Of the Head Cornerstone

measure (ten in all; and everyone of them two yards broad, and fourteen long) that being fastened one to another (first by fiues, then those two fiues joined together by blew silk Laces and Taches of gold) and cast cross over the frame, should cover it clean over, and hang down towards the earth about half the way round about, though some be of opinion, that at the East end, and on both the sides it should hang much lower. Those that were for necessity, were, as it seemeth, all the rest; namely, to bear off the weather: whereof one of them only is described of what proportion or quantity it should be; and the others, but only required. That which is described of what proportion or quantity it should be, is the next or second: which should be eleven (five of them being coupled together for one parcel, and six for another, and then both those joined together in one, but these but with taches of Brasse) and thirty cubits long; so to hang down lower then the other by one cubit or half a yard, round about. That this must be of Goats hair, belike it was to avoid the fretting and straining of the in-most that other-wise might easily have been by either of the other that were above it. Those others that are but only required, and not described, were two: one, of Rammes skins coloured red, the other, of the skins of Taxes or Badgers. But these by likely-hood should observe the proportion of the latter: and so cover the Tabernacle round about within two yards of the earth, though some conceive them to come nearer to the ground on the West end, and both the sides. The frame beneath (the strength of the whole) was to be erected of certain plankes made fast together, and so to be as it were the walls of the house. Concerning which we are to consider, first of the frame it self: then, of the parting, and closing of it. The frame it self consisted of eight and forty plankes of that afore-said good and dureable wood, all of them of the length of ten eubits, and about four inches thick; and all, but two, of one breadth also, every of them being one cubit and an half broad. Of two of them there is some question for the form and breadth of them, some of them accounting these to be a great deal narrower than the other: and the Text it self doth in deed set them down by themselves, as to close up [ E] the Corners on the West; yet not to be differing from the other in measure. But the odds is no more but this, that if they be not of much less measure than the others, the frame it self cannot be but some-what more than the third part of it in breadth, to that which it is all in length, which is the proportion which they do conceive that it should hold: whereas on the other side, if they were all of one measure and form, then would it fall out, to be six yards broad, for fifteen in length, whereas they would have it but five. How be it, besides that the Text setteth down no other measure for them, than for the other, it doth plainly appoint as many sockets to them as to the other: which would not keep so good proportion. For so those two borods, which according to their opinion should be but half a cubit and four inches broad, which according to our reckoning, were but one foot and an inch (and so but only one third of the others) should have two Tenons on them, and two Sockets thereunto appertaining, as well as the others which were seven and twenty inches broad, or (as we reckon) one yard and three inches: an unequal proportion. But for anything that I see to the contrary, those two boards or plankes that are severally mentioned in the Text, and thereby allotted unto the corners, may very well be of another form, than any that yet I see have conceived: both by the nature of the work; and by the words of the Text it self in the Original. That other form is, that either of them should be a right Angle; altogether of the same measure with the others: but one half of it plying to the end, and the other to the side of the whole frame. And each of these might be either an entire piece of it self, hewn out of purpose to that use: or made of two sides well fastened together. With the nature of the work I conceive it may well stand, because so it would be (as I do take it) much better to the strengthening of the whole (and that, in the Text, is much respected) than if they were two several parcels. If we come to the words of the Text it self in the original, there be two principal words that present themselves most to our consideration, and do both seem to import the sense that I speak of. My self have little skill therein: but it may suffice to this purpose, if I can so express my meaning, as that I may propound it to others that are better furnished, that they may consider more fully of it. The former of those words is Tomim, which with us is interpreted Ioyned; signifying that they were to be joined together: and yet not speaking of joining these two corner boards that there are spoken of; but of joining each of themselves together in one, above and beneath, or to make them fast together throughout. Which may seem to import that which we speak of: at least, that way they are best joined together to the strengthening of those parts [ F] of the Tabernacle whereunto themselves were to be joined; the one, at the one corner, the other at the other. But now the propriety of the word, as Santes Pagninus doeth interpret it, proceedeth farther; namely, to signify, that these two boards should be Twins; not each to other, but in themselves. And thereunto accord our best interpretations since likewise; which being granted, it is plain in it self, that they can be as Twins, in no other sense, so well as in this. The other word is, that which is interpreted a Ring: and that is so interpreted not only by our usual translations and those of the best; but also by the Hebritians themselves that before I named. How be it Santes Pagninus openeth the way to a better interpretation as I do take it, if he be well marked. For first setting down the root whence that word cometh, Tabagh, among other significations thereof, he showeth that one of them is to Fasten or make steady: and then coming to this derivation of it, which we so commonly interpret to be a Ring, which is Tabaath, as he granteth that it is used for a Ring; so he addeth withal, Quod digito infigatur sic appellatus: that is, therefore so called, for that it is fastened unto the finger. So it appeareth thereby, that the substance (as it were) of the sense that belongeth to this, is to Fasten or to be Fastened: and that a Ring hath no place here, but only so far as it might fasten. But that we see plainly, may the more firmly be done by the other: and therefore that other (as I do take it) may seem the rather thereby to be meant. Whereunto we may add, that, where as these Corner-boordes also were to have two sockets a piece as well as the others (which with any good proportion they could not have if they were so narrow as others would make them) in this sense that now we speak of, each return of each boorde having one, they answer with the other as fitly as may be. But by this means the Tabernacle would be three parts of a foot, or which is all one, nine Inches longer than just fifteen yards, and even so much broader than five: but neither is there anything that I do find in the word against; and the Curtaines or Coueringes (even the least of them all) are large enough, in comely manner, and proportionably to cover the same, and the utmost of them sufficient withal, by their sidenesse to stay both them-selves and the in most from the force of all weather. All which boordes or plankes were appointed to have at their nether ende both Tenons and Sockets, of each sort two: and their Sockets are by others (and that with good probability) conceived to have been sharp beneath, so to stick fast in the ground. But whereas those planckes were all to be over-laid with beaten Gold, all over, and so might seem to be all of Golde, all their Sockets were but of Silver: a baser Mettall; yet so [ G] much the more suitable to be thrust so far into the earth, as should be needful to take some reasonable good hold, as to such a frame should be needful. Besides which their fastening into the earth, they had other helps also of strengthening the whole frame together: some, set down in the Text it self; others conceived. Such as are set down in the Text it self, are those Bars and Rings that there are spoken of: whose manner of placing is notwithstanding otherwise conceived, than the Text may seem to describe it. For by the Text it is clear, that the Bars must be five, of Timber work also, but over laid with beaten Gold: and that there should be Rings of Gold in the Boordes, conveniently placed for those Bars to pass thorough; so to hold the whole the better together. And so it might seem thereby, that those Barres should be some-what better than fifteen yardes long, and about one foot, so many of them as were for the sides, which were ten; and the rest five and about one foot, which were for the end: and that one of them should go through the heart of all those plankes, edge-long, and in the midst of them, by holes that were made through them for that purpose; and that the other four should go through but by the Rings on the out-sides only, two of them above the midmost of them, and two beneath, in convenient and equal distance. But now others conceive, that only one of the five on every side, was so long as to go through the whole, and that it went not through the heart of them neither, but only by the Rings without: as also that the others were but of half the length of the former, and that meeting together in the midst, and the one being let into the other, two of them made as it were but one, and so seemed to be but only one above, another beneath, and three in all. Those other helps which are conceived, which the Text doth not so plainly set down (and yet some do seem thereon to gather it) were as it were certain Staples above (others call them also Rings) of Golde to be let into the boards or plankes at the top, by certain holes or mortases to that end provided: so that one foot of the Staple should be let into one board towards the edge of it, and the other into that which was next unto him; so the better to keep them all fast at the top together. And so this frame being thus set up, was at the East end altogether open as yet, and so all the top: but other-wise close every whit of it, within and without, bars and all, all of beaten Gold to see too, saving only that rew of Sockets or bases which were beneath, which also was very sayre and sightly, and yet those but of silver. As touching the parting and closing of it, it was divided into two principal parts, leaving ten cubits of it unto the West, and the rest unto the East: of which two the greater was called the Tabernacle of the Congregation [ H] or the Holy, and the lesser the most holy place. And the division hereof was made, not by such plankes as whereof the Tabernacle was reared, but only by a fair and rich hanging, hung on four pillars of Timber, covered with gold, and standing on four sockets or bases of Silver, for that only purpose ordained. Closed up in like manner it was not by plankes as the residue of it, but only by a fair hanging hung on five pillars covered with Gold as afore, but these having their sockets but only of brass. As touching the Court wherein it stood, it was an hundred cubits long, and fifty broad: so that the Sanctuary being reared up towards the East end of it, might leave about two parts of the breadth of it, or twenty cubits space betwixt it and the far end, and both the sides; and the whole East half of the court to the service and business that was there to be done. But whereas it could be but fifty cubits square that was so left, and had some things besides to be placed therein, thereby it may seem, that God did not mean that little room to the whole Congregation, neither did look that it would be much frequented by them. It was taken in by twenty pillars at a-side, and ten at an end: and hung about with twisted linen, five cubits high, on those pillars aforesaid; saving only at the East end where the entrance was, for twenty cubits space in the midst, which was to be supplied with a fairer and richer hanging than it, on four of the middlemost pillars. Where again it is good to mark (and that so much the rather, because I do not find it noted by any other) that whereas it is so plainly set down, of what length the hangings must be (namely, one hundred cubits on each side, fifty at one end, and thirty at the other, besides that supply of the richer hanging making out the length of the other) it doth seem to show us, that the number of the pillars is to be taken not to the full number that may seem to be there required, but to want four of them: yet ever leaving twenty at each side, and ten at each end; accounting every corner pillar both one of those that are for the side, and one of those that are for the end. For so will those hangings be fit: which otherwise would be very short if four pillars moe were in like distance placed therein, whether in the sides, or at the ends, or howsoever. All which pillars were to be of Timber-work, of that good and dureable wood, whereof the other things also were made: all of the measure of five cubits in height; and both furnished with brazen sockets or bases beneath, and adorned or beautified with Silver hooks and fillets above. The hangings also that were hung thereon, were of [ I] the breadth of five cubits, of twisted Linnen: and as some are of opinion, in workmanship so voided withal, and so like to Net-work therein, that the people might at their pleasure without, behold what was done within. The principal things that were in this Court (besides the Sanctuary it self) were two: the Altar, and Lauer. The Altar hath his measure and making set down, as that it should be of Timber-work likewise, of the same good and dureable wood of Sittim, five Cubits in breadth and length, and three high, hollow within, and horns ar every corner of it: but all covered with brass. Within it also should it have a grate of Networke all of brass whereby the ashes might fall down as need should be, and not choke the fire: and all the instruments thereunto appertaining of brass likewise; but the Barres whereby to bear it to be no more but covered with it, and not to be all of the metal it self. The Lauer hath not his measure nor making set down, but to be all of brass, both the head and base thereof: and that the brazen altar being first placed in conuement distance before the Sanctuary, then should this Lauer be likewise placed behind the Altar, betwixt it and the Sanctuary; and that Aaron and his sons for the time being (and such others as should succeed them in the Priest-hood) should there wash (and yet, as it seemeth, when they had already offered their sacrifice before, so precisely woule God have us to acknowledge our great uncleanness before him, even when we have most deuoutely worshipped) both hands and feet, before they should enter into the sanctuary, on pain of death. As touching those things that here he mentioneth that he would have done therein; first we are to consider, of those by whom he would have them done: then, of the things that should be done by them. In those by whom he would have them done; first, who they should be: then, how they should be thereunto appointed. They should be Aaron and his four Sons (so far as yet it pleaseth him to make mention of any: and those that were afterward called besides, he would have to be inferior to these) Nadab and Abihn, and Eleazar, and Ithamar: for these it pleased him to will Moses to call unto him for this purpose; namely, to serve him in the Priest-hood. How they should be thereunto appointed, that we may the better perceive, we are to consider: first, what their furniture must be: then, how they should be entered into their office. Their furniture must be certain fair and beautiful Garmentes (especially for Aaron himself; and partly also for his Sons besides:) but some of them common to all; and some more proper to certain of them. Common to all, were some without question: but one there is [ K] whereof may be some question made. Of those that were out of question, some were for their bodies; and one for their heads. For their bodies a couple: one, a plain Linnen Garment under their other apparel; the other, a fair Girdle aloft on their Clothes, to tie them together. That which they had to wear under their other apparel, was to cover them round about, from their loins or wast, down to their knees: that so their nakedness, in that their business, might never be seen, though at any time their other clothing, either by the wind or other casualty, as they should do their business there, should fly open, as such kind of loose apparel may ofttimes easily do. For their heads, they were to have (after the manner of the people of the East, as the Turks and others use yet) Miters or Bonets fair and beautiful, and to have them on in the time of their ministration: not being any token of reverence with them, to uncover their heads, as it is for men among us: but using to express it by stooping or bowing of their bodies, less or more to those that they reverence (according as their meaning is to show themselves dutiful unto them) and sometimes to prostrate themselves flat on the ground. That whereof there may be some question made; is the upper Garment of the inferior Priests, which was but of Linnen, but as it seemeth very fair, and that there was good workmanship thereon bestowed: but the question is, whether this were all one with that neathermost Garment of Aaron, which also was of Linnen. For some there be of opinion it was; and yet the Text in mine opinion, is rather against them. For whereas it is plain, that they should be their uppermost Garments, and that of Aaron's the nethermost to him; and whereas it specially set down of their Bonets, that they should be of special beauty: it may probably be thought, that the Text doth import them to be much fairer than the in-most Garment of Aaron, of which there is no such charge given, and for that so they would be more suitable to those Bonets of theirs withal. More proper to certain of them were those that were appointed for Aaron, farther than those that he had common with them: which were first in his apparel; then also, in other ornaments besides. In his apparel he had not only a Linnen Garment, as had the others: but also had two others besides. His Linnen Garment was imbroydered, or of Checker work, as others do read. Of the other two, the inmost was of Violet or Purple color, and the same of Silke, as it seemeth, and some do read: upon the skirts whereof should hang the likeness of Pomegranets, and Bels of Gold intermingled together: the one, to teach how full of fruit, (or nothing but fruit) our High Priest is: and how fruitful we also should be unto him: and the other howe impossible it is, but that he should earnestly cry to [ L] God his Father in all his intercession for us, in all the days of his ministration; and how we should do the like for our Brethren also, everyone as he hath charge. That other Garment of his, was very costly and fair: of fine twined Linnen, Silks and Gold, of diverse colors, richly imbroydered, shorter and closer than the other. The ornaments that he had besides, were two: one annexed to this his upper-most Garment; the other, unto that his Bonet. Unto this his uppermost garment was annexed, that his Jewel or Brest-plate, of rich imbroydered work about an hand breadth square, and double: richly set with twelve precious stones of several kinds, in four rewes, and every stone having the name of one of the Tribes of Israel engraven therein. Which Jewel, that it might remain steady in his place (as did most become the excellency and honor of it) it was fastened to this Garment by certain Chaines of Gold, both towards the shoulders above, and towards the sides beneath: but above, to a couple of fair and rich embosments of Gold, either of them having a large Sardonik Stone set therein, and the names of the Tribes graven in them again, six Tribes in the one, and six in the other. Which kind of Stone is not only aptest for engrauing (and GOD would have his people to be well and perfectly engraven in his High Priest) but also of that price or estimation withal, that when Polycrates the Prince of Samos, had continually so good success for a time, that he thought it best for him, voluntarily to undergo some special loss, least that good success of his should altogether turn upon him, having his Signet of one of that kind, he threw the same into the Sea, as one of the best Jewels he had, and might after a sort encounter or hold weight on the one side (though he could not so part with it: for a Fish had taken it; that Fish was taken, & brought to his Kitchen; and his Ring brought unto him again) with all his good succcsse on the other. Into which Jewel, (when so it was made) was Moses willed to put in Urim and Thummim: two several kinds; and both delivered in the plural number. But what these should be, neither the Hebrews themselves, nor others the best learned since, can yet determine; saving that by the propriety of the words most do think, that he should mean Light and Perfection (for as touching that conceit of Josephus, a Jew himself, and one of the Priests, that it should be a special and miraculous shining from those precious stones of old proceeding, but gone and ceased two hundred years before his time: or that of Rab. Solomon, that it should be that great Name of God, Tetragramaton, they have no ground, and are but impertinent in themselves:) Vrim signifying Lights or Illuminations; and Thummin, Perfections. [ M] Wherein it is not unlikely, as things are figures of some excellency in Christ, so the simplest and safest meaning may be, and most agreeable to other Scripture, that God thereby did mean, that it should be exceeding beautiful and perfectly wrought; the Stones to be as orient and fair in their kind as might be gotten, and the workmanship as good as any art could reach unto: and that Moses had a special charge, that so it should be. And this, so much the better to teach, that they could not so load that Jewel of Aaron's with beauty and workmanship, but that the High Priest that was to come, should come much more replenished with the truth indeed: and that those two from him should descend (to all that are his) in plentiful measure. It was indeed double; and it may be, not only for the strength of the thing, that it should not be Lithwak or weak, but stiff and steady: but also to contain somewhat within it; as it is the manner of men of old and ever since, in their Tablets or Jewels to carry some kind of perfume, one or other, such as themselves do best like of, or are able to reach. But that it was to that end left hollow, for Moses to put somewhat else into it, which should be of that kind as such a place were meet to receive, and yet withal might go under the name of Urim and Tummim (as some have in part conceived) that do I think were hard to find any ground-work at all. For that the charge was so given unto Moses, it may well be none other, than as it is attributed to Parentes, to prolong the days of their dutiful Children, and many such like. Unto his Bonet did appertain that Plate of Gold, wherein was engraven Holiness unto the Lord: showing thereby, that the High Priest who was to come, of whom this Aaron was but a figure, should be so perfectly holy, that by his holiness he should perfectly sanctify all the holy offerings of all his people; and to make themselves also acceptable to the Lord besides. Their consecration and entering into their office, should be by the Ministry of Moses: but some other things that should be needful thereunto, were to be before provided; and then were they to be consecrated unto the function to them enjoined. Those that should be needful hereunto, and were to be before provided, were, some of them but such as were left to their own discreation: but some others of that regard, as that for them the Lord himself doth give special direction. Those that were left to their own discretion, were all such Instruments, Vessels, and other Implements, as did appertain to the principal things before mentioned: as Incense-Cups; Chargers or Boales for the Shew-Bread; Vessels for Oil that was to maintain a continual light, and such things as were needful to furnish and dress the Lamps withal; Ba • ons, Kniues, Fire-Shouels, Tonges, and such like as should be occupied about the Brazen Altar; [ N] Towels for the Lauar; Cords, Pinnes, and Mallets, for the inclosure of the Court. Those others that were of such regard, as that for them the Lord himself doth give special direction, were three: one of them, for one only use; the others for moe. That which was for one only use, was Oil for the Lamps: and the direction that he gave for the same, was, that whereas it was to be drawn out of the Olive, and the common way was by pressing of them (as we have our Wine of Grapes, Pirry and Cider of Peares and Apples, and Verioyce of Crabbes) he would now only have such, as should be beaten out (as bruising fruit first, we make the Juice thereof more ready to flow) so to be of the purest that might be had. Those that were for mo,) were the annointing Oil; and the sweet Perfume: the former of them being to annoint diverse things of the Tabernacle, and the persons that should Minister therein; the other, not only for the Altar proper unto it, but afterward also used, both for a trial (as it seemeth) who it was to whom the Priest-hood was given, and to entreat God for the offenders in that Controuersie. And the direction that God gave for both these, was in effect all one: namely, that either of them should be most perfectly and exquisitely made; and that neither of them should be in any other use among them, nor any such made by any. As the truth is, that there is none but Jesus Christ, in whom we can be made acceptable or savory to God: and in him, so many as truly rest in him, are most redolent and sweet unto him. That part of his speech that is of some other things, thereon depending or belonging unto them, resteth in two principal pointes: one, that he had furnished men with skill to work those things that he required (he faileth not in the like in these days also;) the other, that nevertheless in all this business (Church-work though it were, as we do term such like sometimes) they mlght never for it break any of his Sabbaoths, but diligently observe them all. A manifest admonition to us, that God will in no wise allow many of those things that we do on his holy Sabbaoths, wherein we notwithstanding think our selves very excusable. Of all which when the Lord had delivered his mind unto Moses, then also he gave him the two Tablets of stone, wherein himself had written the Ten-Commandments, to take them down with him.

7 Concerning the breaking of that ensued, we are first to see what it was: then, [ A] how it was pacified, and made up again. Going about to find out what it was, we are first to note, what was the occasion of it: then to consider of the thing it self. The occasion of it, was that long absence of Moses: though about God's business, [ B] and their own; and though he had sufficient Deputies among them in that his absence. The thing it self we find partly in them; partly in the Lord: in them, that they committed a foul sin; in the Lord, that he was highly offended with them for it. Their sin proceeded most from themselves: but yet partly, from Aaron also. From themselves it proceeded, that they would needs have such a visible representation made: yea, though it were to a special charge unto themselves; and accordingly worshipped, when they had obtained. From Aaron likewise, that though he required such Jewels of them (and as it may seem, the rather to stay them) yet, on their so doing he yielded, made an Altar for it, and appointed the next day to be holy unto it. The Lord heereuppon was so offended with them, that first telling Moses how ill they they had done; he then telleth him also, that he saw very well, that they were but a naughty people: and therefore not amiss, utterly to destroy them; and to raise up a mighty people of him. The pacification or making up of this breach again, was presently attempted: but could not be as yet obtained. So are we to consider; first, howe it was in the mean season attempted: then, howe it was in the end obtained. Attempted it was first at this present: then afterward also. At this present, before he departed, he earnestly besought the Lord for them: and pleaded on his own glory, and former promise. Before he did assay it with the Lord again, he first himself made some good way to obtain: then after, he assayed it again. He made some good way first to obtain, both that he was himself so grieved with it: and that he did so punnish it also. Himself was so grieved with it, when he saw indeed what was done, that he cast away the Tables & brake them: either not witting for grief what he did; or condemning them as unworthy of so holy a Law, who now had so foully broken the same. In punnishing of it, he first destroyeth the Idol it self with great detestation, making them to drink of it also: and then roundly reproving Aaron for his facility therein, nothing sparing him for that he was his elder Brother, on the others that most offended he did a good execution besides, to the number of about three thousand persons. This way being made, and the people (as it may seem) being now brought to some profession of repentance for it, he goeth up to the Lord again, to see what might be done: but could not obtain. At this time it seemeth he alleged that profession of the people's repentance, because the Lord doth now (as it were) take exception against it. For he willeth them to lay aside their costly raiment: as if he should more plainly say unto them, that their using of it still did plainly show that there was no repentance in them. A needful lesson for us also, for that such trimming up of our selves doth plainly show, that then we have good liking of our selves: whereas true repentance doth ever carry with it a special great dislike of our selves; as nothing worthy to be so cherished. Whereupon Moses coming [ C] down to the people again, now removeth his Tent from among them (as we also should put a special difference in all such cases:) and the Lord appeareth familiarly unto him. Which sight, as it seemeth, so wrought with the people, that now they repented better, and laid aside their costly apparel. Obtained it was not all at once, but by degrees: first, that they should not be destroyed; then, that himself would also go with them. That they should not be destroyed, was obtained by Moses at his first intercession for them, before he came down from the mount. The next day also, at his second request, he obtained, that they might go on forward as they had begun; and that he would send his angel, with them: but yet would he remember them, as occasion should serve, for that their transgression. But now the third time, when the people did better repent, and Moses renewed his suite again, it pleased the Lord to promise to do it; and to give him some token of it, such as himself did then desire: but for a time, it was no more but promised to Moses; but afterward performed unto the people. While it was but promised to Moses, first we have that which concerneth this matter it self: then, that farther confirmation that was given him besides. That which concerneth the matter it self, is, that Moses again entreated for it; and that the Lord was entreated by him: willing him then to provide two other such Tables as he had before, promising again to write the Commandments in them; and him-self next morning alone to be with him, meaning him then that farther confirmation that he desired. Which farther confirmation was a farther manifestation of himself unto him, which accordingly he did vouchsafe him. When it was to be imparted unto the people, Moses first again remembereth the Lord about it: and the Lord again telleth him, that he will not fail to do it; but yet looking that the people should in like sort yield in some other duties to him likewise. The duties that God did now require of them, were but some of those again which he did inioyn them before, and whereupon he made with them the former covenant: now not charging them with any new; and contenting himself at this time, but with few of those. And if we mark, they all are such, as wherein it is evident, that it was not so much any service to him, as their own good estate that he respected therein. For first he requireth, that when they come into the land which he was now about to give them, they should for their own, sakes rid it of that corruption, which they should find in it when they came thither: then he directeth them, in what sort themselves should live therein, so to enjoy the benefit of that his favor now recovered to them again. As touching the former, he giveth them to understand, that himself doth mean to make a clean riddance of the ancient inhabitants of the Land: and therefore willeth them, that they on their parts also take heed, that [ D] they make no covenant with them; but vttetly to destroy those Idolles of theirs, and the whole manner of that their worshipping. The reason to be, for that other-wise, themselves also might sometimes be invited and feast with them in their Idol-feastings; and that taking their Daughters in marriage, they might so corrupt their children: whereas they ought to worship none but him; and he being a jealous God, they could not so do, but to their own over-throw. As touching the latter, two things there are that he doth forbid: all the rest he doth require. He forbiddeth them to have any God's of metal: and to be, either so unthankfull towards him, or so intemperate in themselves, as when they are to give their first-linges unto him, they obtrude them unto him when they are too young; or when they would fare more daintily, they wantonly eat of such things, before they be meet to be eaten. Those that he requireth, do all tend to this end, that they be dutiful worshippers of him: and that, first in such festival times as he had appointed unto them; then, in yielding unto him some part of that, where-withal it pleased God to bless them. The Festiual times that before he had appointed unto them, and which now he did require, were first the Sabbath: then, those three principal Feasts of the year besides. His Sabbaoths he would hane them so duly to keep, that he would not have them to meddle with them, neither in their seed time, nor harvest. Those other three Feasts he doth likewise require to be duly observed, promising also to preserve their Coasts in the mean season; and farther, giveth more special direction for the first of them: Namely, that they use no leaven then; nor leave ought thereof till the morning. As touching that where-withal it pleased him to bless them, he doth now again require, that they yield some part thereof unto him: both the firstlings that before he required; and some-what besides when they came to worship. For their first-lings he would have the first, not only of their Cattle, and fruits of the earth (and the unclean, to be redeemed with a clean:) but even of their Children too. That which besides he required when they came to worship, was, that everyone should give some-what: yet not prescribing anything unto them; but leaving it wholly to their own discretion. On these conditions (which also himself willed Moses to set down in writing) how fully the Lord did yield to be their good and gracious Lord again, himself declared, both by renewing those Tables again: and by clothing Moses with so special glory now. In those new Tables that were now provided, again he wrote the Ten Commandments: and gave them to Moses to the use of the people. Moses also he clothed now with so special [ E] glory, that they were not able to behold the brightness of his countenance, (though unwitting to him) but fled away from him: till he, espying what was the cause, cast a veil on while he talked with them. And truly, the glory of his true Seruaunts, is always great, though he make it not so to appear unto others.

8. This breach being thus made-up again, and the work that was in hand [ A] before, being now to proceed, Moses, according as now he had received directions already, first, setteth in hand to get all those things ready that God required: and then, doth rear, or set up the same, as he also appointed. To get those things ready, first he provideth against a danger that the people (by putting their hands unto) might easily incur by immoderate zeal, if they were not before admonished of it: and then requireth that they also would be helping therein, so far as to them should be appertaining. He provideth against that danger, when as now being to require of them, both themselves to bring in such things as were needful, and to help to work them besides (so many of them as should be found able so to do) he first requireth, that nevertheless the Sabbath be duly observed of them all: which otherwise themselves might have thought had not been so precisely to be kept, but that in such work as this, even by the nature of the work it self (being to erect a Sanctuary unto him) or at least, for the more speedy dispatch of it, they might on their Sab • oths have done something therein, In which place, because he forhiddeth them so much as to kindle a fire thereon, and yet elsewhere alloweth needful sustenance to be prepared, it seemeth the fires that here he speaketh of, were such as they should use about their works, as in melting their metals: though others there be, that more strictly take it; and that which is delivered of Manna, may seem to incline thereunto also. He requireth that they would be helping therein so far as to them doth appertain, in that both he requireth that free-will offering: and urgeth all those that have skill to be working thereon. The people accordingly so readily brought in their Free will offering, that they soon brought in much more than needed (a good example for us, so far as is needful, in such case to follow) and were fain to be stayed, from bringing anymore, by proclamation. The workmen likewise so applied their business, that they made all things as to them was prescribed; even by the confession of Moses himself: insomuch, that he blessed them for the same. As touching the rearing or setting of it up, we are first to consider [ B] of the thing it self: then of some other things thereupon ensuing. As touching the thing it self, first let us see how it was performed: then, because it was a work of special moment. therefore it shall not be amiss, that we again consider some-what farther of it. For the performance of it, unto the direction that GOD had given to Moses before, in what sort to set up and place all things thereunto appertaining, he addeth now special pointes moe: one, for the time; another for one point of the manner of it. For the time, he appointeth that it be done the first day of the first month of the second year since they came out of Egypt: which was as the first day of March with us; and so some-what within the year, after that great deliverance of theirs. That one point that respecteth the manner of doing it, was, that having reared it and set all things in order, then was he to anoint both the Tabernacle it self, and the things there unto appertaining, with the brazen Altar and Lauer without, & the Instruments thereunto appertaining, with that sweet & holy Oil, which God had caused him to that end to provide: a very good assurance to us, that not only the Church in general, & the chief & principal members thereof; but every member in particular also, even the meanest of all, are by faith in christ made acceptable and sanctified to God the father. And whereas not only the place itself, & the things thereunto appertaining were by God's ordinance thus anointed; but Aaron also & his sons, when they were washed and revested to enter into their holy function (the Priest-hood being but only a figure of the Priest-hood of Christ, and the Virtue and power of it being only in Christ) hence also may we gather, that in the Priest-hoode of Christ alone, all that believe have so full atonement with God, that they never need to seek to any other help whatsoever. Now, if our selves think good to consider any farther of this special and beautiful work of God, being without it, we see nothing else but only a small quantity of ground taken in: and the upper part of a building (flat in the roof, and in color gray) reared up towards the farther end of it. The ground we see to be taken in, neither with Ditch, Hedge, nor Wall: but only with hanginges of fair Linnen, purposely wrought about; two yards and a half high or near thereunto. Which Linnen hangings we find to be hung on fair Pillers of wood, of convenient distance betwixt; having their bases or feet of Brasse, and by those pitched into the earth: but their [ C] hooks where on those hangings were hung, to be of Slluer; and the heads, of those Pillers also to be beautifully garnished with silver besides. And that these might stand more steady, we find those pillars to be stayed up on every side likewise, with cord (after the manner of pitching Tents) and all the pins, together with the Mals to drive them in, and to knock them out, to be of Brasse also. This enclosure or new-in-take we find to be coasted, the sides towards the North and the South; and the ends towards the West, and East: neither do we find any entrance thereunto, but only at one end of it, and that on the East. But some are of opinion, that those hangings were in the workman-ship of them throughout so voided, that those that were without, might everywhere look in at their own discretion and pleasure. At the East end where the entrance was, we find the front thereof towards the Corners of it to be closed-up but as the rest of the Court besides: but for ten yards of the midst of it, and for the space that the four middlemost pillars had betwixt them, that do we find to be closed up with a richer and fairer hanging of twined Linnen, and Blew Silke, Purple, and Scarlet, and the same throughout to be wrought with the Needle: but in heighth to be but eeuen with the others. Which, as it seemeth, yielded unto men two places of entry: One, on the right hand, betwixt those two hanginges, the richer and the meaner on the North; the other, on the left hand towards the South, at the other end of this rich hanging. When we are come in, then do we see the Sanctuary it self, erected towards the farther end of the Court; but some things to be placed betwixt us and it: and those to be two. One, the brazen Altar, some reasonable distance on this side of it: the other, the brazen Lauer a little beyond it, betwixt the Sanctuary it self and the Altar. Then drawing near to the Sanctuary it self, if we take the course to walk about it, to see the outside of it, there we find room, betwixt the outside of the Court and it, somewhat better than eight yards broad on both the sides of it, and so belike at the West end also: save ostely so far as the Cords and pins that hold up the pillars, do encumber to such use some part of the room. So going about it, now we do plainly discern the upper covering to he of Badgers skins, to bear off the weather: and the frame it self to stand upright, all of Golde to see too, from beneath the covering towards the earth, saving only that near to the earth we find it to be under-laid with silver; and the workmanship of both, though but plain, yet very orderly and fair. If we look nearer unto it, or mark it better, [ D] then we find, that neither that Golden frame it self, nor that under-laying that was of Silver, is of one entire or whole framing, but that either of them consisteth of diverse parcels. For first, that rew of Silver beneath, we find to consist of one & forty parcels on either side; and of fourteen at the West end of it; all of one workmanship, and of like distance one from another, substantial and fair; and, as it seemeth a good part of them Pike-wise descending into the earth, as well as we find a good part of them in sight above, and the same of convenient breadth, strength, and framing to sustain the frame thereon imposed. On these Bases we find to be set, and by certain Tennons to be let in, as it were, an whole main wall of Golde, both on the sides and West end of it, and the same about five yardes high. But giving better eye unto it, we espy all to be of several parcels; but yet to be all in proportion and order: twenty of those parcels at each side, and six at the end, all of one measure, form, and beauty, everyone about ten cubits high, and about one and an half in breadth; everyone likewise by two several Tenons to be firmly let into those silver Bases beneath. At the end we find (as we do take it) that both the end and sides are joined or coupled together in one, just at the two Corners of it, by other two parcels of the like measure, and beauty: but of diverse form from the others. For either of these we take to be all of one piece, & in effect as broad as the others: but to be framed to a right angle: one half of their breadth so extended, as may most conveniently meet fit with the sides; and the other in like sort, as may on both sides join fit with the end. Those parcels also we note to have two Tennons a piece, in either of their moities one: each of them letting in those Tenons of theirs, into those Sockets or Bases that are next to the corner, on either side of the Corner one; and so letting in one a piece into the sides (which doth make the odd that we spake of) and another in the end where they are, which also maketh out the number aforesaid. We found likewise, as we do remember (for others of us there be that are of other opinion herein, some in one point, some in another, whom we would be loath to prejudice) that these several parcels had everyone of them (that were of one form) four Rings of Gold, set strongly in them; and those two corner parcels of other form, in each of their wings or leaves, as many: from the midst upward a couple, one about three quarters of a yarde above the midst, and the other of like distance upward from it again; and from the midst downward anoother couple, in like distance also. By which said four rewes of Golden Ringes, there passed four bars of such wood, as to such purpose was meetest; but every of them clean over-laid with beaten Golde: being all to fasten the frame together. [ E] We heard likewise, that whereas there was a double distance left in the midst, to any other part of it besides, that not only it was supplied by any other such bar passing through the heart of them all within; but also, that as by the bases they were fastened beneath; so by certain couplings, which coupled one of them to another, they were likewise fastened at their tops above. So having thus far found the outward face or show of the Tabernacle, for both the sides and farthest end of it, and now drawing towards the entrance of it, there we first find, in the Court before it, these two principal things that before we briefly mentioned: the Altar of Burnt-offerings; and the standing Lauar. The Altar we find to be as it were, breast-hie, and of convenient or competent length and breadth to the use for the which it was ordained, and to see to, four square, hollow within but supplied with a grate, both apt to hold up the Fewell and fire, & such other things as should be laid thereon, and yet not to stay the ashes, blood, and the like, but that such thin •• , might have thence ready passage: which also we find to be made for carriag 〈…〉 ing fair and strong Rings by the sides, and bars put through meet for that p 〈…〉 ose. All which may seem to be altogether of Brasse, together with the ho •• es •• at at the Corners thereof are erected: but that we understand the frame of it to be but of wood, for the more tolerable carriage of it; and yet with brass fair over-laice, and so the bars also whereby to be borne. The Lauer we find (as it were behind the Altar from the sight of the people; namely, betwixt it and the Sanctuary: all of brass, and very fair; both the Lauer it self, and the base whereon it standeth. A piece of workmanship, for the fairness and comliness of it, be •••• full enough in it self: but yet more admirable, when once we hear whereof it was made. For it is said, that whereas God, when the people a little before had sinned, required of them, before he would be reconciled to them again, that they should lay aside their costlier apparel, as over great testimony against themselves, that so long as they braued in it, neither was there, neither could be any true repentance in them: • ow, even the women that most of all are given to the vanity of apparel▪ and to that end were wont to trim up themselves by their glasses (which it seemeth they had of Brasse, as we have the like of Steele; and that they had as good and re 〈…〉 y a way to work them of the one, as we have to make them of the other) [ F] so 〈…〉 that their wonted vanity, that they freely gave them unto the work that 〈…〉 hand, and that so of them only this Lauer was made. For as touching 〈…〉 terpreted by some, that this Lauar was made of Steele, true it is that the He 〈…〉 •• d signifieth both: but then, because brass is a great deal more meet to 〈…〉 ose▪ and more suitable to the rest of those things that to that place apper 〈…〉 en by their own interpretation also) for which the other would be nothing 〈…〉 et (at least for diverse of them) therefore I rather marvel that they would so interpret, than conceive any reason why we should rather follow them than others therein. The end of the Tabernacle it self, from the upper-part down-ward, till it come within two yardes of the earth, or there-about, we find to be shut up with those fair Coueringes that were cast aloft above the frame, and so did cover the vpperpart of it round about; but the nether part of it, with a fair rich hanging wrought with the Needle of twined Linnen and Silke, Blew, Purple, and Scarlet; hung on five fair Pillers of Timber, but their Chapters and Hookes of Golde, and their Bases or Sockets of Brasse. By which hanging, at both the ends of it there was convenient entrance into the Tabernacle it self. Entering into it, we find it, (for the length) to be parted in two: and the higher room to be much greater, than the farther may seem to be. In this hither room, considering first of the place it self, we find it to be about a five yardes high, as much in breadth or somewhat better, and the length to be as it were double, clean covered above, with that fair rich covering of twined Linnen and Silke, Blewe, Purple, and Scarlet, consisting of diverse parcels, but reaching throughout from side to side, all of one size, and all fairly embroidered with Cherubims: and by the sides to be closed, with eeuen and fair Walls, as it were of beaten Gold, the nether parts as it were a small Boarder beneath, only of Silver; neither of them being one entire thing, but consisting of several parcels, yet all one measure, uniform, and fair. Then casting our eye to the chief things that were therein (we find them to be three:) none of them all of any great quantity, but proportionable unto the room for the which they were ordained. Of these three, two of them were opposite one to the other: the third somewhat beyond them both, towards the midst from side to side, & of much like distance from either of them. Those that were opposite one to the other, were, on the right hand towards the North, the Table of the Shew-Bread, with Barres unto it, ready for carriage, all of clean Gold to see too, with a dozen of Bread thereon, rather resembling Cakes than Loaues (as they are made [ G] with us) six towards the one ende, and six towards the other, in fair covered Dishes or Boales of Golde, to that ende ordained: on the left hand towards the South, the standing Candlestick of beaten Gold, with three branches on either side spreading themselves forth by the sides of the room in convenient manner, and one in the midst, fairly wrought, and meet to such purpose, and every of the seven having a Lamp at the top continually burning. That which was somewhat beyond them both, and of much like distance from either of them, was an Altar of Incense or sweet Perfume, with bars unto it ready for bearing, to see to likewise all of Gold, and fairly wrought, together with an Incense Cup thereon of Gold likewise: on which Altar, morning and evening when the Lamps were dressed, a most precious and sweet Perfume was daily burnt unto the Lord. All which three principal things of the room that yet we are in, had diverse other Vessels and necessary implementes to them appertaining, of Golde likewise, and fairly wrought. Betwixt this, and the in-most place, we find a rich hanging, from side to side, of the like work to that other above, where-with the whole frame was first covered: having on four Pillers, all of Golde to see too, having their Sockets all of Silver. The in-most place we find to be, but about the one half of the other, for the roomth or quantity of it; but otherwise of the same height, and covered above as the other: and in this, not only the sides as in the other, but in the end also to be as it were all of Gold, saving that nether boarder of it, and that to be only of Silver, of several parcels, and yet all uniform, and fair as the other before. In this roomth we find but one thing only; but that the chief of all the rest, as it seemeth, by the place that is vouchsafed: namely, a Coffer and a Chest, without feet, plain and square, about an Ell in length, and of breadth correspondent, with bars unto it, for the carriage of it, with two Cherubims, or upper bodies of men, and Wings of Angels, arising up on the heads thereof, setting their faces, and extending their Wings each towards others, unto the midst of the lid whereon they were framed; but to see to, all of Gold, very fair and perfectly wrought; which so rich a Chest or Coffer, in the Scriptures called an Ark, we understand to be made only for those two Tables of Stone, wherein the Ten-Commandments were written: an evident testimony unto all, of what price he would have those Commaundementes to be, to all his people. From out of which Chest, as it were from those Ten-Commandments, and so as it were ftom between the Wings of the Cherubims, we understand, that the Lord being sought unto, would ofttimes graciously hear them, and give them [ H] answer; and thereupon was the upper part of this Chest, which was the lid or covering of it, called the Mercy-Seat, and the vulgar Translation, the Oracle also.

9 Truly a notable sight in it self: and to the outward or bodily eye, such as [ A] I think could hardly be had (of this kind) in all the World, in that age that now we are in. But if we consider, that as all things were in figures and shadows then, and did betoken better things that were to come in ages ensuing; so these things also might be of that Nature, and praefigure to us much better things than we find in themselves: so might we find the beauty of them, far to exceed, not only the beauty of all that then were, but also of all that ever were since in all the World. Not, that now I seem to approve, that which diverse of our Leaders before have thereof conceived and commended unto us; that the Court should signify the nether part of the World; the out-most place of the Tabernacle, or the Tabernacle of the Congregation, the Heavens withal the Ornaments thereof, as the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars; and the most holy or in-most part of it, the highest Heavens where God and his Saints are in glory, and such like. Matters a great deal too far fetched, and far too base (for diverse of them) to have at all any place here: especially, when as there are others of greater dignity a great deal, to whom these are to be reserved: namely, Christ himself, and all the company of faithful, or his true members here on earth: showing in what sort they are united or joined together; and what they are, both in the sight of others, and in themselves, and what notwithstanding by his goodness towards them. For first, as touching the roomth or space that was taken up, we see it was but very small: and of all the great and infinite numbers and multitudes of most populous Nations and people's of the World, they are but few, and very few too, in comparison of the rest that consecrate themselves to any special regard of God indeed; and so may seem to be taken in to be any piece of this his Sanctuary. Again, the people were, by estimation, about 200000. persons that belonged unto it. For those that were at man's state, able to bear Arms, or at the age of twenty years, or above, were better than 600000. their Women of that age we may by likelihood account as many or moe, for that it brake no square with them to have moe Wives than one; and the younger sort, both Men and Women, something capable of instruction in the way of godliness, so many moe as are like [ B] enough to make up that number. But here was not room for one thousand of them, at once to come in, and worship there, if at any time they were so disposed. The Priests and Levites that were soon after taken in to that service, were themselves so many, that the room was in a manner little enough for so many of them as in their course should there do their service. So it may seem by this proportion, that God himself also made no other reckoning of that his people, but that, although they were his only people of all the world, and themselves were a great people too: yet few of them would at any time (to speak of) much regard to visit his Sanctuary, or to tread in that Court of his; not only, not in the way of any true devotion indeed, but also but seldom, howsoever. The fence of this Sanctuary, after the manner of the World, was of no strength at all; no more in effect, but a piece of Linnen hung round about it: but it had an invincible strength from above. And the sense that his Church, or better sort of his people have here, by the great carelessness that is in all the great estates of the World generally, is marvelous weak; and, for any good help, that at any time lightly they have thereby, that ever lie open in a manner to the spoil of all: as even now also in the days of the Gospel, and in those that themselves do most profess it, is plain to be seen. But undoubtedly they have, a strong and sure avenger above. Approaching nearer with mind to go in, we find the entry very fair: a good allurement unto all; but yet little regarded by any. And yet notwithstanding, it is very certain, that even the very entrance it self unto the Lord, in any good manner, is very fair and beautiful to him: and, in the way of singular blessing. Neither are any men so far past all regard of God, but that they also account it a thing of special beauty in any, and a special ornament unto them, to be devoutly given: but the wiser, and better sort among them, do undoubtedly know it so to be, and accordingly make that reckoning of it, that to be truly religious towards GOD, is the only ornament of true honor and beauty that any can have in all the world; & that without it, whatsoever other good or commendable things are in us, either they are of no reckoning at all, as wanting their Grace, or else are foully blemished besides. When once we are in, and do but begin to look about us, in what order, [ C] and how decent are all things there: And truly God is not the Author of any confusion or disorder, whatsoever: but hath all his works, in a marvelous fair and beautiful order, correspondent, and suitable one to another. Neither are they any part of his mystical Tabernacle, that either are Authors of such confusion, or so iumble things together: or are but themselves disorderly patches, nothing suitable unto the Garment whereto they are set. Comming unto the Altar of burnt offerings, there we find, as it were, in fair and large Capitall Letters, and very plainly engraven thereon, that we are all, even the choice people of God, and the best of those also exceeding sinful; and that the same sin of ours is in no wise to be done away but only by blood: and yet that it is not our own blood that would serve; but that it must be the blood of some other. Necessarily thereunto appertaining, we find both a Sacrifice: and a Priest to offer the same. The Sacrifice must be some such as hath not offended: it must be living, that it may die; it must be clean and without all blemish, or it will not serve. In the Priest, who is the chief Actor herein, even at the first we find very much: we find him to be such as God himself hath appointed, or called unto it; and such as he hath accordingly furnished. Our poor harts, ever as we feel the burden of sin, and more seriously consider, how fearful wrath is from the justice of God due unto it, would gladly find, by what good means we might be reconciled to him again, to the forgiveness of those our sins, and to the escaping of those his judgments: or, who it were, that we might hope, could well undertake that business for us. In which careful thoughts of ours, we can no sooner find, that God himself hath appointed one to that purpose, but that a good part of those fearful remembrances do presently vanish away, and our hearts are much relieved thereby. Viewing him better, and more specially marking how he is furnished, even at the very first we find, that his ornaments are so many, and so rich, that he is exceeding glorious thereby: and therefore it cannot be, but that we may have very great contentment in him. More specially we find, and that but even in the skirts of his clothing, that his Pomegranets betoken some fullness or special abundance, whether of righteousness, or of the favor of God towards those, on whose behalf he is so called unto that Priesthood: and that he cannot address himself or bend his course to enter the Sanctuary, to make inter cession for his people, but that though himself hold his peace, yet even his Bels yield a golden sound in the ears of the Lord. Raising up our eyes somewhat higher. Among [ D] his other ornaments, we find on his breast a rich and precious Jewel, showing the names of all his people to be as it were engraven in his heart, and there likewise to be most pretiously set: and the self-same Tablet or Jewel to hang from his shoulders, from two fair imbossements of Gold, either of them set with a fair and large precious Stone, in which the Names of the 12. Tribes were written again, six in the one, and six in the other, the better to teach us, and to make it plainer unto us, that he also on his shoulders doth bear his people's burden before the Lord. And though it be as fair and perfectly wrought, as the skill of man could reach unto us (as the Lord himself, if we conceive his meaning aright, did plainly require, when he did so specially charge Moses to put both Vrim and Tummim into it, requiring thereby, as we do take it, that it should not only be most fair to the eye, but also as perfectly wrought indeed, as might be devised:) yet because God did so specially will him to put such Beauty and Perfection into it, we apprehend much more thereby, than any fullness or skil of man can yield unto us. Besides this, we find another special Ornament on his head, that Crown or plate of Gold, wherein was engraven Holynes unto the Lord: being given thercby (as we do take it) to understand, not so much that such as follow in that kind of function should be holy before him (for it was set on the fore-part of his head, not within the reach of his own eyes, so to direct that lesson unto himself; but only in the sight of others, so to let them see, what was on their behalfes to him imputed) as that, whereas on their parts it was absolutely needful, that true holiness should be exhibited unto the Lord for them, there might they all see, even in that most honorable personage, and in the most conspicuous part of him too, a very comfortable demonstration of it. In the Lauer beyond the Altar, whereat these were ever to wash, before they did their service to God, we find likewise delivered unto us, and that very plainly as we do take it, both that we are to cleanse our selves so much as we may, before we approach to the presence of God: and this especially besides, that whereas notwithstanding all those 〈◊〉 and attributes before rehearsed, himself also notwithstanding must w •• h, even that only in it self is sufficient to give us warning, that we rest not in him; but that by him we suffer our selves to be directed unto some other. In him therefore, and in his glory, in all his ornaments, and in every of them, do we, to our great and singular comfort, behold him that was then to come, Jesus Christ the Son [ E] of God, the only Lord: whom only it hath pleased GOD to appoint to be our Friest; whom also he hath furnished withal sufficiency; yea, and absolute fullness thereunto appertaining. And so coming to the Sanctuary it self; first, we note, even the outside of it, to be to our great and singular comfort. For every of those parcels (whereof the whole frame chiefly consisteth) though they be but Timber within, yet are they all, and every of them, over-laid with beaten Gold. Certain it is, we all are Sinners, not only the meaner, but the better sort also: but being ouerlaide with that beaten Gold, of his holiness and righteousness before God, our sin is clean covered, and we are altogether fair and beautiful to him. And though we be several in our selves, yet are we so coupled one to another, by the means that he hath ordained. The Barres whereby a special part of our uniting is performed, are of two sortes; one passing the midst of them all; others, by the out-sides only. And so it pleaseth him, not only to use means without, to join us together: but also to frame our hearts within to incline unto it. But in this they agree, that these also are all of them clean covered with that beaten Gold aforesaid: both those hearts that are so inclinable thereunto; and those others that work it without. And the whole being covered in such sort as it is, so beautifully within, and so providently without, we also therein may conceive, that we are under such a protection of God, as being to our selves exceeding sweet and glorious, is nevertheless both stern and rough enough unto all the intemperate weather of the world whatsoever, that at any time goeth about to impair the tranquility and peace of that his Sanctuary. Comming now to the fore-front of it, there to enter, and to consider of the things within, first we see the front it self to be very fair: and sure we are, that not only any true entrance towards God is fair in it self; but also discloseth many things of inestimable price to such, that others do never attain unto. Being entered in, there find we all to be full of glory: and sure it is, that the Lord's holy place, even here on earth, though it consist but of sinful men, yet hath he adorned the same with so great beauty of spiritual graces, that it is exceeding glorious indeed. More specially we find therein, a very good assurance, on the side, that being in him we have our sustenance, even all things needful, ever ready, both for our bountiful maintenance here, and to feed us to life everlasting: on the other, that he also is a perpetual light unto us, both to direct us in all our ways here, and especially in those that are to bring us to his endless glory. There also we find, [ F] that albeit all things we do unto God be exceeding short, imperfect, and stained too too foully; so that by right, his holiness and justice might never accept of anything that we do unto him: yet are they so perfumed by Christ, and by that incomparable and exquisite scent, that out of his holiness and righteousness doth ever arise unto the Father, that now they are not only accepted of him, but also become most welcome unto him. The Inner place, or the Most-Holy, we find to be separated from us, by that fair and rich hanging: but the beauty of it without, doth bid us expect a far more greater beauty within. For there do we find, what special great reckoning it pleased God to make of the Ten-Commandments: first, in that he provided such a Casket to keep them; then, in gracing them so far as he did besides. For the Casket that was provided to keep them in, was the Ark, that fair and rich Chest, all ouerlaid with beaten Gold: the lid of it of pure Golde; and gloriously decked with those two Cherubims of Gold likewise. It is true, that some other things were afterward put hereunto also, (as afterward we are to see:) but originally, or at the first, that rich, fair, & sumptuous Coffer, was provided only for these. It pleaseth God specially to grace them, two several ways besides. One was, that this was vouchsafed to have the chief and principal place in the Tabernacle, or to be accounted the very chief and principal thing thereunto appertaining: and therefore in all their journeys the honor of precedency or going before, was given unto it. The other, that the Lord himself made it, as it were the place of his abode or being among them, his Cloath of estate, or royal throne; even between the wings of those two Cherubims: and thereupon directed them; when at any time they would ask any question of him, that thither they should repair for resolution, and there attead to have his answer; and told them withal, that thence he would give it, even as out of those two Tables, The Ten-Commandments. And true it is, that the Ten-Commandments, are another manner of piece of Scripture (as also may appear by the manner of giving of them) than they are commonly taken to be, even by our Leaders themselves, and those ofttimes of the greatest too. And seeing the Lord would thence give all his answers, what letteth, but that we also may well assure our selves, that there is no point of duty or Religion at all, which is not very directly in them, if not in plain terms, and at large, yet (after their manner) implicatiuely and summarily delivered unto us? So there also do we behold, though not in particular, yet in good measure, and very clearly, a wonderful excellency of all holy wisdom and knowledge in those two Tables: either leading or driving all unto Christ; and so, to all fullness in him. Lastly, we understand likewise, that all this whole building, [ G] together with the chief and principal things that were therein, and the meaner instruments that did belong unto them, were all anointed with that most sweet and precious Oil of sweet perfume: and so, in such plentiful measure sanctified in Christ, that both this whole building it self, and every member and parcel of it, and whatsoever is either to it, or to any of those (by that ordinance of his) appertaining, is all made holy and most acceptable to God the Father, though other-wise such, as his Justice could never spare, nor his holiness ever abide.

10. Reared up in this order it was (as God himself also commanded) in the [ A] beginning of the second year of their deliverance out of Egypt, even the very first day of the same, they beginning (in such respect) their year in the Spring, & so, as it were (for there is some odds) in the beginning of March with us: the first year (all but the first fourteen days of the same, which they spent in Egypt) being now spent in coming out of Egypt, and in coming thus far into the wilderness; but the most part of it, in providing and making these things aforesaid. But now when these things were provided, and the Tabernacle accordingly erected, then, shortly after, they were appointed of God to remove thence, and to go on in their journey again. So are we first to consider, of such Stories as belong to the place, where yet they are: then, of such as belong to their removing hence or going forward. That we may the better find out what things belonged unto the place where yet they are, we are to note, that here they abode, until the twentieth day of the second month, of the second year, since they came out of Egypt: and therefore, that such things as we have in the end of this fortith chapter of Exodus for the last five verses of it, and all that we have in the whole Book of Leviticus, and in the first nine Chapters, and the first ten verses of the tenth, of the Book of Numbers, do all appertain unto the time of their abode here. In which time we have some-things appertaining unto the Tabernacle for the erecting & dedicating of it, & something of other matters besides. Unto the Tabernacle for the erecting & dedicating of it, it doth appertain, first that God did so declare his own approbation, or his gracious acceptance of it: then, some other things that at the first erecting of it were to be done by others. God declared his approbation or his gracious acceptance of it, both by a plain visible Testimony to all: and, by some private talk that then he had with Moses besides. The visible Testimony was, both in that fire came from him and devoured the Sacrifice; and in that he so covered the same above in the sight of them all, with that Cloude, and so filled the place within with his glory • , that Moses ••• a time could not enter into it. That [ B] private talk that then he had with Moses besides, was as touching certain laws that then he did prescribe unto him: and so most fit to be remembered together with others, in another place ensuing. Those other things therefore, that were now there to be done, were diverse: some, appertaining to this present; others, to a time soon after ensuing. Of those that were to be done at this present, we are are first to see, what was to be done by Moses himself: then, what by others besides. Of those things that were to be done by Moses, some things are in plain terms appointed to be done by him: and one thing there is besides, that it seemeth was for the time to be done by him likewise. Those that in plain terms were appointed unto him, were the Consecration of Aaron and his Sons to the Priest-hood; and the cleansing of the Altar: the former of which is distinctly and plainly set down how it should be done; the other, nothing so plainly as it. As touching the Consecration of Aaron and his four Sons (Nadab, Abibu, Eleazar, and Ithamar) unto the Priest-hood, when there-with he was to sent in hand, he first called the Elders and people together, and assured them, that that which now he was to do before them, was by the special appointment of God himself: so (belike) to prevent all sinister conceit in them, that he had some partial meaning therein, as being affectionate carnally unto his Brother, and to his Nephews. Then calling them unto him, and setting in hand with their consecration, he washeth their hands and feet at the Lauer; putteth on their holy Garments; and annointeth them unto their office with that Oil of sweet perfume. This being done, then a sucking Calf, and two Rammes without blemish, together with a basket of Bread, Cakes, and Wafers, all unleavened, and of fine Flower (the bread other-wise but such, as, it seemeth, as was ordinary, or such as was used to be eaten with meat, but the Cakes tempered with Oil as the manner is to use Butter with us, and the Wafers laid over with Oil too) being before to that end provided, were now presented unto the Lord. Of which three Beasts, and of that which was in the Basket, part must be offered unto the Lord: and part must remain to Aaron and his Sons, for them to feed on. But if they marked, as then it was evident that they had bodily sustenance by that which did redound unto them: so had they good and needful instruction by that which was offered. For first they must have (notwithstanding that so they were called by the appointment of the Lord himself; had already washed; and were revested now with those holy Garments) a Sin-offering sacrificed for them, which was that sucking Calf: on which themselves all must lay their hands, to acknowledge their own guiltiness before him. Then must the innocent beast be killed, as it were for their sin: his blood being taken must Moses put, or some little part of it, even with his finger on the horns [ C] of the Altar, there to remain as a witness against them (though the one was his Brother, and his elder too; & the others, his Nephews) and the rest, as of no worth to such a purpose, but only in figure, must he pour forth at the foot of the Altar: the Kidneyes also, and all the fat of the inwards must Moses burn on the Altar before them. And the better to give them to understand, how exceeding odious they were unto God by their sin; yea, and how unworthy also to have any place at all among men, such as are the people of God: not only the excrements and skin, and the other parts of the beast that were the more homely, and to less use, but even the whole weal besides, though otherwise good and whole-some, and dainty meat, must be had away, as an execrable thing, and so burnt without the host. Then also in the next must the Lord only be served: themselves must there have no part at all yet, having already acknowledged their uncleanness unto the Lord by the other, and now having offered in this apacificatory sacrifice on their behalf, and the Lord himself giving his Testimony of it, that it should be an acceptable Sacrifice unto him; herein may they to their great comfort see, that notwithstanding their unworthiness, and extreme insufficiency to be any Priests unto him; yet of his goodness it pleaseth him to accept of themselves, and of the administration of that their function. So the next Sacrifice must be one of those two Rammes, which being presented before the Lord, then must Aaron and his Sons lay on their hands on the head of it also, as beseeching the Lord, in the blood of that guiltless Beast (but that being but only a figure of a more precious blood than it) to accept of them and of their Ministry in those holy things about him. Whereupon, the Beast being killed, his blood must be sprinkled round about upon the Altar: a more evident Token, that they have no interrest there, nor any likely-hood of acceptance with him, but only by blood. Then must the sacrifice (in some good and decent manner) be cut in pecces; the inwards and legs thereof first washed, and laid in some order together, must be wholly burnt unto the Lord: him-self assuring them, that it should be an acceptable Sacrifice unto him. But now cometh the third wherein Aaron and his Sons had a good portion; even all the flesh almost, and almost all the Bread, Cakes, & Wafers in the basket besides: which was the second of those two Rammes, which now in the third and last place was thus to be sacrificed. First, both Aaron and his Sons were to lay their hands on this also, and so to present him unto the Lord as to be a Peace-offering, or a Sacrifice of Thanks-giving for them: and so they had very good cause, as well for teaching them to account them-selves to be very great and detestable sinners, as nevertheless for giving so good assurance unto them, that he accepted of them to this so [ D] great and holy a function. They having thus given-in that Ram to be their Sacrifice, then was Moses to kill it, and not only to sprinckle the blood of this upon the Altar, as in the other: but also to put some little part of it on the lappes of the right ears (as to be a special earing to them) on the Thumbe of the right hands, (as their Signet of Golde) and on the great Toe of the right feet, both of Aaron himself, and of his Sons with him; and mingling another part of it with some of that Oil of sweet perfume, to besprinkle both them, and their Garments therewith. A thing of greater price, belike than those fair and rich Garments of theirs; even those of Aaron's also, which were most royal: and those drops, or sprinkling of blood mingled with that Oil afore-said, as they were of a fragrant scent, so to be most precious unto them, and the fairest Jewels in all their Garments. This being done, then was only the right shoulder and rump of this, together with the Kidnyes and fat of the inwards, as in the sucking Calf before, one Loafe, one Cake, and one Wafer out of the Basket, to be burnt on the Altar before the Lord: but first, all these together were to be given into the hands of Aaron, and into the hands of his Sons, and they were jointly to heave them up, so to present them unto the Lord, as coming from them or being their present: and then was Moses again to take them, and to make the offering of them. But here, whereas most of our Translations either add shaking too and fro withal, in the Text it self, or in their Annotations thereon, and then withal yield to Rab. Solomon, that it was a munting or wauing of it unto the four quarters of the world, East, West, North, and South, as claiming thereby on the Lord's behalf the Seigniory or Soueraignty over the whole (and it doth not appear to what end, nor how conveniently, all those parcels should other-wise be shaken of them too and fro:) it would be as I take it worth the labor, to those that are skillful in the tongue, well to examine, whether that sense of the word it self be not improperly urged here. For as heauing or holding up, that is very proper to the Nature of this kind of action; all men using, when they bring any present, so to make some show of it unto those to whom they bring it: but as for shaking too and fro (and so to turn them about in this) I do not see what use it may have in such kind of actions; and God we may think had no other meaning in it, but only to appoint such things to be done as to such actions did most appertain. Nevertheless good probabilities there are, that to the word that there is used there is such a sense appertaining. For first of all, those that have added to Calepinus his Latin Dictionary, first the French, Italian, and Spanish words, then also, [ E] the Hebrew, Greek, and German. do for his Agito, as, in Latin set down Henah and Henidh in Hebrew: and for his Elevo, as, in Latin Nasa, and Herim. Then also, Sanctes Pagninus in his Epitomy Thesauri lingna sancta (not mentioning the root it self that now we speak of) doth nevertheless set down these two words, Hi • a • U •• in •• , to signify Hither and thither, which may seem to import a shaking too and fro. Lastly Arias Mont • •• s, and his associates since, have not altogether omitted that Latin Interpretation of Sanctes Pagninus; but having the words twice, once in the four and twentieth, and then in the six and twentieth Verses again, in the former of them they interpret it of shaking, & agitabit, but in the latter of heauing only, & eleuabit; though in the former of them they set eleuabit in the Margent, but not agitabit in the latter, so far giving the advantage rather to heauing up, than to shaking. Now before Moses made this offering of those parcels aforesaid, he was in like sort to take out the breast of the Mutton, and to heave that likewise before the Lord, and then to lay it by for himself, the Lord allowing that for a peculiar portion to him. But that is to be understood, as in the right of the Priesthood, he now executing that office, till Aaron and his sons were invested in it. And so should the shoulder have remained too, but that this oblation being now made for the Priests themselves, it pleaseth God to exempt but only the breast unto Moses: whereas both now the Lord did sanctify or appoint both the one and the other (from that time forward) to be as the propper fees for the Priests; and afterward also maketh mention thereof again unto the people, that they may see what in such cases they were to give to them as their due. But now in this case, when the Shoulder and Breast were to be taken out from amongst the rest, as the portion which GOD allowed unto the Priests, seeing they were to be taken out by the Priests themselves, who might be partial on their own behalf, there might be some use of shaking, so to make it more plain to those that offered the Sacrifice (who should have the rest) that they took no more but their own, and that if anymore did at any time happen to cleave there-unto, yet by such shaking it might easily fall off from it again. And so Dyonisius, being deposed from his kingdom, and then living as a private man, when on a time an old acquaintance of his came merrily unto him, opening his Gowne, and shaking the same, when first he came into his presence (as the manner was then to come before Princes, so to show that they had no secret weapons to do some mischief on the sudden) I pray thee, saith he, shake thyself so when thou goest out again, that so I may see thou hast stolen naught with thee. All the rest of the Mutton must be sod [ F] there; and both it, and all the rest of the bread in the Basket, must remain unto Aaron and to his Sons: but to be eaten by them alone, and not by any Stranger besides; and if they left any until the Morning, then was that also to be burnt, and might not be eaten by any of them. God so teaching, that they especially should ever depend on his providence, and not to be so doubtful of it, as to make their allowance they got at one such Sacrifice, to serve them for victuals so long as they could, least nobody came a good while after to offer the like. These were the things that should be done for their consecration; but then they were not to be so done one day only, but full out seven days together. In which place also there is special mention again of the Calf which was their sin-offering; but of neither of the Rammes, nor of any of the rest: belike, the better to show, that their sin was not such as might so easily be purged; least other-wise Moses might have conceived, that that Sacrifice being the first day offered, needed not so often to be with the rest reiterated. For, by nature we easily conceive, that we are not so very foul, as indeed we are. As touching the cleansing of the Altar (a thing that is not so plainly set down, as the other) the obscurity is, whether there was any special cleansing that must be performed, but only some part of this, or all the whole, that under other name is delivered unto us, and that which necessarily thereunto belongeth. If there were any other, I do not yet see what it is; neither do I see, that it is needful so to take it: but rather conceive, that it is to be referred to that which already is spoken of; and, as it seemeth, partly also to that which followeth, the daily Sacrifice. Concerning which, the question is by whom the same was first to be performed: whether by Moses; or by those that now were entering into their Office. If not but by those that now were entering into their office, then ought it not begin til the eight day, before which time they were not fully invested therein; •• else it must • ee done by them before they were fully allowed to that function: neither of which me thinketh are likely; and it is certain, that we have neither of them to us so plainly delivered (if at all) as that we may thereby grow to such resolution. So it seemeth, that this also was the charge of Moses for the time: both because it is now required, before the others were invested, and the speech thereof so directed to Moses, as that it seemeth now to respect him only therein; and because we have no farther direction for that matter, till long after the time that they had the first use of it, and often besides, as we may probably think for many years, even all the time almost that they were in the Wilderness. Allotting it therefore [ G] to be performed by him for the time, until the others were fully invested in that new office of theirs, then was he also to offer every of these days the daily Sacrifice: the very chief and principal Oblation, as I do take it, which to this Altar did appertain, and so is it also taken by others. Concerning which; first, we are to consider of the Sacrifice it self: then of the Reasons that there are used, to move them to have good regard unto it. In the Sacrifice likewise, we are to consider, whereof it consisted: and, in what sort it was to be used. It consisted partly of a living Creature: and partly, of other things to go withal. The living Creature was a Lamb, of the first year, after that once it was eight days old: and the same without blemish; that is, such as had all the Limbs and members perfect; though it were not all of one color. Those other things that were to go withal, were, a certain quantity of Flower & Oil, for an Oblation or meat offering, and a certain quantity of Wine for a drink offering. The Flower is accounted to be about a pottle or a quarter of a peck of our measure: the Oil and Wine, either of them but about a quarter so much by some, accounting the same but to a pinte; but esteemed much more by some other. How the same should be used, I find no question at all in others, but that altogether, not only the Lamb, but the Flower, Oil, and Wine likewise, should all be burned unto the Lord: and that to be made plain enough by the names that are given unto it, as of Holocaust from the Greek, and of Burnt-offering in English, and one of the words that is used for it in the Hebrew (for the other importeth the Ascending of it) which is as much to say, as consumed by fire; though some there be that conceive, that the Wine should be poured forth on the Altar, as the Text indeed doth plainly talk of pouring it forth, where it is again repeated. But now, if it may so stand with the Text, that it should be but only the Lamb that should be burned, and that the name of burnt-offering be given to the whoie, but in respect of the chief and principal part thereof, which should wholly be in such sort consumed; and that the pouring forth to the Lord that there is spoken of, may be meant of pouring forth from the common Vessel wherein it was brought, into some holy Vessel of the Tabernacle to that end ordained: then might we herein see, whence might arise some provision for those that served at the Altar; especially, if the Oil and Wine may be conceived to be aunswerable in proportion to the Flower, as there are of the learned that are so persuaded. There is no question, but that as God took order for them, they had great allowance besides; but yet for the most part but casual only: this was not much, and might but hardly serve some very few; [ H] but it was standing, and twice to be had every day. Again, being called a Meat and Drink offering, the Name we may see would easily be favorable to such an Interpretation, if otherwise it may stand with the Text it self. The reasons that there are used, do strongly conclude on that for which they are brought, in that they offer so great favors thence to them all. They show, likewise how some of our Translatours have been deceived. That kind of cleansing of the Altar that did necessarily appertain to the performing of these aforesaid Sacrifices, was but such as is incident to all such actions: as first, to make the Altar clean again of the Ashes, blood, and other foulness that it got by the Sacrifice before offered, before that they offered any other on it. Those others besides were the Priests, and Princes. The Priests being now in those seven days consecrated to their office, were on the eight to take their business in hand: but some of them soon offended therein to their own ruin. The business that now they had to deal in, was (from this time for 〈◊〉 the execution of the Priesthood, in all things thereunto appertaining: and so were they now to sacrifice, both as this present occasion did require; and as otherwise also was incident unto them. As this present occasion did require, they 〈◊〉 to Sacrifice first for themselves: then, for the people. When first they were to offer for themselves, Aaron being the chief among them, was himself also to be the principal Minister therein: the others, to be attendants and assistantes unto him. Aaron therefore, being first admonished to have such things in a readiness, as for the sacrifices of him and his Sons should be needful, and then to admonish the people what they also must have ready for them, and now having all things ready; first, setteth in hand with those sacrifices for themselves; then, for the people. For themselves he offered (as he was directed by Moses, and he from God) two several Sacrifices: a Calf for a Sin-offering, for the one; and a Ram for a Burnt-offering, for the other. For the people when he was to offer, he did not only offer their sacrifices for them: but also told them of another matter that might whet them on to that business. For them he was to offer more than for themselves: but first such as he offered for themselves; then, a Peace-offering besides. Theyr Sin-offering, was an He-Goat; their Burnt-offering, both a Calf and a lamb: both which Sacrifices he had offered for himself and his Sons before. But here in this Burnt-offering of theirs, is mention made of a Meat-offering also, as of course going withal, though there were no mention thereof before, but only in [ I] their Peace-offering: and so is it the judgment of others, I mean, that they should concur, or go together. Their Peace-offering, which they offered more for them, than for themselves, was a Bullock and a Ram: and their Meat-offering besides. That other matter whereof he told them to whet them on to this business, was (as Moses also had told him before) that the Lord that day would appear unto them: whereupon also the assembly drew near, and there awaited that favor of God. Besides these, it was otherwise also incident unto him to offer the daily Sacrifice, which also is noted that he did: and the proper Sacrifice of the Prince that fell for that present. Those that did so soon offend, were Nadab and Abihu, the two eldest Sons of Aaron: concerning whom, we are first to consider of that accident it self; then, of something else that came in thereupon. In that accident it self we are in like manner; first, to inquire, what their offense was; then, to consider of the judgment, that for the same did fall upon them. Concerning their offense, it is not altogether unlikely, but that the occasion of it also may here be noted (as also it is the judgment of some that so it is:) & then are we to consider; first of the occasion of it; then of the offense it self. The occasion of it, is by some supposed to be, that they had over-shot themselves in drinking; & that opinion resteth on two principal grounds: yet but one of them of any force indeed; & the other of small importance. That which is of some force indeed, or at least may seem so to be, is, that the Lord seemeth thereupon soon after to forbid thē (during the time of their ministration) wine, and strong Drink: and addeth the reason, to the ende that they may the better discern all such things as belong to their duty. That which is but of small importance, is, that whereas the vulgar Translation useth a word that importeth an inconsiderate, rash, and disorderly catching or snatching up of their Incense-Cups, when they were therein to offer up sweet perfume unto the Lord; and such a kind of behavior, doth import the party that in such case should use it, to be far out of temper: hence it is gathered, that they were in drink when they did set in hand with that their business; and that the Text it self likewise doth import it. But the original is so far from yielding that sense, that such as have with greater diligence and more advisedly translated since, have not been so bold so far to charge them and the word it self that there is used, hath no such sense ascribed unto it. The offense it self, is noted to have two principal heads: one, very certain; the other also, to have good likelihoodes of it. That which is certain, is, that they offered with [ K] strange fire: and so are they most commonly charged. But then we are herein to consider, that without blame, such fire was used before: and that, as yet, we read of no Commandment given, of taking the other. So it may seem their fault to be, no manifest breach of that Commandment; but only this vnaduisednesse in them, that being now to burn sweet perfume unto the Lord, notwithstanding that GOD had now sent fire so strangely from his presence: yet they did not think it material what fire they took for this matter; nor that it was anything needful, so to inquire of the Lord for that. Not much unlike, as it seemeth to me, to that defect that was in the Fig-Tree, when Christ being hungry, came to be relieved by it, but found no help at it, because as yet the season did not serve to that purpose. For truly even Nature it self should have yielded, without respect of accustomed seasons, to the only Lord of Nature and all: and these two Sons of Aaron, being now so graciously taken so near unto him, and to so honorable a service of his, should not only have taken heed, that they did nothing against anything that himself had commanded: but also, that they did nothing at all unto him, neither great nor little, in the way of his worship, but only that which they were most assured that himself prescribed; and therefore, that if in anything it was not yet known, what was his holy will and pleasure, in any wise they first inquired, before that ever they presumed to do it. And therefore the sanctifying that there is spoken of, seemeth not to be so much referred to God; as unto those that attend his service: and so the sense to be, that so many as are vouchsafed to be taken near unto him, or that are employed in his holy service, are ever to have a special regard to all their ways, that in all things they aim at his will and pleasure so near as they can. That which is not so certain, but yet hath good likelihood for it, is, that they had a meaning with them to enter into the Most-holy place with that their Incense; whereas God had yet set them nothing at all to do there, and shortly after shown what was his mind for that matter: namely, that only the High Priest should come in thither; and that but once a year, and then with diverse special Ceremonies also. The likelihood whereupon it standeth, is, that upon the mention of their death, the Lord doth afterward advertise Moses, how to instruct his Brother Aaron, that he also run in no danger therein. For seeing that Aaron is so specially warned how to enter in there, upon the death of his two Sons before, it may be conceived, that they had some such meaning with them; though others there be that do not so take it; and do otherwise apply it besides. Their judgment that did fall upon them for it, being, as it was a sudden and a fearful death, is it self a warning sufficient to all, [ L] how odious a thing it is unto God, not much to regard what he prescribeth, but in his matters to follow our own minds also: when as we see it punished so roundly here; and on those who but then entering into their office, could not yet be well acquainted with it. But this is not all neither. For we are farther given to understand, that the judgment of God was so just therein, and he on all hands so to be justified for the same (with what face then will those worshippings of men at that day appear?) that neither might the Brother in that case mourn for his Brother, no nor the Father for his Son. Those things that came in thereupon, were, that both Aaron and his Sons forgot themselves in other things also: insomuch that Moses was fain to reprove them for it, and to set them right again. And it is no rare thing, that the rashness or negligence of some should disturb the service of God unto many: even to those that are most careful of all. The Princes perceiving that the Tabernacle was then to be erected, and thinking it their partes (at that time especially) to give some testification of their duties, did then come in with their offerings also: but as they were herein of good mind to glorify God; so it pleased God to honor them. The offering that they were purposed to make, was, first by them all jointly together; then, by everyone a part by himself. Ioyntly together their offering was six Chariots covered: but of no greater quantity or burden, but that one yoke of Oxen (which the Princes also did give withal) might be able to deal with one of those Chariots, and with the burden thereof thereto appertaining. These did the Lord himself will Moses, to take of them to the use of the Sanctuary: and he, so doing, did shortly after bestow them among the Levites, when they were taken to the charge of the Sanctuary. Severally they were of purpose to offer a-part by themselves (everyone like unto other; and that belike, to prevent aemulation among them) a Silver Charger of about 130. ounces in weight, (the common Sickle being about half an once in weight, and the Sickle of the Sanctuary being double unto it) a Silver Boale of seventy ounces, both full of fine Flower mingled with Oil for a Meat-offering; and an Incense Cup of Gold, of ten ounces full of Incense: all which (the Flower and Incense being to be spent as it came with their Sacrifices which they brought withal) were thence-forth to remain to the use of the Sanctuary. For their Sacrifices they were of purpose to offer besides, every of them; first, in the way of devotion, or exercising their Religion or Faith towards GOD generally, a young Bullock, a Ram, and a Lamb, for a Burnt-offering: then more specially, both a He-Goat for a Sin-offering so to acknowledge [ M] their own unworthiness; and two Bullockes. five Rammes, five He-Goats, and five Lambs, for a Peace-offering, so to testify their acknowledging of the favors of God towards them, and their rejoicing in him again. The honor that God did them herein, was, that whereas they meant no other, but all to come on one day, it pleased God to give a several day to every of them: a good comfortable token, that whosoever they are that honor God, those also will he honor; and then less marvel, and less matter too, albeit he let others slip to some special disgrace, who have little regarded to honor him.

11 Those other matters besides, were but only the keeping of a Passe-over in [ A] the due time thereunto ordained, which now approached: and that it pleased God now to acquaint them farther with his mind and pleasure for many things else. As touching the Passe-over, whereas this solemnity of the dedication of the Tabernacle reached so near to the time that was appointed to it, that the people were in danger to have forgotten it, if they had not been remembered of it, it pleased God beforehand to put them in mind of it: and so it was orderly kept in the time appointed. But then there fell out another matter thereupon: namely, that some being at that time Legaly unclean, and in such sort that then they might not hold that Feast as their brethren did, they opened their case unto Moses, and desired some remedy for it. Whereuppon Moses enquiring of the Lord, had this direction for them and others, that if any of them at any time after should be so polluted by a dead body (for in such case a Sacrifice were first to be offered, as it seemeth, which would ask some longer time for those that were in such sort polluted, but immediately before the Paschal was to be offered) or should be far off in a journey, so that at that time he could not keep it, he should do it the same day the next month following, but otherwise observing the order prescribed: and that whosoever should otherwise of negligence slip it, or not regard to observe that Feast, he should be cut off from the people. A good warning to many of ours: not only to such as do so little regard at all to communicate; but also to such, as at sometime being unmeet, do not get themselves meet within such time as here is appointed. Those other things wherein it pleased him now to acquaint them farther with his mind and pleasure, were many and diverse; but such as in my mind do most of all tend (a very few only excepted appertaining unto the Priests, and therefore reserved to their proper duty) to one of these two: either to set some good order for the whole body of them: or else to frame them all in particular unto such a course, as wherein they [ B] might be most acceptable to God. To set some good order for the whole body of them, we see that care to be taken for them, both Ecclesiastically and Ciuilly also. Ecclesiastically, first in that order that was taken about the Levites: first, in exempting them, from the rest of their brethren, to the service of the Sanctuary; then, in distributing their service unto them. Concerning the exempting of them, from the rest of their brethren to the service of the Sanctuary, God doth both tell them by what right he may so do: namely, because their first borne did fall to be his, because he spared all theirs, when he destroyed the first born of the Land of Egypt: and then accordingly made his claim for them, and took them unto him. But whereas the number of the Levites, of a month old and up-ward, came not to so many as the first borne of all the rest of the Israelites did, by 273. the Levites being but 22000. the others being 22273. the Lord appointed, that the Israelites should farther give for the redemption of that over-plus, after the rate of five Shekles for every of them, 1365. Shekles in all, which (accounting the Shekle of the Sanctuary with them, to be about five shillinges with us) came to about 340. pounds, and somewhat better: and that both the Levites themselves, and the Money that the over-plus came unto, should be given to Aaron and his Sons. The Levites being thus exempted, then was there farther order taken, both at what age they should begin there to serve: and, what was the service that then they should do. The age when they should begin, was five and twenty years: and so now (at the first) was Moses willed to take so many of them as were of that age, and to purify them to their business. The manner whereof was such, as that thereby they were given to understand, that of themselves they were unclean to such a purpose, as also themselves must actually acknowledge: and the whole Congregation must make an actual delivery of them unto that service. But then they had no charge to bear the burden of the Tabernacle till they were of the age of thirty years: and then again, when they came to fifty, they were delivered from all laborious work thereunto appertaining. For which cause it was farther appointed, that the sum of so many of them, as were of the age of thirty years, and not exceeding fifty, should be taken severally of the three Families of the Levites: the Koathites, Gersonites, and the Merarites; and their several services and places set down unto them. Whereby it was found, that the Koathites of that age were 2750; the Gersonites 2630; and the Merarites 3200: in all 8580. Of these the Koathites were appointed to bear the most holy things, but not to meddle with them till the Priests had lapped them up: and the other two Families of them, all the rest: the Gersonites, the Vayles, [ C] Couerings, and Hangings; the Merarites, those Planckes over-laid with Golde, together, with all the Pillers, Bases, Pins, and Cords. The Koathites also were appointed to pitch or Campe next to the Sanctuary on the South; the Gersonites on the West; and the Merarites on the North: the East-ende, where was the entrance of the Tabernacle, being left for Moses and Aaron, for them and theirs, as meetest place for them, for others to repair unto them, especially in matters wherein they were to deal with the Lord. Every of these Families had their several Heads-man, the better to keep the rest in order: Elizaphan for the Koathites; Eliasaph for the Gersonites; and Zuriel for the Merarites: Eleazar (a having another special charge besides) b being chief over them all generally; and Ithamar over the two latter, more especially. For Eleazar and Ithamar, both were of the Koathites: and so it may be, they fell by order unto the charge of Eleazar as the elder of them; or else were more left unto their own proper Heades-man, being the chief of those three Families. But it is plain, that the two others were appointed to Ithamar the younger: and so he thereby made somewhat equal unto his brother. Then was there another thing that took part with both, the ordinance of those two Silver Trumpets: but yet because they were in the only custody of the Priests, and were to be used only by them, therefore may they be so much the rather taken into these also. The use therefore of these, was, so far as appertaineth to the matter that now we are in, to be founded by the Priests in certain of their solemn Feasts: and at some of their Sacrifices also. Those solemn feasts are but some only named: but some others, as it seemeth, implied besides. Those that are named, are the beginning of every month: and once in fifty years, the tenth day of the seventh month also. At the beginning of every month, belike so to stir them up now and then, to more special consideration of themselves, and to the worship and service of God: on the tenth day of the seventh month to publish the Iubily then approaching, for which we have a place a little after, more specially to consider on it. Those that seem to be implied besides, are not named unto us: but it may seem, that some such there were, both because they were directed to blow them in the time of public gladness, and in some other Feasts besides immediately after, but yet not named. Those Sacrifices of theirs wherein likewise they were directed sometime to sound them, were both Burnt-offerings, and Peace-offerings also; but belike not such as were ordinary or often used, but the more principal or rarest of them. The order that was civilly taken, was most of it concerning them-selves alone; but part of [ D] it concerning others withal. That which was concerning them-selves alone, was most of it also concerning the whole people generally: but some part of it, concerning certain of them more specially. That which concerned them all generally, was, the order of their camping and marching as occasion at any time should be offered. Concerning which, first they were numbered: then sorted to their Standerds and places. In that they were numbered first, before they were sorted, seeing God was therein disposed to give a more honorable place to some than to others, and that not according to the common course neither, that course may serve well to prevent the envy of some who might even in the number of such as were so preferred, see that there was, for the strength and safety of all, good reason in it: to which end also, as well as for their help in their business, it may well be, that the Heads-man or Prince of every Tribe, was by special commandment joined with Moses and Aaron therein. In the numbering of them it is found, that the Tribe of Reuben, was (of men only, and such as were 20. years old or above) to the number of 46500: Simeon, 59300: Gad, 45650: Indah, 74600: Issachar, 54400: Zebulon, 57400: Ephraim, 40500: Manasseh, 32200: Benjamin, 35400: Dan, 62700: Asser 41500: Naphtali, 53400: in all 603550. These 12. who were every of thē able to make a good battle by it self (though some of them were a great deal greater than some other) the least of them 3000. strong; yet were they parted into four great battles: whereof Judah had the leading of the first; Reuben, of the second; Ephraim, of the third; and Dan, of the fourth. Now, Judah was but the fourth son of Jacob, & Reuben the eldest; but Judah was the greatest in number: he being 74600; the other, but 46500. Again, in the third battle, Ephraim had the leading, whereas Manasseh was his elder Brother, and joined with him in the same battle: but then Ephraim was 40500. whereas Manasseh was but 32200. In the fourth battle the Leader was Dan, and he was the son but of one of the hand-maids: but then was he the mightiest Tribe next unto Judah, being 62700. Those four main battles therefore were these: Judah, Issachar, and Zabulou, being in all, 186400, for the first; Reuben, Simeon, and Gad, being in all, 151450, for the second; Ephraim, Manasseh, and Benjamin, being 108100. for the third; Dan, Asser, and N • pthaly, being 157600. for the last. That these may orderly take their places, they are first directed how to do it in their pitching or Camping about the Tabernacle [ E] where they are yet: and after that, how they are to march forward in their iournyings, whensoever they are to remove. In their pitching about the Tabernacle where they were yet, leaving convenient space betwixt them and the Tabernacle for the Levites, Judah and his company were to be on the East; Reuben, on the South; Ephraim, on the West; and Dan on the North. When they were to remove, we are to consider, not only of these four main battles them-selves, but of others besides: some that were Leaders unto them; others that were mingled among them. Leaders unto them were, the Cloude and the Ark: mingled among them were the Levites. The Cloud that we speak of, was first given unto them in the land of Egypt, as they were to depart out of the same: and, as it was in the day time a Cloud, so was it in the night time a pillar of fire. When they were to remove, this Cloud would then advance it self and be going forward, that way that they were to go. Thereupon must all prepare to remove. The Priests must come and fold or lap up the holiest things of the Tabernacle: and the Koathites must be ready then to take them to carry. The Gersonites must take down the Vailes, Couerings, and Hangings, lap them up, and make them meet for carriage: and the Merarites pluck out the Barres, take up those plankes and all their Sockets or Bases, then also the pillars together with the Sockets, Pins, and Cords, thereunto appertaining, and make them all ready to carry. The lapping up of the Holiest things of the Tabernacle was, to see too, after one manner; unless the lapping up of the Atke did in one thing varry from the others: but it rather seemeth that it did not, saving that inwardly it had one lapping more. For the Ark must first be folded up in that fair veil that hung before it: then must it have another covering of blew silk; and one of Badgers skins besides. Whether of these two latter should be the outmost, is the question, for that most of our Translations so dispose of the order of their speech, as though it should be the blew silk covering: but others there be, that make it that of the Badgers 〈…〉 , which was indeed the meeter to bear off the weather, and so it was with the others besides, the Table of Shew-bread, the standing Gandle-stick, the Altar of Sweet-Perfume, and the Instruments to these appertaining, every of them having a covering of blue silk cast over them before: then, another of Badgers skins after. The people also must all generally prepare to be going. This warning being given, then was the Ark to be carried for-most next after the Cloude, and, as it seemeth by the direction that Joshua in such case gave, a good reasonable distance before, that so the whole people might better see how they were to follow. Who they were that first did bear it, is, not to be so plainly gathered. For that seemeth by most places to be the [ F] charge of the Priests: and though sometimes the Levites be generally named unto it; yet that seemeth to be but in respect of the other Tribes, and the meaning to be that they should be such Priests as were of the Levites. But as yet there were but two Priests that we read of, besides Aaron himself the High Priest: and the Ark, being all covered over with beaten Gold, without and within, with a lid and two Cherubes on it of pure Gold, those two Tables of stone, and some things else being in it, and those three coverings on it, may well seem to be a reasonable burden (as God was wont to deal with them, making all their burdens but easy) for four men. Whereas therefore the Koathites are allowed to bear all the most holy things generally (of which number this that we speak of was certainly one) it is most likely, that these did it, if not altogether (because those that were Priests indeed, Elezar and Ithamar are plainly appointed to be Ouer-seers to all the Levites, and to some other such business besides as could not stand with this, as by and by we are to hear) yet for the most part without all question. And whereas a while afterward, we have mention in Joshua of so many Priests, that out of them might be chosen enow to bear the Ark, and seven moe to blow those Trumpets to the walls of Jericho, and yet we have no such mention (nor likelihood neither) of any such number of Priests to have in so short a time descended of the Sons of Aaron, or otherwise to be taken to that function: it is most likely that the chief of the Levites, especially of the Koathites that dealt with the things that were most holy, are meant to be the Priests that are spoken of there. These being gone on, then must Eleazar and Ithamar, the Sons of Aaron sound their Trumpets to give warning to the first main battle, which was of Judah, to set forth, and to be going, and to march on after the Cloud and Ark going before: and when they were gone on, or set forth from among the rest, then were those Sons of Aaron the Priests, again to sound their Trumpets to give like warning to the second host to address themselves to follow, and then to set forth, which second main host was that of Reuben and his associates; and so were they to do for the rest. This service therefore being so specially appointed to those two Priests the sons of Aaron (for which cause also it seemeth, that there were but only two Trumpets as yet appointed because there were no moe yet that might use them) it may easily appear thereby, that at this present it was not they could be employed in bearing of the Ark also, but that they were of the Koathites only that did bear it now. But [ G] another is here of greater difficulty: Namely, in what sort the Tabernacle and Levites were sorted among them. For in one place it is said, that the Tabernacle of the Congregation shall go with the host of the Levites in the midst of the campe: again, that as they pitched, so should they go forward, every man in his order, according to their Standerds. For so is that Verse distinguished, by the vulgar translation, by Uatallus, Tremellius, and Junius, and by the second of their four chief Kings, as Arias Montanus readeth, in the Original it self: (for although it have not such force in all the books of the Bible; yet is this none of those wherein it is directly affirmed to be of force so to distinguish) though two English Bibles that now I have with me, do both omit it, and join together, that they must be in the midst of the Campe as they have pitched, which notwithstanding may be but only the escape of the Printer. In another place it is likewise set down in the Text it self, that when first of all they removed, and were then to put in ure this that was newly prescribed unto them, two of the three families of the Levites, which were the Gersonites and the Merarites, went forward with the Tabernacle and the things thereunto appertaining (so far as their charge reached) immediately after the first main army: and that the Koathites, the third family of the Levites, who bare the rest of the most holy things (the Ark being gone already before) followed after Reuben and his company, who made the second of those main battles afore-said, and so left those other two main armies remaining (which were of Ephraim and Dan) both behind them. Again, on the former of these two places we have a note in one of our English Bibles, that seemeth to import that the Tabernacle and all the Levites attending the same should all be in the midst of those four battles: and those that did set that note, did not so much trouble themselves as it seemeth in what sense they should take the midst to be appointed to those, as, taking it up at the gainest, to endeavor to give some good reason for it; so determining that it was so ordained, that it might be of equal distance from each one, and all might indifferently have recourse thereunto. By which note of theirs it seemeth that they conceived, that they all should march in their journey, in such sort as they pitched (for otherwise it is the Text itself) as that the Levites and Tabernacle should be in the midst, and those 4. main battles round about them: one before, another behind; a third on the right hand, & a fourth on the left. For how might it be otherwise, that the Tabernacle could be in equal distance from each one? But I cannot conceive how this should be but by confounding [ H] the order of their first setting forward, and matching after. For it is plain, that they should set forward in this order: first Judah; then Reuben; thirdly Ephraim; lastly Dan. But now whereas they were to travel for the most part North-ward (for so the wilderness and the land of promise do bear, the one from the other) Judah, that should be on the East, by going foremost should be on the North; Reuben who should be on the South, must now take either East or West: Ephraim who should be on the West was likeliest to have that left unto him, if Reuben should rather take to the right hand (as being the eldest he was most like;) and Dan, who should be on the North, must now shut up all on the South. So, that aequality, it seemeth to me, would make great odds in the Text it self. Others there be that seem to conceive, that the Tabernacle and the Levites should in such sense be in the midst, as that it and the Levites should have two of those main armies, on each side of them: and so, that all should fall up by file, as (I think) soldiers do term it: that is, that the host of Judah being gone on first, the host of Reuben which was next to follow, should go up close besides them, til they came cheek by check, but giving (belike) the right hand unto them, not only of honor, but also that Judah might so keep his coast: next unto them should go the Levites with the Tabernacle, and the things thnreunto appertaining, siding themselves close to the Rubenites; after whom should Ephram come up, and join themselves in like sort to the Levites: and lastly Dan, coming up so too, should join them-selves unto the Ephraimites, and close up all. So, by this order, all the whole Army should be one main square battle, consisting of five principal parts, Judah, Reuben, Leuie, Ephraim, and Dan; and everyone of those suitably of three parts again, because there were three families of the Levites, as well as there were three Tribes in every of the other four battelles betwixt which they were. But then making themselves even for length, both before and behind, needs must some of them be much thicker than the others: and the right side from the Levites, thicker than the left. Nevertheless it was indeed a very fair order, if we might be assured so to take it. And, if every Tribe of the children of Israel, had their several standard, as the Te • t it self may bear it (though we have a note, on behalf of those four that were the chief, that there were to them all no moe but those four) then have we in this order four standerds in front, 3. in flank, and one moe besides for the midlemost row which was of the Levites, to be in that row placed, as the best order should require, whether before, or whether behind, or in the midst. But that this order was their meaning, it seemeth to me, that their own words can give no other. For [ I] first conceiving that the latter part of the verse doth direct those Armies to come and place themselves at the side of the Sauctuary (as neither the vulgar Translation, nor our English, nor Fran. Vatablus, nor Arias Montanus do) then they add in their Margent, Quasi dicat, Sunto castra quadrata: quorum medium obtineat Tabernaculum; sic vt nemo ante eat Leuitis, sed omnes ad latus corum procedant, faciant{que} castra: that is, As though the Lord should say unto them, Let your Campe be a four-square: in the midst whereof you shall so leave to the Tabernacle, that none do go before the Levites; but that all go forward a-side by them, and a-side by them Camp likewise. Allowing none therefore to go before them, but setting all to march a-side by them, it is plain enough in it self, that that is the order that they conceive to be required hereby. But first of all the Tabernacle, and the Levites could not so precisely be in the midst neither. For as I noted before, all those five portions or battles could not be of like bigness; but were in plain sight, diverse of them much bigger than others. Insomuch, that the right side of them would cast the Tabernacle and the Levites so far from the midst towards the left hand of them (conceiving our selves to be as yet in the place whence they removed; and to cast our eye after them, to see what order they keep in their iournying) so far as the moyty of threescore and twelve thousand, one hundred and fifty men (by which number, the right side in that course would exceed the left) could be able to cast them; which moity only we may conceive, to be about twice so much as themselves: and then would the whole cast them far a-side, and make the form so far out of fashion, as I think we find not in any course that God hath ordained to set things in order. Then also, if we look to that the people did, though I do not account them, well to have followed the direction that God did give them: yet neither do I think them so wide, as this would set them. For in their first practicing of the direction that God had given them, most of the Levites, even two parts, of three, did plainly put themselves in their iournying betwixt Judah and Reuben, the two first Armies of the four: and thereby do plainly show us, that it was not so understood then, by themselves or others, that they should have been in the midst of all. And when we look what they say to that place, to see how they reconcile the one to the other, there do we find nothing at all that they allege in strengthening this their opinion here: but contrariwise even by their own Translation we find the time to be so specially noted, by Tunc in the verse before alleged, and by Postea in the next that followeth, that themselves do thereby grant, that it is out of doubt, that those two parts of the Levites in that iournying of theirs, [ K] took their place betwixt those two for-most battles of all. Which if they must grant that they did indeed, then, is it great likelihood, that by their so taking it so generally, that though it may be they did not fully hit the course that was appointed unto them: yet therein were they nearer unto it, than this course of theirs would have set them. That it may the better appear, if an hundred men, make ten square; and so, an hundred thousand in all, ten thousand square: then, six hundred thousand, must likewise make threescore thousand square. To whom, if we allow ratably to every man one pace, such as whereof a thousand make a mile: so may we see, that they must be allowed threescore miles breadth to march in; or else that they may not be such a square, as they do seem there to conceive. And in that breadth what help might be conceived for their direction, either of the Ark that going about a mile before, or almost of the Cloude either, unless it should advance it self much higher (yea, and above the height of other Clouds also) than it seemeth it was wont to do? As also if they should lengthen their Files, double, treble, or fourfolde, so to take in or shorten their front: yet so also would it fall out to be over great a breadth, still to be served with convenient passage; and yet besides have a dangerous and cumbersome length to traile so long after them, as so they should be forced to do. But to shut up this matter, the truth is, that though that conceit do go under the name of them both, yet it is but the latter of them that may truly be charged with it: as may plainly appear by those Bibles that was published by them both together, while the former also lived; and namely in that which was printed with us. For in those neither have we in that former place that Translatiō that I noted, to varry from all others in the Text it self: nor that note in the Margent that I shown to be set upon it. But contrariwise, in that other place which followeth, both we have the Translation it self strong against that opinion, by so precise setting down the time, when those two Families of the Levites did first set forward: and in the fourth verse after, the Text speaking of those two Families of the Leuiets again, thenselves do plainly set down in the Margent, that they had taken their place before immediately after the first company. So it appeareth, that while they were both together, the consideration of both those places kept out that conceit that afterward followed: but when the one of them was departed, then, the other ventured upon it; but withal forgot, to take some farther order for this which was like to bewray it. So to verify the Proverb unto us, that moe eyes see more, than any one commonly doth. But if neither of these seem to be the sense or meaning of that going in the midst that there is spoken of, then are we farther to consider, what other sense may seem most likely to stand there-with. Wherein I for my part could go no farther, but [ L] only so to take it, as though it had been the meaning of God, that the Tabernacle and the Levites, should all go betwixt the second and the third of those four battles: especially, because it is said, after the first two are gone before, Then the Tabernacle of the Congregation shall go, &c, so noting the time when they were to set forward, that it might seem impiety for any, so much as to go about to look for any other. And so, not only our English, but others also of special reckoning, do certainly read. But then on the other side, it is sure again, that the Original is not such, as doth necessarily so require: the particle () having many significations; and being most commonly used for and, or but. And besides the often use of the places themselves that show it, Calepine hath it in that sense also: and both of old, and now of late, it is so taken. The vulgar Translation readeth But: Arias Montanus, And. So, by them that place is not taken to show us When the Levites (together with the Tabernacle) should take their place: but that they also were to have place among them, and that they were the Levites only that should meddle with it. And whereas the English translation doth plainly appoint the midst of the Campe for their place, and the best of the others agree thereunto, and in effect the vulgar too, it is good to note withal, that the Hebrew word that there is used, doth not only signify the midst, but also amongst, and within. By which we gather, that if the Levites together with the Tabernacle, have their place amongst or within those other battles, there is nothing in the original to prescribe unto them, either the precise time when they should take it, or that precisely they should be in the very midst. Which also is indifferently well confirmed by their practice at the first before touched. For if they had taken it, that they should not have taken their place, but only after the second battle was gone forward, it is not likely, that so many of them would have taken place before: and if they had understood it, that whereas there would be three spaces betwixt those four Armies, they should precisely keep to the middlemost of them, it is as unlikely again, that so many of them would so readily have taken the first. The Levites therefore having this liberty left them, now are we to see, how they might best use it to the furtherance of their business they had in hand. Where first we see, it was best for them, in all their iournyings, ever to be within the strength of their Brethren: as also they were very plainly thereunto directed by God himself. Then, when they should pitch, and rear up the Tabernacle, they were to be in such readiness for it, as best might serve to the good and ready dispatch thereof. This (it appeareth) they plainly endeavored, when those two Families got before, to get the place in a readiness, against the principal things [ M] should come, which yet were behind with the third Family of them. But herein they missed of the readiest way, that they went both of them together, when as the one of them could do nothing (to speak of) till the other had done. For the Merarites must first do their business, before the Gersonites could meddle with theirs: and those that could not yet be occupied, were likely enough one way or other, to be a cumber to some of their Brethren that either were occupied, or but coming up to take their place appointed, and so be no better than a confused company by it. Whereas, on the other side, there were three several spaces betwixt those four Armies, if but the Merarites had taken the first, the Gersonites the second, & the Koathites the third, then had they not only placed themselves amongst their Brethren, according to the direction of God, yea, even in the midst of them, if any delight rather, so to read: but also they had so been in best readiness, orderly to perform what they had to do. And so we may hope that after they did: though, as the manner is, at the first they something missed. As also this course doth better agree to the latter part of God's direction, than did their former. For he doth there plainly tell them, that as they pitched or encamped before, so should they afterward also march or go forward: but they pitched in three several companies; and so have they amongst their Brethren (belike to that end) three several places for them. So omitting the opinions of others who have not so much regarded the Text it self, thus we conceive for this matter, that after the first of those Armies led by Judah, the Merarites followed with such things as to them belonged: after Reuben, the Gersonites; after Ephraim, the Koathites; Dan immediately after shutting up all, and therefore called the Gathering Hoast, as having charge to leave none behind, but ever to see that they take all with them. So likewise when they were to pitch and Campe again, that the Cloude first staying there, those that bare the Ark, made a stand likewise. Then, that all the rest came up in their order, those of Judah taking the East, a good distance from the Ark, whom the Merarites following, went towards the Ark, and there set up (orderly coasted) all the Pillers of the Court first, then the Boards or Plankes of the Tabernacle, together with the Pillers thereto belonging; and then went themselves, some reasonable distance off, to the North. That those that were of the Hoast of Reuben, coming up next, took their place in much like distance towards the South: and that the Gersonites following after, and approaching towards the Ark, covered the Tabernacle, and hung up the Vail for the entrance of it, and then hung up the Court likewise, together with [ N] the veil at the entrance of it, and then went themselves some convenient distance of, towards the West. Then, that those that were of the Hoast of Ephraim coming up next, and placing themselves, about such like distance from the Tabernacle, (beyond the Gersonites) on the West, the Koathites following; first did the business to them appertaining: and then took their place as was appointed. Their business was now not like to all: for, some of the Koathites, we must conceive, were yet with the Ark, as those that had the carriage of it: others, now to bring in the residue of those things that belonged unto their charge. But when they had brought them, they might not unfold them or take them out; but now the Priests the Sons of Aaron must come, and either dismiss them upon their coming, and do the rest themselves; or at least themselves unfold all, and hang up the veil before the Ark, and send the others away with their Couerings. Which when they had done, and such other things as belonged unto them, then were they to part two several ways: Moses & Aaron with their families (being themselves of the Koathites also) towards the East, a convenient distance from the enteraunce into the Tabernacle; and the rest of the of the Koathites towards the South, betwixt the Tabernacle, and those of the host of Reuben beyond them. Next after whom came up Dan, the last battle of them all, and the greatest but one; who had also the charge to leave none behind if any fainted by the way, but to bring all such with them: and took his place on the North, in like distance from the Tabernacle as others before. Which distance of theirs from the Sanctuary, before mentioned in the Camping of every of them▪ though the Text doth not declare: yet may any conceive some such convenient distance as was most seemly to be observed, and most meet for the people themselves; as not urging them, either to thrust themselves over close together, or to pitch, over far asunder. And such as have any reasonable in skill martial affairs, especially what quantity of ground an Army needeth to Campe in, may easily conceive of what distance it was like to be. One there is, who, by the space that Joshua afterward appointed to be betwixt the foremost of them that followed, and the Ark going before, judgeth, that this also should be the like: but that would make but about two miles square, which I doubt would be much to little for so many to Campe in, never knowing how long they were to abide before they removed. And these things concerned the whole people generally. That which concerned certain of them more specially, was no more but the order that was taken for putting forth from among [ O] them certain infectious and unclean persons: so to preserve the rest so much the better, both from infection, and pollution withal. So likewise, that which concerned others with them, was no more but that Law of aequalitie, or of one kind of dealing and Justice, both for the Israelite, & for the Stranger that dwelt among them: which being given before for one particular of their profession, was now also renewed again on the self-same matter especially, but yet stretching more largely unto them in other things also.

CHAP. 8.

1 TO frame them all in particular unto such a course as wherein they might be most acceptable to God, it seemeth to me, that he was [ A] careful to teach them but two Lessons only: one, in such sort to carry themselves in all their ways (in holiness and righteousness before him) as might become the profession they held; the other, so to moderate their affections within, that howsoever God may seem to deal hardly with them, yet that they do quietly bear it. But these things do, in their particulars so much appertain to matter of Doctrine, that having another place fitter for them, we are here, for this time to let them alone, and to reserve them to that other place more proper for them. Now therefore as touching their removing hence, and going forward in their journey again, till they so offended, that they were turned back into the Wilderness, there, with a long and irksome Pilgrimage, to reap the fruits of that their disobedience and unbelief, we are first to consider of this their iournying: then, of such things as fell out therein. In this their ioyurnying likewise we have occasion given us, first to consider, who they were that now took their journey we speak of: th •• , of the journey it self. Considering who they were; first, there is no question of the people of Israel themselves; but that now they all took their journey together generally. But others there be that went with them also, of whom we have here either no mention at all, or else but doubtful. Those of whom we have no mention at all here, were a great multitude of sundry sortes of people, who as it seemeth, now also went with them, though here we have no mention of them. For it is certain, that such joined themselves to this people when first they came out of Egypt; and shortly after doth the Story make mention of such again to be among them: and we have no mention at all of any departing away again of those that came first; nor of the coming in of any others, who might be those that are mentioned [ E] after. Those of whom we have but doubtful mention here, are the Father in Law of Moses and his company: and the doubtfulness that we have of him and his, for their being here now among them, is, for that being now when they were to set forth, desired by Moses to go with them, we read he gave him a plain nay, but read not of his return unto him again; and yet have we diverse places that afterward seem much to import, that now he went with them. Some therefore do so take it, as though this request of Moses had been made before, when he came unto Moses first, and that this answer of his, giving him the nay, was then also given him: and that not simply or absolutely denying to go with them then, but taking this course, that first he would go home and take order for his things there, and then return to them again. But, seeing when first he came, it is certain that then he returned again, by the Text; and that here he made no promise of coming back to them again, but that themselves by adding a word, did think good so to interpret (which neither the vulgar, nor any English, nor Fra. Vatablus, nor Arias Montanus, nor any other, that I know, have done:) in both these respects I think it the safest, to make no certain reckoning, that he and his company did now go with them. That afterward we find some of that Kindred to be among them, it importeth no more, but that sometime or other they came unto them: and it may be, after these had past their pilgrimage, as likely as now. Moses Father in Law must by all likely-hood now be well stricken in years, Moses him-self that married his Daughter being now some-what better than four-score years old: & then as Barzillay (at those years said to be a very aged man) did afterward excuse himself to David, but yet sent Chimham his Son with him; so in this also is it not unlikely, but that the old man himself would resolutely free himself from such iournying now, and rather incline to finish his days among his own people at home, and yet send some of his line to enjoy such favors as Moses and the people of Israel would bestow upon them in the Lande of Canaan when them-selves came there. Tnis inclination of all the elder sort generally, seemeth to me to be the most learned Interpreter of all, for all such places. So it it certain, that the Israelites were of this company; and in a manner certain too, that those other Straungers (or many of them) that came out of Egypt with them, were with them now also: but for Hobab and his company, such at the least as he thought good to take with him back again, I see no great likelihood to find them here now in this their journey. As touching the journey it self, that now they went three days journey, and the people in that order that before is described, there is no question: the Text it self is plain for them both. But whether at the first they traveled all that whole time without intermission, or taking any rest betwixt; or traveled but in the day time [ C] only, and in that sort three days together: it is not in the Text so plainly decided; and probabilities it seemeth, there be for both. For seeing the people murmured immediately after, it may seem thereby that their iournying now was great: though that also might be upon their traveling three days together, though they had the nights to rest in, having laid in one place before so long as they did. On the other side, because the Prayer which a little after Moses is said to have made, when the Ark went forward, and when it rested, is so set down, as if at such times Moses was wont to use it, and not for once only: he could not so have used it yet at several times, if this had been but one entire journey, all those three days and three nights, without intermission. Their Cattle also, especially such as were young, or were with young, and their young children, and the more aged and weaker sort among them may seem not to be able any way to perform it, but with some intermission or rest betwixt. So likewise, in what sort the Ark went in this journey, is not conceived alike withal. For whereas the Hebrew word, ( 〈…〉 ) as Arias Montanus doth Interpret it, doth signify Before them, (as also the vulgar translation did interpret it before, our English Bibles, Vatablus and Calvin since; and, that most is to be marked, both Tremellius and Junius too:) now, since at that time, Junius doth varry, and having first set down a note of his own (as before I noted) that the Levites should so go in the midst of all the people, as that none should go before them, but only on either hand besides them; now framing his Interpretation here to his purpose in that also, he doth interpret it, In their sight, and then bearing us in hand, that the Ark went there also in the midst of the Campe, he referreth us to that place for our warrant therein. So he is of mind now, that the Ark did not go before them, but in the midst of them and in their sight: and that so good company of it among them, did make the people go that three days journey all at once without intermission. But it seemeth to me, that the general judgment of others besides how to take the Original therein, the practice of it by Joshua and the Priests after, and his own taking it so before, while he was by that more likely direction hedged. in unto it, might well have been sufficient to have stayed him where he was before: or at least to satisfy us, rather to rest with him in his former judgment, than to varry with him in the latter. The things that did fall out therein, are nothing else in a manner, but only a naughty murmuring against God and Moses for this his government, and for their estate there: for the which first he chasteneth but certain of them; but then afterward he doth punnish them all together. When he chasteneth but certain of them, he was [ D] notwithstanding provoked unto it first by the whole people generally: then, by certain of the chiefest of them. By them all generally, twice: first, as it seemeth, for being now led so painful a journey; then, about their victuals again. When they murmured, as it seemeth, for this their journey, the Lord kindled a Fire among them, and consumed of the utter-most of them: but when they cried unto Moses, and he to the Lord, the fire was quenched; but such a name was left to the place, as might afterward be a warning unto them. In that wherein they murmured about their victualles, there fell out another matter thereon, of special moment: so are we first to consider of that in it self; then, of that other that fell out upon it. In that their murmuring it self, we are likewise to note, first their fault: then their punishment. In their fault likewise, first the occasion of it: then what it was that by that occasion they fell into. The occasion of it was, those strangers that came forth with them out of Egypt; who having kept themselves now a long time reasonable well (for ought we hear of them) beginning to murmur about their victuals, make the rest of their people to murmur also. As among us, such as have been before brought up in ignorance and error, though for a time sometimes they hold: yet easily and soon they fall out again. That which the people by this occasion fell into, was that the rest of the people murmured also, yea and wept besides in the grief of their harts that they were so dealt with: as indeed it was an irksome thing to flesh and blood, all the whole year to be kept to one kind of sustenance without any change; enough to make the most daintiest food that could be conceived, at length to be loathed. Their punishment was, even in the thing that they desired: God giving flesh unto them to their own desire in great abundance; but then sending his plague withal. So we also, if we hold not our selves content with some lower and meaner estate that God hath given us, may indeed oftentimes obtain some better: but then let us also take heed, that some fearful hand of God do not follow upon it immediately after. That other thing that came in hereupon, was, a farther augmentation unto the government that already they had among them: in which also we are first to consider of the occasion of it; then, what it was that was done thereby. The occasion was, that now also Moses became impatient, and in his impatiency did expostulate with God, and find himself much grieved, that God should still so trouble him with the Government of that unruly people. In that which was done thereby, we are not [ E] to consider, what it was: but also to note the manner of it. It was a supply of many moe wise and discreet men, such also as otherwise were of special reckoning among the people for their prehaeminence and dignity among them, to assist Moses in the government of the people, to the number of three-score and ten in all: a form of government, that, as it seemeth (and for much of the time is apparent enough) did hence-forward stand and continue with them (especially when they had no Kings of their own) so long as the people themselves did stand. The manner of it was, that God did take off the same Spirit or measure of grace, where-with he had to that end before endued Moses, and divided to every of them apart thereof, so to enable them unto that business together with him. Which as it was a snub unto Moses, for charging God to over-charge him above the ability that he had given him: so is it a lesson to us, not to repine at any burden that God layeth on us, but assuredly to know, that ever he giveth ability correspondent; they all having no more now (and yet the same working mightily in them) than only Moses had before, though himself now had not that consideration, that so we may ever now and then find, that Aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus. The offense that was made by certain of the chiefest of them, was that same which shortly after we find was committed by Mirian or Mary, the Sister of Moses, and a Prophetess her self: and by Aaron the High Priest his Brother. What their fault was, seemeth not to be in the Text it self fully declared. For whereas it seemeth there were two principal branches of it, one about a marriage of Moses, and the other about his preeminence, the former of them is wrapped up in silence, and the latter only imparted unto us. Concerning the former, the most (and the best that I do know) are out of doubt that the Aethyopian wife that here is spoken of, was none other but Zipporah: and the reasons they give, why being a Midianite, he should be called an Aethyopian, are some of them good. But when Josephus doth plainly say, that while he was a great man in Egypt, he married an Aethyopian Lady indeed: I do not see, but that this might rather be meant of her; and find withal, that others have been of the same mind also. And this seemeth to stand, not so much on the report of Josephus, as upon the Text it self. For after that Moses hath told us, that they murmured or spake against him, because of a woman of Aethyopia that he had married: he addeth again, for he had married a woman of Aethyopia. which form or manner of speaking he doth not seem so much to speak of Zipporah whom he had there, a woman (no doubt) sufficiently known to them all (especially [ F] if she were so rare a woman as there be of the Hebrews that report she was) as of some other of whom they all had not so perfect knowledge, and therefore himself doth now acknowledge it also: namely, that such an one sometimes he had. Tremellius and Junius do indeed something incline their Translation unto the sense that they conceive, in that second member of it; and the vulgar translation doth leave it clean out: but the Original hath it; and so doth our English, Arias Montanus, Uatablus, and Calvin plainly distinguish. Now what it is, that, as touching her, they charge him withal, neither is it set down, neither then do we need to use any ghesses of our own: but for anything that I do find, if in Aethyopia he did so marry, it were hard I think for any to say, that ever he did come at her again, though well we may hope, it was some reasonable course that therein he held, notwithstanding it be unknown unto us. Concerning the latter, that do we find to show it self more plainly unto us: namely, that it was aemulation in them, not taking it well, that he should, as it were engross all the doings unto himself. As in this age of ours we also have seen combining together, of some not so vehement, but of other importunate spirits mingled withal: who notwithstanding have both sorts of them joined together, against such as God himself hath placed, even for the fathers of the Church among us. But as such repining at his greater place of those that were so near unto him, might well put him-self in mind how unadvisedly he charged God to lay over heavy a burden on him: so might the people as plainly see, that it was no pack among themselves, that those two Brethren had the two chief places betwixt them; the one, the Government, the other the Priest-hood. But because in this Mary only was punished, as also in this action she is first named; and Aaron is but only reproved, and besides was bold to make intercession for Mary when he saw that she was stricken: therefore it seemeth we may safely gather, that for this matter the greatest fault was only in her. When he doth punish them altogether, therein also we are to consider, first of their fault: then of their punishment. Their fault had two principal heads: one, that they would send in some of their own to search the Land; the other, that then they plainly refused to enter at all, and would needs turn back to Egypt again. In that they would send in some of their own to search the Land their fault likewise (no doubt) was double: first, in that themselves did first desire it; then, in that they refused the Lande when God was content to yield it unto them. For in that they did first desire to have that search, it was a plain token of their Infidelity, and a manifest fruit of the same, God having already told them, both that the Land it self was good; and that he [ G] would give it unto them. Now therefore doing thus, they put God on his trial, to be tried by a Jury of theirs, whether he said truly or not: much like to a sort of false-hearted Christians among us also, who have likewise as slender respect to the word of God, unless they have some of their own to approve it. Nevertheless, seeing so they would have it, he yieldeth unto it, and himself doth set Moses about it: and Moses, acknowledging that he also liked the motion well, accordingly setteth in hand with it too. But they might have done a great deal better, therein to have given such another example, as David afterward did about the waters of the Well of Bethlehem: which though in his thirst he earnestly desired, yet when he saw into what icopardy those three Worthies of his had put their lives to fetch it, his heart would not serve him then to drink it. So, though these had made that motion before, and resolutely were bent with themselves so to have it, yet when they had time to bethink themselves better, and consider what indignity thereby they should offer to the Truth of God (of which they had already had so great experience, and of his great goodness withal unto them) to put it to the trial of lying men, and to be of no farther account with them, than they should approve it: what could have been more agreeable to their duty, then, how could they have given a better example to those that followed, wherein could they more have glorified God, and what could have been more honorable unto themselves, than utterly to have relinquished that request of theirs now, themselves to have stamped it under their feet, and altogether with one voice, with blubbered eyes, & bleeding hearts, to have desired God to forgive them, that ever they made it, that ever they thought it? But that other fault of theirs that followed heereon, far exceeded. For therein they actually gave, even as it were, diffinitiue sentence against God himself: preferring that ungrateful, and false, and blasphemous, and vile report of those searchers of theirs, unto that which God himself in his most certain, and inviolable truth, had before delivered unto them. And then breaking through the bounds of all loyalty, yea and of all modesty, and of all good nature too, they charge God that he hath done it of hatred unto them to destroy them, and to make their wives and their children a pray to that people: wishing rather they had died before they came thither; mutinously banding themselves to make them a Captain to lead them back to Egypt again; and ready to stone all that should stand in their way therein. When he came to punnish, as their faults were two: so were they punnished two ways also. For whereas first they did not [ H] rest on that which God had said unto them, but leaned so much to the judgment of men first God himself did yield that course unto them, that so they might eat of the fruits of their own faithless ways: then, also, those that them-selves so trusted (though they had a couple of their whole Jury that gave in a better verdit; and though the rest were choice men also, and by Moses instructed, and brought a good token) even they did beguile them (a notable Caveat to us that follow) and hardened their hearts to that disobedience that then they shown. Then also, whereas they refused now to go in, when they might (besides that then they endangered themselves with present destruction) they were by the final decree of God excluded forever: yet with this great moderation and mercy, that their children (after they had borne the iniquity of their parents in that wilderness forty years, as in their unbelief they had been searching the Land forty days) should enter thereinto, and enjoy it; all the rest perishing there in the wilderness, saving only those two, Joshua, and Caleb, that gave the land a good report, and encouraged the people unto it. And though Moses and Aaron became very earnest suitors to God on their behalf; and the next morning the people them-selves forethought what they had done, and offered themselves now to go in: yet would not God by any means reverse that part of his Sentence, but bad them back into the wilderness again; and, when yet notwithstanding they would needs adventure, he, to the overthrow of many of them, gave sufficient proof unto them, that he was resolved firmly to keep, that which now he had determined of them. So now are they returned into the Wilderness again, there to consume their days in dishonor and heart-break, for that their infidelity and willfulness: so to receive a due, though an irksome reward to themselves; and in all ages to be a pattern to such, in what case they do undoubtedly stand before God.

2. As touching the residue of their time in the Wilderness, which GOD now [ A] (by their provocation) hath taken, before he will bring them into the Lande of Promise, there be two principal partes of it: one, in a manner altogether void of any Story in comparison of the quantity of it; the other, that wherein the Story is plentifully revived again. That which is so void of History, is almost all the residue of their time in the Wilderness, until the last, or fortith year: insomuch that whereas there is yet but one year spent, and a little more of the next, since they came out of Egypt, there must yet remain almost eyght and thirty years, before the fortith year begin to come in. Unto which time we find no more of the Text to [ B] appertain originally, that we may undoubtedly think, to be thereunto ascribed, but only five Chapters of the Book of Numbers: beginning with the fifteenth, and ending with the nineteeth of them. Within which compass, first we have some things that may seem to come in, partly by occasion of this last Story going before: then, certain others, that have no relation at all, or respect unto it. Those that seem to come in, partly by occasion of this last Story going before, are certain Laws that immedialy follow: in which we are to consider; first, how they may seem partly to come in, in respect of that last Story aforesaid; then, what they are. They may seem to come in, partly in respect of that Story going before, because they are so specially named to be such, as do appertain unto that time, when they shall come into the Land which God shall give them. For being no doubt in great heaviness now (so many of them as had the grace to consider accordingly of it) as by their own folly, excluded that good Land which now they might have entered into: it might be a special comfort unto them, that hereby God did so plainly give them to understand, that nevertheless he would in time give it unto them. And it may very well be, and is most likely, that God himself had the self-same meaning with him: being ever wont, in the midst of his wrath, to remember his goodness, and still to mingle his Judgments with Mercy. What the Laws themselves are, appertaineth to another place rather to consider: and so we are here to leave them. Those others that have no relation or respect at all unto the Story going before, are two Stories, with such things as are to them appertaining: one, of him that gathered Sticks on the Sabbath-day; the other, of a special mutiny among them. In the former it is to be noted, that both those that espied him so doing, did not conceal it, but brought him to the Magistrates: and again, the Magistrates, though as yet they were not fully resolved, as it seemeth, that he had thereby broken the Sabbath, yet do they not let him go neither, and bid him do no more so, but put him in Ward, till they might be farther informed of the Lord's pleasure therein: and that the Lord did plainly for it condemn him to death; and so was he accordingly executed. Hereunto belongeth, as it seemeth, the Law that immediately after followeth of having Fringes and Ribands on the edge of their Garments, to be a remembrance unto them, not to follow after their own ways, but to take good heed to do all that he requireth: so to be some preservative unto them for the time ensuing to keep them from sin. And the better use that men might so make of such trimming up of their Garments: the more strange and pitiful it is, that for the most part such as most do in such sort trim-up their Garments, seem of all others least to regard to frame their ways according to the Laws of God. The latter is a larger [ C] Story, and hath much more thereunto appertaining: but first of the Story it self; then, of those things that belong unto it. In the Story it self; first, their fault: then, their punishment. Their fault was, the most part of it, apparent or plain: but it may be doubted, that there was more, which nevertheless doth not plainly appear. That which is apparent or plain, is, that in so mutinous sort they banded themselves together, and came and strove about the Priest-hood, making light of Moses and Aaron, and having them in contempt withal; and putting forth themselves unto it: and then, when they were by Moses reproved, yet nevertheless persisted in that their ambition, and in contumacy against him besides. That which doth not so plainly appear, and yet may be doubted to have lurked in some of them also, is the desire of the government too, because they were of the Tribe of Reuben, that were partakers in this action (Reuben being by his birth, the eldest Son of Jacob, and so having some pretence that way, to be something forth-putting about it) & because these did find fault with Moses government: and so is it the judgment of some. Their punishment was, for the greater sort of them (saving that we have herein no mention of On, who was one of them) that the earth opened and swallowed up those three great Captains, themselves and theirs, and all that they had: and Fire coming from the presence of the Lord, destroyed those other two hundred and fifty: and for the rest of the people, who the next day murmured against Moses and Aaron as destroying the people of God, he presently sent a quick and ready plague among them, destroying them very fast, till Aaron by the direction of Moses did step in among them, and (therein bearing a figure of Christ) made atonement for them, and did stay it, having already destroyed 14700. of them. A good pattern to be kept in remembrance of all such as are rebellious or mutinous persons, and of all their adhaerentes with them. Of those things that belong to this Story, one there is, that necessarily and plainly belongeth unto it: and others besides, that less or more may seem likewise to have their dependence on it. That which necessarily and plainly belongeth unto it, is the same that next doth follow: how God by the Miracle of Aaron's Rodde or Braunch in one night flourishing, all the others remaining void as they were before, did establish the Priest-hood unto him. A very good figure, that the Priest-hood or Mediation betwixt God and Man, is to be left to Christ alone: who only flourisheth in the beauty and fruitfulness of holiness and righteousness; all others being but helpless stays, fruitless branches, and rotten sticks before him. Those others besides that seem to have less or more their [ D] dependence hereon, are all that remain of these five Chapters: and first, howe the people may seem to be by these things affected; then, what course it pleased God to take thereupon. The people seeing these judgments of God poured forth so roundly on those offenders, were, as it seemeth, in great consternation or amazedness at it: doubting they could not approach to the Lord, but to put themselves in danger of his displeasure. The course that hereupon (as it seemeth) it pleased God to take, was that which followeth: first, about the Priest-hoode; then, about the purifying of them all generally. But these again do so properly appertain to matter of Doctrine, that we are to reserve them to another place more fitter for them.

3. That other part of their Pilgrimage, wherein the Story is plentifully revived [ A] again, doth likewise divide it self into two principal partes: one, the first ten months of it; the other, the two last. And these first ten months may we best divide according to the manner of their iournying in them. For first they came, as they were then in the Wilderness, parting with Ezion-gabar, and Elath the two and thirtith, directly North-ward (in a manner) to the Wilderness of Zin and Kadesh, their three and thirtith Station; and so on forward to Mount Hor their four and thirtith Station, bearing on that Coast still: so holding on their course then, that if they had so continued, they should have butted or fallen upon the South end of the Land of Canaan, where afterward the Tribe of Judah was placed, and over-against Mount Carmel there. But, from thence, the course and Coast of their iournying was altered; they being turned East-ward for a while; then after, North-ward again: so to compass these three, a part of Edom, that corner of the Land it self, and the dead Sea about; and to make their entry on the East-side of the Land, as after they did. So are we first to consider, what things fell out in this Northe • lie part of their journey now: then, to come to that other part of it, when they were twined to another Coast. In this Notherly part of their journey they had two Stations: this present, where they are now; and the next that immediately followed. Where they are now; first, we have some Story of certain of themselves only there: then, of some dealing they had with others. Of themselves, only two Stories: one, of one person only; the other, of many. That which is of one person only, is of Miriam, or Marie, the Sister of Moses & Aaron; whose Story is, that now she died here: a pattern and warning what others might look for, that yet remained of the old people, when as God now beginneth to lay down those that were nearest unto him. But if it were she that watched Moses, when being a child he was laid in a basket in the water, as Master Calvin is of opinion, then must she be of so great [ B] age now (Moses being at this time, • t the point of sixescore years old) that it is more strange that she lived so long, then that she should die now. Nevertheless, there be that are of opinion that she was such an one indeed, as we may well if she were such (and it is certain she was a Prophetess) account her to be very dear unto God. For they say she was a very good one: and that for her sake we do not find of a long time before, but that the people had water enough, whereas now immediately after her death they wanted. That which is of many, doth follow immediately after: a special great murmuring again for want of water; but their need quickly and strangely supplied. Their murmuring now did not only touch themselves: but it set Moses also out of temper, driving him to some impaciencie too. As it touched themselves only, their fault was great: not seeking to the Lord in that their necessity; but misliking of his government, despairing of his goodness, and laying the blame on those his servants. Whereupon Moses and Aaron, humbling themselves unto the Lord, were by and by directed what course to take, to make supply. But being thus directed, and readily setting in hand to make supply, thetein they did so far offend, that now they also are for it excluded the Land: though notwithstanding the people had their necessity relieved. But two things there are, that here would be more specially noted: one, what was this fault of Moses & Aaron; the other, that nevertheless the people were holpen. What was their fault it is good to mark, seeing they were for it excluded, as well as the others that more offended. In searching out what their fault should be, so far as it respecteth the Rod that was now to be used, the matter is not great, that there is some difference betwixt the learned: some accounted it to be the Rod of Aaron that now they were willed to take; the residue making no question of it, but that it was that other of Moses, by which great works were done before. They account it to be the Rod of Aaron, because it was appointed to be laid up by the Ark for a memorial: and because it is said, that they did take that Rod that they took, from before the Lord. And it is not unlikely, but that, because this had lately budded and flowred, and had brought forth ripe fruit all in a night, and was of fresher remembrance than was the other, and not otherwise brought forth to use again that we do read of (and yet was willed before to be kept for a remembrance to the children of Israel, and to cause their murmuring to cease) this indeed might well be the Rod that is spoken of now: though it be not unlikely neither, but that Moses after that he saw that it pleased God so to work by that other Rod or staff of his, [ C] he would not afterward make any use of it, but leave it there ready before the Lord still to be used as it should please him to appoint it. The Translation of those two former is such, as seemeth rather to point to Aaron's Rod: but neither the vulgar before, nor Fra. Vatablus, Arias Montanus, nor Master Calvin since, do find any matter in the original. But the fault of Moses was his behavior at the Rock. For whereas they were willed to take that Rod with them, and, in the sight and hearing of the Elders of Israel, to speak to the Rock to give the people water, as very well assured that it should so be: Moses now doth not speak to the rock as he was directed, but moved with the people's vnrulines in that perturbation of his mind within, himself did make some doubt of it, whether they should do it or not, and together with his impatient and doubfull speeches with the Rod that then he had, he smote the rock twice, whereupon gushed out plenty of water; and Aaron all this while being by, did nothing at all better that defective course of his brother. So far were they both at that time from going about their business, with that moderation towards the people and confidence in God; and therefore charged, that they did not glorify him: as giving them to understand thereby, that though all the people had thus murmured, and were ever doubtful that God did forget them; yet should they as better acquainted with his ways, and most assured of his mindfulnesse of them, most resolutely and with a mighty courage assure them, that he could not forget them, and now did no more but only make some proof of their faith, and occasion them to call upon him. If Moses and Aaron were excluded for this, many of us had need to take heed. That, notwithstanding Moses and Aaron were so defective here, yet pleased it God even by their Ministry so far slipped by them, or at least so hardly performed, to supply the want of the people, it is a very good lesson to us, that neither in the word nor Sacraments, is the force of God's operation to us-ward impaired, though the Ministers them-selves be unworthy. In the dealing that here they had with others, we are to learn, moderately to put up such unkindness as others may offer unto us, far otherwise than we would think that we should. Which that we may the better perceive, we are to note, what cause they had to be offended: and, how they did quietly put it up notwithstanding. The cause that they had [ D] to be offended, was, that sending first to the Edomites their Brethren (for those were a people descended of Esau, as these of Jacob) to obtain license to pass thorough their Lande, because it was a great deal their nearest way; and when the Edomites made danger at it, either on behalf of the Canaanites their neighbors dwelling within them, or of their own security in it, then they assured them besides, that they would but pass the high street only, & truly pay for whatsoever they had or took, even for the water that themselves and their Cattle did drink: yet, notwithstanding that their consanguinity before, & their reasonable offer now, they would in no wise afford them that courtesy and kindness that now they desired. That they did quietly put it up notwithstanding, it appeareth not only in this, that then they quietly turned a-side from thence, and went that farther way about: but also for that when the Lord had warned them before, that they should not meddle with any part of their Dominions, yet nevertheless telling them then, that he having blessed them so as he had, they should truly pay for whatsoever they should need or take of them as they passed, out of this they might with some probability have gathered, that if such courtesy were denied unto them, then might they have made so much the bolder with them. In which respect, both the Translation it self some-what, and the Marginall note in some of our English Bibles, is so much the rather to be heeded: the translation, for that it may seem to import that they should go thorough the Land of the Edomites which we do not find they did, but only along by the borders of it; and the Marginall note, for that it maketh two several motions of this matter, and this that we are in of the Book of Numbers to be the former, whereas we do neither read of any moe, and diverse circumstances of the Text declare, that that which Moses afterward speaketh of, was the same and none other. Therefore others do better note thereon, that Moses there doth not observe the order of times as things were done. And that which occasioned those that did it, to set such a note there, may seem to be, that diverse have been of opinion, that either this or such another message was sent from Kades-Barnea, whence they sent their espyals to search the Land before: and that Franciscus Vatablus may seem to be of much like opinion also. But both Mayster Calvin joineth both these in one, this of the Numbers, as the Original that of Deuteronomy as a recital of it again: and the Text is plain, that their sending thus to the Edomites, was not till they had been at the farthest part of their journey backward, [ E] Esion-gabar, on the Red-Sea side, and were now come up thence Northward again to the Wilderness of Zin, called Kadesh also, and that their next journey thence, was to Hur, where Aaron died. But Kadesh-Barnea is set to be near to the borders of the Land of Canaan, and to be a period or principal stay of their first iournying after that the Law was given: insomuch that though it be not named among their Stations (it belike being a Citty then, and so granted to be a while after, and they camping but some-what towards it) yet have we no mo Stations named, before they sent those Searchers thence, but only Kibroth-Hataana, Hazeroth, and the Wilderness of Paran, which by a note in one of our English Bibles, is interpreted to be that, which indeed doth follow next after in the text where the recital is set down of them, namely, Rithmah. In which respect, not only the description or Map that we have in diverse of our English Bibles, annexed to the three and thirtith Chapter of the Book of Numbers: but both Tremellius and Junius together, are to be farther examined, as I do take it, and Junius likewise by himself again. For first that plot in our English Bibles doth hold them but about the midst of the wilderness for all those thirty and eight years which they spent there after that for their infidelity and disobedience they were turned back into it again to finish out full forty years, as in that Infidelity of theirs they had been searching the Land forty days. But it doth not bring them back again so far as to the Red-Sea: and yet it is certain, that thither they came. For they came to Esion-gabar and Elath. But now we read that Ezeon-gabar was (as it seemeth) an Haven-Town on the Red-Sea, and that Eloth was besides it: for that Solomon first had his Navy there, and after him Jehoshaphat also, which by other occasion was there also crushed or broken, so that it was made unmeet for the journey that was intended. Tremellius and Junius likewise, make in one place many, in another, eighteen Stations betwixt this and Kadesh-Barnea: whereas that Story of sending in their espyals, doth not come in after many, nor after few, but immediately after this present Station in Paran, Rithmah as it seemeth, where now they are. Junius by himself doth afterward refer this Story to the self same place of the Book of Numbers that now we are in: which they both did by a Marginall quotion before; and now himself in plain terms after. So it seemeth to me, that they conceive but one place only to bear the name of Kadesh: and rather make their choice to have it the same that is spoken of the twentieth Chapter of [ F] the Book of Numbers, than to have it this that is spoken of in the thirteenth. But the order of the Story, and diverse circumstances besides, are, as it seemeth unto me, plainly against it: and themselves against themselves too so far, that I do not see how they may be reconciled. For in the beginning of the twentieth Chapter they grant (as the truth is) that now it was the fortieth year. But certain it is, that from that Kadesh that is spoken of in the thirteenth Chapter, more than eight and thirty of those forty years were then to come: and themselves do make the people of Israel, by occasion that Moses did first set down, that it was but eleven days journey from Horeb to Kadesh-Barnea, and after-ward told them that they had tarried a long time there at Kadesh, to make their abode at that Kadesh of theirs those eight and thirty years afore-said. And Christianus Adrichomius Delphus purposely writing of that Country and places adjoining, so far as appertaineth to this purpose, maketh two special places of that name, one to be betwixt their fifteenth and sixteenth Stations; the other to be the three and thirtith: and setteth all their Stations down much more likely, as it seemeth to me, to agree with the Text, than any other that I do know of. Now, whereas they talk of thirty eight eight years spent in their Kadesh, it seemeth to me, that the guess of others, though there be no certainty therein neither, yet is the more likely for the other Kadesh-Barnea, the former of them, on the latter part of the last Verse of the first of Deuteronomy, which the vulgar Translation leaveth out clean: namely, that they rested as long there as they did spend in all their other Stations that followed. Which dividing the whole time of 38. years afore-said, left nineteen years to either of them. That other Station that was the next, and immediately followed after this, was by the mountain Hor, where two special matters befell them: one, the death of Aaron; the other, the hostility that then they had with one of the next Kings of Canaan. As touching the death of Aaron, it was now imposed upon him as a punishment or chastisement rather, for his fault with Moses at Meribah: but he was of great years now, 123. years old; and so the chastisement so much the more easy. Again, as he went up, the High Priest in his honorable Robes, so Eleazar his son came down in the same apparel and office: a good figure to us, of the aeternity of the Priest-hood of Christ, of which those things being but a shadow, do notwithstanding, even in death it self, join so closely together. And though the people did often bear thenselves hard against him before: yet make they great mourning for him now. As touching the other, K. Arad, one of the Kings of the Canaanites, dwelling thereby, came out against them, and howsoever he used the matter (belike by ambushments) took many Prisoners of them: at which the rest of the people were so nettled, that presently they vowed unto the Lord, that if it would please him to give them an hand against them, they would then take no part of the spoil to themselves, but utterly destroy them and their Cities. And so the Lord giving his people victory against them, they performed their promise so fully, that the place it self did afterward take the name thereof, as a place accursed unto the Lord, or for his sake altogether abandoned to utter destruction. A good pattern unto them, how far the people of God by such bad dealing (for they did not provoke them first) may be so far enraged, that resolutely they may bend themselves to the utter destruction of such Enemies of theirs: and that God himself, that is most merciful, may nevertheless in such case abandon all Mercy too: and that, if now they were so little able to stand in their hands, when yet they were not to enter in, much less should they afterward do it when that time came; and therefore a fair call of them to repentance now. Again, it seemeth we may probably gather thereby, that although the Edomites would in no wise suffer the Israelites to pass by them to the Land that God would give them: yet were they content to let those Canaanites pass by them, so to assault the Israelites as they did. For this was the very next Station to that, whence they sent to crave passage before, where they were denied, & by the description of those Countries, the Land of the Edomites was in that place also, betwixt the Israelites & the Land of Cannan: and for two or three Stations more besides. But as for this their Station at Hor, it is plainly set down in the Text, that it was in the edge of the Land of Edom: as also the Text doth probably imply, that those three that follow the next after, were on the borders of Edom also, not only because then they were said to compass the Land of Edom; but also, because it doth not name any to be of another Coast, till it cometh to the Iie-abarim the the fourth Station after, which indeed it termeth to be on the borders of Moab. And this is often seen in the Worlde, that the Children thereof are a great deal more favorable to their own kind, though in blood farther removed, than to those that are of God indeed, though in blood they be nearer unto them.

4. When they were turned to another Coast; first, for a time they bare East-ward [ A] only, so to leave Edom untouched; but then afterward, Northerly again: and so doing, they left the Dead-Sea, and the South part of the Land that they were [ B] to go into, on their left hand, and were to come in now on the East-side of it. In which their journey, they had no notable stay till they came to the plain of Moab, over against Jericho, where they were to make their entry: but for our part of this mean time betwixt, some part of that sentence or judgment of God of their perrishing there in the Wilderness, seem to remained as yet vnaccomplished; but then shortly after it seemeth, that it was performed unto them. Until the time it was accomplished, they tasted now and then of some severity as they gave occasion: but after that, it seemeth his Justice was satisfied for that matter; he still dealt so graciously with them. They tasted of some severity as they gave occasion, at two several times: one, in the beginning of this their journey; the other, after they were come to the plain of Moab aforesaid. In the beginning of this their journey, they murmured again, because of the way; but then, as their manner was, they put in their other discontentments withal: as that they were brought out of Egypt; and had neither Bread nor Water there; and that they were so cloyed with Manna, that now their stomachs did utterly loath it. But seeing it was the way, whereat they took occasion first to murmur, it may seem to be, that they were grieved that they might not make their entrance into the Land there where they were now, having made so good an impression into it already, by vanquishing King Arad, and destroying his Cities: but now must leave that fair opportunity, and all that labor, and go about again they cannot tell whither. But the truth is, that God therein provided better for them, than they were aware of, by this means giving them two other Kingdoms more than he promised, as afterward the Story will show; yet so long as this was unknown unto them, needs must it be a strong temptation, but only to such as were very well assured of the goodness of God towards them. Their punishment for this matter was, that there was sent in upon them a kind of Serpent (that which is properly called the Dipsas,) as it seemeth being a Greek word, and coming of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying to thirst: for that this kind of Serpent is said, by his poison so to consume all moisture in those whom he byteth, that he setteth them all in an extreme thirst and heat; and so destroyed many of them. A strange and fearful kind of punishment: but yet so much the meeter for those that having so good experience of the wisdom and goodness of God to them-wards, could only upon the sense of their own reason so hardly censure his government of them, and so vily reproach it besides. At length they were sorry and sought his favor. Yet then, though Moses [ C] entreated for them, he would not take those Serpents from them, as he had quite removed other plagues before: but only would give them a remedy against them, by that brazen Serpent which he willed Moses to erect for them; vouchsafing, that all that were stung with those fiery Serpents, as soon as they looked on this, should then recover. A needful document, in some good time to make an ende of sinning, least God at the length take such a course with us also: not at any time to take away from us any such plague, as for our sin he casteth upon us, but only to help so many as seek unto him; and not these neither, till so they do. A notable Figure of Christ likewise; who being altogether without sin, yet in the similitude of sinful Flesh, hath by his death destroyed the power of sin (unto those, that here in the Wilderness of this World, themselves feeling the burden of sin, seek unto him to be eased of it:) but afterward is the abolishing or breaking of it, recorded among the virtues of one of the good Kings of Judah, for that the people had then used to do worship unto it; and so teacheth us thereby, that our Superiors also do well, when they remove such stumbling blocks out of the way. How they tasted of his severity again in the plain of Moab, is a larger Story, having many other things going before, as the occasion of that their sin, and punishment of it. So are we first to consider of the occasion of it: then, of that their falling into the displeasure of God. The occasion of it was, that unhappy counsel that Balaam is said to have given against the people of God, when Balak the King of Moab, had a little before sent for him to some such purpose. Where again we are to consider, what it was that occasioned the King of Moab so to do: and what it was that he and others did thereupon. That which occasioned him thereunto, was the overthrow of those two Kings that dwelt near unto him: Sihon, King of the Amorites; and Og, the King of Basan. Whose Story is this. When the people came to the boarders of those Amorites, they sent unto one of those Kings, to him that was next them, to crave license to pass through his Land in peaceable manner. Who not only denied them, but also came forth with his forces against them. So was he and his people overthrown, and his Cities and Towns, with all the spoil, fallen into the hands of the Israelites. After which the people going on forward towards Bashan, Og the King thereof came out likewise against them with all his power, whom also they slew, and possessed themselves of all that they had. That which the K. of Moab did hereupon, was, that doubting he could not make his part good with them by plain force, he would assay (as that great Usurper at Rome doth, against [ D] those Princes and people's that profess the Gospel) what he could do by other secret and wicked practices. He adviseth himself of a certain Prophet as it seemeth, in Mesopotamia, but he belike making no other reckoning of him, than as of Wizzard or Wiseman (as we commonly term them) whom he thought to be very skillful in the Black-Art (as we term it) or very expert to be witch or enchant as pleased him: and so he would see, whether he in this case could any way help him. He communieateth this his advice with the Midianites his Neighbors by: who liking well of it, join with him therein. So they send unto him men of special reckoning in both those Nations, with the accustomed reward of Sooth-saying (so much, no doubt, more liberal now, as they thought it lay them in hand, now to obtain of him the best help that he had) to bestow upon him for that present, and to load him with great promises besides (as it seemeth) for the time to come. They come unto him, he inquireth of the Lord (whereby it seemeth, he was a Prophet indeed, though not so good a man, as best might become so holy a calling) and finding that God was in no wise willing that he should accurse them, he refuseth to go with them, and doth so dismiss them. The King, not so content, sendeth again, and greater Personages than before; and with great promises besides: the Prophet would fain go; but not unless the Lord would give him leave. He trieth again, and doth obtain it: but yet on condition, he should go no farther than he did allow him. The Prophet is a glad Man; he getteth up betime, and goeth with them: as a Bloodhound on his game, he hotly pursueth the scent of promotion. But now the Lord thought good to school him by the way, and to bring him to better temper: and so he did, using also the Ministry of his Ass therein. Balak being advertised that Balaam was coming, be goeth to the utmost borders of his Land to meet him (a rare honor in these days, by such great States, to be done to such Servants of God:) he expostulateth with him his not coming before; but taketh him home with him, and the next day they set in hand with their business. Their manner of working was, by many sacrificings, now in one place, now in another, and by much devotion of that kind, to assay if they could obtain the favor of God, to join with them in this their desire. But they could not obtain it: and instead of cursing that was intented, they were fain to yield them (when they had often assayed, and done therein what they were able) a very great, and immutable blessing. Such, no doubt, is, and long hath been, even our case also: even of all [ E] such, as now in these days more sincerely profess the Gospel. Many times, and very busily have the adversaries been attempting against us, and by much baser and more wicked means than these: as for Massinges in every corner, and Ora pro nobis, in the open audience of all, there hath no store of them been wanting. But as yet, (God be thanked) it will not be: and never, • e trust, as they would have it. Neither did Balaam only discharge himself well in this: but further also did give them to understand, as touching many of their Neighbors about them, and themselves withal, that many heavy judgment; were towards them. In all which things, the King of Moab was so little pleased that now his Mountains, by a strong consumption, were so clean turned to Mole-hills, that he dismisseth his Prophet with no such promotion as before he spake of, but, as it seemeth, just with nothing, & telleth him besides, it was the Lord that kept him frō honor. Neither is it an easy matter I think, for any Menpleasers of ours, to come into any special favor with that sort of people, though indeed they had the gift of prophesy as much as Balaā here we see had: unless either already they serve even the basest humors they have; or put thē in hope, that so they will. Hitherto we find no worse thing in Balaā, but only that having, as we use to speak, a special good gift, he also gaped for promotion: a common disease with many of us much meaner than he. But now before he departed it appeareth after, he gave thē very unhappy and shreud advice: to lay some such bait for the Israelites, as whereby to entangle them in sin; that so they might have some hand against them. Which also it is most likely he did (for that is the manner of such Prophets with us, even against their own Brethren & Fathers too) either for some reward that some of them gave him; or, thereby the rather to move them to have that regard unto him: and afterward had his reward with those, that by his advice did put it in practice. Certain light Women therefore of Moab and Midian, entice diverse of the Israelites, by affording them the unlawful use of their bodies, to be with them at their Idol-feasts also, and so to commit Idolatry to Baal in Mount Peor. And one especially among others of the Children of Israel (Z ••• s by name) one of the chiefest of the Tribe of Simeon, very andaciously in the sight of all the people, to the great offense of many, did then also bring in with him, one Cozbi, a Midianit ••• Lady, into his tent, there to take their pleasure together, even to the full. But Phinebas the son of Eleazar [ F] being exceedingly moved to see so shameless a part, caught a Iauelin, ran after, & thrust thē both thorough their bellies, as it seemeth, even as they were in that their sin. By which extraordinary zeal of his, the Lord was so pleased, that even for it he did highly reward him, and besides that, remitted a great part of his indignation against the people that so grievously had offended now: and yet notwithstanding he would have some farther Justice done upon the greatest offenders: and so there perrished, for that sin, to the number of four, and twenty thousand. This being done, it seemeth his Justice was now satisfied towards his people, for that their infidelity and disobedience (almost forty years since) at Kadesh. Barnea, for that now hence-forward we have no me so fearful and grievous executions of them, but very mild and gracious dealing a long time after, all his dealing with them (in a manner) boading now, that he had kept them long enough in the Wildernes, and that now he would straight-way bring them into the Land that long before he promised unto them: some of his dealing (notwithstanding) not so plainly as yet showing the same; but other tending more directly unto it. Such of his dealing with them since, as doth not so plainly import that matter, is part of it such order as he took in diverse things now: and partly in certain Laws which it pleased him now to give them, or at least to put them in mind thereof being given before. The order that now it pleased him to take in diverse things, was most of it publicly or openly done: but more privately the other. That which was more publicly done, was first concerning the whole people: then, concerning certain of them. That which concerned the whole people, was, that now the number of them must be taken again: a good probable token, that now there was not any great execution to be done on them hereafter; when GOD is now disposed to let them see how many he hath left them, notwithstanding all those executions that one way or other he had done unto them before. Being therefore numbered, they fall out to be as many as before, and somewhat moe: the Tribe of Reuben, 43730: Simeon, 22200; Gad, 40500; Judah, 76500; Issachar, 64300; Zebulun, 60500; Manasseh, 52700; Ephraim, 32500; Benjamin, 45600; Dan, 64400; Asher, 53400; Naphtali, 45400; in all, 601730. besides the Levites, who notwithstanding were numbered a-part by themselves, all the males of them from a month old upward: and were found to be 23000. These were numbered by themselves, for that they were not to have any part of the land with the others: but to those others [ G] which were now grown up instead of their Fathers that were numbered before, was the whole land to be divided; more of it to those that were moe, and less of it to those that were fewer, but yet by Lot. Wherein also we have one thing specially noted unto us: namely, that of all these thus numbered by Moses and Eleazar now, there was not one man left of those that were numbered before, saving only those two that had that promise before made them, Joshua and Caleb. That which concerned certain of them, was, that by occasion that Zelophehad, one of the Tribe of Manasseh, had no Sons but Daughters only, and they (being five) came and made request to Moses and Eleazar, and to the Princes of the people, that they might not be neglected, but have some portion of the Land unto them as others had: it was by the Lord himself ordained, both that they should have their part of the Land as well as the rest; and that it should be a perpetual Law among them, that if any had no Sons but Daughters, then should his Daughters inhaerit before any other of his Kindred or blood. A manifest check unto the course that the Children of this world do commonly use: rather to make choice of some of their name, though they be not so near in blood; than to suffer their lands to descend unto their daughters. And whereas the Lord him-self acknowledgeth, that the Daughters of Zelophehad, demanded no more but their right therein: it may be the other course is before God a manifest wrong. At least it is an unkindly course (for a foolish pomp and pride of the world) so to prefer others before their own natural Children, so long as there is no cause in them so to varry: praeposterously choosing, that look what blessings it pleaseth God to allot unto them h •• re (whether authority, riches, or honor) such as are of their name though farther, than those that are of their blood and nearer, should have the fruition or benefit of them. A kind of vnkindlynesse, that (I think) we find not in any living creature besides: and a s • re charge withal; that pride and vanity do clean over-rule, the instinct of Nature and equity too, in those that do it. Now, in that it pleased God, by that occasion to take that order at this present, it might be enough to lift up their minds to this good hope, that now shortly the Land was to be divided among them. That which was more privately done, was, that Moses being told by the Lord, that shortly now he should go up to the Mount Abarim and there die, when first he had seen the Lande that God would give unto the people, Moses then besought the Lord to advise himself of one to govern the people after him: and the Lord again told him whom he would have, & in what sort he should be called unto it. The Laws that it pleased him now to give them, [ H] were most of them as touching his public worship in the Sanctuary: but some of them, but only about their private devotion at home: but as we said of the others before, so are we to resolve of these also; namely, to reserve them to another place much fitter for them. Such of the Lord's dealing with them as more directly tendeth to show, that they were shortly now to enter the Land promised unto them, doth first concern some of the people of those parts by them: then, their own affairs about the same. The people by them, whom first this dealing of his concerneth, were the Midianites: concerning whom, we are first to see the story it self; then, some orders (in the nature of Laws) that then were taken. As touching the Story it self God willeth Moses to take revenge of them on the behalf of the Children of Israel, before he die: that is, to execute his judgment on them, for their bad dealing with his people. Whereuppon of every Tribe one thousand, 12000. in all, are sent against them under the conducting of Phinehas the Priest, who notably prevailed against them, destroying all the males, and five Kings of them, and Balaam withal, burning their Cities, and bringing home with them a very great booty: Beeues, 72000. Asses, 61000. Sheep 675000. and young Women, 32000. And notwithstanding the great destruction that they made of the people, and this great spoil that they brought away with them, together with abundance of Iewelles besides, when the Captains took muster of their Companies to deliver them home again, or to dismiss them, they found not one man of them all wanting: and thereupon, perceiving the great favor of God towards them in that his preservation of them, they voluntarily brought in a great offering unto the Lord of the Jewels that they had gotten for their own part, besides all such as their Soldiers had to themselves, 16750. Shekels of gold. Another example of the severity of God's Justice, against such as are grievous unto his people: as these enticing them unto sin, made many of them to be destroyed. The order that now (in the Nature of Laws) was in diverse things taken with them, was some part of it such as wherein it seemeth the Lord's mind was, that in such cases so they should do afterward also: some part again, but such as was prescribed but in this case only, but such as out of which themselves might well take direction in other such like cases besides. Those that in such case were, as it seemeth, to stand still, were two: one, for themselves that came from the wars; the other, for the booty that they brought with them. As touching themselves [ I] that came from the war, because they had saved the married women and men-children alive, it seemeth as yet, Moses was offended with them, and bad them go and slay them also: and, for a time to tarry without the host, and to purify themselves and their garments too, according to the Law. As touching the bootie which they brought with them, it it no more but this, that Eleazar she Priest doth show them how it also was to be purged: the metal by fire (a good way withal to abolish such superstition, wantonness, and vanity, as it is not unlikely but that many of their Jewels were stained withal) the rest by water. That which it seemeth was but for that time only, but out of which themselves might well take direction in such other cases besides, was the division of the rest of their bootie (or that which was left, after that they tarried out of the host as was appointed:) and therein, how the High Priest was to be considered out of the one part of it; & the Levites out of the other. It was to be parted into two equal parts: one, to the Soldiers themselves; the other, unto the rest of the people. Of that which fell unto the Soldiers, the High Priest was to have, of every five hundred, one: and so his part was 675. Sheep; 72. Beeues; 61. Asses; young women. 32. Of that which fell to the rest of the people, the Levites were to have, one of every fifty, and so ten times so much among them all, as Eleazar had to himself alone: that is, of Sheep, 6750; of Beeues, 720; of Asses, 610; young women, 320. Such of the Lord's dealing as concerned their own affairs there, did partly respect that side of the Country where now they were: but chiefly the other which was beyond Jordan, whether shortly they were to go. As it respected that side of the Country where now they were, some part of it was about the settling of some of them there: and some part again, about that long journey of theirs, that now they were at a point to finish. About the settling of some there, it was that two Tribes and an half were allowed, on certain conditions, to have their portions on that side of the River: a good and probable likely-hoode, that now the rest also were soon to be placed, when as these had their places allowed here. But as it may seem, it was not so well moved by these: nor so well granted by the others neither. Not so well moved by these, because they divided themselves thereby (so far as they did) from the rest of their Brethren: and there-in from the Tribe of Judah, and from the exercise of their Religion. Not so well granted of the others neither, because they knew not yet, what people they should need to inhabit the Country on the other side: and needful it was, that they had enow to inhabit it, that so they might better expel the Canaanites, even by their multitude, not leaving them place to inhabit there. If any had spared, they might have taken the best to themselves, and have left the rest unto them: but so themselves might have [ K] kept and dwelt together, which in many good respects had been the meetest; both for the one, and for the other. And not only Moses did now soon after tell them, that those which inhabited there before, were a greater people than they, (and then were all those few enow there to inhabit:) but God himself also told them in effect as much before, by giving them to understand, that they had need to be increased to a greater number before they should be enow to furnish the Land with Inhabitants sufficient for it to bear. That which was about that long journey of theirs that now they were at a point to finish, was, that now by God's appointment all their journeys and places of their abode or Stations, were to be set duwne by Moses, which also he did: a very good token to them, that now their iournying was almost at an end, when thus their journeys were to be set down; as in casting an account, it is a Token, that the particulars are all come in, when the total sum is gathering. A good pattern also to them and to us too, what manner of Pilgrimage we have here in this world: oft changing our Stations, but everywhere (lightly) leaving some token of our folly behind us: would God it were so, that we never removed nor settled again, but only as the Lord should direct us. Such of his dealings as respect the other side, whether now shortly they were to go, do some of them concern the whole people: and some, but certain of them only. Those of his dealings with them that concern them all generally, are two: one, about the ridding of the Lande from the former Inhabitants of it; the other, about dividing or parting of it among themselves. If the charge be now so specially given them to destroy or drive out all the inhabitants of the Land, it is a plain token, that God doth mean them it now: and in that they were willed to drive them out for their own good, it is a special good warning to us when we come to profess Christ, so to deal with our home-enemies, the motions of our corrupt Nature; and to all Magistrates besides, to clear their people (so much as they may) of all the enemies of the Gospel among them. For the dividing of it among them, he first doth show them what it is, that so they might divide it among them: then, who they are that should divide it. If now they have so special charge of dividing it among themselves, that also is an evident probability, that now shortly they are to enjoy it. And seeing the bounds that are set down unto it, do plainly show, that the whole Land that God did yet mean them, lay on the West side of Jordan, and the Dead-Sea, extending unto the great Sea (which since is called the Middle-earth-Sea) Westward; as also, from Edom on the South, to Lib ••• s on the North: hence may we more fully see, that the two Tribes and an half that seated themselves on the East [ L] side of Jordan, and that Dead sea, may account themselves, to be much of their own placing; and that therein they did not so well for them-selves, as other-wise they might have done. For although the bounds of the Land be extended East-ward sometimes to Euphrates, yet, because now, when they are to enter, and to divide so much among them as the Lord doth mean them, it is all on the West side of Jordan, that he speaketh of unto them: it rather seemeth, that those places are not to be taken, as though the dwelling of the body of the people should at any time extend so far, or anything near (for then, for the truth of the promise of God, by likely-hood there would have been some order now also taken for it) but only, that a time should be, when their Dominions should be so far extended, as afterward it is true they were, albeit the same lasted but for a while. True it is, that Moses to the people, and God unto Joshua in those places before recited, do both so far extend the bounds of the Land, after that the two Tribes of Reuben and Gad, and that half Tribe of Manasseh had made their request for that part of the Land on the East of Jordan, and had the same granted unto them: & so might some conceive, that the bounding of the Land on the West side of Jordan was framed accordingly, on presupposall, that those others should have their places before, and it should be only for the nine Tribes and an half that remained. But the truth is, that although Moses did utter those words after, yet in the former of those two places of his, he doth but recite the speech of the Lord which was uttered long before, almost in the beginning of the second year of that their pilgrimage, as it appeareth by the next verse immediately going before. So it seemeth that the abounding of the land on the West of Jordan, was not, as only for those nine Tribes and an half that remained: but for them all, for the body of their dwelling; and so for those other two and an half also if so they would, but that they now had rather have their place on that other side of Jordan as is declared. And so do their own words seem to import also, when as they make so special suit for it, and in that respect renounce their part beyond Jordan: plainly implying, that that part only which was beyond Jordan, was that which was ordained for them; for all the whole people generally, and so for them also among the rest. Those his dealings with them, that respect but certain of them only were, first, for the Levites: then, for the Daughters of Zelophehad. For the Levites, the order that it pleased him to take, was, that whereas they should now come unto all the Cities of the Canaanites (which are noted to be about six hundred) they should set out eight and forty of them, wherein the Levites should dwell with the others that dwelt therein, and have certain grounds about the same, whereon to keep their Cattle, which grounds the Text calleth by the name of Subburbs. But [ M] as touching these grounds or Subburbs, the Text it self is so hard to understand, that there be diverse opinions of it: the Text first setting down one thousand Cubits only, out-right from the walls round about, to be for those grounds or Subburbs; and by and by setting down two thousand mo (as it seemeth) in like sort also. In which variety, it seemeth to me, that out of Rabbi Solomon we may best gather the meaning of it: namely, that the Levites Subburbs or Grounds should be those thousand that are spoken of first; and that the second two thousand that are spoken of after, is but to show, in what sort or manner they were to be laid out. Which was, that measuring out two thousand Cubits right from the walls, the next half of these, or one thousand of them next to the walls, should be to the common use of all the Citty, but not to build on, but to reserve such a space about them to other uses, and for their exercise and pleasure: and the farther thousand of these two, to be for the Levites, peculiar and propper to them for their Cattle. Out of which Levitical Cities he ordained likewise, that there should be six of them (three on the one side, and three on the other of the River Jordan) set out also for Cities of refuge: and setting down the use of them; he doth by that occasion set down certain things likewise concerning the shedding of blood. The use of them was, that if it should at any time so fall out (as it was like over often to be) one man should slay another, then might he, for his own safety, have some place of refuge, till his cause might come to indifferent hearing: and not be tumultuously slain by some Kinsman and friend of the other party, in that their heat, as otherwise it is often seen. But whereas we see here, that there are allowed as many Cities of refuge to the East-side of Jordan, as to the west (in length, indeed, teaching almost as far as the other, but in breadth, but about the fourth part of it, &, as it seemeth, scantly so much) out of this may be probably gathered, both that there was like to be as much disorder of that kind, in that one quarter as in all the rest besides (and that might be so the rather, for that the chief public exercise of their Religion was to to be on the other side, whereunto they could not, as now they placed themselves, so well repair:) and that this might have been a fair warning unto them, not so easily to divide themselves so far from their Brethren as now they did, even in that respect also, though there had been none other but it. Those things, that by this occasion are set down concerning the shedding of blood, are in effect but to show, in what case such protection by those Cities of refuge was to be allowed: &, in what case not. But then by occasion thereof, there are diverse particulars besides: some [ N] of them most respecting such as should judge of those cases; others, most respecting the parties themselves. To such as should Judge in those cases it was prescribed, that if any might seem unto them, rather to have deserved death, than to have such protection allowed, yet that no man should be so condemned, upon the witness of one man only: and when they had found, whether a man were to die, or to be allowed that protection, then were they to do execution accordingly, and in no wise to take any ransom or fine of such offenders, either for sparing of their lives, or to enlarge them from the praecinctes of their refuge-Cities. For the parties themselves it was provided, that they had no protection, but only within the praecinctes of those Cities: and, that there they were to abide during the the life of the High Priest that then was. A comfortable figure of the death of Christ our High Priest, to all such as are distressed about their sin: and, a reasonable plain warning withal, that the more we are partakers of that annointing with him, the readier should we be hence to depart, when as by affording such Malefactors the benefit of his death, his life must needs be so much the more in danger by this. For the daughters of Zelophead, the order that was taken, was, not only for them, but for all others also that should afterward be in such like case, as wherein these were now: namely, that whereas, by order taken before, they did inherit, now was it provided for likewise, that they should not marry out of their own Tribe (and that so it should be for all others also) that so the Land of any one Tribe, might never go forth to be joined unto another. Which, it may be, might likewise prove a notable good bar, to the immeasurable greediness of diverse, if in other States, or among other people's it were used likewise, that by such means no land should be as it were transported, out of one Province, county, or Shire, unto those that have their chief abode in another.