: [ E] but altogether employ them about themselves, or otherwise lavish them they care not how, rather than any way they should be available to those that need. That part of his glory that respected his people withal, consisteth in two principal points: one, that touched their persons nearer; others, that more appertained unto their estate. That which touched their persons nearer, was, that he made no bondmen of them, to be employed in servile business, but that they were his men of War, Captains or Officers, employed in some good place or other. Those that more appertained unto their estate, were, that the King himself being in peace with all his neighbors round about him; his people also lived in great peace all his days, grew very many, and comfortably enjoyed their own; and that in his days there was such plenty of Gold, that Silver was then little esteemed; and that whereas Cedars were a rare and dainty wood with them before, he in his time brought them to be very rise among them. And true it is, that in the kingdom of Jesus Christ, the true Solomon, none of his people are seruily kept under the power of sin; but in great peace and freedom, and in their great prosperity continually keep feast in the Lord: also, that the pure gold of the holiness and righteousness of Jesus Christ, is of so great plenty with them by faith in him, that the Silver-righteousness even of the Angels and best Saints in Heaven, is (in that reckoning) of no value with them. Much less do they (in that reckoning) account of their own: and yet do they see and will not deny, but acknowledge to the glory and praise of God, that whereas the lande was everywhere pestered but with wild Fig-trees in those days of their ignorance before, they find it futnished with comfortable store of fair Cedars in these days of the Gospel now.

9 In that latter part of Solomon's reign, which did odd so far contrary to the [ A] forepart of it, that therein we might learn, not to look for any perfection here, we have delivered unto us, first in what sort he fell: then, howe it pleased God to chastise him for it. His fall was such, as did not rest in his own person only; but over-threw others withal. His own person was very much touched there-with, first by his loose carriage even before men: but then soon after, even before God. In his carriage before men, it could not be but a great touch and blemish unto him, and an evil example to others, partly, that he took pleasure so much in the things of this world: but especially in that he married so many wives, and those for the [ B] most part idolatrous also, and such as God had forbidden to all his people. That he took his pleasure much in the things of this world, may sufficiently appear, in that he gathered Treasure together so much as he did, and in all things so much advanced his own glory. Himself afterward granteth that so he did: but then addeth withal, that all was vanity. In matters of wedlock, that he would have so many, it was great Intemperance, and a bad example to others: in that they were such as were so ill qualified for Religion, and such as God otherwise forbad, it argued no regard of his own safety, nor to that inhibition of God; and therein also was a dangerous example to others, such as might soon corrupt all generally. That soon after he became so offensive to God also, that he declared himself to be highly offended with him therefore, we are to consider, not only what his offense was then: but also, what a special lesson is thereby given unto all. His offense was then, very foul and gross idolatry, whereunto he was brought by those idolatrous wives of his: they, notwithstanding all his wisdom, perverting him sooner from the true God; than he thereby could convert them from those vain Idols of theirs. That special lesson that by this so great a fall of his is given unto others, is, that if he could so ill wield so great prosperity and so high estate, being likewise so incomparably furnished as he was with wisdom: it is not to be coveted so as it is, to grow more wealthy, or to be higher, because hereby it is made plain unto us, that without all question it is a very dangerous estate for any man living to hold his feet in. That others were over-thrown by this fall of his, it doth not only appear by the words of Ahijah the Prophet, but may easily be other-wise conceived: both because any evil course in the Prince doth readily infect the people also; and because they also were partakers with him in the punishment that for it was cast upon him. But so both his ••• l and fault was the greater, because thereby he brought so heavy wrath upon many. The chastisement that it pleased God to cast on him for it, was part of it for his time: but most of it for the time ensuing. For his time, he was himself reproved: and his state made more troublesome. In the reproof that was given to himself, the Lord showeth, that he was much for [ C] this offended: and denounceth heavy judgments unto him besides; which should afterward come on him and his. In that he shown himself offended, even that only ought to have been grievous enough unto him, because he had justly deserved the same. The judgments that were denounced unto him, though they were heavy in themselves: yet were they mingled with mercy withal. Heauy they were, that so fair and glorious a Kingdom should now be rent off, or plucked away from him: especially, as the consequent there of did show in the end, or •• things fell out after, so many people being thereby carried away so great Idolatry, and to most pitiful ruin thereby. They were mingled with mercy, in that he would not do it in his time; nor take from his line all the whole people neither: but that was but for David's sake, for the promise that he had made unto him; a figure therein of Jesus Christ, in whom only it pleaseth God so to spare us. His estate was made more troublesome, by certain enemies, and one dangerous Subject, that it pleased God now (towards the latter part of his reign) to raise up against him: of those Enemies, one in the South among the Edomites, the other, in the North among the Syrians; Jeroboam, one of his own Officers, being that dangerous Subject we spake off, to whom the Lord by one of his Prophets, had now already made promise of the greatest part of his Maysters Kingdom. Out of which our selves also may gather, that to keep in the true service of God, preserveth best, both whole states, and private men also, from enemies without, and from disloyal and undutiful members within: and that whensoever we fail of our duty therein, then do we also let down thereby our own good estate in these things here; and that our selves have given the cause, of whatsoever such disorder or business we find at any time to grow up among us. That part of the chastisement which was for the time ensuing, was the main part of that which God threatened unto him in his reproof: the dividing or renting in sunder of that Kingdom of his; and to give away the greatest part of it unto his Seruaunt. A manifest token, that the sin of Solomon, though it self were not of any long continuance to speak off; yet in the just judgments of God, it deserved the punishment of many ages: and though himself were sooner to go to his corruption, yet his sin surviving, the punishment was to have his course also. As we in like manner need not to doubt, but [ D] that the renting in sunder of many other Kingdoms and great States, as also of meaner inhaeritances and patrimonies of private men, have been justly occasioned by sin going before; and that no man can so offend God, but that even then he worketh the ruin of his own estate, to him and his for the time ensuing.

10 As touching Solomon's death, something we have very plainly set down: [ A] but some other left very doubtful. That which is plainly set down, is, that when be reigned forty years (and so out-lived, and out-reigned his own glory, and found his estate in his own time declining, nor mended himself on Jeroboam who was to succeed him in the greatest part of his Kingdom, but was now fled into Egypt, out of his reach) he then slept with his Fathers, and had his burial among them: his Son Rehoboam reigning in his stead. That which is left doubtful is, whether before his death, he repented and turned unto God again, or not: a matter that hath been in question among the Fathers of old, and so yet is among the learned of these days also; but such as cannot be clearly decided by the word of God. Certain probabilities there are; but none, it seemeth, that directly conclude the one, or the other; as by the search that hath been made, by Lyra before, & by Pet. Martyr since, may sufficiently appear; both of them inclining unto the negative. Others there be of latter time than the latter of those, that are of opinion he did repent: men of special reckoning among us, yet grounding their judgment therein over weakly as I do take it. For the places whereon they ground, are two: one, that whereas the Story showeth, that the kingdom of Judah stood well for three years after the division, but then • ell to Idolatry also, one place there is, that setteth down that their standing well for those three years, by affirming, that at that time they walked in the ways of David and Solomon. Wherein because it is plain, that by those words they are commended for well doing, and Solomon is joined with David in the pattern which yet they followed, thereon they gather, that it is likely, that Solomon repented, as otherwise unmeet to be joined with David in the pattern that they did follow. The other, that seeing he made a whole Book in detestation of the vanities of the world, that also may seem to be a good testimony, that towards his end he came to repentance. But for the former of these, it seemeth rather (as I should take it) by [ B] the course of the Book it self, that his meaning was, of the former part of Solomon's reign: because this Book it self speaketh nothing of Solomon's fall; but from his prosperity and glory, passeth immediately unto his death. If therefore Ezra gathered these Books of Chronicles, and that after they were returned from Babylon (as from Rabbi Solomon, it is conceived by many) and then altogether omitted the mention of Solomon's fall: seeing he laid before him nothing but the better part of his reign, when he was in that part of his Story, it may well seem, that now in this reference he had no respect but only to it. As afterward also we have diverse commended, as Gideon, Samson, and Iephthe, and set forth as patterns unto us, for diverse good things that were in them, though otherwise they had their notorious imperfections withal. So likewise for the latter, seeing he maketh so little mention of those things wherein most he offended, his marrying with Idolatrous women, and his own Idolatry withal; and that, as King, he was by the Law of God so plainly forbidden, to have such treasure, many Horses, Wives: as it is plain, there is no great probability, that he made that Book in the way of repentance of those his transgressions; so, by the whole course of it, it seemeth rather more generally to tend to discover worldly vanity, and to gather all men to the regard and obedience of GOD. And though indeed it came to diverse particulars, yet still is it so far from those wherein he most offended, that still it barreth us of all hope of warrant so to take it. Neither do others so take it, now especially, after that the light which God hath given us, hath made things more plain now than they were before: as in diverse of them is to be seen, some of ancient time long before, and others of these latter times since. One there is, who with greater reason is of opinion, that this Book is of the nature of the Proverbs, consisting, for the most part, of several sentences of great wisdom; but gathered together, sine diligentia exquisiti ordinis, not much respecting any precise order therein: and that so far, that when such as have labored to interpret this Book, have withal endeavored to make all to hang together in some set order, then have they been compelled, to force such a sense to diverse words as might not well stand with the nature of them. But one thing there is, of which the reader had [ C] need to be admonished, that he may the better use the freedom of his judgment herein. One of those from whom we have those Annotations (and the chief, as I take it in that point of the labor) hath otherwise shown, himself to be for that new form of Church-government, which for the more credit of it they have carefully commended to others under the name of discipline, as the only true discipline of the Church. One reach of which discipline is, to have Princes more liable unto their censure, than they have any warrant for them: though nevertheless Princes are ever to be admonished as need shall require; and that they ought ever to clear their duties therein. At this he seemeth to aim very fair, as if Solomon for those his transgressions were excommunicate out of the Church: and after, in penitential manner uttering these speeches, first, in the Church, and then setting them down in writing, as a monument to all posterity of that his penitency, was reconciled to the Church again. If it were so, the Presbytery then, was, it seemeth, much more easy to be pacified, than ours could yield unto now: so to receive him into the lap of the Church again, with so little acknowledging of those sins, wherein he had been the most offensive; unless they thought good, because he was so great a Prince, so far to spare him.

CHAP. 15.

1 WHen after they were again divided and so continued, we are again [ A] first to consider, of the Story of them: and then what knowledge it pleased God in those days to give unto them. The Story of them leadeth us to consider, first in what sort they were divided: then in what case they stood after that so they were divided. In what sort they were divided, doth carry another consideration of such moment with it, that it shall be good for us, when we have considered of this division of theirs: then to turn our eyes a little aside unto that other consideration also. In this their division, we are first to consider, who it was that now succeeded next after Solomon [ B] to reign over that people: then, what dealing passed betwixt the people and him, at this his entrance into his Kingdom. He that succeeded next after Solomon in the Kingdom, was Rehoboam his Son, one and forty years old when he began his reign, and so borne to his Father about one year, before himself came to the Kingdom. The dealing that passed between the people and him, was all about the division we speak of: either of them first having some dealing the one with the other; and immediately after the division we speak of breaking in thereupon. The dealing they had the one with the other, was first of the people with the King: then, of the King with the people again. That which the people had with the King, was, that they made a petition or suit unto him, that whereas Solomon his Father had made their yoke grievous, it would now please him, to make the grievous servitude of his father, & his sore yoke which he put on them, lighter: & that so they would serve him also. The King had dealing twice with the people: first, willing them to depart, and to repair unto him again three days after; then, afterward giving his answer unto them. In willing them for a time to depart, that he might inquire and take advice in the mean season, it was a point of wisdom, that so more advisedly he might make his answer unto them. And so in great matters it behooveth all men, especially those that have their dealing in great affairs (even in less also, as men will serve themselves therein) ever to advise themselves well, before they answer, and before they fully resolve on that they will do. Before he gave his answer unto them, he first consulted with others about it: then at the time he had appointed, he gave them their answer. He consulted first with the elder sort, who had been his Fathers Counsellers before: but then soon after, with others besides. The elder sort gave him advice, to yield something unto them now, at his first entry: and so should he ever have them fast unto him. Those others that were a younger company, such as had been brought up with him, and waited on him: whose advise was to answer them roughly, and roundly to tell them, that he would be more grievous unto them, than his Father before had been. When the time appointed came, he gave them their answer: but his answer was, not only in sense according to the advise of those hotter and greener heads; but even much after their [ C] own words too, which were very grievous. Immediatly upon this answer of his, ten parts of the people did plainly renounce their allegiance unto him; & when nevertheless he sent his Officer unto them to gather up his tribute among them (as making no doubt but still to retain them in his allegiance) they in their rage stoning him to death, made it apparent enough thereby, howe resolute and egar they were, in the course that now they were in: and according to this their rebellious departure now, and this unkindly dividing themselves from their brethren, they ever afterward floode, and never united themselves to their brethren again; the greater part of them going away with the name of them all, and being called the kingdom of Israel, the other being called the Kingdom of Judah. That other consideration that this Story of their division carrieth with it, consisteth of two principal branches: one of instruction; the other, of Doctrine. The instruction that this division of theirs doth give us, doth much concern both Princes themselves: and people, too. Princes it teacheth, first for their people, not to impose upon their Subjects, that which their Subjects generally may think to be grievous (for the Text doth not show that Solomon had been over grievous unto them indeed, but so far as they were to bear his charges; and he indeed was a magnificall Prince, and yet may seem otherwise to have inned the same unto them again, even to the full, when he made Silver so little esteemed, and in Jerusalem, in a manner, as common as the stones of the streets;) and, if at any time they have so done, yet that neither themselves not their successors do afterward praesume still to gird them in more and more: then, for their own direction, that they do not easily turn aside from the advise of such as are experienced and wise, unto the weaker and greener judgment of those, that are in such matters but raw; nor from the advise of those that wish a favorable care of the people, to those that are such hot-spurs against them. People it teacheth, first not to complain, unless there because: then also, if there be, yet that they be not so immoderately bent to their own private luker, as that for the safeguard of it they sin against God, in so high a degree as this withdrawing themselves from the allegiance of such as God hath given them, and to whom they in duty ought to abide. That other, which is of Doctrine, is, that as immediately after Solomon's days his Kingdom was thus rent in sunder, the [ D] greater part to continual Idolatry, the other ofttimes very much defiled therewith: it ought to be less marvel to any (contrary to that persuasion which diverse have) that the Gentiles of the most known parts of the world, had no sooner received the Gospel of Christ our Solomon indeed, but that soon after they divided themseues, most of them to Mahomet, the residue also to the Church of Rome, and to be much defiled thereby. In what sort they stood, after that so they were divided, the Story doth in such sort deliver unto us, as that for a good part of it, it self doth set it down unto us: but for some part again it doth often refer us to such other monuments, as now we have not extant among us. What it is that the Story it self setteth down unto us, to the ende that we may the better find, I hold it the plainest and readiest way, that we consider of either of them apart by themselves: and first of the Kingdom of Israel, that soonest miscarried; then of the Kingdom of Judah, that stood the longest. As touching the Kingdom of Israel, for the better understanding of the estate thereof, it shall be good, first to consider of it but generally: but then to enter into a more special consideration of it. Considering of it but generally, first it shall be good to consider of the compass of time: then, of the estate wherein it stood. The time that it stood, was about two hundred fifty and three years: or as others do reckon (four years more) two hundred fifty and seven years. As for the other, we may easily conceive that their estate must needs be hard: partly, in respect of diverse good helps that now unadvisedly they did abandon; and partly, because of certain disaduantages that afterward befell them all generally. Those good helps that now unadvisedly they did abandon, were two: one, the Tribe of Judah; the other, the line of David. For to both those they knew well enough (and could not be ignorant) that very special promises were made: to the Tribe of Judah, by that Prophesy of Jacob, that the Scepter (or a convenient government, and a tolerable estate thereby) should not depart from it, till the promised Savior himself should come; to the line of David, by God himself, that he would not abandon it forever, but that although it should wax and wane as the Moon, yet should it ever stand before him. Those disaduantages that befell them all generally, were two likewise: one, that themselves making so little reckoning of the true worship of God, that they clave no faster than so, to his Temple and service there, they were all soon after drawn to Idolatry, and so continued so long as they stood; the other, that in the short time [ E] that they stood, they had about twenty kings, and those of eight or nine several families, as plain a Token as may be conceived of a troublesome State.

2 If now we enter into a more special consideration of it, it shall not be amiss [ A] first to note, that two several times God dealt very effectually with them: once, at the first; another time, about fourscore and ten years after, better than the third part of all their time that after they stood. At both which times himself appointed such Princes as should reign over them: which he did not (in such manner) at any time else. In both which we are to mark, how little that gracious dealing of God prevailed, both with themselves, and with those that followed. The former of those that God himself appointed, was Jeroboam, their first King: concerning whom, first we are to consider of himself; then, of those that did succeed him, till God himself did appoint another. With him we find that God did deal very effectually, both to set him in the right way at the first: and afterward also, as was most meet, when he was wrong. To set him in the right way at the first, he letteth him understand, why he so dealt with the line of David; and maketh great promises to him, if he shall take better heed to his ways: and doing this before he brought him to the kingdom, even while Solomon himself as yet was King, & soon after bringing him to the kingdom indeed, he gave him assurance enough of the other, if himself should do as was required. Dealing with him as was most meet, when he was wrong, we are first to see wherein he was wrong: then, howe God dealt with him thereon. Wrong he was, first in that himself took no better a course in that his first entrance, being so graciously dealt with as then he was: then also, in that he did not amend it, when afterward he was reproved for it. The course that he took in that his first entrance, was, that first settling him-self as he thought most meet in his own kingdom, in two several places, one at Shechem in the South part of his kingdom, on the West of Jordan; the other, at Pennel in the heart of the other part on the East side of Jordan (the usual manner of godless men, first to gather themselves under the protection of their own wisdom and strength, and then at more leisure to have their recourse, such as it is, to some kind of dealiug in Religion also:) then clean contrary to the Law of God, and all sense of reason too, he set up those two Calves in such sort as he did; and putting away the Levites, brought in so base a Priest-hood in their rooms. In setting up those two Calves, the one in Dan; the other in Bethtl, some things there be common to [ B] them both: and something peculiar to either of them. Common to them both it was, both the intention and meaning he had therein: and the form or manner of them. His intention or meaning was, to keep the people at home within the precincts of his own kingdom: least that going to Jerusalem (thrice in the year, as the Law of God required) that Citty being in the other kingdom, the people might so join together again one time or other, and so defeat him of his kingdom, yea and of his life too, as he seemed then to fear. God had assured him before, that in the observation of his Laws, should his kingdom be assured unto him: but, in human reason the doubt he conceived, was in deed very propable or likely; and he destitute of faith, or weak therein, did now give more credit to that likelihood in reason, than he did to that other word of God, the performance whereof could not be expected, but only out of some special work of God to that end directed. And such are the elections of human wisdom, even in the deepest policies that are, and in matters of greatest moment. That the Idolatry that now he erected was of that manner, or the Idols themselves of that form, it seemeth he rested on that which is a great motive in the corrupt nature of man, resting on two principal points: one, that their Elders in Egypt had been invred to those before; the other, that the Egyptians, time out of mind, had used the like, and that they had, of their knoledge while they were with them (til on their behalf God was offended with them) in prosperous estate. Peculiar to either of them it, was that in those places they were erected; both of thē being places of special note to such a purpose: Bethel at least by name, being interpreted to be the house of God; & Dan, for that in the time of the Judges, & (soon after the people came into the Land) by Michaes God's translated thither, and worshipped there. But as touching the former of them, the learned are of diverse opinions: some of them not allowing it to be that Bethel which before was called Luz, where Jacob had that comfortable vision, when he fled from the wrath of his Brother Esau, but to be some other of that name; one other accounting it the very same. And true it is, that a Bethel is [ C] allotted to the Tribe of Ephraim, as it may seem, by the Text it self, where the bounds of that Tribe are named, and the same to be another from Luz: which also is plainly set down by Cummannus Flinspachius in his Genealogy of Christ; and not only such a place attributed to that Tribe, by Christianus Adrichomins in Theatro t • rra sanctae, but withal plainly set within the bounds of that Tribe, and noted to be the place, where Jeroboam erected the one of his golden Calves. But now the truth is withal, that even that Bethel which was called Luz, is by the Text it self elsewhere noted to have been gotten or gained by the house of Joseph: and to the house of Joseph, it is known well enough, there belonged but two Tribes, Ephraim and Manasseh; of which two, Ephraim only joined on Benjamin, where that Bethel should be (and so are the most likely it belonged to them) whereas both the partes of Manasseh were elsewhere placed, one, by the other side of Ephraim towards the North, the other, much farther off, and on the other side of Jordan. So that the same Bethel which before was called Luz, and which was allotted to the Tribe of Benjamin, seemeth to be most likely to be the place (according to the foresaid judgment of Peter Martyr) where Jeroboam placed one of his Idols: which Adrichomius also doth grant to be there when he treateth of it, and acknowledgeth it to be that which the Ephraemites wan from the Benjamites; though afterward, treating of the other (forgetting himself, as it seemeth) he allot one of the Calves, as I said before, to that also. And then, this being the place, it was not only of a fair name for the purpose, but indeed Jacob had worshipped there many Ages before, and on the comfortable vision that there he had, gave it the name, calling that place The house of God: and so were both places of special good note for that purpose of his. Wherein withal it is good to mark, that it is no great matter with the common people, whether the ground of their doings be good or not, so that they have some praetense whatsoever: the worship that in these places was used, yielding no patronage or warrant at all, unto this that now was urged or forced upon them. In putting away the Levites, and taking in so base a Priesthoode in their rooms, his meaning is plain enough in it self: and our own experience teacheth, that we also can hardly abide to have such a Ministry, as by the word of God will urge us farther than [ D] our selves do like of; and like rather to have them of the baser sort, that dare not meddle with us in any of our ways be they never so gross, or that have no regard thereunto, than such as were likely to look into them, and accordingly would deal with us therein. It seemeth also that Satan himself hath to that end holpen, or put to his hands, and daily yet doth, to abridge the needful maintenance of the Ministry, otherwise to employ it to other uses, that so the Ministry might ever be kept so needy and low, as that they should have neither heart nor power, to have any such kind of dealing with us. Having thus far, wrong made his entrance at the first, the dealing that now the Lord had with him about the same was, that he did but only reprove him for it; but that he did that twice: first, more gently; but afterward, a great deal more roundly. In that wherein he was but gently reproved, though the reproof it self was very effectual, to have withdrawn him from those his ways so offensive to God: yet fell there out such an accident immediately after, as, in the opinion of many, might not a little cross it again. So far forth as it was effectual to such a purpose, it consisted of two principal partes: one, the message that then was sent him; the other, the mirracle that was done upon him. And yet notwithstanding, neither of these came to any great proof in the end: he growing but angry at the former; and nothing amended by the latter. The messege did not directly touch himself, but only that new device of his (and yet thereby ob •• q •• ely reproved him withal:) namely, that God was offended withit, •• by 〈…〉 d then declare; and afterward, by heavier judgments. At the doing of which 〈◊〉 he was then so angry, that forthwith he willed those that whereby, • o lay 〈…〉 A thing worthy the marking, that a man of that dexterity and 〈…〉 ▪ and now of late so highly advanced by God, from his 〈…〉 also brought 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of God, should now be so wedded to so gross Idolatry, or so far 〈…〉 not see how wrong he was, that he would so rage against the Prop ••• that 〈…〉 it no sharplier than so: and a good lesson for others, not ever to look s 〈…〉 sincerity in the greater sort of the world towards the truth of Religion, wh 〈…〉 [ E] own ways about their estate is anything touched, albeit as lightly 〈…〉 . The miracle that was done upon him, was, that the hand which so he put forth, to 〈…〉 Prophet to be apprehended, he could in wise take in again; yet on his request to th • Prophet, and on the Prophets Prayer to God, his hand was forth-with res 〈…〉 • nto him. Which notwithstanding wrought so little with him (though withal, ac ••• ding to the word of the Prophet, the Altar brast before his eyes, and the ashes fell out) that although he had him to dinner, and promised him then to give him a reward (which the Prophet might not accept of, and so refused his courtesy therein:) yet did he nothing repent him of his sin; but rather went on forward therein more than before. As also we find by experience with us, having in all ages, especially among our Politicians or worldly-wise, many that can afford to their teachers ordinary courtesy, and yet nothing at all regard their Doctrine to their own amendment: respecting more, yet not of love, but for their own credit among men, not to fail in that lesser kind of duty, than in that greater, which by many degrees did more deeply concern them. The accident that I speak of, which fell out immediately after, and in the opinion of many, might be able much to cross this call that they had by the Prophet now, was, that the Prophet never came home again, but was slain by a Lyon in the way as he returned, and not far from this Idol neither, as also, soon after he had spoken against it. In whose Story notwithstanding it is good to mark, not only what many might gather to the hardening of their hearts therein: but withal, what better instruction may be gathered on it. To the hardening of their hearts herein they might gather, that he could never prosper, after that he had spoken against that devotion or worship of theirs: or rather, that their God had been avenged on him for the same. That better instruction that may be gathered thereon, is, first for this matter: then, for some others besides. For this matter, that God indeed diverse times leaveth such stumbling blocks in the way, for those to stumble at that will, and for the exercise of his; but yet withal, sufficiently provideth for those that are careful: as giving that power to those Sorcerers of Egypt, to make such Serpents; but yet providing that the Serpent of Moses should praeuaile against them. So in this likewise, both the token that the Prophet gave before, and the miracle done on the King himself, which already were given them, might be sufficient: and yet have they more [ F] in that which followed, both in the manner of his death (in that the Lyon neither tare him, nor pre • ed on the Ass) & in the testimony of the old Prophet too, bearing witness to his praediction, and requiring (when he died) to be buried with him. For some others besides, that young Prophets, not cleaving fast to the word of God, may sometimes be deceived by the old: and that it is dangerous to credit any report of any apparition of Angels, otherwise teaching, than God himself hath taught us already. In that wherein he was more roundly dealt with, first he was (as it were) no more; but only reproved: but, a good while after, punished also. While he was but only reproved, most of the Story doth appertain to that matter only: but in one part of it we may learn another lesson besides. That which appertaineth to that matter only, is, how sharply he was reproved: and how plainly himself might see that it was of God. His reproof now was a plain and resolute denouncing of very heavy judgments, against him and his: to the utter overthrow of his own house forever; and to the great afflictiō of all his people. He might plainly perceive the same to be of God, both because their close dealing in the manner that he and his Wife used to inquire, was not hid from the Prophet 〈…〉 because he had so pregnant a token in that son of his, on 〈…〉 that 〈◊〉 . That other Lesson th •• we may learn here 〈…〉 , th •• when they came to inq ••• e of • Prophet (as •• the Story of Saul be 〈…〉 ) it 〈◊〉 the usual manner ••• , ever to bring some-thing with them • as Iero •••• here 〈…〉 ct his Wife to do. And true it is, that they which would have 〈◊〉 dealing with God by those his Servants, they likewise should ever be mindful •• their necessities, & take such order, as that they might be in good estate by them. The time when that his punishment came, was, not till towards the end of his reign: when as, reigning two and twenty years in all, he had quietly reigned seauenteene of them. For •••• boam would at the first have tried that quarrel with him by the Sword, to have brought the people again to his allegiance, and had gotten together one hundred and fourscore thousand chosen men, all good Warrious: but that the Lord, by 〈◊〉 , one of his Prophets, presently stayed both him and the people from th •• voyage. Again, on the heart-burning that hereby would arise betwixt the • , it is not unlikely, but that there would be much variance betwixt them, and 〈◊〉 withal, •• occasion was at any time given, and opportunity thereunto served; •• also the Text it self doth witness: but because Rehoboam was stayed in this main [ G] and chief quarrel of all, and we have no special Story of any, therefore it seemeth that those matters were of less importance, and that Rehoboam did let him alone for that chief and principal matter betwixt them. But now having been, as it were allowed, to do what he lift all that time, & Rehoboam who was inhibited, now being gone, and his son Abiam being stepped up in his room, he would needs try it with him by the Sword, and God did not forbid him too. At which time, and in which quarrel he lost in the field five hundred thousand of his people (more than half of those that he brought & was himself in his own person also afterward stricken or plagued of God, and thereon died: ever being kept in war by Abiam, so long as he reigned: and being so low brought down as he was, he was never able to recover his strength again. A good example to be marked, that though the Lord himself did place him in the kingdom, so that he was not a Rebell, as Abiam (belike not knowing, or not believing that the Lord had given it unto him) did account him to be, but therein had the right on his side, and his Army twice so great as Abiams was: yet, having offended in such sort as now he had done, and never yielding to be reformed, he thereby made himself and his state so odious to God, that in this action he clean abandoneth (in a manner) the protection of them, giving them to the sword so very freely as then he did.

3 Of those others that succeeded him till God himself appointed another, there [ A] was but one of them only, that by lineal descent from him, came to the kingdom: all the rest being mere strangers unto him. He that by lineal descent from him came to the kingdom, was Nadab, his son, of whom we have no Story, but that he did ill in the fight of the Lord, following the ways of his Father before him: and so having reigned but two years, was slain by Baasha (one of his Captains, it seemeth) as he lay at a siege; and so lost, both his kingdom, and life together. Who no doubt, might before have seen, that God was highly offended with his Father, by that great overthrow that he had at the hands of Abiam K. of Judah; as also he could not be ignorant, how heavy judgments God had denounced against all the posterity of his Father, of all which himself was now in place and the foremost of them: and yet he not regarding to take away that great offense, crying for vengeance in the ears of God, followeth on the ordinary affairs of his Kingdom; leaving the chief and principal matter, altogether neglected. As with us also experience teacheth, that seldom [ B] do Children amend the bad ways of their parents; especially such as seem to concern their own worldly estate: and yet hold on their course still without any fear, although they cannot be ignorant neither, but that such things are offensive to God, and one time or other are like to overwhelm them with heavy judgments; and ever lightly when they are in the midst of their strength, or otherwise most void of the fear of any such matters. Those that were mere strangers to Jeroboam, did some of them make the Seat of their Kingdom at Tirzah: and some of them at Samaria. Of those that made the seat of the Kingdom at Tirzah, one of them had the kingdom to him and his son: others but to themselves alone. He that • ad it to him and his son, was Baasha, who being of another Tribe, of the Tribe of Issachar, rose up against his Mayster and slew him, and reigned in his stead four and twenty years, in Tirza: a place but a little from Shechem, and North from it, and in that half Tribe of Manasseh which was placed on that side of Jordan, and lay close unto Ephraim on the North side of it. This man made an utter destruction of the house of Jeroboam, and yet himself walked in those his bad ways, for which that heavy judgment was denounced against Jereboam's house by God himself, which he had now executed on them: he also made head against Judah, and so strongly, that the King of Judah was fain to seek to the King of Syria for his help, and thereby got him drawn back again. This man also it pleased God, by Jehu the Son of Ha • ani, both to upbraid with his great unthankfulness, that having advanced him from so mean estate as he had done, he nevertheless so much offended him by following that Idolatry of Jeroboam: and now denounced to him also the selfsame judgments for his so doing; and withal, for killing his Lord and Mayster. Elah his Son succeeded him in the Kingdom, and in those bad ways of his Father withal: but he reigned but two years; and on a time drinking • ill he was drunk, was even then slain by Zimri, one of his Seruaunts, and so was in such sort requited, as his Father had dealt with Nadab before. Those that had it but to themselves alone, were but two: Zimrie, and Tibni. Zimri rising up against Elah his Mayster, [ C] slaying him, and reigning in his stead, held the Kingdom but seven days only: but in that short time he so bestirred himself against the House of Baasha, that according to the word of the Lord, he made an utter destruction of them, both of his Kindred, and of his Friends. But then the people setting up another against him, besiedging the Citty and taking it; he also desperatelie set Fire on the Palace wherein himself was, and so eestroyed both it and himself withal: the Lord so ordering the matter, that for his good liking of Jereboam's Calves, for his treason, and these his Murthers, he was himself his own Executioner after a strange and fearful manner. Tibni, it seemeth, came to the Kingdom without any bad practice at all, chosen by the people that were at home: but they then having war abroad, another was chosen by the Army. Albeit therefore, that this man also stood as King (at least, as one of the two) for four years: yet have we no Story of him, neither good nor bad; the other, as it seemeth, going away with all the Story of reigning as King, as in his Story we are more plainly to see. He therefore that was set up by the Army, was Omri, the General of the field in that piece of service, and he that afterward removed the Seat of his Kingdom to Samaria, where afterward it stood, so long as the Kingdom it self continued. So now, as touching these, we are first to consider of Omri himself: then, of those others that did succeed him, till it pleased God himself to appoint another. As touching Omri himself, we are first likewise to consider of the material part of his Story: and then of the time of his reign besides. The material part of his story, is, first, as touching one special action of his: than, as touching all his whole carriage generally. That one specially action of his was, that the Palace at Tirzah being destroyed, though himself nevertheless made his most abode there, for six years after: yet some-time in the mean season it seemeth, he compassed the other; and so, after the first six years shifted the Seat of his Kingdom from Tirza, where it was before, to Samaria where it was after, calling it after the Name of him of whom he bought it. His whole carryage towards GOD, is noted to have [ D] been very ill, and worse than all that were before him: and the matter was, for that he was so given to those ways of Jeroboam, the corruption of Religion which he erected. A matter so much the worthier of marking, for that it seemeth, that it was but his great religiousness that way, that GOD so much misliketh (and then, the more Popish, may be in like sort so much the more odious:) otherwise not seeming so bad as others (for anything that is delivered unto us of him (both for that he came not to the Crown by blood as others did, but advanced thereunto by the Army; and because we have certain tokens of some good moderation in him. For neither did he oppress or so much as urged any of his Nobles, or people to get any house of theirs from them: neither did he slip into that common vanity of the world, to impose his name on that building of his. As touching the time of his reign, it is plainly set down, that he reigned twelve years: and if we lay those twelve years of his, to the time when first he was made King of the Army, and to that which is said of him again in the one and thirtieth year Asa, so shall we perceive, that four years at the first he did not reign by himself alone, but with Tibni also, and the other eight years only alone. For when first they made him King, it is plainly said, that Zimri began his seven-days-Kingdom, in the seven and twentieth year of Asa King of Judah: and soon after, that the same day the host heard of it, they made their own General King; and withal speeded them so fast against Zimri, that they got him down at the seven days end. So may we see, that he also first began in the seven and twentieth year of Asa, as well as Zimri: and that there were very few days, if any at all, betwixt the beginning of the one and the other; when as it might very well be, either the self same day, or the next. In the one and thirtieth year of Asa it is said likewise, that Omri then began to reign over Israel: which if we understand of his raiging alone, so have we his twelu years fully accomplished, by those four with Tibni, and eight by himself. And this is so much the rather to be marked, for that, although there be many of the learned that have noted this before: yet are there diverse others that are of other judgment therein; and therefore to be heeded so much the more.

4 Those others that succeeded him till in pleased God himself to appoint another, [ A] were three: one of them, his own Son; the others also no farther off from him, but only the sons of that son of his. That son of his was Ahab, whose Story is much more large, than any of the others that yet we have had: and yet the effect of all is but this, that he was very offensive to God; and that God dealt accordingly with him. His offensiuenesse to God was such, that first for a time he did no more but chastise him for it: but afterward he took him away clean. When he did but chastise him for it, we are then to see, what his offense was: and how it pleased God to chastise him for it. His offense was such, that he is noted to have done worse, than any of those that were before him: and that to have been, because he did not only walk in the ways of Jeroboam, as others of his praedecessors before; but because he had so corruptly married, and thereby had fallen to much Idolatry besides. That which was reproved in his marriage was, that he matched with Jezebel, by the Citty whence she came, a Canaanitish woman, and therefore such as with whom he should not have married. The Idolatry besides whereinto he fell thereby, was the worship of Baal, or Baalim; the Idol, or the Idols of the Sidonians whence she came: and not unlike to be that Belus, the Father of Ninus, King of the Assyrians, whom, after his death, not-only the Babylonians, but the Assyrians also did worship, and in diverse Countries had Idols of him. Before, the Text doth show, how God did chastise him for these his sins, it first bringeth in another matter diverse from it: but then, it prosecuteth this again. That other matter which it recordeth before, is the building of Jericho again by Hiel of Bethel, in the days of this Ahab: a special good warning to all, and a needful lesson for many of us (that are given to the spoil of the Church, and for our own private luker to take that from it, which our Elders gave well unto it, and laid a curse on those that should alter it) not to make so light of a curse going before, though but of any one Seruaunt of God: and much more to take heed, when so many, so wise and godly, so deliberately also, and especially on behalf of God's glory and good of the people, have so judicially done it, as that case of ours affordeth, in former times, many special and great examples. Prosecuting the former matter again, it giveth us to understand, that those his sins [ B] were chasticed two special ways: one, by a Famine; the other, by invasion of Forraigne enemies. In the Story of that Famine, we have delivered unto us, first in what sort it was laid upon them: then, how it was taken off again. When God was disposed to lay it upon them, first by one of his Servants, he denounced the same unto them: and then soon after, accordingly sent it. That Servant of his by whom he did denounce it unto them, was Elias, • man of no special note before, that we read off, nor of the ordinary sort of the Ministry, Thesbe, the Citty whence he was, being none of those whereunto the Levites were sorted, but of the Tribe, of Gad, and so one of Ahab's own Subiectes. This man came some-what strangely about this business: coming but to the King alone, that we read of, not reproving him first for anything he had done, nor laboring him to any amendment, not so much as telling him, that th • Lord had sent him unto him; but even abruptly, as it were, and bluntly enough, telling the King, that as the Lord God of Israel lived before whom he stood, there should be neither Dew nor Rain fought those years ensuing, but according to his word. Jesus also the Son of Sirach goeth no farther, but only that he did shut up heaven, & by the word of the Lord: but else-where we have, that it was done by earnest prayer. But to go no farther than this present place giveth occasion, the greatest personages that are, even Kings withal, must be content sometime to be so dealt withal by the Servants of God, as, out of which they may easily take offense, as not being dealt with in such good manner, one way or other, as appertained: especially now, since the time that Christ is come among us, and hath shown us all; neither denouncing before when it pleaseth him to strike, nor showing why it should be needful now, but everyone for himself to heed his ways as he will be served, and never to look for it, now to be taught or warned still. According to which word of the Prophet, God, first providing for that his Seruaunt, sent indeed a marvelous great drought, and of long continuance on all that Land, to the great distress thereof. For the Prophet he first provided, before the Famine by that great drought did begin: but then again, when [ C] the Famine was sore upon them. Before it began, God appointed the Prophet to go and hide him by the River Cherish, arising in the West, and running Eastward into Jordan: that so he might ever as need should be drink of the River, and telling him farther, that he had already commanded the Ravens to feed him there. Which when the Prophet accordingly did, he plainly found the good hand of God extended towards him to his good, both in gracious and wonderful manner, the Ravens, that hardly find ofttimes enough for themselves, bringing him both Bread and Flesh, every day, both Morning and Euening, wherein we may note, not only that usual work of God, ever setting his in safety, before he pour forth his wrath on the wicked: but that at this time besides, he would have the Prophet to hide him there, that so those that made so light on the word of God before, should not now be able to get to the Prophet, though never so fain (after their manner) they would. Another thing also might some (to good use) gather hereof, namely, such as for gaining time to their study, would, if it might stand with their health, have but one meal a-day: besides that Physic accounteth that to be the overthrow of good health by decaying the stomach; seeing God himself, in so great a famine, allowed his Seruaunt two meals a day, it may stand in such like case for a rule unto others. When the drought was now so great, that the River it self was dried, for that no rain fell on the earth, God then provided otherwise for him, with a poor Widow in the Coasts of