Of the Head Cornerstone

prevail against [ C] them on the West. Which also is the reason, why they set the children's of Israel's subjection under the Philistines (for that space of forty years that after is spoken of) to begin before the time of Iephthe, as we saw before. But we have diverse things mentioned in the Scriptures, of which we have in particular no Original Story: as we have of the self-same Philistines a little before, a manifest token that in Samgars time they were grievous to the people of God; and yet have we no Story of them, but that Samgar slew six hundred of them with nothing else but only a Goad. As also we have mention of a former deliverance out of the hands of the Philistines, immediately after: and yet have we no Story of it, unless it be that of Samgers time. So it is not to be doubted, but that now also the Philistines were very troublesome and grievous unto them: and yet we find not, that this was any part of the forty years that are mentioned after. And seeing it is so plainly set down, that the Land of the Philistines should also appertain to the children of Israel, we may easily conceive, that the Philistines would ever on all occasions, seek to molest and suppress them, that so themselves might ever enjoy their own seats the better. But of the Ammonites we have the Story in particular delivered unto us, how, & in what manner they were grievous to the people of God; as namely, that they did oppress and vex them eighteen years: first, but on the other side of Jordan only; but then after, on this side also, and therein the chief of them all. By whom they were so very sore vexed, that in the end they sought the Lord: at which time though he refused now to help them; yet shortly after he took such compassion upon them, that nevertheless in the ende they were holpen. In this refusing to help them now, he did both tell them the reason of it, for that he had so oft delivered them before, and yet was so little regarded by them: and willed them also to go seek for help at the hands of those God's whom they had chosen. But yet when they did seek the Lord still, and put away the strange God's from among them, and served the Lord, then the Lord had compassion on their misery: and shortly after (though himself would not be seen in the ordaining or choice of the party, whom notwithstanding he prospered) they had by Iephthe a good deliverance. Concerning whom we have more especially delivered unto us, in what sort he was taken to that charge: and, how he acquirred himself therein. He was taken unto that charge, first but by some part of the people: but afterward, as it seemeth, by all. That part of the people that made the first choice of him, were the Gileadites that dwelt on the East-side of Jordan: [ D] and in that part of his calling unto that place, we have declared, what might seem to move them to make choice of him; and on what condition he yielded unto them. That which might seem to move them unto it, is part of it plain enough in it self: but other, that it is not so fully cleared. Plain enough it is in it self, that he was a valiant man: and that, because he was but basely borne, he was driven out from among his Brethren; but yet followed by a sort of loose and idle people. Whereby being put to his shifts, he gat unto the Land of Tob, and there as it seemeth, carved for himself, or lived on the spoil: that being in such case the most men's usage; and that being the judgment of some, that so it was with Iepthe now. By which course of life he might in seed give such proof of his valor, as they might the rather account him to be a meet man to be their Leader. That which is not so fully cleared, was, that having seated himself in Tob, which seemeth to be betwixt them and the Ammonites (as Adrichomius also doth place it towards that Coast, but a little within the Land it self) they might well fear, that he would join with their Enemies against them, if they did not give him some satisfaction or contentment for their discourtisies done unto him. Which also may seem to be their meaning, when as, he expostulating that former dealing of theirs against him, they answer again, that therefore they came in unto him now, to seek his savor to be their General and Leader against the Ammonites, and to be their Governor too. The conditions whereon he would condescend unto them, and which they as readily accepted, was, that if he prevailed against the Ammonites, and came home safe, then, from that time forward should he be their Governor. This being done betwixt him and the Elders of Gilead, it seemeth, that after they went to the rest of the people on the West-side of Jordan, and there transacted with them likewise on the same condition: and for the better dispatch of the matter, did it at Mizpah before the Lord, there also reciting the covenant betwixt them. Another Mizpah, I grant, there was in Gilead it self, in the Tribe of Gad; wherein also it is ••• e, that Iephthe dwelt, when he judged Israel six years: a thing indeed most likely, because the Ammonites in his time (the Philistines before being set by for a while) were the most dangerous Enemies unto the Israelites, and that City was in the Frontiers of the Land of Gilead towards the Ammonites, and so the meetest for him to make the place of his most abode. But in this we do not read, that the Tabernacle was at [ E] any time placed; neither was it meet for such purpose, being, as it was, in the outside of the Land: and Phinehas, together with those other ten, which were sent to the two Tribes and a half about their new erected Altar, do so appropriate the west part of the Land (wherein most of them dwelt) to be the seat for the Tabernacle, that (since they came over Jordan) they deny the place thereof to be in the East. And whereas Samuel afterward assembled the people to Mizpah, and their prayed for them against the Philistines (coming in with their forces against them, to surprise them there) and so had a fair day against thē: both the nearness of that place unto the Philistines, and Eben-ezer the bounder stone showing how far the Lord did help them against their enemies, do both of them witness, that it was that Mizpah where the Tabernacle was now likewise to be. To see how he acquitted himself of the charge that now he had taken upon him, we are to know, that most part of it, is of martial affairs: but some part of it, of peaceable also. Of his martial affairs, one only piece of service it was that was intended: but another there was that on the sudden brake forth besides. That which was intended, was to repress the force of the Ammonites: which that he may the better do, first he assayeth what he can do by fair means only; and, when so he can do nothing, rhen he addresseth himself to the battle. The fair means that he used, were, first, that he sent to the King of the Ammonites, to know what cause he had so to come in hostile manner into his Country, then, when he understood what cause he pretended, he sendeth unto him again to let him understand, and to make it plain unto him, that in that praetence of his, he had no just cause to move war against him; and therein appealeth to God. When this would take no place with the King of Ammon, but that he was fain (for his just defense) to praepare himself unto battle, we have likewise delivered, how he addresseth himself unto it: and how he performeth the action it self. In addressing himself unto it, he did something well: and something ill. That which he did well, was, that he went unto it with courage; and withal as it seemeth, was careful to take those forces of his with him, that were next adjoining unto the Enemy: matters that are usually subject to the natural man, and such as the natural man can readily deal with; saving that we else-where understand, that he had Faith in some measure mingled withal. That which he did ill, was a matter of higher consideration: such as the natural man can never behave himself in as he ought; but ever is wrong, one way or other. He knew, that the High power of all was in such case to be sought unto; and so to be dealt with, as that he would prosper the action: and this might he know, only as a mere natural man. But in what sort that was rightly to be done, of that he showeth himself very ignorant: [ F] and so doth guess accordingly at it. The action it self was not only his encountering with the Ammonites now: but by his own unadvised dealing, it had another appendant unto it, and the same, as it seemeth, very pitiful also. As for his encountering with the Ammonites, God did so prosper him therein, that he prevailed much against them, and brought them so low, that now the Children of Israel were safe enough from them. What that other appendant was, the learned themselves are not yet agreed: most of them taking it, that it was the sacrificing of his own Daughter; others (of late) that it was but vowing her unto virginity. Of which two opions whether of them it is that may seem more likely, myself is not able to judge: saving that, at I take it, the likelyhoods are moe and greater for the former, than for the latter. For the great sorrow that the Father conceived upon the first sight of his Daughter, remembering then what he had vowed unto the Lord, and his words suitable thereunto; that special request of the Daughter, for so long a time, for her self and for her fellows to go and bewail (and that in the Mountains, as a thing forlorn) her case in that matter; that she and her fellows so did indeed; and that it grew to a custom in Israel (not only of his own house, or of the Tribe whereof he was) that the Daughters of Israel (as afore) did yearly lament, for four days space, the case of that Virgin: all these I say, and every of them do seem unto me to boad a matter of greater sorrow, than her perpetual virginity, or, for all her life to be a Nazarite to God, could be unto any of all the company. Again, that request of hers of bewailing her virginity first, seemeth rather to import, that it was somewhat else that she conceived should be inflicted on her, than perpetual virginity: for that if it had been naught else but it, she needed not to have taken time before but might easily have seen, that to such purpose she had time enough after. That which seemeth to make for the latter, so far as I see, is but one: namely, that whereas the vulgar Translation, and out English Bible readeth to lament or bewail the Daughter of Iephthe, the original seemeth rather to yield, that they did go and talk with her as it is translated by some, or did go and speak unto her as it is translated by another; both which may import, that she lived still, and do most incline to that opinion. For as touching the Coniunction, that it may signify Or, though for the most part it signify and, that availeth no more, but that so it may be: it tendeth not to prove that so it is. The commendation of Faith likewise, that else-where is given him, is not so to be taken, as if he might not therefore commit so gross errors as cyther of these: no more than it excuseth Gideon, Sampson, and [ G] David (there also in like sort named) from those gross slips that brake out in them, in Gideon, to the destruction of him and his house: in Sampson, to the utter defeating of the service he had to do; and to his own overthrow in the end: in David, to the great trouble and hazard of his own state after, and to the overthrow of many of his own house and of his people. Neither is it doubted of Judas, but that so long as he kept his place with the rest, he did such works of Faith as the rest did, preaching Christ, and doing great works, when they were sent out to do that service: as also it is certain, that Saint Peter had faith, though he would have stayed Christ from his sufferings; and thrice together denied his Mayster. And though it were so, that he did not make her a sacrifice, but only addicted her to perpetual virginity, yet was that also against Faith, though not so odious, nor in so high a degree as the other: being such a thing, as nowhere by the word of God is commanded unto us. But whether of these soever it was, there is no question with any, but that he offended greatly: both in making so unadvised a vow at the first; and in the performance of it after. Another example, howe far wide, in the truth of Religion, our best Politicians and Martial-Men may be: and so much the rather to be marked, as these days do more abase those by whom the truth of Religion may be best praeserued as accounting, that they have enough in those others, both for the one and for the other. That other that on the sudden brake forth besides, whereby Iepthe was occasioned to proceed somewhat farther in Martial affairs, was that quarrel that the Ephraimites did take against him, at his return from the overthrow of the Ammonites. Concerning which we have more specially set down unto us, how far they provoked Iephthe to try it with them: and, how it pleased God, by his hands to chastise them for it. They did much provoke him unto it, in abusing themselves so much as they did, both to his own person, and to his company. On his own person they were not ashamed to lay their reproof: and then added threatenings besides. Their reproof likewise they did not only lay upon him at the first: but afterward also, when he excused himself unto them, yet did they not accept of his answer. Their reproof was, that he did not call upon them when he went against the Ammonites, as they had quarrelled with Gideon before, for not calling them against the Midianites. Whereunto Iepthe answered, that he had called on them, but they came not; and so was he fain himself to deal with them so well as he could: therefore that they had no cause, thus to come forth in hostile manner against [ H] him as they did. This his excuse the event doth declare, that they did not accept of: and the Text doth plainly declare, that they had added threatenings besides, even to burn his house upon him. His company then, were, as it seemeth, most of the Gileadites: and those did the Ephraimites reproachfully upbraid to be Runnagates. The chastisement that it pleased GOD, for these quarrellous and insolent parts of theirs, by his hands to cast upon them, was a present overthrow, and great slaughter of them in the chace besides. For the Gileadites, being so nettled with them, as before they were, not contented to give them the over-throw in the field, intercepted from them the passages of Jordan besides, and there likewise put to the Sword so many of that side as they found to be Ephraimites indeed: so that there fell that day, of that company only, to the number of two and forty thousand. A fair warning to all, not to stand so much in conceit with our selves, as that we cannot well abide that others have good atchiuements besides us; especially if they be our Inferiors: at least, that we do not quarrel with them, nor use any reproach to their persons. Gideon had put up such a matter at their hands more quietly before: but men may not look, in any such case, to be spared still; but that one time or other they will be remembered, if they take not up the sooner. That part of his charge which was more peaceable, was his government all his time after: of which we have neither good nor ill; but only that it was six years in all. Comming to that other, wherein it pleased God to praeuent them, here again we have some other going betwixt: then, the Story it self that we speak of. Those others that go betwixt, are of three several Governors that were next Iephthe, Ibzan, Elon, and Abdon: they judging Israel everyone his time, the first seven years; the next ten; and the third, eyght. Of whom we have nothing else recorded; saving that two of them did much brave it: the first of them, in Sons and Daughters; and the last, in Sons and Nephews. But so it is the manner of many to govern, that besides their effeminatenesse, and Peacocks-tail, there is nothing worthy of memory in them: and those things not worthy neither, but of most silent and dark oblivion. Nevertheless, even this their brauing is great probability, that those forty years of the Philistines oppression of the people, were none of these, as we saw before, that some did reckon: because it is not likely, that these could have borne their heads so high, if the Philistines were then Lord's over them; the one of them, seeming to have his seat but in Bethlehem in Judah, and the farther of them, but in Ephraim, [ I] both of them near unto the Philistines. The Story it self that now we speak of, is how it pleased God to deal with his people, when now again they did offend him: and, so first of the people's offending; then of God's dealing with them. As touching the people's offending, here we read, that again they behaved themselves wickedly towards God, and at this time so continued in that their wickedness very long: at least, that we read of no repentance in them until the time of Samuel the Prophet. And a perrilous thing it is, when at any time we have professed repentance, and to abandon the sins we are in, yet after to return unto them again. For so cometh it to pass ofttimes, that thence-forward we settle our selves therein, without remorse or feeling of them. The dealing that God had with them therein, was some part of it appertaining unto their chastisement for the same: and some part again, to his gracious favor. For their chastisement he delivered them over into the hands of the Philistines for the space of forty years. Concerning which, there is some question made by the learned, at what time those forty years should be: one being of opinion, that it is uncertain, where to place them; or to find, where to begin them, or where to end them. And yet the nature of the Story doth require, by the reason of other reckonings, that do in some part depend on this, that if it may be, the certainty thereof were to be sought out, and set down more plainly for all. Of those that varry in this matter, some there are who leave no special or proper place for those forty years of the Philistines oppression of Israel, to stand by themselves: but there are others that do. Of the former sort, Lyranus accounteth, that those forty years are to be reckoned from the time of Sampson and Helie (a speech somewhat doubtful): and giveth in for reason, because that by Sampson the children of Israel were not clean delivered out of the bondage of the Philistines, but only that the Tyranny of them was restrained. Tremellius and Junius likewise as by other occasion we saw before, would have them all to be taken backward; and so to begin from the fourteenth year of Jair going before, and to ende with the last year of Abdon, next and immediately after Sampson, which indeed, taking in that fourteenth year of Jair, make forty in all, besides those twenty years given unto Sampson next ensuing. Functius in his Chronology, [ K] doth in like sort (out of Luther) leave no time for those forty years of the Philistines oppression of Israel, to stand by themselves, but filleth all the time that he doth count of, with the times of the Judges: but supposeth, that those years may best be understood, of all Samson's twenty years, and of twenty mo that are ascribed to Eli. He also accounteth that the place in the Acts of the Apostles, for the which men are the more ready to take the advantage of greatest reckoning in the time of the Judges, is by the writer made more then it should be by the likeness of the Greek words Triacosiois and Tetracosiois. But others there be that do assign a proper place for those forty years of the Philistines oppression of Israel: namely, betwixt Abdon and Hetie. But yet in this they varry also, that the former of them alloweth the years of Sampson to have place by themselves likewise, and immediately after the Philistines forty: and the latter alloweth them, not to stand by themselves, but to be included within those forty of the Philistines. How this variance may best be composed I do not see: at least, unless that Samuells time also, might be taken into the time of the Judges and so understood in that place of the Acts, inclusively, as diverse do term it; and it may not be denied, but that Samuel is said to have judged Israel. If that may be granted, then, because the matter were not hard, rightly to set down that time of oppression, if either we have the beginning or ending of it, I think we might soon resolve our selves, where to place it: namely, with those years of Eli. For we have some reasonable good matter to lead us to think that it ended immediately after his time, For then did the people grow, by the means of Samuel, to a special repentance: and then had they so fair a day against the Philistines, that it is plainly said of them, that they were so brought under, that they came no more again unto the coasts of Israel, and that the hand of the Lord was against them all the days of Samuel. If that be the end of it (and there is no question, but that it is of all others that we know of, the likeliest) then must the beginning of it be but forty years before: and so have we both the beginning and ending of it. But then there be two doubts which may easily be conceived here: one, of that which is said of Sampson; the other, of that which is said of Eli. That which is of [ L] Sampson, is that he Iudged Israel twenty years: and that those years were in the days of the Philistines. And the doubt that is of this matter, is, that if the oppression of the people by the Philistines should be allotted to the time of Eli (which being forty years also, would take up, the whole time of the Philistines): then, how could Samson's twenty years, be said to be in the Philistines days? To this I can say no more but thus, that as the Philistines, it appeareth, were busy before in the days of Samgar and Iephthe, and before that Sampson was yet borne: so not unlikely, but that now also they were a good while brogging about it, before they could so fully-prevail against them, as to have them in subjection unto them. In which mean time it seemeth that Sampson was a let unto them, and there had his twenty years. Which notwithstanding, I grant, is not unlikely, to be so meanly accomplished by him, that it is less marvel that others, out of the self same word in the Original, that themselves still interpreted to Judge Israel before, when they come unto him, can find no more in it, but that he avenged some wrongs that were done them. That which is of Eli is, that if the Philistines in all his time had the children of Israel in subjection unto them, how then may Eli be said, all those forty years of his to have Iudged the people of Israel. To which I know no more to be said neither, but only this, that he being but the High Priest, it is not unlikely, but that the Philistines might tolerate him to Judge the people in such matters as concerned their Laws, and inferior matters of Civil Government also, thereby to keep them more easily, in subjection unto them: as Alexander, for his time afterward did; and after him, the Romans likewise. In gracious favor he gave unto them some little help and hope in the mean season (and that without any seeking unto him on their part for it): and then after, a farther deliverance. The help and hope that in the mean season he gave them, was by Sampson, who forgot himself so much in that his duty, that he did them but little good: and yet was, in diverse things, a figure of Christ. So are we first to consider of him as the Story goeth of himself: then, as he was a figure of Christ. As the Story goeth of himself we are to consider, first how far it may [ M] seem, that he was called to be some special help unto them: then, how far it may likewise seem, that he did forget himself therein. It may seem he was called to be some special help unto them, first by such dealing as the Lord had with his Parants before: then, by such as he had with himself after. His dealing with his Parents before was such, as that (by all likelihood) they had fully acquainted him therewith: both for the substance; and manner of it. The substance of it was, but to signify unto them, what a child they should have: and how far the Mother was to forbear her own freedom in some few things (otherwise lawful) in the mean season. The child they should have, he gave them to understand, should be a Nazarite unto the Lord from his birth: and should begin to save Israel out of the hands of the Philistines. The Mother was now thenceforward (until she should be diliuered of him) to forbear to eat anything that grew on the Vine; and every unclean thing whatsoever: and to drink no Wine, nor strong drink. The manner of it was such likewise, as might help well to confirm him in it both because it was twice delivered unto them: and because therein they were used with so great favor besides. It was first delivered unto the wife alone: but then, she telling her Husband of it, and he desiring the Lord, that he would vouchsafe them some farther direction how to use the child when they had him; by that occasion, the Angel appearing to the woman again in the field, and she running for her Husband, he told the Husband the same again, but in one point a little more fully. The favorable dealing that was used therein besides, was so much the greater, if it were the Lord indeed that so appeared unto him, as some do take it: but being no more but only an Angel (as I see not any sufficient reason otherwise to take it, and yet not upon our English translation, setting down Manoah to have known that he was an Angel of the Lord, which is defective, but likeliest to be the fault of the Printer) he nevertheless dealeth so favorably with them, that whereas themselves began to fear (according to the common opinion then) that having had so extraordinary a vision, they were not like to live long after it; they took unto them better heart therein, even only out of that favorable dealing that to them was used. One thing also there is, that, if he were but an Angel, may very well put us in mind, and gather us to some consideration of the great ods, that [ N] is betwixt those Coelestiall, and these Terrestrial bodies here; namely, that when 〈◊〉 asketh his name, he telleth him (after that first he asked of him wherefore he inquired thereof) that it was wonderful, or secret to us: thereby giving us to understand, as it seemeth, that there is so great ods betwixt their estate there, and ours here, that there is as it were, no affinity or likeness at all betwixt them; in such sense as Christ telleth the Sadducees, that in the resurrection there was no marriage but that men should then be as the Angels of God in Heaven. The dealing that God had with him after, was altogether gracious all his life long to speak of: at the first (indeed) none other then might well be expected upon those promises made before; but afterward exceeding all expectation. That which was none other than might well be expected upon the promised before made, was, that God did bless him in his childhood in such sort, that thence he grew unto very great and incredible strength: yea and to an Heroycall mind also, as some do take it; but myself do not see, how the same may be soundly gathered. That favor of God towards him afterward, which exceeded all expectation, was, as it seemeth unto me, of two kinds: one, to call him to better ways, and more agreeable to his vocation, than such as he took; the other, that he did so graciously preserve and assist him, in those meaner ways that himself did rather choose. Of the former sort, one there is, that, as I take it, may best be thought to be of that kind, though we have no express warrant so to take it: and one other besides, that is more expressly warranted to be one of that sort indeed. That which seemeth to be of that nature, as that so it might best be taken, though we have no express warrant for it, is of the Lyon that met him out of the Vineyards roaring upon him, as he was going down to Timnah to match himself with a Philistim there: which the Lord at that time gave into his hands. Concerning which, there is one thing, I grant, that seemeth to cross directly the sense wherein I do take it: and therefore are we first to see, what that sense is; thē, what may be said unto that which seme to cross it. The sense that I speak of, is, that because God did so directly forbid all the people to make any marriages with the people of that land, & had chosen this man to be of so special regard unto him; he therefore did not well, now to make his match there: & [ O] that therefore the Lord sent the Lion as his Messenger, to challenge him as it were for his prey; and yet that he gave him into his hands, that he being praeserued from him, might afterward take some better course. As before that time God himself both came roughly upon Moses as though he would have killed him, because there was a fault in him: and yet meaning to have his service, did him no hurt in the end. That which doth seem to cross it, is, that it is ascribed unto the Lord, that he was so wedded to match there, so to seek occasion against the Philistines. But it is sufficiently known, that God may well use the inordinate ways of men, to execute his judgments: and yet not approve them to those that do them. God may well use the greatest sins that are committed (and in that sense may they also be said to be of the Lord) and yet hath no man excuse with God, but only in following the rule prescribed. That which is more expressly warranted to be one of that sort indeed, is that his dealing with the Philistines in Ramath-Lechi, where he slue a thousand of them with the Iaw-bone of an Ass. The story is, that being provoked by the Philistines before, he had without any weapon at all mightily prevailed against many of them, by Horse-play only (as we term it) even with his soote: and then went to the West parts of Judah, having there a Rock and a Cave for his defense and harbor, and a fair River near adjoining. The Philistines followed with great forces to Lechi and there pitched, somewhat short of the place whether Samson was gone. The inhabitants of Judah sory to see the Philistines to be come so near unto them, because they had then gotten the Mastery of them, understanding the cause of their coming to be but for Samson only, for their own quietness delivered him bound (and with his own consent withal) into the hands of the Philistines: who being thus delivered unto them, suddenly brake the new cords wherewith he was bound, caught the Iaw-bone lying thereby, and so performed that execution. The reason why I take this to be of that sort, rather than the rest, is chiefly the Text: and partly one conjecture besides, that, by circumstance of the time, secmeth to lead to that sense also. The Text is, that immediately before showing that God did bless him, it doth presently follow, and afterward again, that the Spirit of God was it this time with him: as also at the destroying of the Lyon, that in the Text doth follow next after. But now it is else-where said, that the spirit of God another time also came upon him, when his action by our rule, was not so good: at which time it seemeth to signify no more, but only, that God raised up his heart [ P] extraordinarily, or gave him special courage against them; yet not as unto a piece of service by his word approved, but to such revenge as they at God's hands deserved. Whereas in those others before, it is spoken of such actions, as by the word are very allowable, his own needful and just defense: first against the ramping Lyon; then against the Philistines, seeking his ruin as much as the other. The circumstance of time that I speak of, is, that when he had run a good piece of his course now, as it seemeth (this being one half of his story) and done so little good in his chief and principal business, that the Philistines were yet rulers over them: hereby it seemeth (by such other works of God of like nature, as by the Angels meeting so roughly with Balaam, and by Jonah his casting into the Sea) that God did therefore bring him into that danger, and then set him free of it again; that he might thenceforth give himself better to his vocation than yet he had done. That some do account this to have been done in that place of the Country, that is properly called the Tents of Dan, by the reason of that expedition that is afterward described that the Danites had towards Lais, they deceive themselves in not heeding the Text. For the place that now we speak of, was betwixt Zorah and Estaoll (as themselves also read) the two first Cities that are named to the Tribe of Dan: from whence the five men whom they first sent to search out some other dwelling place, and those six hundred that went after to win it, began their journey, and whither the five in their first journey returned to their brethren again. But where first they pitched their tents, as by likelihood it should be some good distance from those two Cities, and North ward from them, about so far as might serve for the first days journey, considering the cumber of the first getting together and setting forth: so the Text it self saith, that it was near to Kirtath-iarim in the Tribe of Judah; & so nothing near betwixt these two Cities. Adrichomius doth indeed set the Citty Kiriath-iarim within the bounds of Dan; making his pricks of division to go a compass to fetch it in: but in his description he granteth it to be of Judah though it be in the bounds of Dan. In that therefore, that the Text saith, it was in the Tentes of Dan, the other description (of being between those two Cities aforesaid) doth not suffer it to be taken of the place that properly was so called: but teacheth us to understand it generally, [ Q] as that it was in that part of the Country where the Danites did inhabit, and so might in some sense be called the Hoast or Tents of Dan; especially, when they had so little room, that it is not unlikely, but that many of thē dwelt yet in their Tents. What moved Lyra so to Interpret, himself doth not show: but that doth he give to be the reason of that place, because, saith he, at that time they dwelt in Tents. It may seem likewise that Sampson did much forget himself in this his calling; first, if we consider of his Story but generally: then, much more if we enter into particulars. If we consider of it but generally, we are diuen to understand twice, that he judged Israel twenty years: or at least, as I noted before, that some did read, so long avenged them of their enemies. But what have we in all his Story, that may in any good measure import either of these: at least the former, which is the thing that the Text doth most require? So it seemeth, that because he was a Man of so rare a strength, and a professed Nazarite withal, many repaired unto him, had many of their causes decided by him, and were ever in hope of some special deliverance dy his hands to be obtained. But that he did anything worthy of memory of that kind, that we find not: and yet is it likely, that such things would have been remembered if any such there had been, altogether as soon as most of those that we have recorded of him. That God did make him such an Instrument of his, in many of those his actions to show forth his displeasure and power against the enemy; which also himself could, never have attempted only by his own force (were it never so great) against so many, but only by Faith in GOD withal; in that also he outwardly bare that testification of his profession towards God; and in that, in his necessity he could so readily seek unto GOD, both in his life, and at his death: all these are very good tokens, that much was in him; but yet exceeding pitifully over-laid by his own infirmity, even as a little fire raked up in a great heap of Ashes. If we go to particulars, when do we find, that he bloweth the Trumpet, encourageth his people, stoppeth the ways, layeth his Garrisons, or any such like, as the case of the people did then require, and is usually done by such as profess themselves to be their Leaders against their Enemies? Or when doth he hold any assemblies for Execution of Justice among them: or but to call upon them in some good time to seek the Lord, that he may bring down their Enemies before them? Instead of these and such like, what else do we find, but that he giveth himself most unto Women (and that, not in any honorable manner, but basely [ R] rather) and to such private quarrels and revenges as by them he entangled himself withal, sometimes performed as basely too? As, when his Wife was given to another, because he left her before in displeasure, besides that it was nothing heroical, nor so beseeming one that was of such force, to deal by such wiles, by so many fires to make so great destruction of the Philistines Corn, how unadvisedly also may it be conceived the same was done, in respect of his own people the Israelites? For it goeth a little before, that at that time the Philistines reigned over Israel: and it followeth a little after, knowest thou not, said the people of Judah, when they came to bind him, and to make delivery of him, that the Philistines are Rulers over us? As also we may assure our selves, that the Tribe of Judah would not have yielded to have delivered him into their hands, as they did, unless they had been strongly overmatched with them indeed. Then being so that the Philistines had Israel in such subjection, could he so destroy the Philistines Corn, but that the Israelites must needs make up that want with theirs? Now in that inordinate lust of his unto Women, do we find, that at any time he took up and left them? Or may we not rather doubt, that seeing he was so much besotted with them as we find that he was, both in uttering to one the secret of his parable to his own dishonor and loss, and especially in uttering to another of them wherein his strength lay, to his own utter overthrow (and that when he had so often found before, that her meaning was to betray him into his enemies hands) may we not (I say) rather doubt, that, seeing by occasion hereof he did so much neglect his calling, and would not take any warning before, therefore God himself also did now take no pleasure in him, and would no longer work by him, and so gave him up to so dishonorable and great a ruin? A very good pattern to all that are called to any special service: either in some good measure to perform it indeed, or else to look for none other at the hands of God, but to be swept out as the dust of the Floower, with as great reproach, as ever they were taken in unto it with honor. But he at the best, was but a figure: and meet it was we should have no full contentment in him; that so more readily we might pass over unto the other, whose figure he was, and to seek it only in him. Now therefore as he was a figure of Christ, there be diverse things in this his Story, that we [ S] may apply to our comfort: one, who that stood with him all his whole life; others, no more but certain of his particular actions. That one that stood with him all his whole life, was, that God had appointed (before he was borne) that he should be a Nazarite to him, even from his birth, and so to stand (as his Mother acknowledged) to the day of his death: that is, that in very special manner he should ever be separate from the world unto God; and ever bear with him in the hair of his head, some open testification of it. The vow of the Nazarite we saw before: that was but for a time, at the parties own election; but yet for the time it made them like bright Stars among men, glorious in themselves, and good examples unto others. But this being for all his life, had he rightly performed the same, it had been exceeding glorious to himself: and a great condemnation to the looseness of others. And then, though the Lord did in plain terms promise no more, but only that he should begin to save Israel out of the hands of the Philistines: yet it is not to say what wonderful deliverance, God by his hands, was like enough to have given unto them. For that subjection of theirs under the Philistines being but a figure or shadow of a greater subjection, that both they and we were in under sin, and the curse of the Law for the same, from which we could no way be delivered but only by him that was to come, that only true Nazarite indeed: although he had delivered the people then never so fully, never so gloriously from those their Enemies; yet had all that been but only some little beginning by that Nazarite then, in comparison of the other to be performed by the true Nazarite after. And to what ende may we conceive, that GOD endued him with so rare and invincible strength, but to perform some rare and wonderful deliverance then, to some special advancement of the glory of GOD the giver of it: and to raise up the hearts of his people to an assured and joyful expectation of that greater and more wonderful deliverance (into which even the very Angels, which daily see the glory of God in Heaven, for the strangeness and excellency of it, desire to look) which in time succeeding should be by the true Nazarite performed? May we conceive: that he had no farther meaning in it, than for the accomplishment of those atchiuements wherein only he did employ it: being lightly none other, but quarrels and brables of unbridled lust, and some others that came by occasion of those? So no doubt that rare strength was given him, to have manned forth the dignity [ T] of that his separation to God, and to have adorned it with the bright beams of some rar • honor and glory: so to be a figure of that most holy Nazarite to come, separate from Sinners; and to raise up the hearts of all his people, to expect some wonderful deliverance in him. True indeed, that there was no such absolute deliverance to be expected, but of him that should be an absolute Nazarite: and in that respect it was needful, that the figure should give place unto the truth. But even that figurative Nazarite also might well have done whatsoever heroical and honorable exploites in that piece of service which that rare strength of his (though that service of his had been greater) might have reached unto, and so have made himself more glorious in the Church of God: and yet have left room enough for that other to have gone beyond him infinitely, & with his brightness to have eclipsed his glory more, than the Sun in his brightness obscureth the dimmest star in the element. But seeing we see, that doing this good to the people here, is not joined but with separation, let us also take this lesson unto us, that in any wise we must be Nazarites, or separated from the love of the world, our selves, if ever we shall do that good unto others, that in duty we owe unto them: and that no man, whatsoever good gifts he may have besides, doth any good duty to his neighbor, but so far as he hath yielded himself to be a Nazarite also. Those particular actions of his were two: one, while he was at his own liberty; the other, when he was in his Enemies hands. While he was at his own liberty, for the love of an Harlot, it seemeth, he went down to one of the chief Cities of the Philistines, but there being known, they made fast the Gates against him for that night, meaning to fall upon him and kill him in the morning. But he rising up betimes in the morning pulled down the leaves of the Gate, and the posts whereon they hung, together with the Bars thereof: and laying them all on his shoulders, carried them all to the top of an Hill beyond, whence, Hebron in Judah far off from that place, might be decerned. And true it is that Jesus Christ coming down among us for the love of men, Harlots to him, was here among us closed up to death: but yet that he by his own mighty power made himself away from death, and took unto him his life again; and hath left open that way to others also. When he was in his enemies hands, by yielding himself unto death, he destroyed many of them; even all the Princes of the Philistines, & much people besides: Christ having by his death, not only destroyed [ V] the whole power of the enemy, head and tail; but also having brought by the virtue of it, infinite numbers of people to God.

5 Those other particulars which do touch but certain of them, are two; [ A] both of them witnessing great corruption and disorder among them: one of them, chiefly in matters of Religion; the other in life and conversation. That which chiefly tendeth to show what corruption was among them in Religion, seemeth most •• aim at this, to show how it came to pass, that Dan was one of those places in which Jeroboam afterward placed the one of those two golden Calves that he erected: belike, as a needful help to that his new invention, to make choice of that place, for that it was a place of devotion or public worshipping long before; especially, seeing it was at an outside from the rest of the people, and so had need, so much the more, otherwise to be of some special credit. And this may be a good pattern to us, in what manner such places of adulterate worship, did first grow up unto that credit that since they were in. So the Story declareth, first in what sort that adulterate corrupt kind of worshipping grew up in the Family of one man: then how it came to pass, it was afterward received of one whole Citty. To find out how it grew up in the Family of one Man, we are first to consider what it was that was done: then, at what time it may seem to have been. That which was done, was, that in one private house there was gotten up an house of God's, or a private Oratory or Chapel: and so to that end, both Images themselves and their furniture ordained; and a Priest provided for them. In the ordaining of the Images themselves and of their furniture, we are to consider, from whom that devise did first proceed: and in what manner the same was prosecuted. It proceeded of a Woman of Ephraim, as it seemeth: in whom we see there was a kind of devotion; and yet great impaciency withal. A Fountain of no special likely-hood to yield pure Waters of this kind: God having appointed, not the Ephraemites, but the Levites to teach the people; and his usual manner being in those matters, to deal by Men, and not by Women. In the manner of prosecuting of it, it seemeth, that first there was an intent or purpose so to do, that for a time lay but in meaning only: but yet was effected after. While there was but only an intent of such a matter, it was but only in the Woman: and then there came such an accident betwixt, as she by [ B] most likely-hood might have taken to have been a check from God to that her purpose, because that Money-nest of hers, by which she made her reckoning to do it, was (while she had that meaning) conveyed from her. When afterward it was effected, it was then done not only by the Woman, but also by a Man, Micah her Son: but then are we to mark, what infirmity we find in each of them before; then, how they agreed in this notwithstanding. In Michah we find, that he privily took, or stale away that Money-nest of his Mothers, being eleauen hundred Sickles of Silver, every Sickle being almost half an ounce sterling with us. In his Mother we find great impaciency, cruelly curssing and banning him that had taken it from her. Unto their agreeing afterward in it, it doth appertain; first, how the Money came home again: then, how they jointly dispatched the business intended. The Money did Michah himself bring in unto her upon the fear that he had of those her cursses: thereby showing himself to have a more pliable heart to amend whatsoever he had done amiss in that kind, than many of us in these days have, in higher matters a great deal, of the selfsame kind. For many of us have taken away much of that, which already was well dedicated (and not only purposed) not unto Idolatry, but to the true worship of God: & cannot be ignorant but that by the word of God it is an accursed thing so to do; and that the wisest and most godly learned in all ages since, have by their actual and public denunciation, given sufficient warning thereof unto all. And yet neither is there any such reverend regard in them toward their Mother the Church, nor to the glory of God, or Souls-health of others, nor any such fear of the curse wherewith they are already stricken, as with a sentence of condemnation, and which ere long must have execution accordingly done (if so they persist) as that they are by the one allured, or by the terror of the other urged, justly to bring in again, that which they have wrongfully taken away: but, on the other side, most of that crewe still hold on the same course; yea, more and more; and by their example lead on many others to do the like, that all may see how infectious a blame Sacrilege is. It being so brought in, they both joined in the [ C] business that was intended: bestowing, as it seemeth, nine hundred of those Sicles on metal and stuff for the Images and things thereunto appertaining; and the other two hundred for the woorkemanshippe of them. Which when they had thus gotten together, then did they set them up in some such room • s to such purpose they thought the meetest. For a Priest to attend these new gods of theirs, they held themselves at the first contented with one of their own (and good enough for gods of their own making) one of the Sons of Michah aforesaid: but afterward, a straggling spaught or young man of the Tribe of Leuie, racking on that way to seek some service (the same Jonathan it seemeth, that is afterward spoken of) they hired him, and made no question but that all was well now, when they had gotten one of the Levites to Priest-it with them. But it seemeth there were of the Levites (and not only such youths as this, but of the Elder sort also) as likewise there be such like among us, that, though they should be leaders to others in all true godliness, yet those were and ours are ready enough for advantage, to lend their hand to Idolatry also. As touching the time it is plain that it was, when they had no King among them: and thereby it seemeth, it was when they had no Judge neither. Which being granted, then falleth it out, by all likelihood, to be immediately after the days of Joshua. For afterward it is said, that this Idolatry, being after transported to the Citty of Dan continued there all the time the house of God was in Siloh, which began, as we saw before, somewhat before the death of Joshua, and ended soon after the death of Eli. Again it is plain, that this was before the next Story ensuing, both by the placing in the Text, and for that the Citty of Dan was then possessed by the Israelites. But that Story was soon afterward also, as, when we come to it, will better appear. Others there be that do otherwise gather this Story of Michah to be about that time, by another conjecture: namely, because that Jonathan (this Priest) is said to be the Son of Gershom, the Son of Manasseh, and that Manasseh to be the Son of Moses. A conjecture altogether without warrant, so far as yet I was able to find. True it is, that, [ D] by some, Moses is set in the place of Manasseh: and so the reading made to be that this Jonathan was the Son of Gershom, the Son of Moses. And by the judgment of those two former, Master Broughton, as it seemeth (for he allegeth no other authority but this: and that is very strange unto me, that he should be of that mind also) maketh Jonathan to be the Son of Manasseh the Son of Gershom, the Son of Moses, even of these others. But in the Original it is Manasseh not Moseh: saving (that is set a little higher by the most (it seemeth); and clean over the head, by some, upon such reasons) as are there alleged, needles to be recited here. And one other before, that wrote of the Genealogy of Christ long before Master Broughton meddled with it, and a very careful man, it seemeth, hath no such matter, but setteth down Subael to be the Son of Gershom (as he there doth call him) and goeth no farther in that Line. That afterward this Idolatry was received into one whole Citty, it shall be good first to consider, that so it was: then in what sort the same was performed. In that so it was, we may see how contagious Idolatry is: and that may we see so much the more in the example that now we are in, because we see it had so inconsiderate and base a beginning. But such is the corruption of our nature, that nothing can be of that kind so senseless and base, but that soon may it get into credit with us. It being of the nature of fire, to feed on such things as are apt matter for it (so that even some little sparks sometimes have grown to that head, that they have consumed or defaced whole Cities:) we, on the other side, are as apt and meet to receive it, as it is by nature inclined to work upon us. The manner wherein the same was performed, was therefore (we need not doubt) easy enough: but such withal, as wherein we may see the just judgment of God to have concurred. Easie enough we shall find it to be, if we mark in the Story how it proceeded. The Story is this. The tribe of Dan, one of the greatest Tribes of all, being so placed at the first, that they were streightened on every side, by Judah on the East, by Simeon on the South, by the Philistines on the West (by strong hand keeping a great part of that, which to the Danites was allotted) and by Ephraim and Benjamin on the North, sent forth five of their company, to search and discover some other place for them, whither some of them might go to inhabit. Those five in their way light on the Priest of these new Idols; desire him to inquier what success [ E] they should have in their business; have answer to their good contentment; and so proceed on in their journey. They light on a Citty, for the site of it, and commodiousnesse for habitation, to their desire: and such as they see they may easily get. They return, and bring word to those that sent them: who preaesently sent forth from among them, six hundred able men with their families, there to inhabit. By the way (admonished by those five that were their guides) they stay a while till those go in, and take forth of Micah's house, those new God's and all their furniture, and persuade the Priest that did attend them, to go with them also: and then go on in their journey again. Micah heard of it; followed after an angry man; called for his God's, but might not have them; and was advised to keep him quiet. He therefore seeing, he was no party, to deall with so many, was fain to give over. They go on; come to the Citty; easily get it; make it their own; and there set up those new-found God's that thus they brought with them: and, like enough, as giving them the honor, that they had sped so well in this. So these were in credit, and sought unto, a long time after. In which, if we mark, we find it plain, that it was by the means of those five men that were sent before: they making the motion of it; and the residue consenting unto it. Of all which company there were none of the Priests of the Levites, nor any of the Levites neither (for they were but of the tribe of Dan;) neither were there any of them that had any religious regard that we read of, but most likely to be men of baser quality a great deal: one sort of them, subtle to spy out, where others were weak; the residue, as ready to take the advantage. And yet notwithstanding, it must needs be strange, that, of all that company we read of none that stood against it, nor so much as did dissuade it. The just judgment of God to have concurred, is plain likewise, for that when those five men would needs have that Idol-Priest to inquire of his Idols, what success they should have in their journey, they were encouraged to go on, and plainly told, that the Lord would guide them: God so ordering the matter therein, that seeing they would needs seek to those Idols, they should light on that, which might bring them in bondage unto them. And yet the evil spirit that gave the answer (though not unlikely but he would gratify them too, so to keep them more regardful to those his Idols) may well be supposed, to have done it, rather to have set them on forward to shed the blood of the people of Lais than to have done that pleasure to them, being, as they were in [ F] duty, & themselves professed, the people of God. At least, themselves might plainly have seen, that now they were brought in mere bondage unto those Idols: when as that foolish and paltry Idolatry began with them so soon, and afterward reigned so long with them. For it is plain, that this Idolatry had place there, in that Citty of Dan, all the while the house of God was in Siloh: and it is before recorded, that Judah, Ephraim, and the other half of Manasseh, having their portions before set out, while the Tabernacle was in Gilgal, the other seven that remained, had not their partes set out unto them, till the people had brought the Tabernacle to Siloh, which was in the days of Joshua himself, Which being brought thither in Joshua's time, was there in the days of Helie also: of whose time it is recorded, and very nere to the end thereof, that the Ark was brought thence into the field unto the people, to aid them against the Philistines, then. After which time, because the Ark was then taken thence, & fell into the hands of the Phlistims, and so, was kept else-where many years after, it seemeth, that it also after decayed. Insomuch that Samuel immediately after gathered the people, not to Siloh now, but unto Mizpa: and Solomon at his first coming to his Kingdom, went to worship the Lord, not to Siloh neither, but unto Gideon, the Tabernacle it self, and the Altar of Burnt-offerings then being there. That which showeth what corruption was among them for life and conversation, is the Story next ensuing, wherein are many things worth the marking: some, I grant, but of less importance; but others, of greater. Of less importance I account a couple, both of them found in such dealing, as diverse times passeth betwixt friends, and giving one good lesson to either: both unto him that giveth entertainment; and to him that is entertained. It is the manner of such as give entertainment, to be sometimes so importunate with their friends, as in no good time to let them depart: and of such again as are entertained, to be so resolute on their departure, as that they will in no wise be stayed, though by lingering their time before, they see they have not time left them, now to set forth without some danger. Here we have an example of both. The Levites Wife (by occasion) went to her friends before: the Levite himself shortly after goeth thither also to bring her home. He is very welcome, and so doth stay accordingly with them. But when [ G] now they were to depart, and were gotten up betime for the purpose, needs they must stay yet somewhat longer, at least till they had gotten their Break-fast. That being done, then was it to late for them to go forward that night. So they must needs stay till the morning, and then be doing so soon as they would. That morning being come, yet might they in no wise go, till they had eaten: and then was it again to late, that night to set forward. So those that gave entertainment, were loath to part with them. Now the Levite that was entertained, cometh in to play his part also. What occasion he had we cannot tell: but we see that here, both he & his might have been welcome. Yet he would in no wise stay any longer now: but, late though it were, would needs be going. So taking the time of his setting forth so late as he did, he was fain to lodge by the way, which otherwise he needed not to have done: and, as the estate of the Country was then, he could not tell where to be safe; but needs would aim it so well as he could. The Issue was this: notwithstanding the courtisie and help that he found where he took up his lodging, much more than himself might well have expected, in pitiful sort he lost his Wife, and was fain to take with him her dead Corpes home; and was in great danger himself besides. Those that are of greater importance, are diverse: most of them discommendable; but yet certain commendable in them. Of those that are discommendable in them, some there are that are clear out of question for that matter: others, that are not so very evident, and yet have good probability with them so to be taken. Those that are clear out of question for that matter▪ are certain detestable sins by them committed, and by the just judgments of GOD accordingly punnished: one, of one particular person; the other, of many. That one particular person was the Levites Wife: and her sin was, that detestable sin of Adultery, the abuse of her body in wanton lust. The judgment of GOD that shortly after did befall her, was, that shortly she was by a certain kind of necessity, to withstand a great villainy, given into the hands of so many to be abused, that her life was not able to bear it, but was fain to give place unto it. A fearful judgment: and so much the rather to be marked of all, as they find those unbridled lusts of theirs to be strong upon them. Those that were [ H] many, were two sorts of the Benjamites: one, those beastly Rake-Hels of Gibeah; the other, the Heads-men, or chief among them. Those beastly Rake-Hels of Gibeah, did first require the Levite himself, that they might against nature have had the abuse of his body: but obtaining his Concubine only, her they abused all the night, insomuch that presently she died thereof, in a manner under their hands. Those that were the Heads-men or chief among them, did two ways offend: one, in that themselves had not their people in better order; the other, that when the rest of their Brethren would have had them to punish, they would rather be enemies to those their Brethren, and suffer it to be a quarrel of Mortall War, than deliver in those offenders unto thē. The judgment of God that hereupon did fall upon them, was, that soon after the whole Tribe without regard of Sex or age, together with their Cities and goods were all destroyed, excepting six hundred Men only, they having then brought forth to the field six and twenty thousand, & seven hundred, and having many of these very able to do special good service against the Enemy. Those offenses of theirs that are not so evident, but yet have such probability with them, that they are most likely so to be taken, are first again, of one particular person: then, of many. That one particular person was the Levite, who, in the judgment of some, himself abuzed that Concubine of his, she not being his lawful Wife. Not that I account, that the reason that there they use for it, is sound, namely, that then they had not consent of her Parentes, nor that they have any warrant to gather, that as yet they had it not, but soon after had: but that he was so desirous in so short a time after to have her again, himself going for her, and that he took it so ill when she was thereby destroyed; and that the original it self doth charge her, both to be his Wife or Concubine, and at that time to have plaid the Harlot too. Whereupon it seemeth to me, that if she were but his Concubine, and played the Harlot, and seeing the Text it self doth not lay it to any other, it were then most like, that their Copulation was not lawful: but diverse there are that do interpret it a Wife; and one, more specially considering of it (and the same very skillful in the original) doth say that indeed she is said to have been his Concubine, but yet that it [ K] seemeth she was his Wife. That I hold not their reason sufficient, it is upon this that the most and best Divines do rather hold, that the consent of Parentes or principal friends, is rather of the decency, than of the substance of Matrimony, (meaning, that it is convenient in most cases it should so be; yet that as the case may be, marriage may be lawful without it:) and that the Law doth so determine. And as for that place that they bring in for it, it doth not show, that there can be no marrige without the consent of Parents: but that, when another had abused any man's daughter, albe it so doing he ought to marry her; yet in that case is it left to the election of the Father, whether he will so bestow her or not. Otherwise if a lewd Fellowe could entice a young Woman to be naught with him, so might he get her to be his Wife also, were she never so much to good a match for a much better than he. So the Fathers consent is there set, as a bar to such bad dealing: and not to show, that absolutely it must be had in all lawful marriages whatsoever. But to return to the Levite again, it may very well be, and is most likely, that he it was that offended with her: and then less marvel, that himself afterward came into such danger to be abused; and that others should execute that, even to the depth of all iniquity, that he had begun unto them before. That he took it so very ill when she was destroyed, and was so enraged with it, that not regarding humanity now, nor womanhood neither, he did so devide her, bones and all, and sent her abroad, to show what villainy was done unto her, and the better to stir them up to revenge, as it is like enough to witness, that he would not have had that affection to her that should so enrage him now, if she had imparted her body to any other but to himself: so nevertheless he seemeth to be faulty also, at least inconsiderate, so to set the whole people on fire about it. For we do not read, that he sought to the Heads-men of the Benjamites first; but unto all the people generally: nor that he sought unto them, according to any orderly course of proceeding, but by a strange and barbarous Fact, hewing the dead body of a Woman in pieces, and sending to every Tribe a-piece, to witness, that she was forced to death. For I do not see that it is warranted, as it seemeth it is conceived by some, that it should be such a like matter, as was the zeal of Phineas before: this having so great interest in the party destroyed, after an [ L] human and carnal manner; and the other nothing at all in that kind, in either of those whom he then took in so naughty manner. These many are, even all the whole company of the Children of Israel generally: and first in some part of their doings against the Benjamites; then, in some others, against the inhabitants of Iabes-Giliad. In their dealing against the Benjamites, it seemeth, they had some slip or other, because the hand of God was against them so much as it was; and if we take that hand of God against them, to lead us to that assurance, that some way or other they did offend, then have we diverse things in them, that may well be called in question: even their assembling together at the first; and much of their proceeding after. When they assembled together at the first, we do not read, that either they sought unto the Lord to know whether they should so do or not; or sent to their Brethren the chief and principal Fathers of the Benjamites, to see first, whether they would not take some order in it: but that themselves, without either of these, did venture at it, at the only instigation of him, who probably might be intended to have urged them so unto it, altogether as much of private affection in his own gelous indignation, as of any love of Justice, or to have disorder punished; whom also they might doubt, by sending his Concubine piece-meall unto them, to be out of temper, and of whom they had not yet heard, that he had sought unto the Heads-men of the Benjamites first. Neither can I advise me self where they had any direction or warrant, so to assemble themselves together in such a case as this. If any should forsake the Lord, and fall to Idolatry, they had good direction to do it: but for the administration of ordinary Justice, in deciding of causes, and punishing disorders, they had everywhere Magistrates of their own appointed (at least, were directed so to have) and we do not read, that if one Magistrate neglect his duty, the rest were then to set upon him to force him unto it. That part of their proceeding after, which now I speak of, was part of it, in what sort they sought unto God about that matter: and part of it, how they resolved with themselves. They sought unto God about that matter, in such sort as may seem to be faulty, twice. First, which of them should first lead against those Benjamites: not asking the Lord, whether [ M] they should go against them, or not (having already determined that of themselves) but what order they should (in that disorderly attempt which they had) for that point observed therein. So less marvel, when they took so much to themselves, and left so little to God, both his answer, and their success, where correspondent. The other time they came indeed before the Lord and wept, before they would encounter the Benjamites again: but first they had plucked up their hearts and encouraged themselves to set on them again; yea and set their battle in array against them, even in that place also where they were foiled before; and, when they had of themselves gone thus far at first, then did they ask of God after, whether they should go forward with it or not. Therefore less marvel hoere again, as they mended their ways but little, so both their answer and their success were but little better than it was before: now being allowed to go (but without any promise of victory) and then leesing but eighteen thousand. The Parenthesis therefore in the Englsh Bible; the reading and ordering of the Text it self in the vulgar translation, both in the other verse going before, and in this immediately following; and the changing of the tense in others (all to make, that they sought to the Lord at this time, before they addressed themselves to battle, so to make their doings more orderly) are, as I take it, disagreeable unto the sense of the Text: as also the original is by some, both delivered, and interpreted also. That resolution in themselves that now I speak of, rested in two principal pointes: one, very plain in it self; the other, that out of it may be gathered. That which is plain in it self, is, that they bound themselves with an Oath that none of them should give his Daughter to be Wife to any of the Benjamites: which notwithstanding they themselves did in effect afterward break, when they taught them how to speed themselves of the young women of Siloh. That which may be gathered thereof, was, that they were before purposed to slay (without mercy) not only the men, but the women also, and to leave none of them living. Yet women and children were nothing culpable of the outrage committed on the Levites wife, which before was all the quarrel they had: but now, being enraged, thus far they exceed their bounds therein. In their dealing against Iabes-Giliad they behaved themselves much like [ N] also, altogether destroying man, woman and child, saving only the young women to be wives for the Benjamites: and yet neither children, nor married women, nor impotent folk, were any of those that should have come up to Mizpah unto them to have gone with them against the Benjamites. But so far have they let loose to themselves, in this their hot blood▪ the bridle now. Thus far, may their doings be called in question by good warrant of the Rules that we have, as I do take it, and I do think it so much the more needful to mark it, because others, not heeding these, charge them with other things, without any warrant, so the better to justify GOD, for those two overthrows that they had. Namely, that they trusted too much to their own greater forces: and that themselves, one way or other, were as great sinners as the Benjamites, and therefore should have cleansed themselves from their own sin first, before they should deal with others in theirs. One also I find, that sticketh not resolutely to set down, that so they perished, because of the Idolatry then in Dan. But whether these were the things that the Prophet did charge their posterity with, or not, it appertaineth not to this place to beat out: but as likely as any, that these were part of the Prophets meaning; because not the Benjamites only, but the whole people are charged therewith. Now though these things were reproueable, yet were there others commendable in them: first, even when they were so moved against their Brethren; then, when their grief was afterward slaked. When they were so moved against them, even thereby it appeareth, that they had a detestation of the villainy done, and thereupon so readily came together; and took order for their continuance there, till they had done the good they had intended: and that they might more orderly do it, both they inquired of the party himself, how the truth of the matter was, and accordingly sent to their Brethren for the offenders; and when that way no good would be done, but they saw it needful to repair unto God for his direction, part of their direction they took of him at the first, and afterward yielded themselves wholly unto it. When their grief was afterward slaked, both they were sorry, that they had almost destroyed one Tribe from among them; and therefore sought now to raise them again: & whereas the Inhabitants of Iabes Gilead had disobeyed the public authority of [ O] them all, they did well in that service also, so far as to a just chastising of them was needful. Which good things were notwithstanding so ouerlayed in them with ill, that herein have we a good pattern, how a multitude or a mere popular state (we might fear) would deal in matters of Justice, though otherwise they were such as had some special regard to God: so confusedly sometimes, and so much on the spleen, that irksome it were, and a pitiful thing, so to be yoked.

6 That other particular, in that other Book next ensuing, is of Ruth, a Moabitish Woman, whom it pleased God to bring in to be one of the Ancestors of Jesus [ A] Christ according to the flesh. But seeing it hath pleased God in this Story to set down, not only the thing it self, but also the means whereby it was compassed, therefore is it meetest for us to consider of both: both of the means that were used therein; and how the thing it self was in the end performed. The means that were used therein, were some of them such, as it pleased God often to use towards his children: and some them again, such as seemed to come of the common infirmity of our nature. Those that were such as God often useth towards his children, were that he exercised them with calamity before: both with the want of bodily necessities; and with the want of other succors besides. In that he touched them with the want of bodily necessities, we are to consider, first, how he touched them therewith: then, what help he gave them withal. He touched them therewith, first, out of question, when they were fain to leave their Country because of that famine, and from thence to be ten years together: then also, as it seemeth, when the Widow her self was returned, because the people seemeth to wonder at that her present estate; and because her daughter, with the privity and consent (when they were come home) went forth a gleaning. The help that it pleased God to give them withal, was, first in the land of Moab: then, in their own Country when they were returned. In the Land of Moab they found present help for the time, but as it seemeth to the great impoverishing of them. For when they came home it seemeth they were very poor, in that they helped themselves with that kind of liberty, that was given to the poor; and it may be part of the meaning of her own words also: and yet when they went forth, it seemeth they were of wealth or in good estate, because they were of so special a stock in that City; and [ B] because yet they had Land remaining when they were again returned. In their own Country when they were returned, though there they might not now be, as they were before, in wealthy estate; but must have what they had by begging: yet so it pleased God, in Booz to give them very special good help and favor, not only allowing Ruth, the daughter in Law unto the Widow, freely to g • there there, but also allowing her many favors, for the bettering of her gleaning, and for her own meat besides so long as harvest lasted. So have we in him a very good pattern, how liberal, buxom and cheerful the richer sort should be in such case unto the poor: especially, so oft as they have cause to conceive so well of them, as Booz had at that time of Ruth that young Widow, for being so dutiful to her Husband before, and to her mother in Law after; and in translating her self from her own Country, where they were but heathen people, and joining herself to the people of God. Those other succors that God took from them besides, were all their Husbands: the Father himself and both his Sons, and these without issue. And so it pleaseth God ofttimes, where his meaning is to do good, there to bring in one calamity on another before: and then in the end to deo them that good he meaneth unto them. But as this loss touched them, some of them more, others less, so did they bear it in some reasonable measure: both Naomie the Mother; and the daughters besides. The mother had the greatest loss, because she lost first her Husband, then both her Sons: and yet bare it so quietly, that she still retained special good will to those her daughters in Law, and thereupon for their good, was earnest with them to stay in their own Country when she her self meant to return. The others had a great loss also, because they lo •• their Father in Law and both their Husbands: and yet took their loss so quietly also that both of them offered to leave their own Country to go with their Mother; and one of them would in no wise be put off, but went with her indeed, namely, Ruth, whom this Story most concerneth. Those that were such as seemed to come of the common infirmity of our nature, were that devise of the Mother, and practice of the daughter (after they had so well tasted of the liberality and kindness of Booz) [ C] to wind him in, of her to raise up seed to his kinsman deceased. Which was not, in good and orderly manner to move the matter unto him: but secretly in the dark to convey her self to his bed where he lay all night, when there should be none but they two together; and then to crave of him the use of his body, to raise up issue to her former Husband, his kinsman aforesaid. Wherein although she gave reasonable good testimony, that the lust of flesh was not her arrant (at least not the chief) for that he of necessity must now be old, and she, it seemeth, was but young, and then might have made her match much more to her contentment in that respect, if that had been the thing that she chiefly sought: yet was that a dangerous bait, had not the man been of special good stay, though he had been never so old (as he was supposed to be an hundred) so long as he was nevertheless able to raise up issue; and there were many more orderly means that might have been used, to compass a matter so lawful as it. But Booz indeed (as his words declare) did not otherwise take it; and so commended her for that regard to her former Husband, and that she followed not young folk now; and promised withal, that if another, nearer than he, would not look to have her before him, then would himself take her to wife. Wherein, besides the equity whereto in that case he yielded, he gave a notable example of continency too, so to forbear as in that case he did. It was in the end performed, first, by giving that other Kinsman of his the choice: and when he refused, by taking her unto himself; & so begetting Obed of her, one of the ancesters of Jesus Christ. An example comfortable enough in it self, that Christ should be a Savior of the Gentiles too, seeing now again it pleaseth him to take flesh of them: but so much the more comfortable if we cal to mind, that this Nation of the Gentiles of whom Ruth did come, was, in one respect, one of the most accursed of all others, for that they were not allowed to come into the Congregation, or to be any of that corporation or body of that people of God, no not unto the tenth Generation.

7 That other Book ensuing, wherein we have the Story of part of those that [ A] were their Judges, is the first of Samuel, called also by some the first of the Kings; and they are but two of them of whom we have any Story there: of whom we have something to note of them both together; and something, of either severally. Of [ B] them both together, that whereas they were Ecclesiastical persons (as we do call them) and yet governed the whole people, it is not a thing so abhorring Nature as some have taken it, that those two powers should at any time concur together in one. But that will after appear more plainly, in the Commission given unto Ezra. Comming therefore to either of them more specially, we find that one of them governed the people even to his death: but the other, while himself lived, was discharged of it. He that governed them even to his death, was Eli the High Priest, who did not in his time so finish all, but that a remnant of that his government continued something longer, that best may be to him also ascribed. So are we first to consider of that which we find in the time of his life: then, of that remnant that extended it self somewhat after his death. That which we find in the time of his life, is nothing at all of any public government: neither of his coming to that place of authority, nor in what manner he behaved himself therein; but only, that what time he finished his course, he then had judged the people forty years, and was an old man when he died. So it seemeth, that his judging of the people was but in such controversies as were among them, and in such other matters as concerned thē severally, and were not of the greatest moment, the Philistines bearing so great a sway among them as thē they did. For they had them in subjection as we saw before, forty years. In the next twenty ascribed to Sampson, we saw that he did little against them, but only in certain odd private quarrels: and of this man we have, for those matters, nothing at all. But as he was the High Priest withal, we have some Story of him, though nothing to his honor neither: but that therein also he so offended that it was the ruin of him, and almost of all his house besides. So are we first to consider, wherein he offended: then, what was his punishment for it. His offense was, that his Sons were so disorderly: and so little restrained by him. Their disorder was, principally in that which they did to the derogation of the service of God (which he, by the virtue of his office, should have amended:) but partly, in abusing themselves with others also. That which they did to the derogation of God's service, was, that they so encroched upon the people for Fees in their offerings [ C] and sacrifices, that they made the people to loath the service of God. They encroched upon them two ways: one, to have more than their due; the other, to be served before that they should. To have more than their due, they held not themselves content with those Fees and emoluments which God had given them, but forced to themselves a greater commodity by usurpation: chopping in a Flesh-hook of three teeth, and claiming for theirs whatsoever they might take up at once thereby. To be served before they should, they would not tarry till the fat of the Sacrifice was first burnt on the Altar as God appointed: but would first have those Fees that to them were allotted, and so have their partes before the Lord their Master had his. In making the people thereby to loath the service of God, their offense must needs be the greater, for that the people being ever slow enough of themselves to the worship of God, they should not be farther hindered by others. By all which they are concluded to have been very bad, and not to have known the Lord, nor his service towards the people. Those others with whom they abused themselves, were certain Women that repaired thither, and there awaited the service of God. A very lewd part of them with any; especially themselves being married as they were: but chiefly in this, that they enticed those to so foul a sin, that repaired thither to worship God, and to exercise themselves in their profession; themselves being appointed of God, not to such villainies, but to administer holy things unto his people, even in the holiest manner they could. Howe little • lie himself did restrain them, may reasonably appear, in that they became so bad Imps as they were: but yet more plainly, that when on all hands he heard so much else of them, yet did he then also reprove them so gently for it. In the punishment that was cast on him for it, when first we have considered of it as it was laid upon him: then, it shall not be amiss to advise our selves also, how we may best apply it to our selves. As it was laid upon him, we find, that first it was fore-shown: then after, executed upon him. It was fore-shown twice: first, by one that purposely came unto him from the Lord about that matter; then, by Samuel, then but a Child, and but relating or reporting unto him (as Eli did charge him) what it was the Lord on a time had said unto him. When that man of God came purposely to him about that matter, we read of no answer that Eli gave him, nor of anything else that at that time ensued thereon. So are we but to consider of the message it self, and therein; first, because the message [ D] that he brought was heavy, what reason God had so to deal with him, and that God might nevertheless be justified therein: then, in what sort he was to be dealt with. The reason resteth on two principal members: one, the favors of God towards him; the other, his ill dealing with God again. His favors were two: one, that he chose him above all others to be his Priest; the other, that he gave him all the offerings of the Children of Israel made by fire. His ill dealing with God again, that he made light of God's service, for his Sons sake, to make themselves fat of the chief and principal partes of those things whereof was made oblation to God: as winking (belike) at that importunity of his Sons, urging such customs to their own advantage, although he might see, that being more than God allowed, it could not otherwise be, but that the people would be offended, and thereupon give less regard to that service of God. In denouncing unto him, how he was to deal with him for the same; first, he setteth himself free from a certain former promise of favor: and then cometh to those things that were ensuing. His former promise, he granteth, was, that his Fathers house should ever stand with that Office, or should ever enjoy the Priest-hood, but now he telleth him, it shall not be so; and giveth in this reason for it, that he will honor those that honor him, and that such as despise him, shall be despised. Comming to those things that were ensuing; first, he showeth him, what they should be: then, how he may be assured of them. In showing what they shall be, he denounceth indeed heavy things against him; but yet showeth withal, that they shall be something allaied with mercy. Those heavy things that he denounceth against him, were, for the most part to be accomplished after his time: but one of them, in his own days also. After his time, that the honor of his house should utterly fall, and thence-forward be of no reckoning among the people: and that there should not be an old man of his Family, but that when they came to man's state, they should then commonly die. That which should be in his own days, was, that himself should see the Enemy to praeuaile and so to enjoy the best things of the Land. The mercy that was promised withal, was, that he would not so destroy his posterity, but that some of them should remain, and be implied in his service, in the office of the Priest-hood: and the reason thereof to be, that God will not clean overwhelm him with sorrow, but leave that [ E] measure of comfort unto him. For the certainty of these things, that so he may be assured of them; first, he giveth him a sign: and then resolveth him of a doubt that to the contrary might be conceived. The sign that he did give unto him, was, that both his Sons should in one day die. The doubt that might be to the contrary conceived, was, that as yet there was none other appointed to attend his service. To that it is answered, that he will provide himself of another, to his better contentment: and that such as were left of his house, should in their poverty seek unto him to be in some place of service about the Altar, that so they might be able to live. When the denouncing of these heavy things was renewed unto him again by the relation of Samuel, we find, that Eli then gave some answer thereto: and so are we first to consider, what it was that Samuel told him; then, what answer he gave unto it. That which Samuel told him was in effect, the same which was denounced unto him before: yet first but generally, not showing what it should be, but only some strange and heavy judgment; but afterward, what it should be in particular also. Generally, that it should be such a thing, as that whosoever should hear of it, should be exceedingly astonished at it. More specially, that he would certainly bring upon Eli, and upon his house, that which he had threatened before, because of that facility of his towards his Sons so offending: and that for this matter, there should no sacrifice serve, but that the things already denounced should come upon them. The answer of Eli to this, was, that it was the Lord: and therefore yielded himself and his, to be dealt withal, as himself should think good. And these two, that it is the Lord, and all things to be as pleaseth him, may well go together, in all our affairs, even in those that concern us nearest of all: and never ought to be put asunder. We should ever know, that all such things come of the Lord, and never should we repine at anything he doth unto us. The execution of it followed: on his Sons and him, very soon after, in the Story that now we are in; on his posterity in the process of time ensuing, without the compass of this present Story. As touching that which this Story showeth to be done to his Sons [ F] and him (wherewith we are for this time to be contented) it was so annexed unto the estate of the whole people, over whom his government for his time stood, that we cannot consider of the one, but that we must take in the other withal; but that to very good purpose too, even in respect of Eli himself, because it was the fruit of his government, and so to be in that respect to him ascribed. Nevertheless we shall not do amiss, in the Story distinctly to consider, what portion thereof redounded to his sons and him: and what to all the people besides. The Philistines therefore now coming in again, and the Israelites meeting them in the field, the Israelites were overthrown, and lost to the number of four thousand. Hereupon they thought good to send unto Siloh, to fetch the Ark out of the Tabernacle there, and to bring it into the field, and so to assay the Philistines again, hoping that so they should have some hand against them. But so also they were overthrown, much more grievously than before, lost thirty thousand, and those that remained were fain to return beaten home. And they being so offensive to God as they were, it was but in vain for them (so inordinately withal) to get into their company the Ark of his Covenant, which themselves so foully had broken: much like to those Exorcists in the Apostles time, who not believing in Christ themselves, would nevertheless assay, in his name to cast out Devils, till they found, to their shame and hurt, that the Name of Jesus auailed not those that believed not in him. Which notwithstanding could not be such warning to us, but that in the days of our late ignorance, many of us ran our Shippes on the self-same shelf: not only in the Name of Jesus, but in many other such like besides. In this latter battle, both Hophnie and Phineas the sons of Eli, were slain: and when himself heard of the evil success of that field, being an old man and an heavy, being fourscore and eighteen years old, he fell down backward, whereby also his neck was broken. That which redounded to the people besides, were, first these two overthrows in the field: then also that their glory, the Ark of the Lord was taken, and carried away by the Philistines. Insomuch that the Wise of Phinehas at that time travailing, and being delivered of a son, would needs have his name to be No-glory, as if all glory were now utterly departed from that people, when as the Ark was thus led captive. And that people is without glory indeed, who professing God do so behave themselves towards him, that he departeth and giveth them up unto themselves. In the application of this his punishment unto our selves, it may be it would be conceived, that this were meetest to be applied unto our Ministry: and true it is, that so far as our Ministry is in such sort faulty, either encroaching upon the people in their oblations to God, or over-careless of the ill ways of their Children, it may fitly be applied unto them indeed. But as these days are, howsoever they also may be as much blinded in their affection towards their Children as others are: yet in those things that have been well given unto God, and in equity ought still to remain unto him, we may easily find, that others are a great deal more faulty then they; and yet notwithstanding many of these faulty also. For as they are of the Laity only to speak of, that are so greedy upon Churchl-iuinges, that should be to the maintenance of the Gospel among us, to convert them to their own proper use, and the same but profane: so are there some of the Clergy likewise, that are as ready for their own private advantage, to gratify them therewith; and themselves sometimes to turn them to lay-fee, to the use of their Children or friends, so far as in such case they may be able. By which kind of dealing of them both, it cometh to pass, that even the most needful Church-livings that are, are so decayed, and that daily more and more, that the Churches thereby are spoiled of able men, and driven ofttimes to take in so base a kind to make supply, that with us also the offering of the Lord, even in these days of the Gospel, is much abhorred by many, who otherwise it is likely might be reclaimed. In which case, who it is that must supply the person of Eli, is soon perceived. For it is none but such only as are in Sovereign Authority that in such case can help: and therefore it is they that must before God stand charged with it. Whosoever they are, that are their subjects, great or small, they are also their children, by their indulgence, take any such ways, as whereby they may make the service of God to be abhorred. That remnant of his government that extended it self somewhat after his death, was about the Ark of the Lord. Concerning which we have delivered unto us, some Story of it, first from the time that now it was taken captive of the Philistines, until the time that it was returned home again: then, for some time afterward also, that did follow immediately after. From the time it was taken, until [ H] the time that it was returned home again, the Story of it showeth, how mightily it prevailed against the enemy in their own Land: and how triumphantly it came home to his own Country again. As touching the former, although they had so offended, that God in his Justice would vouchsafe no glory to them: yet did not himself let down his own glory thereby, but went, as it were, to the enemies land, there to beat them down at home round about him, both their God's, and the people withal, till at length they were glad to be rid of it, and themselves to send it home again with honor. For placing it first in the Temple of Dagon one of their gods, as giving him the glory over the God of Israel, the next morning they found that Dagon was fallen down on his face before the Ark, so doing his homage to the God of Israel. Even as in our time the Gospel no sooner took place among us, but that our wonted Idols were fain to be packing. And setting him up in his place as before, the next morning likewise, they found him fallen before the Ark again, and much worse now than before, his head and his hands being broken off on the threshold by his fall. As it falleth out with Popery in these days of the Gospel: that the oftener the well-willers thereof, in any of their several territories, set it up again, the sorer it falleth, till at length it have neither head to devise, nor hand to help it self with. Yet as the Priests of Dagon gathered no more thereon, but thenceforward never to step on the threshold of Dagon: so our Dagon-Priests likewise can espy no power of God therein, but vanish away in some Idle toy, one or other. How he executed his judgments farther on their gods, in particular, we have not delivered unto us: but that his hand was sn heavy on them also, we find by confession of some of themselves. The people we find were grievously plagued, both in their persons, and in their grounds. In their persons they were plagued with the present death of diverse of them: and with one special disease besides. By death it appeareth that many of them were taken away: and so strangely withal, that readily they ascribed it to the hand of the Lord upon them. Such as died not, were stricken with Hemrods in their secret parts, both small & great, in so painful manner, that their cry was very great. How they were plagued in their grounds, we have not the Story, but only a brief recital or reference of it: namely, that their land was destroyed [ I] with Mise. For as for that which we have in the vulgar Translation, in the Chapter before▪ in the end of the sixth verse, it is not in the Original: and it is the judgment of some, that it was taken out of the Greek; of other, that out of the Margent it was by some unskillful body put into the Text, as many other places, saith he, besides. But that Mise did so destroy the Land, there is no question, both because it is plainly so said, and because they so made their offering also, as we are now shortly to see. Unto the triumphant returning of it again it doth appertain, first that he so wrought in the hearts of the Philistines, that now they were weary of it, and afraid any longer to keep it: then, that it returned so as it did. Being weary of it now, and afraid any longer to keep it, they call for their Priests and Sooth sayers, and inquier of them, what they shall do with the Ark of the Lord, and how they shall send it home again. The question hath two principal parts, as it is very plain to all; but the answer is given to the latter only; thereby showing us, that the Philistines themselves were resolved on the former. To the latter part of it therefore their answer was given; and that in such sort, as is right worthy to be marked of us: both for the direction that by it they gave unto the Philistines; and for that it was so well by them obeyed. For the direction they gave them tended to this end, that they should humble themselves unto God, and acknowledge it to be his hand upon them: and they do not only tell them, that so they should do, but exhort them likewise to do it. In telling them what they should do, first they tell them that they may not send it away empty: then, what it must be wherewith they must furnish it. That do they tell them, first but generally, that it must be some kind of Sin-offering, to acknowledge their sin against the Lord; then, upon their farther inquiry, they tell them more specially, what it must be, namely, the similitude of five of their hinder-parts annoyed with Emrods, and of five Mise besides, according to the number of their several Princes or States; and all these to be of gold. Whereby they set them in a very good course for the hand of God upon them, both on their persons and on their Land: but as for the hand of God upon them in their God's, that do they but huddle-up together with the rest in words, and do not devise them some memorial of it also; [ K] and that may be, because a good part of their maintenance and credit might lie upon it. A true pattern of such acknowledging of sin, as for the most part is found among us: granting with such as our selves do make least reckoning of; and suppressing that which is dearest unto us. The exhortation that they had hereunto, is good likewise so far as it goeth: dissuading them from hardening their hearts, as the Egyptians before had done; and exhorting them to yield indeed, and so to send away the Ark accordingly. The obedience of the Philistines was such at this time, that in all things they did as they were directed: both in that acknowledging of their sin, and of the hand of God upon them for it; and in sending home the Ark again, and in such manner as was appointed. The Ark being thus dismissed, as it came directly home again, so if we mark, we may quickly see, that it came very triumphantly also: first, because it so came home by it self; then, because it came with the spoil of they enemy. It came home by it self, for that it had none other help at all, but rather to the contrary to keep it there still: yet not denying, but that the Philistines did attend it, or followed after, even to the Coasts of Bethshemes it self. But that might be to some other purpose: as to see the strangnesse of the thing; and not of any mind in them to help it forward, as by the order that for it they took, may well appear. For neither were the Kie that should have it home, used to the yoke, and so nothing likely to yield it such help to such a purpose as others might have done that had been used to draw: and they were such besides, as had new calued, and had their calves taken from them and kept behind, the greatest provocation they could have had, to have staide them there also, and never to have offered one foot forward. Whereby it seemeth, that the Philistines were not yet so fully resolved (neither the Princes and people on the one side, nor on the other the Priests themselves (that it was the Lord that thus had laid his hand upon them, or that this visible testimony of his went ever by his direction or power; or else that it was for detayning or seizing of it, that they were thus plagued: But that now they would see this miraclous dealing to confirm them in it; or at least put it unto the trial, to get home by it self if it would. Of which the former was token plain enough of such weakness in [ L] them: and the latter, of worse heart than so, joined withal. And yet were it well, if those that have so greedily seized on the needful and lawful maintenance of the Ministry, and detain it yet, would in some good time so remember themselves therein, as to afford it though but such means to return again, as the Philistines here did unto the Ark: but otherwise may they account themselves more Philistim- like than the Philistines themselves, if they cannot find in their hearts to put it to so easy an adventure as this. The Philistines no doubt might have had the Israelites themselves, and the Priests and the Levites, to have fetched home the Ark unto them: but belike they were not so resolutely determined to part with it so clearly; but only to put it to this adventure. So might ours have the ancient owners themselves to fetch home those things with right good-will, if so it might stand with their good pleasure: but as those owners themselves will grant, that it is more than they do look for; so let these Philistines of ours also consider, if they afford no way at all unto it, how they do therein discharge any one part of that duty to God. It came home likewise with the spoil of the Enemy, for that in a Casket by the side of it, it brought home with it those Jewels aforesaid; Jewels I say, not so much because they were of Gold; as for that they were Eye-witnesses (at least, in part) what execution he had done among them, and how he had driven them to acknowledge his hand therein. It may be also, that if our Philistines will in no good time remember themselves in that other aforesaid Ark of God's Testimony, but still detain it captive to their profane desires: God may have some good time wherein he will do such execution on them and theirs, that as thereby both he will drive them (will they, nill they) to acknowledge his judgments on them, though fearful, yet just; and, in the end, to give him the glory. For the time that now did follow immediately after that the Ark was returned home again, we have little Story of it, but only for that present when it was first returned: at which time it was a while at Bethshemes; but soon after had to Kiriahjarim. Bethshemes was the first Citty of the people of God in that Coast towards that part of the Philistines Country (as it seemeth) where the Ark of God then was: and to the fields thereof did those two Kie (though still lowing after their Calves behind) bring the Ark, and stayed there. In which [ M] place we are to make; first, how the Ark was entertained of the people there: then, how the Lord shown himself to be offended. Of the people it was diversely entertained: some showing a good affection towards it; others making too bold with it. Those that shown a good affection towards it, were those, that being reaping their Corn in the fields, rejoiced so soon as they saw it: and they withal, that with the Wood of the Cart wherein it was, offered in Sacrifice the Kie that brought it thither; and, as it seemeth, made other Sacrifice also besides. Those that made over bold with it, were certain of the Inhabitants of Bethshemes, who either looked into, as most do read, or at least beheld or looked on the Ark of the Lord, as some others do read. Yet one is noted (of special skill in the Hebrew too) who allegeth others to have a third reading besides: namely, that those that here are spoken of did make light of, or despised the Ark being thus returned. But now as this third reading noteth a plain sin in it self, if so they might be justly charged: so by the order that before was taken, they might plainly offend by either of the other also. That the Lord shown himself to be offended, is very plain and clean out of question: but what the cause was, that doth not so plainly appear. That some way or other he was offended, it is very clear, because he destroyed so soon after his return, so much of the people, even threescore and ten persons, and fifty thousand besides: for so are these two sums, in the Original, severally placed; and the less, before the greater. What was the cause why he was offended, or why he destroyed all his people, as it is not cleared by the Text, but for certain of them: so are there diverse opinions thereof. Tremellius and Junius taking both the numbers together, and that the Coast • s about Bethshemes were not able to yield that number, conceived it to be meant of the Philistines: but Junius since hath for them both retracted the same. But whereas they both before built on the Inhabitantes of the City, that because they were of the Seed of Aaron, and so by likelihood Priests withal (as indeed that was one of their Cities) therefore it was no fault in them to be so boulde with the Ark, appertaining unto them so much as it did to deal there-with; and because that Junius since granteth [ N] them to be Priests and therefore findeth no fault with them, but that they came irreverently unto it (which the Text doth not yield him, but so far as looking into it, was vnreuerency in it self): therefore it shall not be amiss, here again to remember (as before is noted) least any man be deceived here, that though diverse of the Sons of Aaron dwelt here, as in others of their Cities (which Cities were thirteen in all) yet were not those Cities peopled only with them, but with the other Tribe to whose lot they fell for the most part, and but with some few of these. And therefore they might be others thā Priests or of the line of Aaron, that now did look into the Ark, for which the Lord was so offended; as also by their manner of Sacrificing it seemeth, because it was not in the place appointed; It may be, that otherwise also it was not so orderly dene: as if others than Priests of the line of Aaron were medlers in it; or, that these did bear no such great sway in the matter, but that others did therein as pleased them. Others there be of their opinion: but scantly worth the citing, as I do take it: and the same not warranted by the Text neither. And albeit myself do not see how to conceive of it, yet had I rather so to leave it, than to endeavor to force any sense upon it, that were not convenient. But first I take it, that the Text doth lead us, not to take the number of people that here are spoken of, to be one entire Sum as there be that take it, and so make the Sum to be fifty thousand threescore and ten persons; neither yet to transpose the numbers, setting down the fifty thousand first, and the threescore and ten after, as there be others that do: but to take them as two several Sums, and the lesser to be the before greater, as most men do both take them, and set them. Then also it seemeth the likeliest to me, and most agreeable unto the Original, that these threescore and ten persons should be of Bethshemes: and that those fifty thousand should be of all the people besides. Again, that it is plain enough in the Text, why, those threescore and ten men were stricken: so that the difficulty (to speak of) is, but only in the other fifty thousand who were not there, and therefore not partaking with that Sawcinesse of the Bethshamites. But it is no new thing, many to be punished, by occasion of some few; as the whole Host of Israel, for the Sin of one. Again, if that reading may stand, which we heard before to be given in [ O] by some that are more specially seen in the Hebrew, namely, that those Bethshamits despised the Ark, or made but light reckoning of it when it was returned (as, but letting it there to abide where the Levites had set it on that great stone, or any such like) then it is certain, that among the people these Bethshamites had many fellows and then being partakers with them in their sin, it is no marvel if they be made partakers with them in their punishment also. For the Ark of the Lord had now been held captive by the Philistines seven months: and all this while we do not read, that ever they made any means to get it home again, neither by strong hand, nor by entreaty. Now whether that reading may stand or not, that must I refer unto others. But though it may not (for the residue that I do know, of best skil in the tongue, do plainly read otherwise; and therefore may it well be doubted) yet this do I think was such a fault in all the people, that it deserved well to be punished: and that the time was fittest also, so soon as this visible testimony of the Lord was now returned, to be avenged on those that made so little reckoning of his so long absence from them; especially, when as they might easily conceive, that of the Heathen (and those both Idolatrous, and enemies too) many indignities would, in that mean while, be offered unto him. Princes being taken prisoners in the field, have never lightly wanted subjects that were so careful for them, but that either by force or composition they would quickly set in hand to deliver them. Cities and Castles suddenly and strangely lost, have often had those that presently would venture their lives to get them again. When battails have found an end in the field, and parties have been withdrawing to their Tents again, yet finding then, that some man of worth, or but their colors were carrying away, which might be recovered, even that only hath often renewed the fight, and beaten down many a valiant man, till they had their desire. The world is full of such examples: but the Church of God, the people of Israel, often at other times marvelous vallerous, have now shamed themselves forever. They have suffered the Ark of the Lord, the visible testimony of his presence among them, the comfort and glory of all the faithful, the chief it well of all the Sanctuary, not only to be led away, but also to be held captive there so long together; and, for ought that they could conceive, in the most despiteful manner that might be devised: and, all this while, made no [ P] means at all to get it delivered. In so much that now also the Lord was fain to tread the Vine-press of his wrath himself alone, and had none to help, but was fain to stand by his own strength. But when now he thus cometh from B • zra, himself and his garments so bespinckled with blood, by the slaughter of the enemy, may it be thought strange, if now he be, in that his hot blood, so far avenged on those his ungrateful subjects also? it is more marvel that any of them live, than that those (few, to speak of) were so destroyed. And seeing their fault was in it self so open and plain, what need was there, the Text should set down in plain terms wherefore it was? Thus therefore I take it, that whereas the Text first setteth down two strikings of the Lord, one of the Bethshemes and addeth the cause for looking into the Ark, the other of the people (which seemeth to be the rest of the Israelites) and there addeth no cause; and immediately after setteth down the number of those that were stricken in two several sums, the less first, and most agreeable to one City, the greater last; and most agreeable to all the people: it is most likely, that only those threescore and ten men of Bethshemes were so stricken for looking into the Ark at that present; and that the Lord, having begun so to chastise his own people there, immediately upon this his return, would now proceed to the residue also, and in like sort dispatch with them. In which case, though it be not said wherefore it was: yet laying their so fowl, and so long neglecting of him, and this his new return together, may seem unto me, reasonable plainly to point unto it. The place indeed, I grant, is hard: and if any do see farther into it, it is great reason it be accordingly regarded. But so it hath been among us also. The Holy-Bible may we account to have been unto us, as the Ark was unto them. This Ark of ours when time was, was taken away by certain Philistines of ours, and held in captivity long: and in the time of that captivity many indignities have been done unto it. All which time both Princes and people's have forgotten themselves so far, for most part of them, that they never attempted any way to recover it again, but held themselves quiet, as though therein they had neither disgrace nor loss at all. Now in these days it is returned unto us again, appearing to us when we asked not for it. Less marvel therefore, if having drawn blood in plentiful measure on the enemy already, and daily doing it more and more, he enter into judgment [ Q] with such of us likewise, as all that while cared so little for him: that so men may the better learn, what evils soever they have with the Gospel not to impute them (as they are wont) to the Gospel it self, but to that profane carelessness of theirs before, when the truth of God was as little by them desired, as it was trodden clean under foot by that cursed enemy.

8 He that governed the people of God for a time, but afterward was in his [ A] own days discharged of it, was Samuel the Prophet. Concerning whom, the Story goeth first on his Parents: then on himself. His Parents were Helcanah and Hannah In Helcanah his Father we have something commendable: and something reprouable. Commendable it was, that yearly he went up to Siloh to worship and Sacrifice: and even then, when those bad Sons of Eli did minister there. It was reprouable, both that he went thither no oftener (for God had appointed thrice): and, that he had two wines. Of Hannah it is noted, that she was something distressed for a time: but yet not withstanding, not forsaken in it. Her distress was, that for a time she was barren: and that her adversary did upbraid her with it. She was not forsaken in it, but had comfort given her partly by her Husband: but especially by God. Her Husband seeing her sorrowful for it, did lovingly and kindly use her: and assured of such good affection in him towards her although she bare him no children▪ that that matter need to trouble her nothing at all. The comfort that she had of the Lord, was not only in giving this unto her that now she desired: but in greater favors which she did not desire, yet he afterward bestowed on her. In that which she desired, we have noted, first that she sought it: then how she obtained. In her seeking of it, we have not only that delivered unto us: but another special accident withal, that came in by occasion of it. She sought it by earnest prayer, beseeching God to remember her therein: and vowing withal, that if it were a Son, she would freely give him unto the Lord, to be a Nazarit unto him. That other accident, that by occasion of it came in withal, was that same misjudging of Eli, reputing her as a drunken Woman, and reproving her accordingly: but upon her quiet and modest answer, better persuaded of her soon after. The best men of all do sometimes [ B] misiudg of others: but, it is well, when they can come to a better bent so easily as we see that Eli did. Unto her obtaining of that which she sought, there is another thing belonging: and so first of that her obtaining: then, of that other belonging unto it. That which she obtained was, that shortly after she conceived, and having a Son, called his name Samuel. That other belonging unto it, was, in what sort she now performed her vow of bestowing him freely on the Lord: which she did very well, both in her first bestowing of him; and, that sometimes after she did visit him so as she did. In her first bestowing of him, both she brought the Child himself, so soon as he was anything meet to such a purpose: and withal, gave special thanks unto God. In her first bringing of her Son to the Lord, we are to note, not only what it was that in truth she did: but also, how it may appear in the Text that so she did. That which in truth she did, was, that she brought him then to the Lord, when he was by his age reasonable able to serve the Lord. To find out, how it may appear in the Text that so she did, we need no more but to consider the nature of one word only, that which commonly is taken for Waining: as though that then she had brought him to Eli, so soon as she had waned him from her breast. For though for the most part that word be so interpreted: yet are there others, that marking how that word is in the Scripture used in diverse places besides, do find, that it doth not signify waning from Milk only; but also bringing up to farther proof. As where it is said, that Aaron's branch brought forth, not only Buds, leaves, and flowers, but ripe Almonds also: and that Tahpenes, the Queen of Egypt, nourished and brought up Ge •• bath, her Sisters Son, in Pharaohs house, and among the Sons of Pharaoh. Where not only in the former, but even in the latter place also, bringing up to some proof is more likely to be the meaning of the word, than only to wane. In which point the diligence of these is so much the more commendable, for that the others, by giving that other signification of the word in those other places (at least, for most of them) yet in this place where the sense doth so necessarily require it, they were not so well advised, as so to yield it. For it had been to no purpose, that the Child should be brought thither before he was capable of such things as he was to learn there; and but a trouble and charge unto Eli, when he was able to do him no service, and must further be tended by others: as also it was a better trial of the Parents themselves, when in [ C] his Child-hood they might see such towardliness in him (as, by his proof after, it seemeth that then they might) yet then to part with him. Her Thanks-giving, it seemeth, was some part of it but doubtful: but the other, clean out of question. That which was but doubtful, was concerning those Bullockes, Flower, and Wine, that she brought withal, whether any part of them were specially offered in sacrifice to God in this respect or not: a thing that was likely enough, and yet is not so overruled in the Text; though there be that have their ghesses. That other that is clean out of question, is, that her thanks-giving by word of mouth, that there is set down: wherein first treating of the present matter: then she; by that occasion falleth to some discourse of such others besides. As touching the present matter then, she expresseth her own joy: and acknowledgeth God only to be the Author of it. Those that were such others besides, of which she afterward falleth into some farther discourse, are two: one, the insolency of the adversary in such like cases: the other, how the Lord is wont to deal, both with the one sort of them, and with the other. Her visiting him after, as she did, was, that every year coming to worship, she did use to bring him withal a little Coat: and so declared thereby (so far as that extended) that it was not to disburthen her-self of the charge of him, that she so bestowed him on Eli to the Lord's use; but even of mere love to the Lord for vouchsafing to give him unto her, and therefore contributing (as it were) thus far also, towards his maintenance in the Lord's service. Those other favors which she did not desire, yet God did after bestow upon her, were such as did plainly show, that she was no leeser in bestowing that Son of hers upon God: and therefore it shall be good to consider here, first, what those favors were; then, to leave this to be marked withal, whether she were not well rewarded. Those other favors were two: one, that he made that Child of hers to be of rare and special account; the other, that he gave her Children besides. He made this Child of hers of special account; first in his Child-hood: then when he came to man's estate. In his child-hood, for that Eli himself was so pleased with him: and that the people made special reckoning of him. When he came to man's estate, he was not only a notable Prophet, and the chief Governor of the people: but (that more is) a very good man towards God also. Those other Children that God gave her besides, were, as it seemeth, five: three Sons, and two Daughters. For there is no question, [ D] but of one of the Sons, whether Samuel be to be accounted one of the three or not: but there be that read, that she conceived and bare three Sons and two Daughters, While the Child Samuel grew up towards the Lord; which if it may stand, maketh the matter clean out of question. If now the question be, whether she were not well rewarded, the matter is so plain in it self, that it leaveth this comfort unto us, that we cannot truly give our selves or ours unto the Lord, but that we are like (he ever continuing all one) to be richly at his hands rewarded for it. The Story coming now to Samuel himself, something it doth deliver unto us of his child-hood: but more, of his government. Of his Child-hoode, that the Lord appeared unto him: and that the same was known to the people. That the Lord appeared unto him, though it be glorious enough in it self, yet first there is another circumstance also remembered, which doth much more commend it unto us. So first of that circumstance: then, of the Lord's appearance unto him. That circumstance was, that in those days the Lord did not vouchsafe to appear unto any: insomuch that such manifestation of his will and pleasure unto him, was now very rare and precious among them. And a special good token is it of his favor to any, when it pleaseth him to impart his will and pleasure unto them: as on the other side, it is likewise a token of his great displeasure, when there are none among us, by whom it will please him to speak unto us. As touching the Lord's appearing to him, it shall be good first to consider that he did so appear unto him: then of the business about which it pleased him so to appear. That he did so appear unto him, to impart a piece of his mind unto him in a matter that he meant one day to do, is in it self a token of special favor: as when one friend breaketh his mind to another, in such things as he would not do, but unto such as were inward with him. As touching the business about which he did appear unto him, it was most concerning Eli his Mayster: and in effect none other but the same of which God had sent word before to Eli himself. But here have we to consider, not only what it was: but also in what sort Eli did take it. It was no more but this, that whereas before he had sent him word of heavy judgments towards him, for that he suffered his Sons so to abuse themselves as they did, now he telleth this Child also, that he is fully determined so to do: but yet he speaketh in such sort of it now as that others also were to have some heavy part of those his judgments; and so doth the Story, that after followeth, show that they had. So are we first to consider, what [ E] portion of those his judgments may seem to respect others withal: then, what they are, that do more properly concern him. Those that respect others withal, may seem to be those two overthrows that the Philistines afterward gave to the people of God: especially the latter of them: and, at that time, the taking away of the Ark withal. It may seem so to be, for that himself doth make it so general a confusion to all, that whosoever should hear thereof, both his ears should tingle at it. Those that do more properly concern him, are some of them but the effect of that which was threatened unto him before: but one thing more there is, which is added now. Those that are but the effect of those things that were threatened before, are what judgments he will bring upon him, and why. That which is added more now, is, that Oblations and Sacrifices shall not be accepted of him, to stay the execution, that he is now resolved to do upon him. And there is no question, but that men may so far incur the displeasure of GOD, as that there can in no wise be remission so fully obtained, but that needs their sin must be punnished: and this being found in that sin of Eli, maketh it a plain matter to all, that such as have the charge of others do grievously offend God, if they do not with just severity chastise such misdemeanor in them; though otherwise they be as affectionate towards them, as loving Parents are to their children. To find out in what sort Eli did take it, we had need first to mark in what sort it came to his knowledge: then, how patiently he did digest it. We are therefore the rather to mark in what sort it came to his knowledge, for that we do not find, that God willed the Boy to carry any such word to his Master; and the matter was of that nature, that the Boy of himself was not like to have done it, if he might have chosen: but yet, that God so ordered the matter, that needs it must come to his knowledge; in such sort calling on the Boy, that he still running unto his Master, his Master must needs at the length perceive that it was the Lord, and so that the Lord would say somewhat unto him. A course of that kind, as that it seemeth God was disposed therein to use both mercy, and justice: mercy, in that again he putteth him in mind what judgments were towards him; Justice, in that he would not seem, himself himself to have anything to do with him now, after that once before he had sent him warning, and he, as it seemeth, made but small reckoning of it. And we must take heed, if at any time it please God to vouchsafe us a warning, that we do not so use the matter, as that thereby we give him occasion, never [ F] to speak unto us again. But he being holpen so far as he was, easily came to the knowledge of it: earnestly charging the Boy to tell him what the Lord had said unto him; and to conceal no part of it. Wherevpon the Boy, though of himself he did not before go to his Master to tell him of it; yet now he imparted all unto him: leaving a good example behind him, not only to children under obedience, to tell the truth when they are asked, though in such case, as themselves would be loath to do it; but also, to all others besides, as the case ofttimes falleth out betwixt the nearest friends that are. In Elias patient digesting of it, we are to note two special points: and those first as they may be taken severally; then, as they are joined together. As they may be taken seueraly, we find, that first he acknowledgeth it is the Lord: then he yieldeth himself and his to be dealt withal as pleaseth him. As they are joined together, they give us this lesson, that we must first have it settled in us, that all such things come of God, before we can quietly take them: but after that once we can feelingly say, it is the Lord, then is there nothing so hard or geeuous, but that we can (in some little measure) dispose our selves patiently to bear it so well as we can. In the knowledge here of that is attributed unto the people, we are first to consider, what kind of knowledge it was that here is spoken of: then, to admonish of a little mistaking that seemeth to be in the delivery of it. The knowledge that here is spoken of, seemeth not only a bare knowledge, but to carry an acknowledging withal: as a thing not only let into them from God, but also proceeding from them again towards God and men, which kind of knowledge is absolutely needful for all the people of God, as touching those that are sent unto them, that so they do make some good use of them, which otherwise they wuld certainly miss: even as many of that peculiar people of God did in the time of Christ & his Apostles, never knowing (with any sensible feeling) who Christ and his Apostles were, though otherwise they could not but know that they were of God, by those works that themselves did see they did before them. As touching the mistaking that I speak of, whereas this knowledge that the people are said to have of him, is in two places noted, one towards the end of the third Chapter, the other in the beginning of the fourth, in the latter of these it is, that the mistaking that I speak of seemeth to be: and it is no more but this, that by occasion of some of the Hebrew writers, some of ours do set down, [ G] that the war which the people of Israel had with the Philistines now, seemed to be taken in hand by the commandment or appointment of Samuel. But we do not read, that Samuel meddled with any government of them, til the people did afterward lament and seek unto God: and it seemeth to be better expounded by others, that all Israel knew that Samuel had before shown from the mouth of the Lord, that such things were to befall unto them; as another doth in like sort plainly reject that opinion of the Hebrews that this war was taken in hand by Samuel's appointment. And whereas the vulgar translation taketh in that piece of the first verse of the fourth Chapter, unto the end of the last verse of the third chapter going before, as the last before named liketh that distinction better than that of the Hebrews: so, in my judgment, it seemeth to be therefore added to that which goeth before, as to be of one sense therewith; and not to have so far to do with that which followeth, as those Hebrew Interpreters would have it. As touching his government, it did not reach to the end of his life, by the reason that Saul was in his time chosen King, and so took upon him the government of the people. So first we are to consider of the time of his government: then, of his Story for the residue of his life ensuing The time of his Government how long it continued we have not set down in the Story: but this is plain, that part of the Story which is of his government doth stand by it self; and part of it mingleth with the Story of Saul. That part of the Story which standeth by it self, is the most part of it, for so long as Samuel was able in his person to govern: but some part of it, when as for age he was fain to take other help unto him. For so long as Samuel was able to govern, we have but these two things set down unto us: one in what sort he began to govern among them; the other what was the course that after he held. In that part of the Story, that showeth in what sort he began, it shall be good to note, first how he dealt with the people themselves: then, how he dealt against the Philistines their enemies. He dealt with the people themselves, twice; first, as it seemeth, at Ramah (for there was his house, and there for the most part, he judged Israel); then at Mizpah. In that which he did, as it seemeth, in Ramah, we first have the occasion set down: then, what he thereupon did. The occasion was that the people seeing [ H] the hand of God so strong against them, began now more soundly to enter into the consideration of their former ways, to be sorry for them, and to seek unto the Lord. In that which Samuel did hereupon, we are to note, that something he did for the present, time: and something for a time ensuing. In that which he did for the time present we are to consider, not only what was done by him; but also, what effect it took with them. That which was done by him, was, that first he exhorted them, if truly they turned unto the Lord, to put away the strange God's from among them; and truly to give themselves unto the service of God alone: and then assured them, that so doing, God would deliver them out of the hands of the Philistines. In that which he did for a time ensuing, we are to note, not only what it was that he did: but also what may seem to be his meaning therein. That which he did was no more, but that now he appointed a general assembly of all the people at Mizpah, and promised withal that he would pray for them. What his meaning was hereing we have not set down: but it seemeth, that upon this repentance of the people, he conceived good hope (if he were not some way or other by God assured) that now God would send some help to the people. For he could not be ignorant, but that upon that their assembly, the Philistines would come in upon them: and so it was to good purpose, that he willed all the people there to assemble, that so if it pleased God to give them any hand against their enemies, they might be ready to take unto them the benefit of it. In that which was done at Mizpah, we are likewise to note, first what occasion was there given him: then, how far himself dealt with them therein. The occasion that there was given him, was, that the people being there assembled did in special good manner bewail that they had so sore offended. That which he thereupon did, was that then (as it seemeth) he took upon him the government of them, or did more fully buckle himself unto it. In which respect, I think it not amiss, to take some heed to that Parenthesis of four verses together, to frame them to a former time passed before: which Tremellius and Junius before had used, and Junius by himself hath taken back since, and is not used by any others that I do know. In his dealing against the Philistines their Enemies, we may likewise note; first, what it was: then, of what effect it was against them. To find out what it was, we have first set down, how he was occasioned to do as he did: then, what it was that so he did. Occasioned he was, first by the Philistines: then by his own people. By the Philistines he was occasioned, [ I] for that so soon as they heard the people of Israel were so assembled together at Mispeh, the Princes of the Philistines came in with their forces, to the great dismaying and terrifying of the people, over whom they had exercised their tyrranny so long: by his own people likewise, both by that their great fear; and for that they called so earnestly on him to pray to God for them, that he would save them out of the hands of the Philistines. That which so he did, consisted in two special pointes: one, his offering; the other, his Prayer. His offering was an whole Burnt-offering, yielding all unto the Lord, reserving nothing unto themselves. His Prayer was, an earnest crying unto the Lord. The effect it took, was first above: then, beneath. Above, that God heard him: and from thence thundered on the Philistines. Beneath, first for that present: then for the time ensuying. For that present, that they were thereby scattered: and the hearts of the people so raised up against them, that they pursued upon them, slew many of them, and brought them under. For the time ensuing, Samuel to God's glory erected a Monument for memory of it: and the Philistines so found the hand of GOD against them for Samuel's time, that so long as he had the government, they came in no more against the Israelites; and besides that, restored unto them such Cittyes as they had taken away from them before. In the course that after he held, the most that we read of, is about civil government only: but one thing there is, that respecteth Religion. In that which is about civil government, it seemeth to me, that as we have one thing of special good comfort plainly set down: so have we another that boadeth not well, which is but implied. That which is of special good comfort, and is plainly set down, is, that having thus begun his government, and being thereby established in it towards the people, he took such order for hearing and determining their Controuersies, and to see that order were everywhere observed among them, and put himself to such pains withal to ease the people therein, that, by all likely-hood▪ the people had for those matters a special good blessing by him. For though he resided and dwelt for the most part in one place himself: yet did he every year personally repair to those others also, so to administer Justice unto them to their least trouble. That which boadeth ill, and is but implied, is that which ariseth out of the consideration of the places, of which he made choice wherein to minister Justice unto [ K] them. For whereas the Land lieth long-wise, from the South towards the North, as it were three partes of it on the West of Jordan, and but a fourth part on the East (yet both of a length, and to the length of Jordan it self;) and the length of it is some-what more, than twice and a half the breadth of it: hence it might seem, that those places which Samuel made his choice of, for the aforesaid administration of Justice, were such as stood most fit and indifferent to such purpose; especially having an example before him from God himself, in the Cittyes of refuge that were so placed, three on the one side of Jordan, and three on the other. And because all those were Levitical cities, that is, into the which the Levites among others were sorted, and because offenders were like to be there, therefore it seemeth, that these also had been the meetest to such a purpose: for that being Levitical, there might they have had, if at any time need should have been, a more perfect knowledge (at least, by all likelihood) of the Law of God; and men-slayers having liberty to fly thither, and being under protection there, till they might come to indifferent trial, those Cities were as like to have work for Judges as most of the others. But now these Cities that he made choice of to this purpose, were only in the West part of the Land, and none of them in the East; and not being cast to the length of it neither, but overthwart towards the midst of it, and almost in a right line to (speak of) from the East to the West. For Ramah where he dwelt was in the utmost part of the Land in a manner on the West, and so was Gilgal on the East; the other two were in a manner right betwixt them (saving that Mospah stood a little more towards the South) and in much like distance one from another; as Mizpah from Ramah, and Bethel from Gilgal. And so did this line leave to the South, almost all Benjamin, Judah wholly (unless it were the very edge of it, and that but in one place only) and both the others, Simeon and Dan: to the North, almost all Ephraim, the one half of Manasseh, all Issachar, Zebulon, Asser, and Nephthalie; besides those other portions of Reuben, Gad, and the half of Manasseh on the East. Out of which may this doubt (in my mind) be conceived, if Samuel were so industryous as it seemeth he was, that much of the Country was grown half wild, when as the administration of Justice did spread forth no farther, but kept it self so near to the heart of the Land as it did. But now some there are, that, contrary to all others that I do know, do strike out Bethel, and take in Kiriath-jarim in steed thereof: as if Bethel that here is mentioned, were not that Citty that properly is so called; but that it should signify Kiriath-jarim, because [ L] the Ark was now there, as The House of the Mightie GOD. But as there is no warrant for this, so is there no likely-hoode neither, that all the rest should be taken as proper, and this among the rest as the appellatiue only. But on the other side, if we mark that opinion well, we may soon find, that it hath no good agreement, either with the situation of those places, or with the Text it self. As touching the situation of those places, Mizpah was neither in the midst of the Land, as touching the length, but had twice so much North-ward, as it had towards the South: neither was it in the edge of the Land towards the West, but that Ramah, one of the four, and where Samuel himself dwelt, a great deal more Westmerly than it. Again, whereas Mizpah standeth as it were a fourth part or more of the breadth of the Land from Ramah East-ward, and Kiriath-jarim, is but a little way from it (a great deal nearer than Mizpah and Ramah are) by that reckoning it should come to pass, that Samuel had taken three places, all towards the West, where the Philistines and the Sea did quickly inclose them: and but one towards the East, where besides so much of the breadth of the Land as thence they had betwixt them and Jordan, they had a great part of the people beyond. As touching the Text, they rely but on two places chiefly, Gilgal and Mizpah, and yet in the Text it is clear, that he judged Israel in Ramah by Name, and in all those four places before named; and that themselves have translated, not in Those two (whereon notwithstanding they chiefly rely, as before I said) but in All those places, as also the Original it self requireth they should. That which respecteth Religion, is, that he built an Altar there unto the Lord: an undoubted token of some kind of devotion in him; and that he would join together civil government, and Religion towards GOD. But whether it was lawful for him so to do (as he is by all that I do know defended in it, and very great reason we think the best of him) or but some stain of the great corruption that then was grown up among them; or, as some others conceive, whether this were not at Ramah, but at Kiriath-jarim that the Altar should be built because the Ark was there then: both these do I leave to others for to judge of, as themselves think good in the fear of GOD; saving that the former I take to be more likely to hold, than the latter. When for his age he was fain to take other help unto him, having two Sons, he made them Judges in Israel: but they did not follow the good ways of their Father, but [ M] being worldly minded, they took rewards and perverted Judgment. Wherein it shall be good to mark something, as touching the matter it self: and some-thing as touching the manner of delivering the same unto us. In the matter it self, some things there are to be considered in them, as there was some relation betwixt their Father and them: and one thing besides in themselves, without respect of such relation. As there was some relation betwixt their Father and them, it may well be, that the Father had some private respect in appointing them rather than others: and we see, they did degenerate. If he had any such private respect, it came so much more justly upon him, that, for their degenerating from his better wales, himself was soon after by the people (in some sort) rejected, and that whole form of government with him: especially, having in his old Mayster so fresh an example of the Lord's indignation against the looseness of his two Sons before remembered. In that they did so plainly degenerate, both we see it often renewed, that good Parents have ill children: and it doth not only serve to show, that the good gifts of God do not go by any natural propagation; but also we find it well recompensed ofttimes, when bad Parentes leave us so blessed Children. In themselves, without respect of such relation, it is good to note, howe the desire of worldly lucre, or taking of rewards (one of the branches of it) and corruption of judgment or perverting of right, are joined together: as teaching us to gather, not only that so it was in them now, but that we never find it otherwise, but that so many as hunt after lucre or take reward, whatsoever good gifts they may seem to have, or howe closely soever they carry it, the truth notwithstanding is, that judgment is by them corrupted. In the manner of delivering the same unto us, it is specially said, that these were Judges in Beersheba: which is a Citty in the utmost part of the Land Southward, and towards the West corner of it, in the Tribe of Simeon; and so a strange matter, that they should be appointed to minister Justice unto the people, and yet reside in one remote corner of all the Land. Unto this diverse say nothing at all: others there be, that do otherwise gather thereof, one imputing it a fault unto them, that would be so chargeable and troublesome unto the people, as to make them traile so far to have their matters decided (and that indeed is the manner of diverse, when they are in such place to take their own pleasure or case; and little to regard, how the people wring for the same;) others accounting it a defective or figurative speech, & to be supplied by another, where it is said from Dan to Beersheba, [ N] as not meaning thereby, that they did reside or lie only in Beersheba, but that they were appointed over all, even to Beersheba. And true it is, both that the Text here doth say they were appointed Judges to Israel, and so to the whole people, and not unto someone part only: and that such description of the whole people, as to say from Dan to Beersheba, is not used only in that place of the Judges, but in many other places besides. In that part of his government that mingleth with the Story of Saul, because Saul in his time, by his Ministry was appointed King, therefore was it most likely, that some time should go betwixt, before the one could be fully discharged, and the other fully invested in his office: in which mean time Samuel may best be counted, to continue his government still, until the other be actually entered into his charge. In which mean time, first we have but a treaty of having a King, at large: then, what course was held particularly about him that was now appointed unto them. While it went no farther, but only to be a treaty of having a King, at large, we are first to consider of it, as it was but only moved: then, as it was more importunately demanded, and resolutely determined with them. As it was but only moved, we are first to consider how it was moved by them: then how that motion was disliked by others. As it was moved by them, we are first to consider of the occasion of it: then, of the motion it self. The occasion arose of two principal heads: one, the same that themselves do allege; another, wherewith a little after Samuel doth charge them. That which themselves did allege, was, the ill government of those that were in place already: a matter that ofttimes is the cause of great alteration in states, & sometimes of the utter overthrow of them forever. That wherewith Samuel a little after doth charge thē, was, that they did of the fear that they had of the King of the Ammonites then warring on certain of them. In the motion it self, we have both the substance, and manner of it. The substance is, that needs they would have a King as other Nations had. In the manner of it we have two special pointes: one, commendable; the other, reprooueable. Commendable it was, that they would not set up any of themselves: but referred themselves to the Prophet therein, whom they knew to be a faithful servant [ O] of God. Reproueable it was, that among all the company, even of the Elders of them, there were none that helped to stay the rest in this matter, but all joined together in it. But so it is ofttimes in the Church of God, that even all the Elders, (none of them excepted) join together in that which they should not, none of them all having the grace to moderate the unbridled ways of the rest. Misliked it was, first by Samuel: then also, by God. Samuel, being offended at it, did also make his prayer to God. God told him, that it was himself, and not Samuel, whom thereby they refused to rule over them: yet nevertheless willed him to yield it unto them. In what sense God so said, we may understand by the like speech that we had of Gideon before: and so not needful to be repeated here again. To find out howe it was afterward notwithstanding more importunately demanded, and resolutely determined with them, we have first set down, what cause they had to have moderated themselves better than so: then, how importunate they are notwithstanding. Good cause they had to have moderated themselves better than so, both in this that is gone before: and in more that followeth after. This that is gone before, is, that both Samuel was displeased at it: and that God accounted it to be a rejecting of him to reign over them; and a branch of the wonted Apostasy of their rebellious forefathers before. Enough to have stayed such as had any moderation in them. That more which followeth after, was in that message that God heereuppon sent them by Samuel, the effect whereof rested in two principal pointes: one, that Kings would use so hard a government over them, as that themselves should then cry unto God about it; the other, that God would not then help them in it. The hardness of government that they would use over them, they are forwarned should partly but touch their earthle estate here: but partly matters of greater importance. In such things as belonged to their earthly estate here, they would be given so freely to take at their own pleasure, from any of their people whatsoever themselves listed, that they would not only take of their best things, and dearest unto them, as their Sons and Daughters; and their ground whereon they should live; yea, and the best of it also: but even their Servants, and Cattle too. Those other matters of greater importance, are, the glory of God, and good of the people, spiritually in their transitory life here, eternally in the World to come. All which depended much on the maintenance of the Levites among them, which God appointed to be by the tenth of all their increase. Concerning which, God doth now tell them, that lightly they [ P] can have no Princes, though never so much they profess themselves to be of God, and to have special regard unto him, and to the good estate of their people, but that yet notwithstanding being men, and thereby subject to the common corruption of man's nature, even that natural inclination in them, once being armed with the power of authority, will make them so bold with those things aforesaid: and never in wisdom perceive, neither of themselves nor by the wisest Sages they have about them, that they are wrong, nor that therein they work against God and their people themselves, and all. An usurpation so praegnant with us, that no honest heart I think but would be ashamed, even in the dark, of diverse things of that kind, that we notwithstanding have done in the light, even in this brightness of the Gospel it self: and altogether neglecting the glory of God; injurious, and hurtful, in the highest degree, to all his people. Which hard estate (into which hereby they were to fall) although it were hard enough in it self, and thereby sufficient to have given them warning; yet was it made so much the harder, in that God doth now so plainly tell them before, that when they should call unto him for help therein, he would in no wise help them in it: a good warning as possibly might be, being so plainly beforehand given them. All which notwithstanding the people are where they were before: needs must they have a Vice-gerent, where (they saw) their Sovereign himself ever resided; needs must they be abased like other Nations, whom God had (even therein also) advanced, above all the people's of the World. Which when Samuel had related unto the Lord, and the Lord had willed him again to let them so have it, since needs they would, and the Prophet thereon had willed them, because it would ask some time unto it) for that time to depart til they heard farther, they took this their dismission (dismissed indeed from an honorable & glorious estate before, under the comfortable blessing of God, unto the babishnes of their own seely choice, thenceforward to be a prey unto those whom they have chosen to be their Champions) and so departed: nothing at all (that we do read of) reuoluing in their minds, how foully they have overslipped themselves; much less retracting it, while yet they had some time to do it. In that course that was now particularly held, [ Q] about him that in the end was appointed unto them, because yet we must keep but unto the Story of Samuel's Gouernement, and that it must end when Saul beginneth his Kingdom, therefore are we more precisely to mark, where we may most fitly account the reign of Saul to begin, that so we may the better see, where to finish the Government of Samuel. This we have not anywhere in my judgment so plainly set down, but that where I think we may best account it, yet there do I wish it rather to be but thought most likely, than to make any certainty of it. And that seemeth to me to be when it is said, that all the people went to Gilgal, and there made Saul King before the Lord: and so, that neither it began so soon, as when he went to Iabes-Gilead against the Ammonites; neither was it so long before it began, as until Samuel should come at the time appointed to Gilgal, and there show him what to do, For the former of these was but accidentary, or by occasion, as the present necessity then required: and in the latter of them it seemeth, that Samuel was rather to do the work of a Prophet, than of a Governor, for which Saul was then to attend him; especially being made by all the people King before, even by the direction of Samuel himself. This therefore being our compass, now we are to see, what we have in this mean time that may be allotted to the government of Samuel, that now doth mingle with the Story of Saul. Within which compass, something we find to be done at Ramah, where he dwelt and now was: and something at other places besides. At Ramah it was, where first he understood who it was whom God would have now to be appointed King over his people. Concerning which, first we have delivered how it was dispatched here: then, how closely the principal party kept it at home when he came there. It was in such sort delivered here, that therein we have a good example, how the providence of God (whensoever himself is so disposed) by small things leadeth unto matters of special moment: and that it may be an example unto us instead of many, to that end (it seemeth) it is particularly set down unto us. Wherein we have declared, how it pleased God, when he was disposed to bring Saul to the Kingdom, to use certain means whereby to work: first of inferior creatures; then also of men. Those inferior creatures by whom it pleased God now to work, were poor seely Asses: and his working by them was, that they must go astray, and for a time be wanting unto the owners of them. The men by whom it pleased him to work, [ R] were most of them such as employed themselves about those less matters: but one of them was of more special reckoning, and reserved to be employed about greater. Those who employed themselves about those less matters, were Cis or Kish the father, whose Asses they were: and Saul his Son, together with one of his servants, that must go seek them. Of Cis it is said, that he was a man of good account among his people the Tribe of Benjamin: and that having his Asses strayed, he sent both his Son and one of his servants to seek them. Of Saul and that servant, that accordingly they sough: them in diverse places, but could not find them and that by occasion thereof seeking to Samuel, there they find the end of their labor; and in much more comfortable manner, than they could look for. And true it is, that often it pleaseth God, to make such inferior creatures, yea and the loss and wanting of them, and our own employments about them, special good means of some greater works of his providence towards us: and so likewise all other earthly things whatsoever; and all the employments of men about them. But here it shall be good more specially to note, what is recorded of those two words, the Prophet and Seer: and in what sort Saul and his man at this time came unto Samuel. As touching the former, first it is clear, that such as profess themselves to be Prophets, or to be in such place with the people now, as these Prophets were with the people then, should by ancient right be Seers: and therefore ought so to order themselves, not only that they have no beams nor gross moats in their own eyes; but also, that no distemperature in them do so much as trouble or darken their sight. Then also, whereas the word Prophet is not an Hebrew, but a Greek word by Nature, though it be used much in translations, not only in the Greek, but also in the Latin: yet have the Hebrews their own propper word for a Prophet, and have still used the same. Insomuch, that whosoever will mark it, may easily find, that even the last Prophets of all, as Haggai, Zacharias, and Malachi, (the last Books also of the Old-Testament, and so of the use of that tongue in the scriptures) though often they have occasion to use that word (especially the middlemost of them, being the longest) yet they never use but only their own: at that time having no conversing at all with the Grecians, as after they had. In the manner that Saul & his man used to come to the Prophet, it seemeth they thought much baslier of him, than they should have done: & yet in some measure acknowledged their duty notwithstanding. They thoght over basely of him, if they conceived of him, but as of such as [ S] we cal wisemen, as able to tell of things lost as it seemeth they did, & sure it is, that even the best servant of God among us, is ofttimes little better thought on by many of the vulgar people; and their help to such purpose oftener sought, than in those better, for which chiefly they are sent unto them. Their duty notwithstanding in some sort they acknowledged, in that they would not go empty unto him: and yet having been their chief Governor so long as now he had been, they could not conceive that he was in any such need, as that they needed to present him with such a trifle. We not only have no such regard to any of those Servants of God that we know so to be fleeced (if our selves also have not done it) that needs they must be in poor estate (so far are we from such presenting of any such as we know to have plenty, though otherwise the servants of God never so much:) but also prey upon them still, so oft as we are able to conceive any hope of anything yet to be gotten from them; and so far are we from shaming with it, that with an Harlots fore-head we daily follow it more and more. He that was of more special reckoning, and reserved to be employed about greater matters, was Samuel the Prophet: and those greater matters whereunto he was reserved, were some of them now already past when Saul came to him; and some of them, soon after ensuing. Already past were two: one, that God told him the day before, that the next day he would bring him in the man whom he should anoint to be King over Israel: the other, that being come at the time appointed, in the sight of Samuel, he told him, that that was the man that he did speak of. Those that ensued, were of two sorts: one, but such as Saul himself and his servant might in reason have expected; others, much more, than were within the reach of their expectation. That which they in reason might have expected (in that reckoning that they made of him) was to understand something of those Asses that they did seek for; which also they did: namely, that both he told them that himself was the Seer, and what time those Asses were lost; and willed him not to care anymore for them, for that they were already found. Those others that were much more than within the reach of their expectation, were partly no more, but only some special and extraordinary courtesy; but chiefly such others as more properly belonged unto the business that was now most intended. It was special and extraordinary courtesy, that he & his servant were taken in to feast with those that were then gathered together: especially being so placed, and in such sort used, as then they were. Such as did more properly belong unto the business that was now most intended, were, that first he [ T] gave him but an inkling of it: but then went directly and plainly unto it. When he gave him but an inkling of it, that seemed to be in the presence and hearing of his man: but when he went more directly and plainly unto it, that was but privately done to himself. Again, when he gave him but an inkling 〈…〉 because Saul gave some answer unto it, therefore are we to consider, not only what Samuel did say unto him, but also what was the answer that Saul did give him. Samuel, having told him that the Asses were found, and having willed him not to care for them, now by that occasion farther telleth him, that himself was now growing to be (and, for his sake, even all his fathers house together with him) in that request with all Israel that he need not now to regard much greater matters then those. The answer that Saul did thereunto give him, was in effect, that the Tribe whereof he came, being the least of all the Tribes of Israel; and his Fathers family, one of the meanest of all that Tribe) there was no reason why he should use any such speech unto him, or but put him in any such hope. Before the time of our knowledge that Samuel went plainly unto it, we find that he talked privately with him: but of what matter we cannot tell, saving that it was most likely to be of this. But bringing him a piece of his way, and causing him to send his man a little before him, then he told him the the whole matter, and gave him good tokens of it, God also confirming the same, and Saul himself finding those tokens to fall out as it was told him before that they should. But these things would be more specially considered: both what was here done unto Saul; and what himself did afterward find. That which here was done unto him, was partly by Samuel: and partly by God. By Samuel he was dealt-with most of all for this present: partly also for another time after ensuing. For this present, both he imparted the matter unto him: and confirmed him in it. He imparted the matter unto him, when he told him, that the Lord had appointed him to be governor over his inheritance. He confirmed him therein, first by that [ V] which then he did unto him: then by that which then he told him. That which he did unto him, was, that he did anoint him to the Kingdom: that is, poured upon him a viol of oil of sweet perfume (such as in those parts many did use) in assurance that God had appointed him, and would likewise enable him to govern his people. Which his anointing, being a figure of the anointing of Christ, doth teach us, that he is both appointed and enabled to be our Savior: and that, if he be appointed, we should not in duty go to any other; as also, that we need not, if he be enabled. He told him of diverse good tokens to confirm him therein: first in others; then, in himself. Of others, that he should meet some but civilly, others religiously employed. Ciuilly those two at the sepulcher of Rachel, that should tell him, that the Asses were found, and that his father now sorrowed for them: religiously those three that were going up to God, with their presents with them; and those Prophets with instruments of Music and Prophesying. The token that should be in himself, was that the Spirit of God should come upon him also, so that he should Prophecy and become a new man, and might then do as occasion should serve. For another ttme then ensuing, he now instructeth him what to do against that time: namely that whereas they were shorly after to have a general assembly at Gilgal, he also must be there, and abide the coming of the Prophet seven days, til he come and show him what to do. That which God did here unto him, was, that when Samuel and Saul were parted, then did God give a new heart unto Saul, or such virtues and graces as were meet for the function whereunto now he was called. That which himself did afterward find, was, that all those tokens did come to pass, as the Prophet before had said, both in those others, and in himself withal. The principal party that was thus set forth, was Saul, who returning home again, was specially questioned withal by his Uncle of that his business: but Saul imparted nothing unto him as touching the kingdom. A special good token of the modesty of Saul, that he neither made any vaunt of it when he came home: nor, though his Uncle by likelihood were a man that some way or other might help it forward, yet did he not seek his help therein. Those other places besides were two: one, Mizpah; the other, Gilgal. That which was done at Mizpah, had some part of the complement of it a while after at Jabesh Gilead. So are we first to consider of that which was do at Mizpah: then, of that farther complement, soon after ensuing. In that which was done at Mizpah, we are first to consider of the course of [ W] proceeding that t ••• e was used: then, how the assembly was again dismissed. The course of proceeding that there was used, was, that then he was first made known to all the people generally, to be the man that God had appointed to be their King: and that the people were diversely affected towards him. So are we first to consider, how he was so far forth made known unto them: then, howe the people were affected towards him. He was so far forth made known unto them, partly by his election: and partly, by bringing him forth in person before them. When they go unto his election, Samuel, having gathered the people together, first reproveth them for giving him occasion of that business: but then nevertheless doth set in hand with it. His reproof was, in the name of the Lord: and it chargeth them, that whereas he from time to time had delivered them from all their enemies; yet that now, in effect, they did cast off him, in demanding a King to reign over them. Setting in hand with the business it self, there both he and Saul might see (for these were privy to his annointing before) how wonderfully the Lord disposeth even of Lots; a thing of as mere casualty, as can be conceived: and this might they see, first in that wherein we see, what the odds was; then also, in the residue of that business, wherein it is not known unto us what the odds were. For first we see, that of all the Tribes of Israel, the Tribe of Benjamin was taken: and there the odds were, eleauen to one. How many were the several Families of that Tribe; then also, how many were the several persons of that family whereof Saul was, are both unknown unto us: but how many, or how few soever they were, only that family whereof Saul was; and of all the persons thereunto appertaining, it was Saul only that so was chosen. As touching the bringing of him forth in person before them, he was so far from awaiting of his election, and of being in a readiness then to take the advantage of it (as ambitious aspyring persons are wont to be) that being privy to his annointing before, and thereby conceiving how the lots were like to fall, he went aside out of the way, and so was hid til they inquired of the Lord concerning him, and so understood where to have him: whether when they went and brought him among them, both themselves did see, that he was a man of goodly personage, higher by the head than the rest of the people; and Samuel took occasion thereby to commend him unto them. The people for the most part were [ X] well affected towards him: but some were not. Those that were well affected towards him, were the most part generally: and some, in particular. Generally, the most part rejoiced in him, and desired God to bless him. In particular, both there were diverse that now began to attend him (but a thing to be noted, none in this his simple beginning, as also in the first rising of the Gospel, but such as whose hearts God had touched:) and others, it seemeth, of the ablest sort, brought presents unto him. Those that were not so well affected towards him, stumbled, it seemeth at the means of his estate now at the first (as diverse have done at the Gospel also) and thereupon despised him; and brought him no presents: but it is to be noted withal, that they have a special burn set upon them for the same (a thing that may be found in ours too) namely, that those were wicked men, or of the worst sort among them. As touching the dismissing of the assembly, Samuel first both by word of mouth did show them what should be the manner of their estate now, both for their allegiance unto their King, and for his authority over them again, and set the same down in writing also, and laid it up before the Lord: and then dismissed the whole assembly, sending them all away to their own. The complement that this business had in Jabesh-Gilead, was, that then all the people generally agreed to make him K. over them; but as it were by certain degrees: partly by the good success that it pleased God to give then unto him against certain of their enemies; and partly, by the advise of Samuel. What that good success was, that it pleased God to give him against certain of their enemies, to the end we may the better perceive, we are first to consider of such things as went before, then, of that good success it self that immediately followed. Those things that went before, were, the distress of Jabesh-Gilead: and howe Saul addressed himself to help. The distress of it by Nahash King of the Ammonites, besiedging it was such, that they were fain to yield unto him, so that they might have some reasonable conditions: but they could have no conditions, but that he might thrust out the right eye of everyone of them, so to bring shame on all Israel. Much like to our mighty Ammonite of Rome, that cannot brook to have any peace with any Christian Prince whatsoever, nor with any several persons, unless they will suffer him to deprive them clean of the best eye or sight that their souls have, even the word of God. That Saul addressed himself to help, it was by occasion of the ill tidings thereof that came unto others of the people: and so are we to see, first how those il tidings came unto them; then how [ Y] Saul thereupon set in hand to help them. Those ill tidings came by the means, that when the Inhabitants of Iabosh Gilead, could get no other conditions, and were not able to make their part good with their enemies, they sent Messengers thereof to their Brethren: who coming to Gibeah (belike of purpose, that so it might come to their new made King) raised up a great outcry and lamentation of the people there, to hear the pitiful estate of those their brethren. Whereupon Saul coming out of the fields, not yet taking upon him as King, but only living as a private man, was now notwithstanding so nettled at this, that presently he stroke down a yoke of Oxen, cut them in pieces, sent the pieces abroad among the people, and gave them plainly to understand (the spirit of God being now more specially come upon him) that whosoever followed not to that service, himself and Samuel going before, their Oxen should be in such sort served. Upon which God stroke such a fear in the hearts of the people, in this case to yield their obedience, that there assembled together of the Israelites 300000. and of the Tribe of Judah only 30000. all which he divided into three companies, and set upon the enemy betimes in the morning. The success was, that he so over-threw them, fighting against them till the heat of the day, that most of them, it seemeth, fell in that place by the sword, and the rest that remained were so scaled or scattered, that scantly two of them were anywhere left together. By which their good success, they came thus far of their own accord at the first, that they would have had those now put to death, who had despised him before: but that Saul himself stayed them therein, because the Lord had that day vouchsafed them so fair an hand against their enemies. The advise that Samuel gave them, was to go to Gilgal, and there to renew the kingdom, or again to acknowledge their allegiance unto him, when as God had wrought in such sort by him, as that it was most likely, that none would now have the face or heart to make any question of it, as diverse of them before had done: and this advise of his wrought so well with them, that by that which followed soon after thereupon, it appeareth, that now they were resolved so to do. At Gilgal therefore first we have this matter dispatched: then, another of Samuel's besides. This was no more, but that as Samuel made the motion before, and the people, it seemeth, conceived well of it; so now they all went thither, and there renewed the kingdom again, or generally yielded their allegiance unto him: and that they did with so good hearts towards Saul now, that not only they offered Peace-offerings to God (a good token how well he had pleased them in vouchsafing to give them him for their King;) but mutually so rejoiced in [ Z] each other, even all the people in their King, and their King in them, that on both sides their joy was exceeding great. That other of Samuel's we have more largely described unto us, and two principal matters therein: one, as touching his own former government among them; the other, as touching that alteration that now they had made. As touching his own former government among them, whereas in his time they had made this alteration, to clear himself of the suspicion that he did give them no occasion unto it, he willeth them to say before the Lord, and his Anointed there present, if ever he had abused his authority among them, to the hurt or wrong of any of them, or to raise any base advantage unto himself. Of all which they did then clear him so very well, that therein he left a very good example, both to him that was then there to succeed among them, and to all other Governors whatsoever. As touching that alteration that now they had made, he first laboreth them to understand their fault therein: and then, upon their yielding thereto, doth readily minister comfort unto them. He laboreth them to find their fault in seeking to have that alteration, first by their former experience of the Lord: then also, by an extraordinary work, that then he would do before their eyes. Their former experience was, that he did ever readily help them when they stood in need, and sought unto him: so that now they had no such need to have done as they did; and yet, that if they would now keep to the Lord, they needed not to doubt, but that he would still be gracious unto them, though otherwise they might look for no other, but that his hand would be against them. That extraordinary work that he would now do before their eyes, was, that sudden storm of thunder & rain, that at the prayer of Samuel he then did send them, to be an assured sign unto them, that therein they had offended the Lord. Wherupon when the people yielded themselves guilty, then he ministereth comfort unto them: assuring them, that the Lord will not fail them, if they truly cleave unto him; and yet that otherwise both themselves and their K. are sure to perish. His Story, for the residue of his time ensuing, is most of it, of his life: but somewhat of his death. So much of it as is of his life, we may divide into two principal parts: some part of it being of such his employments, as after that Saul took upon him as K. and before it pleased God to show what his purpose was towards David, we do find recorded of him; the residue, of such as were likewise in the time of Saul, but yet then beginning [ A. 2] when it pleased God to make known unto others, what his purpose was concerning David. Such as were of the former sort, were some of them such, as where about Prophets are ordinarily employed; but one there is of that nature, as whereabout Prophets are but seldom employed. Those that were of such nature, as where-about Prophets are usually employed, were, one of them at Saul's first entrance into his kingdom: and the others, a while after. At Saul's first entrance into his kingdom, Samuel, as a Prophet, both reproved his inordinate hast: denounced unto him the loss of his kingdom for the same. A while after he was again as a Prophet employed, to direct the K. how to deal against the Amalachites: and, at his return, to reprove him likewise, for that he had no better regarded the charge that was given him; and, for that again, to denounce unto him the loss of his kingdom, at which time notwithstanding as a subject he easily yielded himself to be over-ruled to attend the King before the people. That which is of such nature as about which Prophets are seldom employed, was, that he called for Agag the King of the Ammalekites, whom Saul and the people brought home alive, & there did hew him in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal: but then went home, and was sorry that God had rejected Saul, and mourned for him. Of the latter sort we have but only two, and both of them such, as are wont to be done by the Prophets: one, that he went at God's commandment to Bethlehem, and there anointed David to be King over Israel; the other, that with David when he fled from Saul, he went to Naioth to abide there, and there did hold the exercise of Prophecy. That which is of his death, is no more but this, that he died, and that all Israel assembled themselves, and mourned for him, and buried him where he dwelt, at Ramath.

9 That one of their Kings under whom they yet continued one people, was King [ A] Saul, of whose annointing by the Prophet, and choosing by lot, we have heard already, under the government of Samuel, the last of their Judges: and now are we to see, first, in what sort he made his entrance into his kingdom; then, what was his government after. In both which we shall find, as nowhere else more fully I think, two notable points: one, how careful we all ought to be, even Princes themselves, praecisely to obsetue the word of God, that by his servants he sendeth unto us; the other, [ B] that the best of us all do not stand in the favor of God, by the good things that in the better sort of us commonly are, but only by his own goodness towards us. For he observed the word of God in the mouth of Samuel the Prophet marvelous well, as we could easily be persuaded; and yet would that in no wise serve; again, he was (no doubt) a notable man, and had many good things in him (at least, till that evil spirit of the Lord was sent to vex him) and yet did those nothing avail him to that purpose. But unhappy man that he was, he is not only thus cast down of God, but also condemned almost of all, to have been a marvelous bad man, and only, as it seemeth, on this supposal, because it pleased God to deal so roughly with him as he did, for such offenses as seemed not so great unto us. As the friends of Job, though they came to comfort him, yet when they saw the hand of God so grievously upon him, as it was clean beyond all expectation of theirs, they changed their judgment, and thought him to be a notable Hypocrite: otherwise, that God would never have plagued him so as he did. But as Christ said by those Ga •• laans, whose blood Pilate had mingled with the blood of their sacrifice, and on those 18. on whom the Tower in Silo •• fell and slew them, that they were not more sinful than the residue: even so do I take it, that the Text it self doth teach us to judge of King Saul, that though it pleased God thus to deal with him (his wisdom knoweth best why) yet if we take one thing with another, and withdraw our selves from all praeiudice and partiality, no doubt it was not, that he was more offensive therein than we, or than others commonly are; but that it pleased God so to deal with him, and justly might so do, & so might deal with the best of us, even as justly as he might with him. For neither do we tarry till we be so perfectly instructed in the will of God, by such as it pleaseth him to use towards us, especially if we have but half so good cause a little to hasten, as Saul then had: neither do we, in any matter of charge that lightly we have (unless it be in the case of Jehu, for our safety withal, for that the destruction of Ahab's House, in plain reason must he think to be the better confirming of him in his) go so near to fulfill that which God prescribeth unto us, as we may see that Saul then did in the charge to him prescribed. But these things will better appear in the Story it self. His entrance therefore in such sort he made, one way or other, as that God was therewith offended, and Saul for the same sharply reproved. So are we first to consider, wherein [ C] he offended in that his first entrance: then, how he was for it reproved. To find out wherein he then offended, is so much the harder, because it is not in such sort described, but that it is diversely taken: and albeit the opinions be but two, and that special consideration hath been had by the learned of either of them, yet in my mind it seemeth they have left (even in that which is the likeliest) a good piece of their matter behind them. In the former of these two opinions we are to consider; first, what the same opinion is: then, what our selves may gather out of it, if that may stand for the sense of the place. The opinion it self is, that as the case then was, Saul did not think good to stay any longer on the Prophets coming, but called for the sacrifice, and himself made oblation of it: so stepping into the office of the Priest, being occasioned thereunto by an urgent and just necessity, as he did take it. If that were his fault, and that the Prophet for it did first denounce unto him the loss of his kingdom, or that it should not now abide to him and his, then had we need to take heed of a praesupposed liberty that many of us have used, and some yet do: Lay-folk, yea, Women, to Baptize Children in time of necessity. Concerning which, it shall be good, first to consider of it, as if there were some urgent necessity in it so to do: then to examine, whether there be any such necessity indeed, or not. If there were some urgent necessity in it, so to do, yet so was it in Saul's case also. For the Philistines were already come in very strong; many of the people hid themselves in Caues, and fled over Jordan; such as Saul had gathered together and followed him, began to steal away a-pace likewise; and Saul had stayed (in a manner, full out) seven days already. All which notwithstanding, if the Lord would not in that case bear with him, it is hard to conceive, that in this case of ours, he will bear with us. But now the truth is, there is no such need in this case of ours to drive us unto it: but, on the other side, much good matter to hold us off from it. That there is no such need in this case of ours to drive us unto it, may reasonable plainly appear; first, in it self: then also, in others like unto it. The thing it self being Baptizme, doth easily show us there is no such necessity, both by the very nature of it: and by the use of it in ancient time in the Church of God. The nature of it is to give us to understand, that the [ D] Children of those Congregations that do profess the Faith of Christ, do appertain to the kingdom of God, as much as themselves; not only when they are come into the world, but also even in their Mothers wombs: and therefore, that for Baptism, the outward testification of it, we need no more but only to take heed, that neither willfully we do refuse it; nor negligently slip the time to take it, when we may conveniently have it. The use of it in ancient time hath been in the Church of God, to have Public Baptism ministered but certain times in the year, as but at Easter, or at Easter and Whitsuntide, especially for the greater sort: a sufficient Testimony in it self, that they had of old no such doubt of those that departed before Baptism. Those others that are like unto it, are, Circumcision under the Law: and the holy Communion in the days of the Gospel. Circumcision, by the appointment of God, was not to be ministered until the child was eight days old: before which time it is not to be conceived, but that many departed; and yet was not their estate therefore to be doubted. The holy Communion we do not hold needful nor meet neither to be ministered to any of our children at all, until they come to years of discretion; before which time it is certain, that many depart this life: yet God forbid that they should be anything at all endangered thereby; as it seemeth men were of old persuaded, when so far as well they could, they have ministered it unto children at vnger age. To hold us off from it, we have good matter, first in the thing it self: then, if it be compared with others. By the thing it self, I mean that bold usurpation aforesaid, when women or other Lay-people take upon them to baptize (in a Church established) when they conceive need to require. For the opinion of that presupposed liberty, hath hatched another misvsage besides, discomfortable to parents, unseemly and dangerous unto themselves: namely, that when children are still-borne, or die before they are baptized, the women that are present, being fore-stalled with a prejudice already, that such children do not appertain to the kingdom of God, send them or carry them away to be buried in some odd corner, as not meet to come to Christian burial. A very unadvised part, to make themselves so heavy Judges on those silly Infants, whom they were never able to charge with any ill, not only in deed or word outwardly, but also not so much as with any ill thought within. If it be compared with others, then what letteth, but that if they may minister Baptism when they think there is some urgent necessity, they may likewise upon any such like praesupposed necessity, minister the holy Communion likewise, take the pulpit, meddle with any inferior Magistracy, yea and finger the Scepter too? For the latter of them, we are in like sort first to see, what it was wherein Saul offended, as they do take it: then, praesupposing that to be fault, what we are to gather out of the same. His fault was, as these others do take it, that he did not await the Prophets coming, but began so far to enter into his business before, whereas even therein also he should have stayed the Prophets coming, as he had before appointed; though as it now fell out, the Prophet had tarried altogether as long in a manner, as he had required the King to stay for him; and because the King in his answer, when he was reproved, giveth in nothing else in particular that he had done, but only that, to make supplication to the Lord, he had offered that Burnt offering, therefore go they no farther neither, and so do leave, as I do take it, a great pecce of their matter behind them. Which that we may the better perceive, we are to take in (as I do take it) all the Text of this Chapter going before: and, to that end, first to clear it in one point of the translation; then, to consider of the whole matter therein contained. That one point of the translation that is first to be cleared, is the first part of the first Verse of this Chapter, where it is said, that Now Saul had been King one year: which is not so to be taken, as though the Original could yield no other Interpretation; but that such as did so interpret, thoght that to be most agreeable unto it, though they knew others to be otherwise persuaded therein. But this do I think cannot be the meaning of the place; but rather, that the beginning of the first year of Saul's reign is noted thereby, as there be others that so do take it: or, that when Saul came first to his kingdom, he was of a quiet, gentle, & mild disposition, and as far from any haughty or hard ways, as a little sucking child, or a child of a year old, as others do give the meaning of it. For either of these do very well agree with the Story or residue of the Text: but not the other, so far as I am able to gather, because that so it would fall out, that Samuel had adiourned the King to an assembly that should have been a tweluemonth after, and had willed him then also to stay on him there (at least seven days) till he should come thither unto him. Whereas notwithstanding Samuel himself perceived, that they were so urgent then for a King, upon a present occasion then offered: Nabash then coming against them, which could not have brooked so large a delay. The matter in the first nine verses of this Chapter contained, is not only of that his hast to get the Burnt-offering to be made, but of diverse other things besides, which are, as I take it, a part of his fault likewise: though I grant, there be something that seemeth to stand somewhat hard against it. So are we now, first to [ F] set down, what we take his fault to have been: then, what we have to say to that which doth seem to stand somewhat hard against it. His fault it seemeth was (as before is said) not only his not tarrying of Samuel in that his offering, but withal, that so he had provoked the Philistines to come in upon them, both him-self and his son Jonathan withal: himself by gathering those forces unto him, and by stirring up the people to batte •• ▪ and his son Ianathan, by encountering that garrison that he then dealt with. That which may seem to stand some-what hard against this, resteth in two principal points: one, a place of the Text it self; another an interpretation only. That place of the Text it self, is, that when Samuel at his annointing had told him of certain Tokens, he should find in his way homeward, for his farther confirmation, and among others, that the Spirit of the Lord should come upon him, he then bad him do as occasion should serve, & told him that the Lord was with him. So it may seem, that by virtue thereof, he might now gather such forces together, and so stir up the people to arms as he did: and that Jonathan (under him) might so assay that garrison also, as now he had done. But it seemeth, that that liberty was given him but in respect of that present occasion that was then so instant upon them, the invasion of the Ammonites: and that the abiding of him that he did require at Gilgal, did necessarily imply with it, not to provoke the Philistines, who yet were quiet; and by whose coming in, (when they were provoked) he found himself as it were surprised, from staying on the Prophets coming. And how could these two in any good construction stand together, that Saul must tarry the time and place appointed, to be farther invested in his kingdom by Samuel, before he might take upon him as King (but only for that present occasion, so very urgent as then it was:) and yet, in the mean season, vnprouoked might gather such forces unto him, might so employ certain of them, and so generally send the Alarum to all the people? These things indeed are appertaining to Princes: but not absolutely, until they be in full possession. That which is but only an interpretation, is another unseasonable Praeterplu perfect-tense (as I do take it) and a sense accordingly framed, that by some of our best Expositors there is used: making those forces that Saul had now gathered together out of the rest, and then sending home the rest again to be none others but those, that of [ G] their own accord (yet inwardly governed by God unto it) gave their attendance on him when they say, that by lot he was so chosen to be their King; and conceyuing withal, that when Saul went against the Ammonites, he left those with Jonathan to attend the garrisons of the Philistines. But besides that that is without warrant, the Text it self seemeth rather to note, that these were others, & otherwise employed also about the king or under his regiment, and in other places withal. This being his fault, and then we being to see what we are to gather out of the same, the matter is plain enough of it self, that seeing he was so ready, in these things himself to be doing, & did not so praecisely await the time appointed, as he was by the Prophet enjoined; & yet was so loath to take it upon him before: by very good reason may we doubt, that we in such case are ofttimes in our affairs over hasty also, & do not so precisely heed the rules that are given us, as we ought to do; especially in all such matters as whereunto our selves are so readily inclined. In the reproof, that for this was given him, it appeareth, even at the first, that it was very sharp: & yet who so looketh more specially into it, shall find it much sharper, than otherwise it appeareth to be. It appeareth even at the first to be very sharp, not only for that the words of the reproof are so round as they are: but also, because the loss of his kingdom is thereby likewise denounced unto him. If we look into it more specially, it doth then more plainly appear, partly because it was so long first, before he would anything at all take upon him: and partly, because when he did some-what that way, he had such provocation thereto at he had. He had great occasion to have taken much upon before, at his first return from Ramah: but then much more, on his being at Mispeh. At Ramath he was both specially honored at the Feast; and by the Prophet Samuel anointed: and ere he got home, both he found all those tokens true that Samuel, (to confirm him therein) had told him before; and himself was endued with the good Spirit of God, so far, that even he also prophesied. At Mispeh he was chosen King by Lot, even he of all the thousands of Israel: as also, both of most of the people acknowledged; and of diverse of them attended. When now he did take so much upon him, as to make choice of three thousand men, two thousand under his own regiment, and one under Jonathan's; warned the people also, to betake [ H] themselves to Arms; and at that time stayed the Prophet so long as he did, as his occasions were then: in reason we might think him notably provoked thereunto, not only in that so many of the people came so readily at his command to attend him against the Ammonites, three hundred and thirty thousand; but also for that both he had so great success there against his Enemies that he gave them a great overthrow, and wan such favor of all his Army, that there they acknowledged their allegiance unto him more than before. All which notwithstanding, meddling so far as now he did, before the Prophet came and fully possessed him of his kingdom, albeit he had such cause to be doing before, and that Samuel tarried so long; and although his modesty and humility were such, that it was long before he would be seen, in that matter of his so great advancement: the Prophet telleth him, he hath done foolishly (O the wonderful depth of God's severity;) he hath not kept the Commandment of the Lord his God; it must cost him no less than his Scepter and Crown for thus far transgrssing, even the first charge that was given him. Neither yet was he any of the Levites, more specially brought up in the knowledge of God; but at the most, as a young Gentleman of an ordinary education: neither were those days themselves such, as that any special acquaintance with the ways of God, might be expected in men much liklier than he. And yet even for this one slip of his, in an estate that he would fain have shunned, and when he had so great reason (as we should think) to do as he did, is he now irreparably of God rejected. But a notable warning it is unto us, in all our ways to reverence the holy direction of God; and never to make so bold there-with, as in anything to go before it; howe justly soever our selves might conceive we were occasioned: and withal, a notable burn to all those profane ways of Popish devotion, that, so they be doing, do very little or nothing regard, what it is that God, by the direction of his holy word, would have them to do.

CHAP. 12.

1 THis being his first entrance into his Kingdom, we have now set [ A] down unto us, what his government afterward was: partly, while yet the good Spirit of God was with him; but most of all, when it was taken from him. We do not read, that the good Spirit of [ B] God, which upon his annointing was given him, was taken from him till God had provided himself of another: but then we read, that the Spirit of the Lord departed from him, and an evil spirit sent of the Lord, did vex him. In which mean time, some things he did as it were of himself: and some-thing again by the express Commandment of GOD. Those things that he did as it were of himself, were some of them (as it were) by a special occasion suddenly offered: and some of them again at further laisure, and more advisement. Those that he did by special occasion suddenly offered, were all appertaining to one piece of service that immediately followed against the Philistines: in which we are to see, how the same was on the sudden occasioned; then, how it was thereon performed. It was occasioned, first, and after a sort, by himself: but then, much more by Jonathan soon after. In that which was done by himself there is to be noted, not only what it was: but also, how unprovided they were to such purpose. The thing it self was, that he gathered certain forces together: and stirred up the people to arms likewise. In their want of provision to such purpose, we are not only to mark, howe it was at that time with them: but then, to come to our selves likewise, and to see if we have not been in like case also. How it was at that time with them, is plain enough in it self: namely, that the Philistines had so provided, that the people of Israel neither had any Weapons meet for the War among them, as Swordes or Speares; neither any Artificers to make them any. Insomuch that they were fain to go down to the Philistines, to beat out or mend even their Instruments of Husbandry that were of Iron, as their Mattockes, Coulters, and Shares: and were themselves allowed but a File at home, to mend or sharpen any of them. And this they did with so special regard, that about this time when Saul numbered the people that drew unto him, even then, as it seemeth, appeared this want, that none of all the company had either Sword or Spear, but only the King himself and Jonathan his eldest Son: and yet the whole company was then as it seemeth but poor six hundred. That our selves have been in the like case also, under our late Philistines of Rome, is altogether as plain as was the other. For they also had so provided, that they had left no word of God among us that we might be able to understand, neither the Old-Testament, nor the New, neither the [ C] Articles of our Faith, nor the Ten-Commandments, nor the Lord's-Prayer: and had so clean taken away men of skil from among us, that we were of necessity driven to go down to their Forges, even to Dunse and Dorbell, for whatsoever such things we needed; the Clergy they left us, being so weak to any such purpose, that scantlie might they be for those matters so much as instead of a File unto us, and that but a very mean one too. Rare men also they were, and those but few, that in spiritual Weapons were any better provided among us. They have told us since, that they did it but only for our good, that the Scriptures are hard and dangerous, and for that only cause they took them away, that we should take no hurt by them. But if the question be set upon those other Philistines, what the cause was why they did so carefully keep the Children of Israel from such Weapons, whether that the Israelites might take no hurt by them, or that themselves might more easily keep them under the yoke of their bondage still: even that only I think would be sufficient, to assure us of the inward purpose and meaning of these our Philistines also. By Jonathan was occasioned, partly their coming in: but especially, that the Israelites so pursued on them, as soon after they did. Their coming in was partly occasioned by him, for that his Father having given him the charge of a thousand men, his fingers were itching, he could not be quiet, till he had a little pulled the Feathers of one of the Philistines Garrisons among them. That soon after the Israelites had the heart & stomach to pursue the Philictims so as they did, was likewise occasioned by him: being by some special and extraordinary motion resolved himself and his Servant to begin the fray upon the Philistines; and God so seconding him therein, that the main Army of the Philistines, and those three bands, were all discouraged and fled, and so gave occasion unto the Israelites to come forth and to follow. To find out how it was here on performed, here it shall be good, to part the main business, from certain particular accidents that came in withal. The main business was, how they shifted with the Philistines now, wherein that God may have his due, who only it was that brought things so well about on behalf of the Israelites, it shall be good to note, in what terms the Children of Israel at that present stood, before they saw how they were occasioned to pluck up their hearts and to follow after: and then, when they saw what occasion was given, how they did follow indeed. In what terms at that present they stood, we have declared, first of all the people generally: then, of Saul the King, and such as now followed him. Of all the people [ D] generally it is said, that the Philistines coming in so strongly and so many a • they did (being thirty thousand Charrets, six thousand Horse, and Foot-men innumerable) and sending forth out of their main Army th ••• severally • ands, three several ways to spoil the Country, they were so affrighted there-with, that most of 〈◊〉 fled and hid themselves where they could. Of Saul and his company it is said, that the people resorted unto him to Gilgal, and for fear of the Philistines kept close unto him: that Saul and his company made their abode in the bo •• ers of Gibeah; Abiah, the Lord's Priest, and about six hundred men a •••• ding him. But now when they saw what occasion was given them to raise up themselves to some better hope by the tumult and noise that was noted in the enemies Camp, upon the sl • ug •••• of those few that Jonathan and his man made first among them, first Saul and his company followed upon them, and many of those that had hid themselves before; then also, whereas there were many of the Israelites who hitherto were with the Philistines, they also now turn against them: and so, what by the amazedness, terror, and fear that the Lord cast among them (insomuch that they turned their weapons one against another) and what by the hot pursuit of the Israelites upon them when they saw how they were broken, the Philistines then had a great overthrow. Those particular accidents that came in withal, were some of them appertaining to this present service now in hand: others, to another soon after intended. Unto this present service now in hand it apertained, that Saul for the better accomplishing of it, did so straitly charge on pain of death, that nobody should take any victuals till night, that so they might first have dispatched the pursuit of their enemies: and the business that thereby (it seemeth) he made to himself, about the people's so greedy falling to their victuals when they came at them. That he gave so st •• ight a charge to the people, it was no more than the nature of the case d •• require, and in such case is wont to be done; and it is a good token in him, that 〈◊〉 was careful to have done▪ that service thoroughly; and wise to praeuent that which might have defeated it clean. The people fell to their victuals so greedily when they came at them, that by some of [ E] the company they were reported to have eaten the blood withal, plainly forbidden by the Law of God: and himself was like enough to have been the chief cause of making himself that business, by so strict forbidding unto them to take any victuals before. And yet because he was so very loath that they should therein offend, it may not justly be denied unto him, but that therein he was very careful to have the Law of GOD duly observed: which also did otherwise partly appear in that there he built an Altar unto the Lord. At which time also the people gave a very good testimony of their obedience to the kings commandment, in that they did so truly obey, being as it were offered unto them as they went by: and none but Ionathas (who heard not of it) did meddle with it; nor he but little, though he was of opinion, that it was some hindrance unto the service that his Father had so praclaimed. In those that belonged to another piece of service soon after intended, we are first to consider what was that service: and then, what accidents they were that fell out thereupon. The service intended was to follow upon the Enemy that night, and to make an hand upon them the best that they could. Which when Saul had propounded, they all were willing, saving that the Priest wished the King first to inquire of the Lord: which when he did, it pleased not the Lord to give any answer thereto. The accidents that fell out thereupon, were diverse: one, what the King himself conceived thereon; others, what course hae took to do such justice, as he thought in that case was meet to be done. The King himself conceived, that there was some special fault by some of them committed, because the Lord gave no answer then unto him: whereas notwithstanding there might be other reasons conceived, why the Lord gave no answer now: For it may be the Lord did not like of any farther prosecuting of them, as yet: and then; in reason ought that to content him and the rest, that they did not find the Lord to approve it; the law already having set down generally, that we ought to do nothing but only that which the Lord hath commanded. Again, when first he heard there was some tumult and business in the enemies campe, though at the first he was then in hand to inquire of the Lord about that matter: yet perceiving the tumult to wax greater, and belike thinking it no time then to tarry, he bad the Priest stay, and did not tarry to make inquirye. It may be therefore that he that would ever be served with the first and best of all that we have (and meet that he should) would have nothing to do with the end of this action now, seeing he was not sought unto in the beginning. A matter not much unlike hereunto we afterward have, that hath the like answer in effect: that whereas the people in the captivity had taken up two fasting days of themselves, but after made conscience to break them when the Temple was built and the Land inhabited again, unless the Lord should first approve it, he told them in effect, that seeing it was but their own doing at the first, [ F] he would have no dealing with it now. Nevertheless it was not far amiss, that so he conceived (being as it is so clear a matter, that ever it may be justly doubted, being all so full of sin as we are); and his error therein, was no more but this, that although it were not unlikely so to be, yet had he no warrant, that so it was. But himself being so persuaded, he is fully resolved to do such justice, as he thought in that case was meet to be done: and so, both to make inquiry, who it was that had offended; and to have him put to death, whosoever it should fall out to be, yea though it were his Son Jonathan. First therefore he setteth in hand with inquiry: and then, was as ready to have done execution accordingly. As touching his inquiry, first, it was to find out the offender: then the offense which was committed. In searching to find out the offender, first he resolveth to use the Lot: but then he joineth prayer withal. In that he so useth the Lot, therein again we have a commendable readiness and indifferency in him, making his choice so to do it, and exempting neither his Son nor himself from the trial thereof. But the Lot was no ordinary trial, nor at any time sufficient but when the Lord himself did appoint it: and the Law that before was given them, made that reckoning of the life of man, that it alloweth not any one witness whatsoever, to be sufficient, on the credit whereof to take away any man's life. It seemeth indeed, that himself was chosen by Lot: but so would the Lord confitme unto him the annointing he had of the Prophet before. Most likely also that he knew the Land to be divided by Lot before: as also it may be he had read or heard, that when Achan had secretly sinned, he was in such sort found out and punished. But the Lord himself had so appointed for the division of the Land: and what course soever was held; both for the finding out of Achan, and for his own election (both which may seem to be by Lot also) certain it is, by the plain Text, it was of the Lord, or his appointment. And so oft as it is his own appointment there is no doubt, but that himself will order the same accordingly: as also we are afterward plainly told that so he doth. Again, in this trial, he did disadvantage himself and his Son together very much in plain sight, in that he did not take such course as in that case was used, first beginning with the Tribes which were eleven to one, and then to come first to the families of that Tribe that should be taken, and after to the several persons that were of that family, both which are uncertain what odds they would yield: and so if needs he would put it to that kind of trial, yet by that order might he have had many on whom the Lot might have fallen in every [ G] of those degrees aforesaid; whereas in this course he never left but two parts only, all the people and them two at the first, then but himself and his Son at the second in which case needs must it fall, either on the one or on the other. His Prayer was, that God would direct the Lots aright: which whether God were disposed to do or not, (or which seemeth the more likely of the two) whether God espying inconsiderate dealing in him, were disposed to punish that, we have it not in plain terms set down; but only thus much, that Jonathan was taken (as of necessity one of them must have been, there was no remedy). Jonathan being now detected for the offender as he did take it, he cometh to the other part of his inquiry, namely, what was the offense he had committed: and charging Jonathan to tell him the truth what he had done, thereby he found that he had in his hunger tasted a little wild Honny as