The Novelty of Popery Opposed to the Antiquity of True Christianity

THE PREFACE OF THE TRANSLATOR.

FOR the Glory of GOD, the reduction of strayed Sheep into Christ's Fold, and the confirmation of good souls in God's truth, against the attempts of the vigilant and unwearied adversary, this long desired Translation now comes forth, and is recommended to all the Lovers of sound Doctrine in England, that understand not the Authors Language. And truly the English Protestants have an especial Interest in this Work, since it was made for the defense both of their Religion and their King; That Great and Learned Defender of the Faith, King James of glorious memory, who had consecrated his Scepter and his Pen to maintain the true Catholic and Orthodox Doctrine, was extraordinarily maligned for it, and opposed by the Enemies of the same, who sought glory to themselves by the Greatness of their Adversary. Cardinal du Perron the chiefest of them, both in Wit and Learning, having written against the King, drew a solid confutation of his Book from his Majesty, who made use for it of the Learned Pen of the Great Isaac Casaubon. And when a voluminous reply of the Cardinal came forth, the strongest piece that ever came from any Romanist against the Reformed Religion, it pleased his Majesty to make choice of my Reverend Father of blessed memory to answer that book, having twice before made use of his Pen for the like service. Not for want of able men in his Kingdom to defend God's cause and his, but partly because his adversary having written in French, there was need also of a French Pen to confute him. And partly to manifest unto the world that the Religion of England is not singular, as the Papists clamour, but the common cause of the Protestant Churches: And that our exceptions against Rome are the same that are made by the greatest searchers of holy Antiquity abroad. It is a great comfort to all lovers of Truth and Unity in the Church, to have their hands strengthened in this holy warfare by the concurrence of so many Auxiliaries and fellow-Soldiers that live in another air, and under another Government.

Among those Auxiliaries this Writer may very well be set in the Front, as a known Friend, not only to the Doctrine, but also to the Discipline of the Church of England, which he hath commended in many places of his published works, and even in his private Annotations to his Bible, which I keep by me.

But we ought not to strike them out of the List of our Friends, who either out of the necessity of their condition, or by the fortune of their education differ from us in Discipline, though fully consenting with us in all the essentials of Doctrine: For I put not among the essential differences that about the points agitated in the Synod of Dort, upon which the most rational Divines cannot fully satisfy themselves, much less others; and about which our Divines at home differ, without breach of concord. Let not, I say, that difference be added to the score of our exceptions, against the different Discipline of our neighbors, to make dislike grow to hatred, and set us at a further distance.

In Austin's and Prospers time, there was the same difference between them and the Gallican Churches about the point of Predestination, as is now between the Jansenians and the Molinists; yet Prosper calls those Churches the Servants of Christ in an Epistle inserted in the seventh Tome of St. Austin. And Hilarius Arelatensis, in another Epistle next to it alledgeth their Authority to St. Austin for the excepting of the Book of Wisdom out of the Canon of Scripture. Whereby it is evident, th • t the difference about that point did not break Christian communion among them.

In the late Insurrection, when I took upon me that honor to be a Champion both of the King and the Church of England in three Languages, I labored to justify the English Discipline to the French, and to excuse the French Discipline unto the English. But since by the iniquity of the times, and the difference of the Languages that which I got Printed in French was not seen enough in England, to give that satisfaction to our Church which I intended: It will be neither improper for this place, nor unseasonable for this time to put something here tending to that blessed work of peace and mutual good opinion of Churches living under different Disciplines.

Were I now speaking to the French, I would endeavor to let them see that we have more of the Primitive and Apostolic Church-Government in England then any other Church in the rest of the world. But speaking now to the English, and presenting to them the work of a French Divine, my proper work is to represent unto them, First, that the nature of that difference in Discipline is such as ought to move their compassion, not anger. And next, that if the good opinion of the English may be won by the good opinion that the French express of them, and by their desire to enjoy the same Government, if they might be so happy, certainly they have deserved it.

For the first, no equitable person will except against them, for not doing what they cannot do. If you look to the beginning of their Reformation, and to the persons that begun it, and the oppositions which they wrestled with in their work, it was not to be expected of Priests that rejected the errors of Popery, and preached the truth of the Gospel, according to their oath and calling, that if they could not convert their Bishops, they should set up new Bishops. And if they had done so, we that find fault with their Discipline, as it is now, would have liked it no better. For if we object to their Ministers their want of Episcopal succession, because they were not ordained by Bishops, we might with more reason have laid that want upon their Bishops not created by Bishops but by Priests. In an interregnum, when the lawful power is eclipsed in a Kingdom by disorder and violence, Officers may be sooner allowed to create other Officers, then to create a King. The condition of the French Protestant Church living under the Cross ever since the Reformation, is an interregnum, as for the Eccelesiastical power: Whereof if they have neither the right order, nor the full exercise, all that defect is the vice of the times, not of the persons, which ought no more to be blamed for it, then a workman that is manacled for doing a piece of necessary work as well as he can, not as well as it should be.

That it is not in their power to bring an Ecclesiastical subordination into their Church, it was justified not long since; for when some of their prime men that perceived and felt the inconveniences that follow the want of that subordination, moved Cardinal Richelieu to place it among them by his authority, pretending that it would bring them nearer to the Roman Church, he flatly denied to give way to it, and told them, If you had that order, you would look too like a Church.

Wherefore the more inconveniencies are found in the Order of the French Protestants by those that are too angry with them, the more reason there is to pity them, since these inconveniences are productions of the Cross, which they lie under. And among those productions of the sadness of their condition which deserveth pity, we must reckon the dislike that some of them have expressed of the Episcopal Order. For it is a weakness incident to all vulgar natures to turn long use into necessity, and necessity into doctrine, and to think nothing better then that custom which they were bred in. No wonder that the common people that see no Bishops, but such as are foul Heretics, and their Persecutors, can hardly conceive of a Bishop under another Notion. But the generous and illuminate souls which in that brave Nation are in great numbers erected above the slavery of custom, and looking beyond the narrow limits of their necessitous condition, make no difficulty to acknowledge openly the scantness of their Church-Government; and that their bed is shorter then that they can stretch themselves in it, and the covering narrower then that they can wrap themselves in it. But as short and narrow as it is, they must keep it by an invincible necessity. For though they could break the people from their wonted Discipline to the Episcopal (which though never so ancient, is a new and uncouth thing to them that never tried it) yet they could never obtain of the civil power a toleration of two Bishops of Paris or Orleans together, nor the adunation of many Reformed Diocesans under one Metropolitan, nor the exercise of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Such a strong knitting of the Protestant interest would give a great jealousy to the supreme power, and the Council of State of contrary Religion. And their politick Statesmen will never give way to it.

Neither would the Episcopal Order fit the present posture of the French Protestant Churches; for it would be more easy for the Agents of the Court of Rome to corrupt some of their Bishops, and by them infect and disturb whole Dioceses, then it is now to win thousands of equal and scattered Ministers: for though those Court Divines have rare Organists among them, they have none that have fingers enough to serve so many stops.

Besides as long as the French Ministers profess no hatred against Episcopal Government (as indeed very few, if any of them, either profess it or harbor it in their breast) it is fitter for them to remain in an order fitted for obedience, and prepared for submission to their Diocesans, whensoever it shall please God to turn their hearts to assert the truth, and protect them. And how soon both Pastors and people may be brought to submit to Bishops, it hath been tried by the Bishop of Troyes, and that of Meaux, who as soon as they began to forsake the errors of Popery, were acknowledged by the Protestant Churches within the verge of their jurisdiction for their Diocesans. The Archbishop of Vienna and the Bishops of Orleans were once about to have done as much, and would have found the like obedience from the protestant party. But the great stream of the State proved too strong for them to swim against. Nothing hath been more eagerly opposed by the Pope and his creatures, then that the Protestants should have Bishops. Other Churches have found it in all places where Reformation hath been planted. And the English Church can say much of that by a late and smarting experience.

And whereas the Reformed Churches in France are so weak that they can hardly afford stipends to find a poor livelihood to their Ministers; Can it be expected of them that they maintain the dignity of the Episcopal degree with their private contributions? They can find Bishops enough, but where are the Bishoprics?

This then being evident that by the influence which the Pope hath upon their Sovereigns, they are kept low, and altogether disabled from enjoying the Episcopal degree: I crave leave, with all mildness and humble respect, to make a question to some of my dear and reverend brethren, and fellow-sufferers in the Cause of the King and the Church who deny these poor Churches to be Churches, because they have no Bishops: Will they allow so much power to the Pope as to be able to hinder millions of true Believers from being members of God's Church on earth, if he can but hinder them from Episcopal Ordination and Episcopal preeminence by a prevalent power, and an invincible impossibility? With this question I have smoothed the edge of the eagerness of some prime men in our Church who were most positive in that assertion, No Bishop, no Church, their charity getting the upperhand of their most resolved sentence against these objects of compassion; and I doubt not but it will work the like effect with others. For I hardly believe that any child of God, and son of peace, who claims a right to that goodly legacy of Christ, My peace I leave unto you, will so far put off the bowels of mercy as to eject out of the Church of Christ those thousands of good Christians that have forsaken the world and denied themselves to follow Christ, and doomed themselves to poverty, and the public hatred for his sake, and to un-Church them all, because they live without Bishops. That would be a great injury offered, not only to our fellow-members in Christ, but more to God, whose mercy will not be limited, nor his wisdom strait-laced by our positions, as if there were no way for him, but one, to maintain his Church in the world.

The allegation of the Divine Right of Episcopacy. and of the Apostolical Institution of the same, will not justify the severity of that Judgment. Let that stand as an undoubted truth that Episcopacy is of Apostolic institution, and therefore of Divine Right. It is acknowledged even by them that want it. But hence it follows not that where any of the Forms and Customs that are of Divine Right and Apostolic institution, is wanting, there is no Christian Church. Our great Bishop Andrew's, one of the most rigid and rational Assertors of the Divine Right of Episcopacy, could say (writing to our Author of that holy Discipline, which many Reformed Churches have not) Coecus est qui non videat sine ea stantes Ecclesias. Ferreus est qui neget — Nos non sumus illi ferrei. He is blind that seeth not Churches standing without that Discipline. He hath an iron breast that denieth it. I am none of those iron-breasted men.

To him I join the most Reverend and most learned Prelate Doctor Bramhall, now Lord Primate of Ireland, who in his golden Book, Intituled, The Serpent Salve, useth these judicious and charitable expressions about that matter. God is a merciful God, and looks upon his creatures with all prejudices of Education, Habitation, &c. And giveth this wise and pious Cav • at to our Divines; Breach of charity is more dangerous to the soul then any error in Discipline. And having most worthily defended the order of the English Church, he addeth; I write not this to prejudge our neighbor Churches. I dare not limit the extraordinary operation of God's Spirit, where ordinary means are wanting, without the default of the persons. He gave his people Manna for food whilst they were in the wilderness. Necessity is a strong plea. Many Protestant Churches lived under Kings and Bishops of another Communion. Others had particular reasons why they could not continue or introduce Bishops. But it is not so with us. It was as wisely as charitably said of St. Cyprian, If any of my Predecessors through ignorance or simplicity have not holden that which our Lord hath taught, the mercy of the Lord might pardon them, &c. So if any Churches through necessity, or ignorance, or new-fangledness, or covetousness, have swerved from the Apostolic Rule, or Primitive Institution, the Lord may pardon them, and supply the defect of man; but we must not therefore presume. It is charity to think well of our neighbors, and good Divinity to look well to ourselves. But the chief reason is, because I do not make this way simply necessary, but only show what is safest where so many Christians are of another mind. I know what some choice Divines do write of the case of necessity; and there is a great difference between a valid and a regular ordination. And for my part I am apt to believe that God looks upon his people in mercy with all their prejudices; and that there is a great latitude left to particular Churches in the constitution of their Ecclesiastical regiment, according to the exigence of time and place, so as order and his own institution be observed. This is spoken like a right Father of the Church and a true Son of peace. And it is dubious, whether this sentence be more judicious or more charitable. Truly who so will consider with an equitable eye what sore combats the Protestant Churches continually sustain about the main doctrines of Religion, which to keep, neither goods nor life are precious unto them, shall not wonder that they are less careful and skillful in the matters of Discipline, succession, Episcopacy, and the like; and shall not look upon their defects with pity, not anger. Non jam de imperio, sed de vita sunt solliciti.

This will help to answer an ordinary question, Why the French Divines do not come over into England to receive Episcopal Ordination? The Reformed Divines of France, busy to keep the vital parts of Religion against a vigilant and prevalent power, are less employed and less skilled in the points of Discipline, and are not yet persuaded of the absolute necessity of an immediate Episcopal Ordination: Which yet they will take when they may conveniently. Both the Prince of Turenne and the Duke de la Foize had their Chaplains ordained by a Bishop. Monsieur Primerose late Minister of Roven was ordained by a Bishop. And lately a Learned French Divine before he returned out of England into his Country, was presented by me to the Right Reverend and famous Bishop of Lincoln, who conferred the Holy Orders upon him.

To require all the French Reformed Divines to come over into England to receive Orders, is a fancy that cannot come into the brains of one that knows the world. Would their Sovereign allow it? Or would the Popish Clergy behold it with patience? The Protestant Students in Divinity are not so much as allowed by their King to take degrees in Divinity in our Universities, nor their Churches suffered to send Deputies to outlandish Synods, because his subjects shall not have foreign dependences; and to please the Court of Rome, which will not have the Protestant Churches to knit together, the chief work of our Adversaries being to disunite us, and break all our correspondences.

And although there were not such a bar in that design, the shortness of their means, and the remoteness of the places would be another unremovable bar. Sholars of Béarn and Languedock (where Protestants are most numerous) kept in their Academies with a poor allowance out of charitable contributions, that they may once serve their Churches for a stipend much like that of our meanest Curates, could not find means to travel three or four hundred leagues by sea and land to fetch their Orders: That would cost their Patrons more then all their breeding: Or if they travelled at their own charges, all their stipends to come would not quit that cost.

Such difficulties or rather impossibilities lying in that way, any wise Christian that is a little acquainted with the ways of God, will judge that (as things are now with them) our way, though the most ancient holy and Apostolic, is not the only way allowed them to come to the Ministry. For God never yet made the salvation of men to hang upon impossibilities: But wheresoever he invites them to it, he giveth them also the means to attain to the same; supplying by his grace the want of the ordinary ways, and the defect of the extraordinary. So it was in all conversions of the several Nations to the Gospel; for in none of them could all things be regulated in the beginning. And I count the Reformation of the Protestant Churches living under the Cross to be still in its beginning, as being kept in the bud by contrary weather and not suffered to shoot up to a grown order.

I must not forget here, that the indulgence of our charity to those poor Churches which could not set up the Episcopal Apostolic government with their reformation, cannot be claimed upon the same account by those that reject Episcopacy among us, and make bold to confer Orders without Bishops, since they have not the plea of necessity on their side, as the others have. The French Protestant Divines never kicked out their Bishops that they might rule themselves, nor cried down Episcopacy as Antichristian. They ordain Ministers without Bishops, because they have no Bishops. But these having Bishops to whom they have sworn Canonical obedience, have given Ordination without and against their authority, invaded their power, and persecuted their persons.

But I see an objection at hand. That the French Discipline is grown out of the ejection of Bishops; and that Calvin and the Reformers of Geneva expelled their Bishop, whereupon the Discipline of parity began at Geneva for their own civil interest, and thence was propagated over all France.

This objection is false in all its parts. For the Reformation was in France ten or twelve years before it began at Geneva. And they had the same Discipline in substance as now, which was to shift as well as they could for an order without a Bishop, having their Bishops contrary. Neither had the expulsion of the Bishop of Geneva any reflection upon them.

As for the business of Geneva, I know it is a received tradition in England, that the Reformers of Geneva, Calvin especially, expelled their Bishop. And upon the faith of the first reporter, our Divines have taken it successively for a currant and undoubted truth, and built upon it divers fine and judicious inferences. But it is like the stories of the Phenix and the singing of Swans before their death, never the truer for the number of ancient writers that affirm them, or for the curious similes and ingenious moralities that have been spun out of that stuff. What credit can we give to histories of things happened three thousand years ago, if in things done so lately, and so near us, gross mistakes will generally pass for undoubted truths? I say it is utterly false, first that Calvin was one of the Planters of Reformed Religion at Geneva. It is false likewise, that the Reformers of Geneva turned their Bishop out of doors. And false also, that the Bishop went away upon the quarrel of Religion. Farel and Viret were they that wrought under God the conversion of the City by their Sermons, and by a public conference with the Friars and the Clergy of Geneva, there being then no Bishop in that Town. Two years before the names of Farel and Viret were known at Geneva (for Calvin came long after) and before there was any stir about Religion, the Bishop was either turned out, or fled away for his safety, upon an insurrection of the people against him for his tyranny, and many adulteries with Citizens wives. And they that made him flee, and after his flight altered the civil Government into an Aristodemocracy, were strong Papists, and most of them mainly opposed the Reformation which followed two years after. They excuse that alteration of the State, by alleging that the City had jura imperii as much as (if not more then) the Bishop. With their then Bishop they could not agree, nor choose another. And when their Bishop died, they were used to live without one. This business is set forth in the book entitled Le Citadin Genevois. But I must thankfully acknowledge, that I owe the best part of this information to that great assertor of the truth of God by his learned writings, and long sufferings, and undaunted opposition of the adversaries, to the great danger of his life, my Lord Bishop of Durham my most noble and constant friend, who hath searched into that business of Geneva with great diligence. But howsoever matters were carried at Geneva, either in the change of Government, or in that of Religion, the Protestants of France are not answerable for their actions.

By the way, since we are upon mistakes about Geneva, the ordinary declaiming against the Geneva Bible is another. The translation so called, was made by the English exiles sojourning at Geneva in Queen Mary's days, and set forth with marginal notes; some of which have a rank savor of rebellion and fanatic spirit; as saying that Asa should not only have removed his idolatrous mother from the managing of public affairs, but killed her; And that the locusts of the bottomless pit are Archbishops, Bishops, Batchelours, Masters of Arts, &c. But whosoever had a hand in that Translation and those notes, it ought no more to be fathered upon Geneva, then a conspiracy plotted at London by German exiles against their Prince or Country ought to be fathered upon the Londoners. The Genevians could have no hand in an English translation, and those notes are not to be found in the French Bibles printed at Geneva.

As for the objection, that by an express Article of their Confession parity of Ministers is asserted; If that Article be taken in the sense most contrary to the Discipline of England, yet it ought to move rather compassion then hatred. If after they had struggled many years against the tyranny of their Bishops, they have laid the fault of the persons upon the degree, that mistake was the product of a sore persecution.

But take it in the right sense and according to the letter of the Article, there is nothing in it contrary to the Episcopal preeminence. It is the thirtieth Article of their Confession, and it runs thus.

We believe that all true Pastors in what place so ever they be, have the same authority and equal power under one only head, the only Sovereign and only Universal Bishop Jesus Christ. And therefore that no Church ought to pretend any domination or Lordship over another.

It is manifest that this Article was purposely framed and intended against the Pope who styleth himself the Universal Bishop, and against the Church of Rome which usurpeth domination and Lordship over the other Churches. Neither hath it any reflection upon England, where no Church exerciseth domination or Lordship over other Churches. It speaks of Churches not of Bishops; who yet ought not to exercise domination over the Clergy or the people. The power of the English Bishops is not a domination or Lordship, but a fatherly government and Superintendency.

What is understood in the Article by that equal power of all true Pastors, our Author tells us in his Buckler of the faith, a book written for the vindication of the Confession of the Protestant Churches of France. In the exposition of that Article he saith, that the equality of Pastors in the authority of announcing the Gospel, and administering the Sacraments, is held necessary in the French Churches; for (saith he) the announcing of the remission of sins is of equal dignity in the mouth of all Pastors, whether they be of great or small authority. But that in matter of Ecclesiastical policy the French Churches should believe a necessity of equality between Pastors, that he denieth, and professeth a brotherly concord with the neighbouring Churches (meaning the English ) where Bishops have a Superiority.

In the second edition of that Book which is translated into English, he is far more positive for Episcopacy, and sets forth the inconveniencies of equality in degree: But all that I intend here is to show what the French mean by the equality of Pastors in that Article of their Confession. The Author having made that book at the request of the Churches of France, to clear their Confession of a heavy charge laid against it before King Lewis the XIII. had the Churches of France disliked this plea and this exposition of the thirtieth Article of their Confession, they would have publicly disavowed it since three and forty years that it was published; as the Anglican Church would have publicly disavowed any particular writer, though set on to write by authority, if he had expounded the thirty sixth Article of the Church of England to the derogation of Episcopal preeminence. Wherefore our Authors exposition of that Article, not being contradicted by so many Synods that were held since, may with good reason be taken for a full declaration of the National Church of France; he especially being of that credit, that what he writ or said in the public defense was approved with a general consent and applause. Besides no book of that nature is published by the French Protestant Divines, but with the approbation of the Synod of the Province.

But suppose that he gave to the Article another sense then they that made it; Is it not enough for him and us, that he expressed the sense of the French Churches of his time? and have we any reason to find fault with them for coming nearer us then their predecessors did?

And were they not come very near us, when in a solemn act in the University this Thesis was set forth and defended by the Doctor, of the Chair, our Author, We affirm that the Bishops of England after their conversion and abjuration of Popery were God's faithful servants, and that they ought not to forsake the Office or title of Bishop. This Thesis was since printed among his Disputations.

This is the second thing that I would show that they have deserved our good opinion by the good opinion which they have expressed of us, and of late. For what they said before, and how lovingly they agreed with the English Reformers both in embracing the same doctrine, and approving (though not practicing) our Discipline, is a beaten subject, of which I have said much, and am loath to say the same over again. But the authority of the learned Nobleman Plessis Mornay was never yet (for anything I know) used in England to this purpose. In a letter of his (now in the keeping of the famous Daille Minister of Paris ) about Church government, he compareth the several forms thereof to the several governments of all the States of the earth; and finds that as the Presbyterian Discipline agreeth very well with the popular States (as at Geneva and in Switzerland, where a Bishop should stand too high above the Magistrate, which is chosen among Merchants only and plain Citizens) So in Kingdoms and Monarchies Episcopal government is necessary, because Presbytery should lie too far under the dignity of great Lord's and crowned heads. So that as a Bishop should tread over the head of a popular Magistrate; on the other side Kings and great Lord's should have the poor Presbyters too far under their feet. That therefore in Monarchical States Prelates were requisite for to sustain the dignity of the Church and shelter it from oppression. That there are some conjunctures in which the Presbyteries themselves ought to be very glad to have Bishops over them, as when it is question of making remonstrances, exhortations or censures to persons of quality. For whereas a poor Minister living in a low way, and conversing only with his petty Parishioners, might be put back with contempt if he took so much upon him, the admonitions of Bishops would be received with respect.

The above named Mr. Daille who was domestic of that Lord and much esteemed by him, relateth that he would often say, that the gifts of God were different. That according to that diversity some Ministers were fit to preach, some to write, who had not the gift of governing and moderating an Assembly. Whereas others were endowed by God with eminent qualities fit to conduct and march at the head of others, who yet had not the faculty to make books, or to teach. And that this distinction which God's providence and the grace of his Spirit hath made among his servants, showeth that some are called to preside and to conduct, and others are called to be conducted by those to whom God hath given meet talents for that work.

The sentence of that wise Statesman cannot but be acceptable and seasonable in the present posture of our Church and State, who are obliged for this intelligence to that deserving Gentleman Mr. le Conteur the Reverend Dean of Jarsey. And though this and other testimonies from Protestants, living in another air, square not exactly with the rigidest positions of our Schools, all moderate wise men will think that this is much from them, and much for our purpose.

But all that I can say of their concurrence with us, seems to be dashed by the complaint of our Divines, who in their late exile beyond the seas found the French Protestants full of prejudices against the just cause of the King and the Church of England. Wherefore I must desire the equitable Readers to distinguish the times, and to make use of the Act of Oblivion towards them, as they are commanded to do with their Country-men. For which they have given us more reason then our Parliamenteers, having professed such a free self-condemnation of their former misapprehensions about the right or wrong of that great quarrel, as would have become those that were so high offenders against their King and their Church, and which hath been hitherto vainly expected from most of them.

It is no wonder that they that owed nothing to us but Christian love, and whom we took no pains at all to satisfy or to inform of the wrong done to us, were won by our Adversaries, who made it their great business to court them, and to make of the concurrence of the Foreign Churches one of their chief pretences to make the insurrection at home general, and make of their quarrel a war of Religion. And it was not hard for them to prepossess the outlandish Churches with foul charges against us, they being but ill satisfied of us before, as having found of late years some abatement of that regard from England which they had in former times. It had been a wonder if the continual and earnest applications of our busy enemies backed with success, the most persuasive Rhetoric to common-spirited men, had not gotten some well-willers in that Protestant party.

What disadvantage that was to our cause, it was acknowledged, but not soon enough; by our late gracious King and glorious Martyr, who made a Declaration to satisfy them, and invited all that could write to justify his cause to the world abroad, to the Protestants especially. And this, as a Summon from God, was the reason that made me write once in French, and twice in Latin for the defense of the King and the Church.

Let us remember also, that our party did contribute to set them further from us, by forbearing to communicate with them, and to be present in their holy meetings; and by disgracing their Churches as no Churches, and their Ministers as no Ministers; not considering how unseasonable (that I say no worse) that contempt of their Brethren was, and how hurtful to the Kings interest.

Well, notwithstanding all these endeavors of Satan to break the bond of love, and of faith too, between them and us; yet the palpable injustice of our enemies did so work upon their judgments and consciences, that even when the Kings businesses were at the lowest ebb, they did openly detest the long Parliaments Cause in their Sermons, and Books, and ordinary Discourses; and that with so much vigor and godly vehemency that more could not have come from the greatest Royalists of England. Salmatius and Bochartus the greatest Scholars of France, and of Vincent Herault, Pettiville, Breux, Porrey, men of note, and before them all the Epistle of the famous Diodati to the Parliament in the first year of the war, to exhort them to obey the King, and restore Episcopacy, show sufficiently how the whole Protestant party was affected. And that their affection was not biased by self interest, any reasonable man may answer for them; for what advantage could accrue unto them by declaring themselves for the King of England in those days?

But their affection was then chiefly seen when it pleased God by his miraculous mercy to make the stone which the builders had rejected, to become the head of the corner. The real joy which they manifested of his Majesty's return, swelled to a height hard to be believed but by them that were eye-witnesses of their behavior. More could not be expected from his Majesty's natural and most loyal Subjects. That blessed conversion of businesses wrought so deep upon the renowned Amirault (howsoever he had been prejudiced before against us) that being sore troubled with the gout, suddenly he threw his Crutches away, and was cured merely by his joy, that quickened his spirits, and diffused a fresh vigor into all his faculties.

At the same time a great cloud of French witnesses came over in favor of Episcopacy. So I call many Letters from the prime Divines of France, most of them written to that Gentleman of great worth, Doctor Brevint, one of his Majesty's Chaplains, who committed them unto me, and I leaving London transmitted them to that deserving Divine Master Durel, as one better able then I to make good use of them, among many other intelligences of the like nature. His excellent Book about this matter, the substance whereof he was pleased to impart unto me, will ease me of that labor, and shorten my task; For I must sincerely acknowledge, that all that we, or others, have written hitherto about the concurrence of other Churches with ours, comes short of the industry of this worthy Gentleman; so pregnant he is in his reasons, so diligent in his searches, and so ingenious in his Charity, that no more remains for me to attain to the end I aim at in this Discourse, but to recommend his to the careful perusing of all lovers of truth and peace.

But because in point of charity, examples are more persuasive then reasons, I will back this reasoning about our condescension unto those Churches that are inferior to us in point of Government, with the virtuous practice of that eminent Prelate in goodness and Learning, My Lord Bishop of Durham. In a Letter of his dated from Paris, April the sixth, 1658. (the place and time of his exile) he vindicates himself against Mr. Fuller, who in his Church History of Britain referreth to his praise and commendation, that he joined not with the French Protestants at Charenton since he got into France. But the worthy man (then styled Dean of Peterborough ) giveth him no thanks for that commendation. I would (saith he) that he and all the world should know it, I never refused to join with the Protestants either there, or anywhere else, in all things wherein they join with the Church of England. Many of them have been here at our Churches, and we have been at theirs. I have buried divers of our people at Charenton, and they permit us to make use of their peculiar and decent cemetery here in Paris for that purpose. Which if they did not, we should be forced to bury our dead in a ditch. I have baptized many of their children at the request of their own Ministers, with whom I have good acquaintance, and find them to be very deserving and learned men, great lovers and honourers of our Church, notwithstanding the loss which she hath lately received in external matters, wherein we are agreed that the essence of Religion doth not consist. Many of their people (and of the best sort and quality among them) have frequented our Common Prayers with great reverence, and I have delivered the Holy Communion to them according to our own Order, which they observed religiously. I have married divers persons of good condition among them: And I have presented some of their Scholars to be ordained Deacons and Priests here by our own Bishops (whereof Monsieur de Turenne's Chaplain is one, and the Duke de la Force's Chaplain another) and the Church of Charenton approved of it. And I preached here publicly at their Ordination. Besides I have been (as often as I had spare time, from attending our own Congregation) to pray and sing Psalms with them, and to hear both the weekly and the Sunday Sermons at Charenton; whither two of my children also (pensioned here in a Protestant family at Paris) have daily repaired for that purpose with the Gentlewoman that Governed them.

After all this, if any be curious to pick out of their Authors all that is not consonant to the constitution of our Church and State, and register all the prejudicate opinions of particular men of those Churches, instilled into them by our Adversaries at home; I will spend no more labor to make evident unto them that their late and best Divines have amended what may be found amiss in the old, and that the late demonstrations of their concurrence with us have made amends, for their former misapprehensions. I will but ask those curious searchers of matters of discontent, and occasions of falling out with them, Cui bono? What benefit ariseth to this Church or State by searching out iniquities among our neighbors, and accomplishing a diligent search of that which were far better buried in oblivion, or smoothed over with Charity, helped with a little winking at that which we cannot mend? Since they make a considerable part of Christendom, and are not subject unto, or to be disposed by our Civil or Ecclesiastical Government; is it not better for us to have them friends then enemies? Is it not a wiser course to confound our dissentors at home with the testimonies of Calvin and Beza, as most averse from their principles and practice, th en to make weapons ready to their hand out of those Authors, and give it to them for granted, that they have the famousest men abroad for Patrons of Faction, disobedience, and unconformity? For these diligent searchers know how to pick out of the same Authors passages enough to make them unsay what they have said against us.

It could never yet enter into my apprehension what advantage it is to us to cast contempt upon all the Protestants of the world but ourselves, and despise all the respects that we may have from them. They will all veil to us, and defer unto us (as they ought) the Primacy, if we will but open them the arms of our charity and brotherly communion. And it is not our insulting over their weakness and wants, or requiring of them impossibilities, that will win them.

Truly, because our disturbers at home lean much upon the authority of a few Outlandish Writers, it is wisely done to invalid their authority. But that work is ready done, and I shall think it overdone if it end in uncharitableness, and if the generality of the party be made guilty of the fault of some few men to whom they never swore obedience. Whereas the ready way to invalid the authority of those Authors, is to show that they are contradicted by their own party, and even by themselves.

Certainly when we have made them no Churches, our Church shall be never the more a Church for that. Rather by unchurching so many Churches, and despising Communion with them, we shall confine our Communion within a very narrow scantling. With the Roman Church we dare not join till the Court of Rome forsake and renounce her usurped right over our Church and State, and other errors of greater importance. With the Separatists of England we will not join till they yield to a holy Conformity with us. And if with so many Protestant Churches abroad we refuse to join till they do what they are not able to do, truly we scant ourselves to a very slender communion in this West of the world. Whereas the holy Catholic Church, which with good reason we call our Mother, embraceth multitudes of dissenting children in her compassionate arms: And the Communion of Saints allyeth us with God and his Christ, and all his members in heaven and earth by charity, which is the bond of perfectness. Grace be with all that love the Lord Jesus Christ with sincerity.

We that are strong (saith St. Paul) ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please ourselves. We ought not to please and exalt ourselves with comparing our strength with the infirmities of our brethren. When we have made the worst of the defects of those poor Churches, they are infirmities, which should make us compassionate, not overweening. And we shall make ill use of our strength, if we employ it to triumph over the weak, instead of remembering them that suffer adversity as being ourselves also in the hody. Let us not turn our fellow members out of the body because they suffer adversity; for when all is said, the things that we find amiss among them, are the sad effects of their adversity. The Anglican Church had Kings for her nursing Fathers, and Queens for her nursing mothers: Whereas the French Churches were crushed from the Cradle with all the strength and indignation of their Kings and Queens: And the Dutch Clergy are kept low by their Superiors who have converted the whole Patrimony of the Church to the defense of their State. The same hand that hath exalted us above them may bring us as low as them: And we have learned of late how soon God can pull down that which he hath built up, Let us not be high-minded, but fear.

Could it once sink into our minds what hand the Papists have in this distaste of ours against our Brethren: what advantage they get by the dis-union of the Reformed Churches: and what stain and hindrance, both before God and men, we bring upon us by giving the least suspicion that we have got some fermentation of their leaven, we would be as careful to avoid offense with the Protestant Churches abroad, as wary and stout against the opposers of our Discipline at home.

For it is an evident truth, and not to be winked at, that the great Agent here in the confusion of Religions, in the ruin of the Church, in the insurrection of the people, and in the murder of our King, was the Court of Rome. That is indeed fundi nostri calamitas, that spring of all mischief and misery among us, that powerful and working enemy, against whom all that have shaken off the yoke of Rome, ought to join unanimously, opening no gap of division for that Beast to creep in, and work our destruction by our separation. God forbid that any of us join with that grand enemy of our Church and State to unchurch so many Churches that are enrolled with us in the same good warfare against his tyranny, and to deny them that communinn with us which they have with Christ, and which they crave at our hands, and have had a long time with the Anglican Church.

But if notwithstanding all the considerations here represented, some will believe that it is Christianly and Charitably done to un-Church all the Protestant Churches that have no Bishops, let them enjoy their fancy. But I will maintain to them (and so will all wise men with me) that it is most unpolitickly done. Let them consult the Politick heads, that understand the composure of the States of Christendom, and the posture of ours; and are acquainted with our Gracious Soveraings high concernments, and Royal inclinations. And they will confirm this; wherewith I confidently shut up this discourse, not fearing to be called in question for it; It is neither his Majesty's Pleasure nor Interest that the Protestant Churches abroad be disgraced among us as no Churches.

THE AUTHORS LIFE.

THere is no great need to register those men's lives who have made them memorable by their works; for they bear up their fame with their own strength; Let their own works praise them in the gates. And yet no men deserve more to have their actions recorded then they that need it less. Very few persons deserve it more and need it less then this Author so known to the world by his great services to the Church of God. And truly he hath shown sufficiently by the memoires of his life which he left to his family, how little ambitious he was that the History of his life should be set forth: For he passeth by those actions and passages which have got him most credit, recording only the great mercies of God to him, and the signal experiences of his assistance and providence; as also all his conversation hath manifested unto the world that he sought God's glory, not his own. Never did I see a man more impatient of praise; none that sought more to glorify God, less to magnify himself. Then for God's glory, not his, I intend in this plain relation to make his light to shine before men, and together to pay a filial duty to the precious memory of my dear and reverend Father.

The rumour which the Papists have confidently spread, both in Books and Pulpits, that he was an Apostat Friars Son, obligeth me to say something of his Parents and descent. His Grandfather Joakim Du Moulin dying at Orleans in the Roman Profession about the year 1540. left two children Infants, a Son of his name, and a Daughter, and made his wife executrix of a plentiful estate. She took an especial care of the education of her Son, and sent him to Paris to a famous Schoolmaster of singular piety and learning: Who having a secret affection to the Reformed Religion, of which there was no free Profession in Paris, bred his Scholars in it; and so well grounded my Grandfather in Orthodox Principles, that when he returned home, neither the proffer of worldly advancement, nor his Mothers severity threatening to forsake and disinherit him, could turn him from his holy purpose, in which he persevered all his days. His mother kept her word with him; for she used him most hardly all her lifetime, and disinherited him at her death, leaving the whole estate to his sister; from whom he never attempted to recover it by Law; and it had been a vain attempt, the times being so contrary to persons of his Religion and Calling, for he was honored with the Ministry of the Gospel. Yet did he by the gracious assistance of God lead an honorable life, bearing in his presence and conversation the character of a man well born and of gentile breeding. Besides his singular ability in his holy calling, he had the virtues of conversation in an eminent degree. Sir Henry Wotton gave him this commendation, that he had not met with a wiser and better-spoken man in his Travels. Had my Grandfather been a Monk, and then converted and married, I should think it no stain to our blood. But it is known at Orleans (the place of his Origin) that he never led a monastical life. And to speak in my Fathers words in the seventh Book of this work, where he answereth that objection. His honorable conversation, his brave mind in his continual afflictions for the Gospel which he bore cheerfully, his fervent zeal, his vigilance in his calling, his pleasing and affable behavior which he seasoned with a meek gravity; These, I say, were as far from the air of the Cloister as the Heaven is from the Earth, and the Mass from the Gospel.

In the year 1564. he married Frances the Daughter of an eminent Gentleman both in place and virtue, Innocent Gabet Royal Judge at Vienna in Daulfine, who died a Martyr for the Profession of the Gospel in the year 1572. (the famous Massacre of St. Bartholomew having spread from Paris over all France ) leaving to his Posterity the honor to be the seed of a Martyr, which is no small nobility. By her he had four children; 1. Esther married to a Noble and Religious Gentleman Rene Bochart Minister of the Gospel at Roven, by whom she was Mother of the famous Samuel Bochart, now Minister at Caen, a miracle for learning, and a great Ornament of our age. 2. Joakim who died young. 3. Peter the Author of this Book. 4. Eleazar who inherited his Grandfathers Martyrdom; for being taken prisoner of war by the Leaguers, after a long and valorous resistance in a Fort which he commanded for his King, he was known to be a Ministers Son, whereupon the barbarous enemy cut off his fingers and toes and buried him alive.

By a second Wife a Gentlewoman of the house of Anserville, my Grandfather among other children had Mary the Wife of that great Champion of the truth, Doctor Andrew Rivet.

Our Author was born in the year 1568. the eighteenth day of October at Buhi in the Country of Vexin in Normandy, where his Father and Mother flying from a sharp persecution, were received by Monsieur de Buhi Mornay, elder Brother to the renowned Monsieur du Plessis Mornay. The said M. du Plessis and our Author were born in the same room.

At Buhi he was left at nurse till the peace of the year 1570. when his Father being called to be Minister at Coenures near Soissons gathered there his Family. The Protectour of that Church was Monsieur d' Estree, called since Marques de Coenures, who then professed the Protestant Religion. But when he heard of the great Massacre of Paris, August. 24 1572. and that the like was to be speedily executed over all France, he forsook presently the Protestant Profession, and to approve himself a true convert, expelled my Grandfather out of Coenures.

Then was the good man in great extremity. In all the Towns about there was a general slaughter of Protestants, and the Murderers were seeking for him; and how to dispose of his Wife and his four little children he knew not. To take them along with him, or to leave them behind, was alike dangerous. This he did; he left his children with a woman of contrary Religion half a mile from Coenures; himself with his Wife fled to Muret a Town belonging to the Prince of Condé, then a Protestant, and so to Sedan with the Duke of Bovillon of the house de la March, who past that way flying from the Court. The Murderers that were sent to kill my Grandfather and his Family (for they spared neitheir age nor sex) found the woman's house where the children were left. Ruffina (it is the woman's name worthy to be thankfully recorded) hid the children in the straw of a bed, the ordinary bottom of beds of the lower sort in France, and laid a featherbed and a blanket over them; scarce had she laid the blanket when the murderers came into the room and searched it, but looked not in the bed; Peter the Author of this Book, then under four years of age, not liking to be thus laid up would cry; but his Sister Esther then seven years old who had been made apprehensive of their danger, stopped his mouth with her hand, whereby she made him struggle and make some noise: which to drown with another, Ruffina pretending to reach something upon a shelf made the Pewter fall, and then took it up again with much rustling till the Murderers were gone: as soon as they were out o • doors she ran to help the child, whom she found well nigh smothered with the stopping of his wind: but he soon recovered, and the children were kept safe in her house till their Parents sent for them. The gentle Reader will bear with this familiar relation, and adore in these small particulars the great and never sufficiently admired care of the Almighty to preserve the infancy of his servants from the rage of Satan and the world.

Peter Du Moulin had his first rudiments of learning in the College and Academy of Sedan, founded in the year 1577. where he had for his Schoolfellow that great Scholar Jacobus Cappel. Both made in that College a great Proficiency, and came out together from the first Classis; Du Moulin being publicly honored with the first prize (after the custom of the French Schools) and Cappel with the second.

In the year 1588. Du Moulin being twenty years old was sent by his Father to the Universities of England. After some stay at London he went to Cambridge, and was received in Bennet College, being a diligent hearer of the Lectures of Doctor Whitaker; but passing the long vacation at London, where he made his first trials of Preaching before the Consistory of the French Church, A French Gentleman Monsieur de la Faye after he had heard him, being much take • n with the excellency of his parts, (for his gifts and learning were beyond his years) asked him whether he would serve the Church of Paris; Du Moulin answered that he could not think of serving a Church that was not. The Gentleman told him, that there was hope of a speedy reestablishment of that Church, and that he was charged to look out a fit person to serve it, and therefore according to his best judgment made choice of him as the fittest person he knew. Du Moulin thanked him, and the Gentleman made his word good; for the Church of Paris demanded him since, and had him; but it was many years after.

I will relate here a passage which shows the integrity and generosity of his soul, his contempt of the world, and his trust in God's assistance. Being once at the end of his money in London, as he was pensively looking up to the feeling of his Chamber, he perceived in a dark corner between two rafters a little white rag: he made means to get up and reach to it, and found that it was the end of an handkerchief, which having pulled out of a hole, he found in it a considerable quantity of gold: he presently inquired in the house whether any would claim the handkerchief: and when the people of this house disowned it, he inquired who lived in his Chamber before; they told him, that an Italian died in it a little before he came: he asked again whether he had any of his blood in London, and being told that he had a kinsman whom he had made his heir, he never left till he had found him and given him all that gold; though he was not sure that the money belonged to the deceased. But God in whom he trusted, did not forsake him. Soon after this, relief came to him out of his Country, and ever since he had money constantly sent to him, both to England and to Holland, till he writ that he would have no more.

Having lived four years in England, hearing that Franciscus Junius was newly come to Leyden to be Professor in Divinity, he would go thither; and imbarked himself with the Duke of Wittenburg to go to Zealand in September 1592. being recommended to that Duke by Monsieur de Beaunais la Nocle Ambassador of France in England. They were tossed with a most furious tempest which constrained the Seamen to throw the Canon and the burden of the Ship into the Sea, among other things Du Moulins books and clothes. They were wracked by Ramekin in Zealand.

Being come to Leyden, he set forth a Latin Poem, entitled Votiva Tabella, where he described the storm and the shipwreck, and offered his thanksgiving to God. A piece of Poetry of the highest strain, which got him great esteem, and many friends. It is certain, that for Latin Elegancy, height of conceit, and neatness of expression, whether in prose or in verse, few in his age went beyond him.

At his first coming into Holland, he got the acquaintance of the French Ambassador Monsieur de Buzanual; for King Henry the Fourth in those days sent Protestant Ambassadors to the Protestant Princes and States. That Ambassador was ever since his most real and intimate friend. By him he was presented to the Princess of Orange, a Frenchwoman, daughter to the Admiral Gaspar de Coligny, and mother to Henry Prince of Orange, then seven years old. That Princess was since very favorable to him.

Two months after his coming to Leyden, he was desired to accept the place of Corrector of the College of the States, where he taught Logic, and Greek, and Horace. These things he performed with so much Learning, and such a pleasing facility, that he got the special love of the Students, but together the bitter hatred of the Principal, who envied his praise, and never left vexing him as long as he was in the place. But his Ingenuity and Uprightness so pleaded for him, that always the Moderators and Magistrates maintained him against the the injustice of the Principal, till once being brought to a Tertian Ague through vexation, he asked some days of respite from his ordinary exercise, to look to his health, and went to the Ambassadors House at the Hague, where he was so well used, that in a seveninght he was well again. In his absence the Principal went to the Magistrates and Moderators, and with many tears besought •• em to remove from the College that new Frenchman, who made his life bitter. They hearkened to him, and sending for Du Moulin, told him, that not for any misdemeanor of his, but for the peace of the College they discharged him: And to show that they were well pleased with him, they gave him the double of that was due to him for his Salary. He continued eight months in that place.

This cross fell to his greater advantage; for two months after the place of Professor of Philosophy being vacant, Du Moulin was admitted to be tried among others that offered themselves for the place. In the Trial he was preferred before his Competitors, and established Professor of Philosophy. A young Doctor of the Chair, of four and twenty years of age. At the news of his reception, the Principal of the College, who had so persecuted him, was seized with such a deep grief, that he died immediately by a sudden suffocation.

Du Moulin read in public the Organ of Aristotle in Greek, Libros Physicorum, De Coelo, De generatione & corruptione, De Anima, De Meteoris; kept frequent disputations, and had always a very full Auditory. Most of those that have been since Professors at Leyden, or famous men in the Low Countries, were his Scholars. Hugo Grotius was one of them. This exercise for five or six years was his Fencing-School, whereby he was enabled for the many Encounters and Conferences which he had afterwards upon the greatest Stage of Europe. As indeed of all his intellectual abilities, the most eminent was his skill in Dispute, having, besides the art of disputing, confirmed by long use, a rare vigor and readiness of wit, matched with a stayed, cool, and judicious temper, never confounded with passion, the ordinary dissolver of Conferences.

At Leyden he dieted at Scaligers table, who had him in great esteem, and being pleasant with him, called him often Domine Professor. When he saw his Logic which he published at Leyden in the year 1596. he commended especially the Preface Ad studiosam juventutem, and said of it, Haec Epistola non est hujus aevi. That Logic was printed thirteen times in few years in several Countries, and had the credit to be read in many Universities and Colleges, as one that enricheth the stock of Philosophy, especially in the Topics.

At Scaligers table many persons of quality, both Papists and Protestants, were boarded, whereby Du Moulin had occasion to get many acquaintances of the best rank; among others these French Noblemen, The one Monsieur de la Rochepose or Rupipozaeus, afterwards Bishop of Poitiers, a man known by his Writings; Monsieur de Gourges, since President at Bourdeaux, and another whose name I have forgot, who since became a great Abbot. These renewed their acquaintaince with him in France, and were instruments of the Court of Rome and the Popish Clergy, to tempt him from time to time with great preferments to forsake the Protestant cause.

Besides his Philosophical Profession, he read Greek Lectures in the Divinity-College, a Tongue in which he was extraordinarily learned. I have seen elegant Orations of his in Greek, made since he was fifty years old, and Greek Letters. This work against Du Perron, where he discovereth in so many places the Cardinals small skill in Greek, showeth sufficiently his great skill in that Language.

That skill, and his facility in speaking Italian, made him to be invited to the Journey of Constantinople, with an Ambassador whom King Henry the Fourth prepared to send to the Grand Signiors Porta, as one fit to commune with the Grecians, and to be employed in the businesses of the Levant. A condition which Mr. de Buzanual his great friend exhorted him by all means to embrace rather then the Ministry, representing to him the poverty annexed to that Profession, the continual toil, the dangers, the hatred of the Roman Clergy, in Paris especially, where he should have a sore labor and great oppositions. The truth is, that the comeliness of his Person, the dexterity of his Wit, and his pleasant and charming Conversation, seemed to invite him rather to the businesses of the world, then to those of the Church. But the King having altered his mind, and chosen another Ambassador, Du Moulin took it as a Divine declaration that God would not have him to think of another employment then that holy Office to which he had invited him before.

Every year in the long vacation Mr. de Buzanual, who loved him most dearly, would have him near him, and sometimes would bring him to the Army, where he beheld the conduct of a Siege, and learned to sleep without a bed. In his Diary he describeth the delight he took in the taking of Groninghen, where he saw the Friars packing up their trinkets, and a bonfire made of wooden Images in the Market-place.

He lived with great credit and comfort in Holland, which he used to call his second Country: Yet being continually solicited by the Church of Paris, and more by an especial invitation of God to take upon him the holy Calling of the Ministry, he took his leave of the Curators of the University, who put the Learned Everardus Vorstius in his place. For a Farewell to the University he dedicated to the Curators a Poem called Batavia, an Elegant piece, printed among his Philosophical works.

He left Leyden in August 1598. and went to the Hague to his great Friend the Embassador Monsieur de Buzanual, to whom he declared his desire to go into France through the Arch-Dukes Country, to see Antwerp and Brussels: But a great obstacle to that desire, was, the sharp war between Holland and the Archduke, and the great cost, and the long time required to get a pass from him. The Embassador told him he could help him to go to Antwerp without a Pass, and innocently gave him a most pernicious counsel, though in this respect most useful, that it made him feel one of the rarest experiences of God's Fatherly Love and watchful Providence that ever befell to any of God's children.

The Counsel was this. The Embassador knew a Merchant of Rotterdam named Vanderweck, an intimate friend of the Governor of Antwerp, Alfonso Mexia: For that Governors Brother being taken prisoner in a Combat by Prince Maurice, this Vanderweck paid his Ransom, and sent him to his Brother, whoever since that great kindness admitted Vanderwecks Letters to him as a Pass for any that carried them, and his Letters the Ambassador undertook to procure for Du Moulin. This being confirmed by many others that Vanderwecks Letters were a sure Pass, Du Moulin went to him with the Ambassadors Letters, and got other Letters from him to recommend him to the Governor of Antwerp. Trusting on that pass, he embarked himself at Rotterdam in a Barque bound for Antwerp. The Barque cast Anchor before Ordham, a place garrison'd by the Spaniard, not daring to go further, because there the Passes of the passengers were to be examined. They of the garrison seeing the Barque anchored, sent another Barque with soldiers to examine the Passes; and the Master of the Holland Barque called upon all the passengers to have their passes ready. Du Moulin answered that he had none but Vanderwecks Letters to the Governor Alphonso Mexia. You are undone (said the Master) for a little before we cast anchor, a ship coming from Antwerp passed by us, and the Sailers told us that the soldiers of the Cittadel of Antwerp had mutined against the Governor, and made him prisoner; and now these Spaniards that are coming to us will carry you prisoner to Ordham, and miserably torment you, especially when they know who you are. In the mean while the Spanish Barque drew nigh, when by the admirable providence of God, another ship coming from Zealand came near, in which Du Moulin knew a friend of his, brother to Mr. Aurelius, Minister of the French Church of London, and told him his distress. He having related this to his fellow-passengers, called to Du Moulin, and told him, Sir, pass to our ship in all haste, for here we have a German Gentleman that hath a Pass for himself and his servant, who being fallen sick, his Master hath left him in Zealand: If you come to us, you may pass for his man. So then Du Moulin did, and put on that servants Livery-coat, which the Gentleman had with him in the ship, and thus scaped that horrible imminent danger, for which he praised God all the days of his life.

Being come safe into France, and to Paris, the place where he was expected, he would not make himself known unto the Church there, till he had made himself fit for their service, but went to his Father at Jargean, near Orleans, and there stayed three months, disposing himself with prayers and study for that great work. Neither would he then go to Paris, saying that he would begin his Prenticeship somewhere else then in the Church of Paris. The Church of Blois happening at the same time to be without a Pastor, desired his help till they were otherwise provided, which he accepted, and preached there two months. In the mean while the Church of Paris was sending him many summons, which finally he obeyed, and came to Paris the last day of February, 1599.

A few days before, Henry the Fourths Sister, Katharine de Bourbon, who after her Brothers revolt, presevered in the Protestant Religion until death, was married to the Duke of Bar, Son to the Duke of Lorraine. She used to be attended in her house by the Ministers of Paris, who served her by turns everyone a quarter of a year. Being then to go into Lorraine with her Husband, the Church appointed Monsieur de Montigni, an ancient Minister, to attend her in that Journey: But Du Moulin then coming to Paris, the old Gentleman desired to be excused, and that the new Minister, as fitter to travel by reason of his age, might be chosen for that service. To which motion the Princess presently inclined, having an especial liking to Du Moulin. He took then thar journey; and because the Princess was entertained in Bishops Palaces and Abbeys, he did officiate in the Palace of the Bishop of Meaux, in that of the Bishop of Challons, and in the Abbey of Joverre.

The Harbingers of the Princess being come to Vitris le Francois, a Town of Champagne, addressed themselves to the chief Magistrate of the Town to prepare quarters for the Princess and her Court. A fair Cousin of the Magistrates, a young Widow, hearing of the coming of that Court, and fearing lest some disorderly person should be quarered in her house, came to desire him that she might have the Minister for her guest; for she had heard from Paris that an old Minister was chosen to attend the Princess. Since then she would have the Minister, she had him, and was won to be his wife. She brought to him a fair Estate, and the best portion of all, a rare piety and exemplary virtue; God having appointed it so by a sweet providence, that the consort that was to make him happy, should demand him.

Since his establishment at Paris, till the death of the Kings Sister, which was five years after, he made a journey into Lorraine every Spring, either with her or to her, and having served his quarter at her Court, returned to Paris. There the Princess was most part of the year, and would have Du Moulin daily with her, though out of his quarter, and sent often for his son, a little child, to play with him. Du Moulin made use of that favor to confirm her Highness in the true Religion, of which there was great need: For the Pope pressed the King to make his Sister turn Catholic; and the King to please the Pope, did what he could for it, employing the most learned and subtle of his Clergy to seduce her, especially Du Perron, then Bishop of Eureux, and Father Cotton. These two had several bickerings with him, but yet had soon done; for being worsted, and not used to deal with such an Adversary, they did avoid to meet with him, leaving others of the Court-Clergy to try their fortune with him. By them he was baited and provoked continually, but always with such ill success for them, that he became generally feared and esteemed together, and none but bold new comers, and such as knew him not, durst grapple with him. The Author in the 7th. Book of this work, in the 3d. Controversy, 2 Ch. giveth account of an occasional encounter of his with M. Du Perron. But they had another which was a pitched field. It was at the Court before a few, but grave and select Assistants. After some Dispute, when Du Perron gave back to the force of an argument; and was at a loss, somebody hid behind the hanging cried up One. And when the like happened to him the second time, the same voice cried up two, and so till five. Upon which Du Perron complaining of interruption, broke the Conference. But before they parted, the company obliged the two Disputants never to publish anything about that meeting, which Du Moulin promised and kept; but I never promised it, and am not bound to keep all my Fathers promises. Since that meeting these two Adversaries bore a mutual respect the one to the other. The Baron of Mountataire told me, that being at Cardinal Du Perrons table, and some discourse of Religion and Ministers being moved, one President Chevalier said that Du Moulin was an Ass; Upon which the Cardinal answered the President, You do him wrong Sir; He is such an Ass, that no man ever rubbed against him, but returned with a kick. And I have often heard my Father commending Du Perron as the nimblest adversary that ever he met with. In his Preface to this work, he giveth him his due commendation.

One Beaulieu Bouju, a young Clergyman, having got some Manuscripts of Du Perron about the Eucharist, made use of them to write against Du Moulin, who thereby was provoked to answer him, and confute him. There are letters extant and printed among Du Perron's works, wherein he chides that Beaulieu Bouju, both for stealing, and more for ill using his Meditations, and tells him in substance, that though he could get his weapon, yet he could not wield it. But when Du Perron would wield his own weapon, he had no better success, as it is justified by this work.

King Henry the 4th. to satisfy the Court of Rome and the French Clergy of the care he took of his Sisters Conversion, would often desire her to hear the Sermons of his Chaplains, which she would not yield unto, till once being made sensible how the Kings credit was interested that she should once at the least hear one Court Sermon, she condescended so far to the request of a King and a Brother, as to promise to hear Father Cotton; Who therefore was appointed to preach before the King and her, immediately after Du Moulins Sermon, and in the same room: For those two contrary services were performed in that room every Lord's day morning, as long as the Princess lived, and was at the Court.

The Princess, to strengthen herself against that assault, gave notire of it to Du Moulin, and after his Sermon brought him into a private room, whence he might hear the Jesuits Oratory. It will not be unpleasant to the Reader to have a taste of it. His subject was of the dwelling of the Holy Ghost in the soul, and he made his entry into that matter after this manner. I went once to visit the Hospital of fools, where a grave old man received me kindly at the door, and went about with me to show me the distracted persons, and inform me about their several kinds of folly. Here is one (said he) that thinks himself made of snow, and will not come near the fire for fear of melting. This thinks himself metamorphosed into an earthen pitcher, and will not come near a wall, nor suffer any to come near him, for fear of being broken with a knock. These four have a more refined kind of folly; for they think themselves top-full with the spirit of Prophecy. One will be Elias, another Jeremiah, another Daniel, another S. Paul. But I that am the Holy Ghost, can assure you Sir, that they are all either fools or impostors, for I never sent them. Thus the reverend Senior, after he had given me the character of other fools, gave me his own; and I could not find any grain of folly in him, so wisely and rationally he spoke, till he took upon him to be the Holy Ghost. The like folly is to be seen among those of the pretended Reformed Religion: There you shall find wise and Religious Princesses [intimating the Kings Sister] wise and faithful Treasurers [intimating the Duke of Sully] wise and valiant Generals of Armies [intimating the Duke of Bovillon] wise and learned Counselors of State [intimating Mr. du Plessis Mornay] all wise in all things, but that they think they have the Holy Ghost, and have it not. The Sermon was suitable to the Preface, and wrought a suitable effect in the hearers, making them all merry, but no Converts.

In the end of the year 1601. time and place being appointed for a Conference between Du Moulin and Cayer, sometimes a Minister, and then a Doctor of Serbon, Cayer put off the meeting several times, till the Kings Sister going to Lorraine, took Du Moulin along with her. In his absenc Cayer put forth a Book with this Inscription, A Conference by Ministers granted, and by themselves refused. In which Book he accused Du Moulin of deserting his cause, and running away. But Du Moulin being returned in May to Paris, the challenge was renewed on both sides: So they met May 28. 1602. in a house next to the Kings Sisters house. The Conference held a fortnight. They had Scribes on both sides; a world of hearers, and good order kept. The questions agitated, propounded by Cayer himself, were, Of the Sacrifice of the Mass; Of the Adoration of the Pope; and of the veneration of holy Images. Cayer was assisted with two Doctors, Carmelites. Du Moulin had no Assistant. Towards the midst of the Conference the Faculty of Sorbon grievously censured Cayer for ill defending the Catholic Cause, and suffering the Adversary to wade too deep into questions: And the Bishop of Paris forbad him to sign that which he had indicted to the Scribes. Since that time the Popish party sought occasions to break. The Carmelites feigned to be afraid, because there were so many swords in the company. Gentlemen of their own party bade them to fear nothing, representing to them that Gentlemen will seldom appear abroad without their swords: That they were more in number then the Protestants, and that Paris wanted neither Laws nor Justices. The Protestants said for their part, that they were of old in possession of suffering, and that violence was as remote from their thoughts, as it would be disadvantageous for them, considering their small number, and the place and condition they lived in. So the Conference continued; but Cayer remembering that he had been chid, would make frequent protestations that he was not authorized to confer, and that he did it merely out of his own zeal. But the Doctors of Sorbon perceiving that the more the Conference continued, the more their cause was discredited, came in a body to the Kings Advocate in the Court of Parliament, to complain of that Conference, saying, that it was a pernicious thing, tending to sedition; that they had contrived how to break it, and that the effects of it would shortly appear. This hindered not Du Moulin from coming to the ordinary place where he was before Cayer. He found the door shut and a great crowd of people at the door. The Master of the house came to him, and shown him Letters without subscription from a person of quality, who advised him to lend his house no more for that Conference, showing him the inconvenience that might follow, and threatening him of imprisonment: Wherefore the Gentleman desired Du Moulin to seek another house for the Conference. Du Moulin answered, that it was a trick to break off, which he had been warned of before, and desired him not to be moved with groundless fears, and that he would but let him come into his yard. This was denied. But Cayer coming soon after, the door was opened to him, and the people pressing in after him, Du Moulin got in with the crowd. There they considered how to get another place for their meeting. But the Conference being, though not forbidden, yet discountenanced by authority, nobody durst offer his house for it. So the parties agreed to continue the Conference in writing, and to publish nothing but by mutual consent. But Du Moulin asked two conditions, upon which Cayer brake. The one that the Conference should be limited, and that it should not be permitted to make replies in infinitum, but Cayer would have no limitation. The other, that Cayer should sign the Acts of that Conference till that day, which Cayer utterly refused, saying, It was enough that it was subscribed by the Scribes. When Du Moulin represented to him what disgrace he put upon himself and his cause, and challenged and dared him, saying, That he durst not stand to that he had spoken, and indicted himself: Cayer answered, that he cared neither for the talk of people, nor for darings and challenges. And to get out of that mire he moved a question to Du Moulin, Whether he could tell after what manner of Creation the Angels were Created: Du Moulin, knowing that this was their last meeting, answered, that the question in hand was only of subscribing the Acts. But Cayer refused it again, turned his back, and said, You shall hear of me: And so went away to the great scandal of the Romanists there present, who could not conceal their indignation. A Protestant made the company laugh, saying, That Cayer was not yet of age to sign.

Cayer being gone forth, and Du Moulin yet in the Hall of the house, Cayers friends flocked about him in the street, and represented to him the great wrong he did to himself, and the cause, by denying to sign; not knowing that he had done more harm to himself and the Roman Church if he had signed. They pressed him then to return, and to sign. But not being able to persuade him to it, they returned to Du Moulin, and desired him not to press Cayer to sign presently, and to limit only the time of every reply, not the number of the replies. Du Moulin answered, that he persevered in that he had said publicly, That it was too late to contend after that Cayer was fled. And that he had to do with Cayer, not with them.

Thus was the Conference broken to the great satisfaction of many faithful souls, and the instruction of many ignorant Papists, who since gave glory to God by an open profession of the Truth.

This was a famous Conference, done with great order and fair dealing, in a very full audience, and in the greatest light of France. The Acts of the Conference are extant published by Archibald Adaire a Reverend Bishop of Scotland, What was the end of that Doctor Cayer, I choose rather to let the Reader know it by others then by me.

The Doctors of the faculty of Sorbon, stung with the ill success of this Conference, provoked him to another, in which the body of the University took interest. They were to oppose three days upon what points they thought best: And Du Moulin was to oppose three days also, and choose what points he pleased. He was then Respondent for three days, and found in the Dispute that blessing of God which never was wanting to him in the defense of his Truth. After the dispute of the third day, he being returned home, and retired to his Study, a man in a Priests habit came in the dark evening up the stairs, and knocked at his study door: when Du Moulin had half opened it, the man thrust the door with all his strength to have rusht in; and Du Moulin with all his strength, in which he was inferior to few men of his size, kept him out, and called for help. They were a while thrusting one against the other, till the man hearing some stirring below at Du Moulins call, ran down the stairs in great haste, and so into the street. We suppose, upon probable ground, that the man was come to kill him before he presented himself to be Opponent, according to the Covenants of the Conferenre; which the Adversaries would by no means suffer him to be, as it appeared the next morrow; for when he went to the appointed place, he met with a prohibition from the King to continue that Conference any longer.

These passages raised his reputation very high, whereby God was glorified, his Truth confirmed, and his Church edified, and increased with many Converts.

About that time a passage of another nature contributed to advance his esteem in the world. His wife being grievously sick, he desired the Kings Physicians, with whom, by reason of his ordinary waiting at the Court, he was well acquainted, to visit her, and make a consultation about her. He had then at once five or six of the most renowned Physicians of the time; among others, Duretus, Quercetanus, Laurentius, Gorrhaeus, men that have left a great fame behind them. And as the manner of Physicians is in France, in their consultations, they made learned and elegant Latin discourses about the business which they were called for. Du Moulin craved leave, though no Physician, yet as husband to the patient, acquainted with the disposition of her body, to speak among them. Which he did, and with his Latin elegancy and facility, made them a deep discourse of Anatomy, and of the indications and cure of the disease, which brought these Physicians to a great admiration, and they both praised, and followed his advice. Doctor James Primrose, the Learned Physician of Hull, hath told me divers times, that when our two Fathers had made an exchange of their eldest Sons for a year or two, my Father made him private Lectures upon the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, with geeat judgment and learning. These two passages I relate together, because of the likeness of the subject, though the last was twelve years posterior.

But to return to his proper sphere. The last sickness of the Kings sister gave a great exercise to his zeal and industry, whereby he did faithfully and constantly assist her in that extremity. And there was need of constancy and courage in that service; for the Court-Clergy, Du Perron especially, did their utmost to pervert her, and to fright him away. When she drew near to her end, Du Moulin standing by her Bed-side, Du Perron came and said he was sent by the King, and would remove him by plain force. But Du Moulin held fast the Bed post; and when Du Perron told him, that he was to take place uf him in all companies, Du Moulin answered that his place was before Du Perrons at the Princesses Bed-side, and in that service. The threatenings made to him in the Kings name he valued not, and said, he believed not that the King would offer violence to his Sisters conscience, appealing to herself, and beseeching her Highness to declare her pleasure. She declared that she would die in the Reformed Religion, and that she would have Du Moulin to stay by her. Whereupon Du Perron withdrew, and the good Princess persevered in God's holy Truth to her last breath. The King wisht she had died in the Roman profession, and did all he could, without violence, to pleasure the Court of Rome in that point. And Du Moulin had an opinion ever since that the King bore him ill will for thus crossing his intentions. The Princess left to Du Moulin a great Rose of Diamonds for a Legacy; but her Executors sent him one of false stones.

Besides verbal Conferences which he had very frequently, he had many conferences in writing, and answered many Books written against him, whence he had occasion to treat of all the controversies between us and the Church of Rome, and to publish divers Books, which were blessed instruments in God's hand for the conversion of many. The pureness of his French, and the ingenious simplicity of his style generally esteemed, was a great introduction for his Books into all Companies. Many of the Romanists would read his Books and hear his Sermons, only for the Language, and many times were happily deceived, finding in his Language that which they sought not, and were converted by the evidence of Spirit and power that was in his words.

In one of his Books dedicated to his Father, a friend of his did write, and ingeniously apply to him these verses of Virgil.

King James of blessed and glorious memory before his coming to the Crown of England, sent expressions of Royal favor to the Consistory of Paris, who chose Du Moulin to address their humble thanks by Letters to his Majesty. And when his Majesty published his Confession of Faith, against which Coeffeteau (since Bishop of Marseille ) writ an eloquent Book, Du Moulin undertook the Defense of the Kings Confession, and writ a French Book with that Title, which was most welcome to the King, and to the English Clergy; and his Majesty, made Royal and bountiful expressions of his acceptance. Since that time the King honored Du Moulin with his Letters, and required many Letters from him, having an especial liking for all that came from his Pen.

And because other Adversaries besides Coeffeteau had writ against the King, Du Moulin writ another Book in his defense in Latin, entitled, De Monarchia Pontificis Romani.

Although Henry the fourth was displeased with Du Moulin for crossing his intentions about his sister, yet he esteemed him. A little before he was stabbed in the midst of his preparations for an Expedition into Flanders, he called an old Protestant, his trusty Servant, called La Chesnaye, and spoke thus to him; La Chesnaye, I am preparing for a great journey, and have used my best care that all may be quiet in my Kingdom in my absence. Two sorts of stirring wits I consider as apt to cause disturbance, Jesuits and young Ministers. For Jesuits, I have employed fit Agents to deal with them. For Ministers, you must be one of my Agents. When I am gone, go to Du Moulin, Tell him that I remember his good services to my sister, That I desire him to pray for the prosperity of my person and journey, and to be quiet in my absence, sending no challenges and receiving none; And give him this purse from me: After the Kings death, which was very few days after, La Chesnaye delivered the message from the King to Du Moulin, and presented him with the purse. Du Moulin never inquired what was in it, but refused it. Most men would have made no scruple to take it; and it is like that the Gentleman made no scruple to keep it for himself.

Upon the murder of that great King, Du Moulin put forth that famous Book called Anticoton, in which he proved, that the Jesuits were Authors of that horrible parricide. Though he put not his name to it, the Jesuits soon knew that it was his Work, and made an answer to it directed unto him; because there was in the Anticoton an Anagram of Father Cotton, which fathered the Kings death upon him thus,

• PIERRE COTON
• PERCE TON ROI

They also made this Anagram upon Du Moulins name,

• PETRUS DU MOULIN
• ERIT MUNDO LUPUS

With these Verses:

Which Verses Du Moulin answered thus.

King James 's love to Du Moulin increasing, he would see him, and by Sir Theodore Mayerne who took a journey to Paris in February, 1615. he invited him very earnestly to come over to him. The Consistory of Paris opposed that motion, being persuaded that if he went once over into England, he would never return. But Du Moulin removed that jealousy by his solemn promise with an oath made in public to the Church of Paris, that he would return shortly. So he obtained his leave, and in March following went over into England with Sir Theodore Mayerne, taking along with him Captain John Du Moulin his half brother.

The King received him with extraordinary favor, and would have him near his person very often. Almost every day while the King was at dinner, Du Moulin stood behind his Chair; and several times the King shut up himself with Sir Theodore Mayerne and Du Moulin, for no other business but to enjoy their company, which his Majesty was extraordinarily pleased with. And the truth is, that he could hardly have picked in all the world two persons of a more ingenious and pleasant conversation.

Two months before Du Moulins coming into England, Du Perron had made an Oration in the States of Blois, where he had maintained that the Pope had the power to depose Kings, and had used King James very ill; and having published it in Print, he sent it to his Majesty: To answer that Oration his Majesty made use of Du Moulins service for the French Language, and it was Printed the first time in French while Du Moulin was in England, in that year 1615. before it was Printed in English.

The King going to Cambridge carried Du Moulin along with him, and made him take the degree of Doctor: Then was Ignoramus acted the second time before the King. Doctor Du Moulin would have excused himself from seeing that Play, but the King would needs have him to see it: Yet the King could not make him conceal the offense he took, when he was told that sundry of the Actors were men in Orders; and that some that had acted it the first time, were sent for from the Churches to which they had been promoted, to act it the second time.

Of this he expressed his dislike, even in the pulpit, and before the King; for his Majesty having commanded him to preach in French before him in Greenwich Chapel, he took for his Text, Rom. 1.15. and was so ill a Courtier in his Sermon, as to say that the Ministers of the Gospel in the ancient Church would not be spectators, and much less would have been Actors of Stage Plays. Yet the Sermon was so well accepted at the Court, that the most illustrious Prince of Wales (since King Charles the first) was pleased to require a copy of it, and gave a fair Diamond Ring to the Doctor.

After three months stay the King going to his Progress, he took his leave of his Majesty, who would have staid him in England, and highly advanced him. And when nothing would persuade him to stay, the King said to him, not without some anger, that he was unworthy to have the love of a King, and gave him a Prebend at Canterbury, and to his brother a chain of gold.

In that time of his stay in England he contracted friendship with many worthy Divines, especially with Doctor Andrew's the Reverend and Learned Bishop of Eli, and since of Winchester, who was very favorable to him, and renewed many of his old acquaintances of Cambridge.

In his return he was installed in his Canons place at Canterbury: In his admission the Dean and Chapter offered him the Oath of Allegiance, and the Oath of Canonical obedience which he took, but with this exception, which was allowed him; As far as it doth not prejudice the Allegiance due to my King.

Two or three years after, the King gave him a Rectory sine cura: These two Benefices were rented for 200. l. per annum.

The Doctor landed at Boleyn where Monsieur de Campagnoles was Governor for the Duke of Espernon. It was the time when the French Princes began to stir against Mary the Queen Mother of France. And because the Prince of Condé was courting the Reformed Churches to join with him in that design, the Doctor was suspected, as having taken that journey to procure help from England for the Princes. Wherefore Campagnoles was charged to arrest him at his landing, which he did, and committed him to the guard of two Soldiers, seized upon his Trunks and Papers, and searched them. But after two days he released him, and desired him to tell nobody of the wrong he had done him.

How ill grounded that suspicion was, his following actions did justify: For the Doctor finding at his return, that the Protestants began to engage with the Princes against the Queen Mother, and in effect against the King, who was then declared Major by the Parliament, he dissuaded them from it as much as he could, both by Sermons and Letters. And to him the Court was obliged, that all the Protestant Towns on this side of Loire kept in the Kings obedience. He shown, that he did it not to serve the times, but God. For the Queen having sent the same Monsieur de la Chesnaye (who had been sent to him before from Henry the fourth) to thank him for his good service to the King, and to give him a present in money, and exhort him to continue his good affection; The Doctor answered, that he needed no money to be loyal to his King, and refused to take it. When la Chesnaye urged him to it, saying, That it was a disrespect to refuse a Royal Liberality: The Doctor answered, that if he would give it him in presence of the Consistory of Paris he would take it; but it was more then la Chesnaye had Commission to do. The declaring of the Politick Assembly of the Protestants for the Prince of Condé in the year 1616. was the greatest error that ever they committed. And they smarted for it (as Du Moulin had foretold them) when once the young King had got more age and vigor.

Doctor Du Moulin after his return out of England was persecuted more then ever with disputes. The Jesuit Arnoux, a Court Preacher, sent a Challenge to the Ministers of Paris, to appear before the Queen Mother to give account of their Religion, preached fire and sword against them before their Majesty's, and sent them a Pamphlet full of heavy accusations. The Doctor was charged by his Colleagues to make an answer to it. Which he did, and addressed it to the King. In that answer by way of just recrimination, he affirmed, that he had seen in the College of the Jesuits at la Flesche, a picture of the Martyrs of their Order, and in that rank some Traitors who had been executed for conspiring against the life of their Kings. That the maxims of the Jesuits were pernicious to Kings, whereas the doctrine of the Protestants maintained their life, their authority, and their States: And the Pastors of the Reformed Churches taught their people fidelity and obedience to the King. Then he represented the many perils and combats which the Protestants had sustained for the defense of King Henry the Fourth, till they had brought him to the Crown. Of which services, they that had been the Kings Enemy received the reward. This Answer of the Ministers was presented to the King by the Duke of Rohan.

Such a bold address to the Sovereign power, did irritate the great Officers of the Crown, of whom not a few, or their Fathers, had been of the party of the League. The Jesuits therefore letting their challenge fall, indicted the Ministers of Treason, although all the ground they could find for it, was, that the Ministers called the reformed Churches their people, as if they had pretended some sovereignty over them.

The Chamber of the Edict (a Court consisting half of Papists, half of Protestant Judges) would take knowledge of that business. But the Great Chamber would not let them, pretending that to the Great Chamber belonged the cognizance of crimes of Treason. Three weeks they were contending about that. At the end of which the Council of State took the cognizance of it from them both, and by that time the heat of the Statesmens wrath was allayed. The Ministers being summoned before the Council, the indictment of Treason was not much urged, as being but a cavil. And it was wittily eluded; for whereas it was objected to them that they called their Churches nos peuples, it was answered, that the N was a u turned upside down, and should be read vos peuples, so that the Ministers speaking to the King, called their Churches your not our people. The Lord's of the Council smiled, and were contented to have one cavil wiped off with another. Only after grave admonitions and high threatenings by Chancellor Bruslart, they dismissed them.

That challenge of Arnoux, and a Pamphlet of his against the Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches of France, occasioned the Doctor to write his Buckler of the Faith.

The Jesuits, who compass sea and land to make a Proselyte, had devised this feat of Legerdemain, that when they saw a person of quality (for those especially they hunt after) little grounded in the Protestant Religion, ill stored with piety, and gaping after preferments (which are all confined to the Popish party) they tempted him to change his profession; and after they had partly by arguments, partly by promises, won him to their side, they made him promise not to declare his resolution to change till after a Conference between two Divines of the two Religions, that his declaration might assign the victory of the Conference to their side. But when they would give fire to that mine, commonly it turned upon them that had sprung it: For thereby the perverted persons were either reclaimed in good earnest, or by the evident ill success of the Jesuits compelled for shame to remain in their former profession. Divers times these Jesuit have tried to serve Doctor Du Moulin with that trick, but unfortunately. A Gentleman called Liembrune, corrupted by the Jesuit Gontier, had promised him to declare himself a Roman Catholck after a Conference of the said Jesuit with Doctor Du Moulin. And having taken his lodging at the same street as the Doctor, with whom he had got some familiarity, he drew him once into his chamber, where the Doctor found a great company of persons of quality, most of them Ladies, who, as they had been instructed by Gontier, began to question the Doctor about his calling. And upon that Gontier came to the door in a coach full of books, and being come up to the company, he asked what they were speaking of? A Lady said, I was desiring Monsieur Du Moulin to satisfy my curiosity about his calling. The Doctor, to put the Jesuit upon the defensive part, said, I answered the Lady, that a man of your sort, that will question another about his calling, obligeth himself to prove his own. And since the calling of Priest in the Roman Church is to be a sacrificer of the body of Christ, I desire you, Sir, to show me the institution of that Priesthood, and in what place of Scripture God commanded that the body of his Son should be sacrified. The Jesuit answered, that it might easily be proved; called for Bibles and Concordances, and was seeking and turning leaves a great while. But being unable to find a thing that is not, he retired silent, full of anguish and confusion into a corner of the room. Upon which Liembrune grew angry, and told Gontier, Father, you told me, that if I brought a Minister before you, you would confound him; Here is one, and you stand dumb before him. After that Conference Liembrune defamed Gontier everywhere, and was confirmed in the true Religion.

Another Jesuit came to the Doctors study to dispute with him. Monsieur de Monginot, a famous Physician, was present at the Conference, whereby he was converted, and set out an excellent Book of the reasons why he abjured Popery.

An Eminent Protestant Lady, widow to the Marshal of Fernaques, Governor of Normandy, being sick to death, was very much solicited by the Prince of Joinville, called since Duke of Chereuse, whom she intended to marry, to change Religion on her death-bed; and he used the interest he had in her, to make her a Roman Catholic. The Doctor going to visit her, could not be admitted till Monsieur de Roissy, a person of high quality, went in with a great attendance, and with him the Doctor came to her bed-side. As he began to speak to the sick Lady, Monsieur de Salles, the titular Bishop of Geneva, came in, sent by the Princess of Piemont, the Kings Sister, to exhort her to die in the Roman profession. Whereupon, when some contestation arose between the Bishop and Doctor Du Moulin, Monsieur de Roissy spake thus to the sick Lady; Madam, it is no more time to dissemble, speak openly, Will you have my Lord Bishop of Geneva to comfort you, and pray by you, or will you have Monsieur Du Moulin to do that office? The Lady answered, I desire Monsieur Du Moulin to take that pains. Then the Bishop and many Roman Catholics went out of the room. Some remained, who while the Doctor was praying, made mouths at him, to abuse and interrupt him. He did his part to dispose and strengthen her in her last combat. After he had been there half an hour or more, three Lord's, one of them Monsieur d' Andelot, came up to him, and told him, Monsieur du Moulin, there is below a company of Princesses and great Ladies that desire to see you confer with my Lord Bishop. The Doctor answered, My Lord's, do you not make that motion purposely to take me off from the last office which I do to this Lady, and to keep me from returning hither? All three promised upon their honor, that after the Conference ended, they would let him into the room co continue the Office which he was about. The Doctor followed them into a large room, where the Dutchess Dowager of Longueville was with many other great persons, and asked them upon what point they would have the Bishop and him to confer; The Ladies desired that they should speak of those words of Christ, This is my body.

The Doctor said, that the clear Exposition of those words was given by S. Paul, 1 Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? The Bishop answered, that the same Apostle affirmeth that it is the very body of Christ that we eat, 1 Cor. 11.24. Christ said to his Disciples, Take, eat, this is my body. I wonder (said the Doctor to the Bishop) how you have the confidence to allege that Text which your Church hath so foully falsified: For whereas St. Paul relates how Christ said, Take, eat, this is my body which is broken for you, The Roman Church hath put in her version, which shall be delivered for you, lest that it should be known that Christ speaks of a body which may be broken in the Sacrament, which cannot be said of the true body of Christ. The Bishop then taxed the Doctor with calumny, maintaining that in the vulgar Roman version it was set down, which is broken. Bibles were brought forth, and it was found that the Doctor said true. This silenced the Bishop, and broke the Conference. The Dutchess of Longueville took the Doctor aside, and told him that she had heard much of him; but now that she had both seen and heard him, it would be an excess of joy to her if he would turn Catholic. The Doctor answed, that he would willingly do it, and in her sense, if it might be shown him in the word of God, that God hath commanded the Priest to sacrifice the body of Christ. Then taking leave of the company, he went up to the sick Lady, who soon after gave up the ghost.

These are few of his many encounters. If I would relate all his Conferences, they might fill a great volume. Scarce was he a week without one, while he lived in Paris, and some of them were very long. He was the object of the public hatred of the Romanists. His name was the general Theam of libels cried up in the street, of railing Sermons in all pulpits, and of the curses of ignorant zealots. They that durst not come near that Lion, barked at him afar off. And because the Adversaries could not overcome him in conference, they tried two other ways.

The one was to win him by preferments from the Reformed party. I will not make this Relation so Romance-like, as to say all that he might have had from the Court of France, and that of Rome. I will relate but one passage of my particular remembrance; That one of the prime men of Paris came to him; how haughtily he looked upon us all, I remember still. His errand to the Doctor was to this purpose.

That way succeeding not, they went about to make him away. Divers Attempts were made against his life, besides that which I related before. One evening after Sun-set, two men with long black cloaks came to his house; One of them staid at the door to keep the egress free for his fellow, who went softly into the parlor, and so to the Doctor, without speaking a word, keeping his hands under his cloak. The Doctor judging by his countenance that he came with a mischievous intent, removed further, and put a chair in the man's way. The man turned about the chair and the table, pursuing him: Then came the Doctors servant, a proper strong man, who repulsed the fellow with threatenings, and put him out of the house.

Another came to the same parlor while the Doctor was at dinner, and came near him with his hands under his cloak. The same servant took up a daggers scabbard which the man had let fall, and gave it him, saying, Get you gone, you have mist your blow for this time. The fellow, without answering one word, took his scabbard and went away.

Another came to his house with the like intent, in all likelihood, at seven a clock at night in the short days, and asked to speak with the Doctor. But when he began to speak, he faultered in his speech, and quaked, and changed color; which Mrs. Du Moulin perceiving, stepped between her husband and the man, and told him, Friend, you are come with a wicked design. The man made no Apology, and departed.

One night, about two or three a clock, when the Doctor and his Family were abed, one knocked at the door with great noise, and being told from within that the Doctor was asleep, he answered, that he must be awaked, for he must speak with him, and so continued knocking till the door was opened, and he would be brought to the Doctors bed-side; To whom he said,

Twice was his house besieged by a rabble of people to destroy him and his Family, but brought no greater Artillery then Muskets, wherewith they shot through the gate in several places: they assayed to break the door, but could not. These many attempts, made his Friends to desire him that he should never go abroad unattended, nor be at home without defense. He hearkened to their counsel, and got two stout servants, that had been Soldiers, that attended him with their swords: Yet that he walked so long among wild beasts, and was not devoured, it is the Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes.

While Doctor Du Moulin lived in Paris, he was invited by many Universities to accept of the Chair of Divinity; but the Church of Paris would never part with him. That University which did most constantly and unwearedly woo him, was that of Leyden, considering him still as a member of their body. They began in the year, 1611. and offered him the place of Arminius, then newly dead: And not only the Curators by frequent addresses to the Church of Paris and to him, but the States by their Ambassadors, and the Prince of Orange by his Letters, did from time to time demand him.

In the year, 1617. when the States of the United Provinces had desired the Churches of England, France, Germany, &c. to send some able Divines to the Synod of Dort, the Churches of France named four, Doctor Du Moulin, Chamier, Rivet and Chaune. But when the Doctor was making ready for his journey, he was forbidden by a Messenger of the Council of State of France to go out of the Kingdom, upon pain of Life: The like prohibition was made to the three other Divines.

The Lord's States accepted of his good will very thankfully, and sent him the same present which they gave to the Deputies of their Synod, A large golden Medal with a chain of Gold, and two hundred Crowns of Gold.

A year after, the Lord's States and the Curators of the University of Leyden renewed their former demand of Doctor Du Moulin to be their Divinity Reader. The Learned Erpenius was sent twice into France on that errand: And when he could not be obtained from the Church of Paris, they demanded, by the same Erpenius, the famous Rivet, and had him.

But the Church of Paris could keep no longer their dear Pastor whom they held so fast; and the ruin then ready to fall upon the generality of the French Churches did light upon him first. In the year 1620. a National Synod being called at Alais in Languedok, Doctor Du Moulin was sent Deputy to it, and he made account in his return to go out of the way to see Rochelle. A little before he took that journey, My Lord Herbert of Cherbury, then Embassador of England in the Court of France, urged him very much to write to the King his Master, to exhort him to undertake vigorously the defense of his Son in Law the King of Bohemia. The Doctor represented to his Lordship, that it was too high a business for a man of his sort. My Lord Herbert represented to him again that his Letters were always very acceptable to his Majesty, and might work very much upon him. So the Doctor writ to the King, and delivered his Letters to the Lord Ambassadors Secretary. Then immediately he went to Alais where he was chosen President of the Synod.

In the mean while his Letters to King James went the wrong way, and were delivered to the Council of State of France; how, or by whom, the Doctor could never learn, or whether his Majesty ever received them. Howsoever it was, scarce was he in Languedok, when it was concluded at Paris in the Counsel of State, that he should be apprehended, and committed prisoner for exhorting a Foreign King to take Arms for the defense of the Protestant Churches. And because the Council was informed that the Doctor would return by Rochelle (a place which then gave great jealousies to the Court) they would not take him before he had been there, the Informers against him intending to make his going to Rochelle an Article of his Indictment. Doctor Du Moulin knowing nothing of all this, was sitting in the Synod, where he heard first the ill news of the taking of Prague, the overthrow of the King of Bohemia, and the ruin of many Churches in that Country. And at the same time the waste made in the Churches of Béarn by the Armies of King Lewis, and how the Protestants would keep a Politick Assembly at Rochelle against the Kings will, which proved the cause of so many ruins that followed. Wherefore the Synod being ended, the Doctor Judged that it was an ill conjuncture of time for him to go to Rochelle, and took the way of Lions. In that resolution he was guided by a good providence; for if he had gone to Rochelle, he should have been apprehended not far from that town after his coming out of it. At Lions he received a Letter from Monsieur Drelincourt Minister of Paris, which gave him notice of his danger. This warning made him baulk the high way: yet he went to Paris, and entering the City in the night went directly to my Lord Herbert, who bade him to fly in haste for his life, which was in danger by the interception of his Letters to the King his Master. That very night then without so much as going to his house, he went out of Paris with his brother Capt. John Du Moulin to Lumigni a house of the Count de la Suze ten leagues from the City: There two Elders of the Church of Paris came to him from the Consistory, to desire him to remove himself out of the reach of those that waited for his Life: Which he did, and the next night travelled towards Sedan, a place then acknowledging the old Duke of Bovillon a Protestant Prince for Sovereign, where he came safe, by God's mercy, in the beginning of the year, 1621. and was kindly received by the Duke to his house and table.

This was his parting with the Church of Paris; for although great means were made to appease the Court, and although many years after, the Indictment against him was taken off, and leave was given him to live in France, yet it was with that exception, that he should not live in Paris.

Being come to that separation, I cannot but cast a parting look upon that best part of his life, the time he lived in that great light of Paris which was one and twenty years: A time truly honorable to him, since in it he did much to the honor of God, whether we consider his public service in the Church, which he edified with his frequent preaching full of evidence of spirit and power, seconded with the prime eloquence of the time, and encouraged with the throngest concourse, and the greatest applause; or the many combats that he sustained for God's Truth, which still ended in so many Victories; Or the godliness and charity of his conversation: Or the fervent mutual love between him and his Flock; Or the envy and invectives of the adversaries; Or the favor of great Princes abroad; Or his great esteem in the opinion of his Sovereign, who courted him, though they hated him.

Paris being the great resort, not only of all France, but of all Europe, his house also was the resort of all the eminent persons of the Protestant Religion that came to Paris: seldom was his door in the afternoon without Coaches before it.

Being visited by Englishmen, Germans, Dutch, Danes, Polanders, &c. he held himself especially engaged to love and serve the English Travelers, who also bore to him a singular respect. It was from them that the learned Doctor Heylin had that saying of his about the scruple of preaching with a Surplice; which I must confirm, as having heard it from his mouth: That he wisht that the Queen Regent would give him leave to preach before her, though it were in a Friars coat. Doctor Heylins Friend told him in a Fools Coat: But the difference is not so great, but that man may take the one for the other without misprision.

Being known abroad by those that had never seen him, he received Letters out of most parts of Europe from the greatest persons of the Protestant party: The chief of them King James of glorious and blessed memory, his great and good Patron, from whom he had many Letters, which his children keep carefully, as precious monuments of his religious mind, and of his Royal favor. He also being thus imboldened by his Majesty writ to him many Letters, which I have seen sowed up into a Book, kept in the Kings Paper Office, where I suppose they are still. He received also several presents from abroad, which did rather honor, then enrich him.

I remember when he received from a Merchant of Dantzick, unknown to him, a present of Sables for a furred Gown, and he put them to that use, saying pleasantly, That they would have been too dear for him to buy, but that they were not too good to keep him warm.

Being come to Sedan, he was presently desired to accept of the place of Minister of that Church, and of the chair of Divinity, then lately le • t by Tilenus in discontent, and by Andrew Melvin by death. He accepted of these places, but conditionally, in case that he could not obtain his restitution to the Church of Paris.

He found at Sedan much respect, and love from the Prince, and the Church, and the Academy; yet his parting from Paris proved very ruinous to him, and his Family; For having sold his wives Land in the Duchy of Bar, and laid the money upon a piece of Land near Paris, which was extended for debts, and bought the right of the first Creditor, the other Creditours took advantage of his absence, and disgrace, and got the Land adjudged unto them; for which he never got any redress.

Of these private losses he was less sensible, because the sad condition of the Reformed Churches did totally possess his thoughts and cares. And having had time and occasion while he was President of the Synod of Alais, and in his long journey to it and from it, • o know the evil posture of their affairs, he found himself pressed in spirit to write to the Assembly of Rochelle, that which his knowledge and his zeal prompted to him.

Because that Epistle is a piece that giveth much light to the History of that time, and a wholesome lesson to all that pretend conscience and Religion for their resistance to their Sovereign by force of Arms, I will insert it here.

These Letters being read in the Assembly, raised much contestation. In the end the violent party overcoming, it was resolved that Monsieur de la Milletiere should write to Doctor Du Moulin in the name of the Assembly, to desire him that he would not impart the said Letters to any, amd to tell him that his advice was not approved.

Yet his advice was so relished by some of the Assembly, that they arose and presently left it, and never returned to it again.

One would have thought that this advice of peace and obedience to the Assembly of Rochelle, should have made the Doctors peace with the Council of State; but I believe that it made the Kings Council more averse from granting his return to Paris; for the violent men in the Assembly did good service to the Court by their violence, and were fee'd by the Court to thrust their brethren into a precipice, and give to the King the long desired occasion to take from the Protestants the places granted to them by his Fathers Edict. The forenamed Miltiere was one of those violent men, who afterwards forsook his Party and his Religion; and by his working and unhappy wit, he hath created many sorrows unto the French Churches.

Neither did the Jesuits work Doctor Du Moulins expulsion out of Paris for any greater reason then because by preaching obedience upon occasions, he crossed their long-winded design to undo the Reformed Churches of France, by suggesting violent counsels unto them by their secret instruments. Some of which having gotten places of Trust by their counterfeit zeal, betrayed them, and got money for them, doing open service to those whom they had served before in secret.

At Sedan, in the year 1623. Doctor Du Moulin being a Widower, married a virtuous Gentlewoman, that had with great constancy resisted the severity of her Father Capt. de Gelhay, who having left the Protestant Religion, would force her to do the same.

About that time came forth the famous Book of Cardinal Du Perron against the most excellent King James. That Book was extolled by the Romanists with great praises and brags; and the truth is, that it is the most learned and subtle piece of work that ever appeared in French in defense of Popery. His Majesty being especially interested and provoked by that book, was pleased to recommend the confutation of that to his old Champion Doctor Du Moulin, who undertook it upon his Majesty's command.

That he might attend that work with more leisure and helps, his Majesty invited him to come into England. And together being moved with compassion by the adversities the Doctor had suffered for his sake, he offered him a refuge in England, promising to take care of him, and to employ him in one of his Universities.

He accepted that Royal favor. And because it was dangerous for him to travel through France, he got a pass to go from the Spanish Netherlands to Holland.

He set out of Sedan in March 1624. and went to Brussels and Antwerp, and so to Holland. Whence after some days stay at the Hague with his worthy Brother-in-law Doctor Rivet, he took shipping for England.

He was graciously received by his Majesty. And about half a year after his coming, the Hospital of Savoy falling vacant, he would have bestowed it upon him, and gave him his word for it. Yet his Majesty was persuaded by the Scots that waited in his chamber, to give it to Doctor Belcanqual, and to offer to Doctor Du Moulin a Living of inconsiderable value, representing it to his Majesty as equivalent to the Savoy; but the Doctor would not accept of it.

He never was a good hunter of preferments; but then worse then ever: God having visited him with a grievous sickness, by an heavy oppression in his hypocondries, with an inflammation of black choler, which seldom let him sleep, and kept him in perpetual agony. Yet being a man of great vigor, he went about and walked much; yea in that sore affliction he spent much time in this great work against Cardinal du Perron, and preached often in the French Church. The great Physician Sir Theodore Mayerne took him into his house to cure him; but the malignancy of that melancholy stood out against his Remedies. Sir Theodore taking a journey into France, Mr. Philip Burlamachi received him, and entertained him in his house half a year together, yea when his wife, and family, and three of his Nephews, hearing of his sickness, came over to assist him, that bountiful and magnificent Gentleman entertained them all.

My duty to such a Father having called me from Leyden to London, I had the happiness to be his daily attendant, and to sit up with him a hundred nights, which he passed almost all without sleep, in deep anguish, and holy discourses, employing all the strength of his Faith, and of his pregnant rational brains, to fight against the pain of his body, and the temptations of the darkest melancholy with the comforts of Heaven. So that he might say after David, that in the multitude of his thoughts which he had within him, God's comforts refreshed his soul. If sometimes I had the happiness to suggest some thought to him in which he found comfort, he would bestow upon me most hearty blessings, with fervent prayers to God, of which I find the benefit to this day. Could I remember all the divine and virtuous discourses which I heard from his mouth in that time of my attendance, it would conduce very much to make me grow in grace, and in all good gifts.

In the depth of his pain and anguish, he was beyond measure afflicted with the persecutions that ruined the Churches of France, and the divisions increasing in the Church of England. He might say with St. Paul, that he was in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often. And that besides those things that that came upon him, the care of all the Churches oppressed him. To that purpose he was once saying to me, Son, considering the face of the times, I fear very much that the deadly wound of the Beast will heal up, at least it will skin over. Yet we have given her the blow that will serve her turn. She must die of it soon or late. Haeret lateri lethalis arundo.

There was at London at that time the Marquess d' Effiat, extraordinary Embassador of France, a zealous Papist, who upon a false information of Fisher and others Jesuits that were about him, that Doctor Du Moulin, by his long watchings and melancholy fumes, was decayed in his intellectuals, did maliciously invite him to his house, to engage him in a Conference, and insult over his weakness. The good man perceived well enough the trap that was laid for him; yet he went in the strength of the Lord, praying after David, Let not those that seek thee be confounded for my sake, O God of Israel. I attended my Father to the Embassador, who received us with some face of kindness, and made us dine with him. After dinner the Embassador desired him to hear a Scottishman, who would tell him the reasons that made him leave the Protestant Religion to embrace the Catholic. The Scottishman then assisted by Fisher & others of his sort, made an elaborate discourse half an hour long of the Church, of S. Peters Primacy, of succession of Chairs, and the like. When he had done, the Doctor resumed all his points and allegations in the same order, and answered them with his ordinary vigor and presence of wit. And because the principal matter in question was about the marks of the true Church, he maintained that the profession of the true Doctrine was the mark of the true Church, and thence took occasion to lay open the foulness of the errors of Popery with so much pregnancie, that the Ambassador, a choleric man, rose from his seat in great fury, and gave many soul words to the Doctor, who upon that went out and returned home.

The Ambassador repenting himself of his violence, sent his Coach to him the next day, and desired his company to dinner. The work and success of that day, was like that of the day before: For after dinner the Scottishman spoke again of the same points; and when the Doctor in his answer had turned his Dispute against the grossest errors of Popery incompatible with the true Church, Fisher would have taken the Scottishmans part; but the Ambassadors passion gave him no time to answer, but broke out worse then the day before (yet without foul words) saying that he could hear no longer that one should revile before him the Catholic Religion, and maintain to him that he did willfully damn himself, his wife, and his children. We left him to his own passion, and went out of his house. Whatsoever the effect might be of these Conferences upon the hearers, they shown the gracious and indeed miraculous assistance of God to his servant: For neither he, nor we that tended him in his sickness, and saw his perpetual torment, could expect of him the stength, patience, and readiness requisite in such an important occurence, and before persons of great respect, and his Adversaries.

The Embassador was less too blame for giving him ill words, then for entertaining him at his table. For seeing that there was a criminal process against the Doctor in the Council of State of France, for his correspondence with England, it was a great error in an Embassador of France to show him any countenance, especially in England. All that can be said for him, is, that his zeal and hope to get credit to his party by the Doctors discredit, made him run into that great oversight in point of State, and that greater fault in point of charity and ordinary humanity, to seek to pick advantages out of a sick man's weakness. But he came short of that end, and the Doctor might say to God after this, as after all his other Conferences; By this I know that thou favourest me, because mine enemy doth not triumph over me.

The Doctor continuing sick, the King sent twice his Chaplain Doctor Young to visit him; and to comfort him, offered him a Living, which he took not. And at the same time that great and good King fell sick of the sickness of which he died. That death of his Royal Patron, and the plague raging in London, soon persuaded the Doctor to return to Sedan, hoping that God would give him strength for that journey, and that the change of Air would mend his health. To return the way he came, through the Spanish Dominions of Flanders and Brabant, he could not for want of a Pass; and to go through France, it was dangerous for him: Yet he ventured it, and taking me along with him; and giving order to the rest of his Family to come after him a week after, he went from London secretly to Dover, where he embarked himself in a French bottom full of Frenchmen of both Religions, who had attended the Queen when her Majesty came over the first time. Though he was in a gray suit, disguised with a periwig, he was known by some Lawyers of Roven of contrary Religion, who knowing that he was gone out of France upon a criminal indictment, plotted together, yet not so secretly, but that I heard it, to give notice of him to the Governor of Deep to arrest him.

The Duke of Langueville, Governor of Normandy, was then at Deep, and lay in the Castle; but because the Castle did not open but late, they that had plotted our ruin, could not give notice of us, neither to the Duke, nor to the Governor before we were gone; for being landed before Sun-rising, we hasted away to Roven.

The Duke hearing that we had taken horses for Roven, sent three Messengers to apprehend us, or if they missed us, to give order to the first President of Roven to secure the Doctor. The messengers overtook us half a mile from the City, and inquired of our Inn at Roven, and rid before us to the Town, where they might better examine whether we were the men that they looked for. We knew them presently for such as they were. To avoid them, the Doctor left his horse, and gave money to a Peasant to bring him to the City by a by-way, and by another gate then that of the Road of Deep. Going on foot, in that by-way, he could see afar off the Sergeants looking about for him, but they perceived him not. He had left order with me to meet him at Master de l' Angle, the famous Minister of Roven, who had married his Niece. His horse and mine I committed to the Post of Deep, who was driving many horses before him to Roven, and I met him at the appointed place. The next morning a Gentleman of the Reformed Church of Roven came to give us warning that the Officers of the first President had been seeking for the Doctor in the Inn, where we were to deliver the Hackneys we had taken at Deep, and were examining our fellow-Travelers to know where they had left us. Whereupon we presently shifted to that Gentleman house, making no doubt but that Monsieur de l' Angel 's house should be presently searched, he and his wife being the only relations that the Doctor had at Roven; yet none came thither to seek for him. In the evening a Gentlewoman came to us and carried us in her Coach to a house of hers a League from Roven. The next day our men, which by that time were come from Deep, brought us horses for our journey to Sedan, where we arrived safe by the great mercy of God, who had so the inclined the heart of the first President (who might have apprehended us) that he winked at us, and would not see where we were; for whereas he knew well enough where to find the Doctor at Roven, he would not send to his Kinsmans house, but to an Inn, where he knew that he was not. And that his kindness might not be interpreted as an oversight, he sent for Monsieur de l' Angle four or five days after we were gone, and told him, Sir, I should have been glad to have seen Monsieur Du Moulin when he was at your house, but that it could not be with his safety. A year or two after the Duke of Longueville being come to Sedan with the Count of Soissons, whose party he had taken against the King, would see the Doctor, and told him. Sir, when you came out of England, I did all my endeavor to apprehend you, but now I am very glad that I mist you. Let all that love God and his servants help us to praise God for this miraculous deliverance. O bless our God ye people, and make the voice of his praise to be heard, which holdeth our soul in life, and suffereth not our feet to be moved; Who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprize.

The labor of the Journey, and the intolerable he • t of the season increased his sickness. Which to heal, the Physicians of Sedan made him drink Spaw waters, which were brought to him from Spaw to Sedan. Whereby they wrought a strange kind of cure upon him; for these waters brought him to a most violent Feaver, and the Feaver consumed all those humors, and winds that oppressed him, and left him in health, but it brought him so low before, that we despaired of his life; and the Physicians proved true, who told us, that the Feaver would consume either the sickness, or the sick man.

So he returned to his former Function in the Church and University, serving God with cheerfulness and assiduity, and blest with great success. He lived at Sedan three and thirty years from his return into England unto his death, without any notable change in his condition, but one of public concernment by the miserable change of the Duke of Bovillon.

That Duke being Prince of Sedan, the Protector of a flourishing Protestant Church, and the refuge of many oppressed Protestants in France, was perverted by falling in love with a beautiful Lady, a Subject born of the Spaniard, and a Papist of the deepest Jesuitish die; which seduced and turned him, both to the Romish Religion, and to the Spanish party: Marrying that Lady he presently professed the first, and a few years after embraced the second.

Before he had professed himself a Papist, he and his brother, now Marshal and Prince of Turenne, being at Luyck, the said Monsieur de Turenne fell grievously sick. Whereupon his Mother, the old Dutchess of Bovillion, desired the Doctor to go to him with another Gentleman, bringing a Physician and an Apothecary along with them. The Duke, who was already revolted in his heart, received the Doctor unkindly, and desired him to withdraw and return to Sedan, but procured him no Pass for his safe return, exposing him with great inhumanity to eminent danger in the enemies Country, in a time of fierce War. Whereby he afforded him new occasions of experimenting the wonders of God's watchful and fatherly care for his preservation.

For when he came with his company to Givay, a place under Charlemonts Castle, where there was a Spanish Garrison; The Soldiers hearing of their coming, and that they had no Pass, resolved to apprehend them: They might have taken them in the Inn, but they chose rather to take them the next morning in a Boat which they had hired to make the rest of their journey by water. But one of the Doctor's Company advised his fellow-Travelers to walk on foot to a Village a mile off, to avoid a compass of twelve miles which the River makes, and there to expect their Boat. They followed his Counsel, and thereby disappointed the Soldiers, who coming to the Boat and missing them, plundered their Cloak-bags, and took the Doctors man, but them they followed not, which they might have done, and overtaken them; but having their plunder; they were less eager to have their persons; And God preserved them, both then and the rest of the journey, which they performed with great danger and difficulty.

Soon after this, the Duke of Bovillon declared himself a Papist, to the incredible loss of the Protestant party. Sedan was grown by the persecutions in France; The greatest number, and the richest sort, consisted of the posterity of persons that had transported their Families and their estates to Sedan, during the Wars of Religion, and that place was a refuge at hand for the Protestants, when any trouble arose in France: Wherefore this change in the Prince wrought a great consternation in the people of Sedan, and a great grief in the generality of all the French Protestants; which the Duke of Bovillon perceiving, and judging, that as they lived at Sedan upon the account of their Religion, they might retire from it upon the same account; He called the Church, and the University, and told them that he would lend them the same protection as before, and innovate nothing. Only whereas he gathered the Tythes of his Dominions, and therewith gave wages to the Ministers, Professors, and Regents, as also stipends to the Priests, now the Priests must have the tithes as their ancient right, and he would pay to the Ministers, Professors, and Regents their ordinary stipends out of his own estate.

Sedan enjoyed that rest for a year or two, till the Duke won by his wife to forsake the Protection which he enjoyed under the King of France who paid his Garrison, agreed with the Spaniard to put himself under his protection, turn out the French Garison, and receive his. Which Plot being discovered by some of Sedan, was made known to the French Court, and such order was taken that the Dukes Design was prevented. Himself, his Lady, and all his retinue were turned out of Sedan, and kept out of it to this day, and the place continueth under the subjection of France. What recompense he had for it, is beyond my knowledge and the limits of this relation.

In this sad change of Religion at Sedan, the Doctor besides his sufferings common with others had many particular trials, being especially maligned by the Capucins and the new Clergy, with whom he had many Conferences, and was persecuted by them with continual invectives. He suffered much also by the war, his house in the Country being plundered, and his cattle driven away, which in all likelihood was done upon especial recommendation.

Of the charge laid against him about his Letters to King James of blessed and glorious memory, he heard no more when Sedan was brought under the French Scepter; for it was but a picked quarrel to remove him from Paris.

About the year 1644. Upon a return of the sickness that had troubled him in England, he was advised to travel into Auvergne to some waters which he went to drink upon the place, and with good effect. He returned to Paris, where he was received and entertained by his ancient flock with most singular expressions of love; but he was settled in Sedan, and his restitution to Paris had been tried many times, and found an impossible pull. At Sedan then he lived the rest of his days, serving God in the Church, and in the University, defending the truth of God by his Sermons, Conferences and Books, confirming God's people in the faith, and powerfully convincing the Adversaries.

Thus he held out in his constant course of Sermons, and Divinity-Lectures, without abating any part of his ordinary duties, till by extremity of old age his voice being grown too low for a great Congregation, he desired to be excused of preaching upon the Lord's day, but instead of it he preached every Tuesday: And because his weakness suffered him not to go much abroad, he obtained leave of the Academical Counsel to make his Divinity Lectures in his own house in a spacious Parlour, where he had as great audience as the University could afford.

Three years and a half before his death, as he was taking the air abroad, he got a great hurt by a fall from his horse; since which time he enjoyed no health, yet he did not give over the exercise of his charge either in the Church, or in the School, and very seldom mist preaching once a week and reading two Divinity-Lectures. And having been all his life time much given to private devotion, in that last sickly time he was so extraordinarily taken up with holy private exercises, that he did almost nothing else but pray and meditate. He kept to the last hour that neatness of language, wherein he was so eminent, and the readiness of his memory, which afforded him matter of holy Discourses, upon any subject offered to him in question.

Upon Tuesday Feb. 26. 1658. [stilo novo] he awaked in the morning, so weak and oppressed in his breast that he thought himself not able to preach that day; yet taking heart, he was led and helped up to the Church; being got into the pulpit with much difficulty, he fainted: And some wine being brought to him he would not taste it, choosing rather to expect God's help, then to do anything which might seem to border upon indecency. And he was not disappointed of his expectation; for after he had read his Text, which was, Psal. 16 9. My flesh shall rest in hope, he spake with more vigor then he had done of a long time before, and applied the doctrine to himself, giving an account of his Faith and hope to his Hearers, taking his leave of them in a manner, and preaching his own Funeral Sermon, as if he had had a Prophetical knowledge that he spake the last time to his people in the Church.

Upon Thursday the last day of February he found his oppression so much increased in the morning that there was no small fear of a sudden death. Being then visited by his Colleagues, who prayed by him, he desired them to remember him that day (which was a Sermon day) in the prayers of the Church. After the Sermon a great company flocked to him to bid him farewell, and to receive his blessing: He looked upon them all, and spake to them with much facility and presence of mind: To such as he knew to be of an exemplary life he gave praises and encouragements to virtue and piety. Those in whose life he knew there was matter of blame, he would not in downright terms rebuke before that great company; but going about in a discreet way he would (addressing his speech to them) commend those virtues that were opposite to their vices, and would say to them that were somewhat given to tricks, that of all crafts the master-craft was to be an honest man.

Seeing a blind woman in the company he told her; You want the eyes of the body, but you have the eye of Faith, penetrating as far as heaven: You see not the light of the Sun, but God will let you see the brightness of his face.

Then turning his eyes upon a Gentleman who was a Roman Catholic, he said, This is a worthy Gentleman: And speaking to him he said, Sir, I suffer great pains, but God will have mercy upon me: I have many ways offended him, yet my conscience bears me witness, that I never preached or writ anything, but what I believed to be consonant unto the word of God.

Next he applied himself to his Colleagues, and said, Farewell, my Masters, I have that satisfaction in my mind, that I leave this Church in the hands of persons whom God hath endowed with great gifts, and above all with an exemplary piety: I make no doubt but that you will carefully look to the conduct of the flock committed unto you.

One of them having answered, The Lord grant Sir, that we may imitate you, for you are that good servant, who not only have not buried your talent, but have very much improved it: You have done good service in your time, and your labors will live, and do good when you are gone.

He replied,

His Friends told him that he did himself harm by speaking so much. It is true (saith he) but I will die glorifying God.

He spent the four or five first days of his sickness in expressions of deep humiliation: his prayers were vehement and fervent, and full of penitent sorrow: He acknowledged himself the greatest of sinners, and the most unworthy of the graces which he had received of God: He abhorred his own ungratefulness, aggravating his faults, and despising all that others commended in him.

His devout expressions suffered but little intermission, and his holy meditations none at all. For, if sometimes he was kept silent by a drowsy fit, one might see by the lifting up of his eyes and hands that his heart was with God: And every time that he resumed his discourse, it was evident that his speech was but the attendance of a longer meditation.

As when he began thus, Lord thou wilt do it, Thou art faithful in thy promises; I am thy creature; Thou hast led me and taught me from my youth. O forsake me not in this last period of my life: Have mercy upon me, my God, my my Father, have mercy upon me: O Lord hear, O Lord forgive, O Lord hearken and do: Defer not for thine own sake, O my God; even for thy Sons sake, who hath loved me, and given himself for me.

That meditation of God's mercy he did much stretch himself upon, saying,

His sickness being violent, and his pains sharp, one of the Ministers seeing how he suffered, bade him to be of good cheer, because the time of his deliverance drew nigh.

Sometimes the violence of his pains extorted some complaints from him. 'O Lord (said he) lay not too heavy a hand upon thy poor servant. Thou hast sufficiently afflicted me to make me sensible of my sin. Then correcting himself he added; Nay, Lord, I am far from murmuring against thee; I have kept myself from that in my long trials. Why? I have deserved infinitely more then I suffer. Bruise this dust and ashes, my body, and save my precious soul: As miserable as I am, I would not exchange my condition with that of a King, while I hope in the grace of my God.

He would be entertained with good discourses, and delighted much that his friends should help him with those Texts of Scripture which were the fittest to strengthen his faith, and raise his hope: And when they began a Text, he would end it, and added something to it, or did illustrate it with some interpretation. As when one told him the words of Jacob, I have waited for thy salvation, O God; he said, Many of our Doctors by that salvation understand the temporal deliverances which God did promise his people; but I will apply it to myself in the same sense as you take it.

When the words of the hymn of Zacharias were used to him of the tender mercy of our Lord, whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited us; he added presently, Yea it is that Sun of righteousness with healing in his wings. Likewise when he heard that Text of the 130. Psalm. I wait for the Lord, my soul doth wait, and in his word do I hope, he said, That word is the promise of the Gospel, that whosoever believeth in Jesus Christ hath everlasting life. That is the word which my soul doth wait for.

He had very often the 51 Psalm in his mouth, and insisted especially upon this verse, The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit; a broken and a contrite heart O God, thou wilt not despise. And then he would say, That sacrifice, O my God, I offer unto thee; Thou knowest my heart, and how it is bruised and wounded with sorrow that I have offended thee. Forgive me, my God, graciously forgive me all my sins; deal with me as thoa didst with the poor Publican, as with the humble Canaanitish woman, as with the converted Thief. O let me be this day with thee in Paradise. Crucify the old man within me; kill that man of sin which is too quick and too strong, and raise me unto newness of life, that I may behold thy face, and be with my Savior Jesus Christ.

He had a particular love for the Holy Tongue. Seeing a Student that was learned in the same, he desired him to read before him some Psalms in Hebrew. Then he began to reckon how many names were given to God in the Old Testament, making learned considerations upon each. Thus passing from one good discourse to another, he gave occasion to the Student to ask him whether he thought that Hebrew was the Language used in the Kingdom of Heaven? That is not revealed (said the Doctor) neither do I think that the language of Heaven is known here on Earth. But I think that we shall learn it in a moment when God shall be all in all. And that is that tongue of Angels which St. Paul mentions. This is as other things which God hath prepared for those that love him; things which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, and which are not come into a man's heart.

The next Lord's day-morning, being visited by the Minister that was to preach that morning, he desired him that for his sake the Congregation should sing the one and fiftieth Psalm, which he would often repeat with a profound humiliation. He had also the 130th. in his mouth very often, and the two and thirtieth. Once having said the first and second verses of verses of that Psalm, Blessed is he whose transgression is forgiven, whose sin is covered. Blessed is the man unto whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity, and in whose spirit there is no guile. He added, Thou knowest, Lord, that in sincerity, and without guile, I humble myself before thy face. I am a miserable sinner, and durst not lift up mine eyes towards thee, did I not trust in thy Commandment and Promise. Such as labor under the sense of their miseries, are those whom thou callest, saying, Come unto me all ye that labor, and are heavy laden, and I will ease you. O then let me come unto thee! Draw me Lord, that I may run after thee. I am tired, I am weary to be absent from my God; My soul thirsteth for God, for the living God; when shall I come and appear before God? Alas! I am unworthy of it, for I am conceived in sin. My whole life hath been a continued transgression; yet far be it from me to doubt of his power and faithfulness. Where sin aboundeth, his grace aboundeth much more. It is not for the righteous, but for repenting sinners that he hath given his Son, that whosoever believeth on him, should not perish, but have life everlasting. Lord I believe, help thou my unbelief; increase and strengthen my faith. It is now weak and small; but it is true and unfeigned, and stayeth upon Jesus Christ only. There is no salvation in any other: He is the way, the truth, and the life: None can come to the Father but by him. Away with all other intercessions. Away with all merits of works; all our righteousnesses are but pollutions. Ah my God! I have no righteousness but thine; for I am conceived in sin. I never did any work so good, but it needs pardon. Mercy Lord, Mercy! Pardon me my sins; pardon me my righteousnesses. Wash me thoroughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. Purge me with hyssop; but let it be dipt in the blood of the Lamb without blemish and without spot, which taketh away the sins of the world. Thou knowest Lord, that I have loved thy holy truth, and that I have believed thy promises. They are the joy of my heart: They are the comforts which have kept up my soul from being cast down with sorrow. O God, perfect thy work within me. Create in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me. Restore unto me the joy of thy salvation, and uphold me with thy free Spirit.

When by too long bending of his spirit and voice he found himself spent, and constrained to intermit these elevations, he would say, or cause to be read before him some Psalms, and chose them himself, leaving out those verses which were not for his present use. As when he said the sixth Psalm, Return, O Lord, deliver my soul; O save me for thy mercies sake. Then came to the ninth verse: The Lord hath heard my supplication, the Lord will receive my prayer. And then said, All the rest of the Psalm is not for me: For death is not my fear, but my joy and deliverance from a languishing life; And I have no enemies.

He that read Psalms to him, would also skip over that which was not for the Doctors use. And if sometimes he did forget some Text fit for his turn, he would presently take notice of it; As when the 31. Psalm was read to him, he said to the Reader, You have omitted the principal and most convenient Text for me, Into thy hand I commit my spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth. And you have omitted something about the 11. verse. I left it out purposely (said the Reader) because you are not a reproach among your neighbors, nor a fear to your acquaintance; neither do they that see you, flee from you. You see that all your sheep are flocking about you: They bless you, and crave your blessing.

So humble he was, and such a contemner of himself, that he could not abide those that expressed before his face the great value which they set upon him, or said anything to his commendation: And when they came out with some praises, he rejected them with a kind of indignation; Away (said he) with that flatttery; Pray to God that he have mercy upon me.

His sickness was an inflammation of the Lungs, with a burning Feaver, which redoubled every day at the same hour. Once coming out of a strong fit which had handled him very sore, he said.

He was compassed about with his Family and his chief friends. Everyone comforted him according to his talent. Being asked by one of them whether he did Perfectly hope in the grace of God which was presented to him? I hope (said he) but not perfectly; yet as much as I am able. I suffer now the pains of death; But God will redeem my soul from the power of the grave, for he shall receive me.

When some comfortable place of Scripture was brought to him, whereby he found himself strengthened, he strived to rise to embrace him that spake it; and being too weak to do it, he would take his hand and kiss it, giving him some blessing, and saying, It was the Spirit of God that spake by your mouth. The Lord bless you, and increase his graces in you.

Another time, after an exhortation which had affected him very much, he said, These are excellent words; The Lord by his grace print them in my heart.

This Text, Eph. 1.3. was alleged unto him; Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Christ; He added the following verse; According as he hath chosen us in him before the foundation of the World.

Sometimes he was in such a rapture, hearing them that spake to him of the excellency of that glory which he was going to possess, that he opened his mouth and his eyes in an exstatical countenance, pronouncing but few words with great intervals between; as, O what is it to see Geds face in righteousness! O when shall I be satisfied with his likeness!

Many times he would say these words of Psal. 36. How excellent is thy loving kindness, O God! Therefore the children of men put their trust under the shadow of thy wings. They shall be abunantly satisfied with the fatness of thy house, and thou shalt make them drink of the river of thy pleasures. And these again: For with thee is the fountain of life, and in thy light shall we see light. And out of the 67. Psal. Blessed is the man whom thou choosest, and causest to approach unto thee, that he may dwell in thy Courts. We shall be satisfied with the goodness of thy house even of thy holy Temple.

Very often he would repeat the 27. the 63. and the 71. Psalm. In the last staying especially upon these words, O God, thou hast taught me from my youth, and hitherto have I declared thy wondrous works: Now also when I am old and gray-headed, O God, forsake me not.

No day passed but he prayed for his children, both present and absent, saying, The Lord bless them, and give them his peace, his love, and his fear.

Every hour his Family looked that he should expire; but he examining his pulse, would say, You shall see me very sick, but I shall not so soon die.

The four first days of his sickness he spake both day and night with little intermission: So that it is impossible exactly to follow the fluency of his discourse, and the fervency of his expressions, especially in his prayers. So much we relate here as his diligent hearers can remember; for all this was spoken before many and worthy witnesses that resorted to him to hear him, and to learn to die. But the six last days of his sickness, he was for the most part of the time in a deep slumber, against which he did earnestly strive. Prick me (said he) Now I should watch. It is no time new to sleep, but to die. Watch and and pray (said my Savior) that you enter not into temptation. O great God, abandon me not to mine infirmities; but so preserve and keep up my spirit, that I may glorify thee even when I am dying.

And though after such expressions he fell presently into his slumber, one might see by his gestures, and by the words which he spake now and then, that it might have been said of him, as the Spouse said of herself, He was asleep, but his heart waked. He opened his eyes; He lift up his hands; He said often, Lord be merciful to me; Be gracious to me. Even when he seemed to be deep asleep, he would come out with five or six words, which shown what his mind was set upon. Death (said he) is swallowed up in victory. And a good space after, It is the gift of God — It is my hope — It is my comfort. Sometime the same thing came often to his mind and mouth. For a whole day he would say every time that he awaked, The Word was made flesh.

When he was too long without speaking, his friends were careful to awake him, to know whether he had sense and knowledge still. Being awaked, he was asked whether he did lift up his soul unto God? He answered, Yes, incessantly. He was asked again whether he would be glad to go to God? O (said he) when shall I see him, that good God?

He was not much troubled with his slumber in the morning from seven to nine, because then his Feaver was less, which used to redouble about nine. In that interval he would speak with facility. That interval was husbanded to comfort him, and to pray by him. He would then hearken to prayers with great attention, and to all the good things that were said to him. And it is observable, that in this last sickness he was less deaf then he had been ten years before.

Many times he would feel his pulse, and then said, O what a grief is this, I cannot die! Good God have mercy upon me. Set my soul free. I am weary of being absent from my God. I desire to depart, and to be with Christ. O my God, come fetch me. Shorten the days of my combat. Let me die, I beseech thee. Into thy hands I commend my spirit; for thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth.

His chamber was full of people day and night. Once opening his eyes after a slumber, he said, Here is a great company. One answered him, Sir, they are your sheep, that desire you to call for God's blessing upon them; The Lord bless them (said he) and give them his fear, and the promised salvation.

The two last days of his sickness added to his burning Feaver, and deadly slumber, contractions of sinews and convulsions. Every hour was thought to be his last. None looked to hear him speak anymore. All his friends thought that his deep sleep would end in that of death; But about midnight he opened his eyes, and said to one of them that stood by, I shall soon be eased. I am going to my Father and my God. He hath heard me indeed. And soon after, I go to him with confidence; for he hath arrayed me with his robe. Then being raised into an inexpressible rapture, he said, I see him. And with an exclamation, O how beautiful he is! Being thus exalted in spirit far above the world, although he was always tender-affected towards his Family, he said to them that were there present, putting them far with his hand, I renounce all earthly affections. I will no more love anything in the world but thee, O God, who dost alone possess me. After these words he continued a good while in that holy rapture, causing more edification in all the standers by with his countenance without words, then with all the words which he had spoken before. His eyes were clear and sparkling; his mouth panting after the living God. His arms stretched up to heaven, and his body striving wonderfully to rise as it were to meet and to embrace that beautiful object of love and contemplation. All that were present wisht that God would receive him in that happy instant; But his hour was not yet come.

All the next day, which was Saturday the ninth of March, he struggled with the agony of death, being tormented with frequent convulsions, and still fighting the good fight by faith, and humility, and patience. Towards the evening, tokens of his approaching death made his assistants to double their endeavors to comfort him. He understood all that was said to him, and shown holy elevations in his prayer; he gave thanks to those that prayed, saying, The Lord hear you, and the Lord bless you.

When he heard the glory at hand extolled in some emphatical terms of Scripture, he returned into his former raptures: And once more he pronounced these words of Psal. 17. I shall be satisfied with thy likeness when I awake. And twice or thrice, Come Lord Jesu, come; Come Lord Jesu, come. And for the last time that Text which he loved so much, He that believeth in Jesus Christ, shall not perish, but have everlasting life. Then a little after, Lord Jesu, receive my spirit.

He that comforted him said to him, Sir, you shall see your Redeemer with your eyes. To which he answered with an effort, laying his hand over his heart, I believe it.

That was the last intelligible word which he pronounced, though he made yet great efforts to make himself understood, and was a quarter of an hour speaking with a fervent affection: But the flegm that filled his throat and palate, suffered not the assistants to understand any of his words.

After this he was half an hour without speaking, yet without losing sense and knowledge. His friends made the last prayer, during which he did perpetually lift up his eyes and hands to heaven.

And some moments after he quietly gave up the last breath, dying with peace and joy visible on his face. It was half an hour after midnight the tenth of March 1658. [stylo novo] in the fourscore and tenth year of his age.

Thus died the good Servant of God, the faithful Pastor of his Church, The valiant Champion of his Truth, the zealous Promoter of his glory, the great Master of clear Wit, exquisite Learning, and admired Eloquence, the Pillar of the University, and the Father of the poor. Such men as he live after their death: And of him we may say, not only he was, but he is a burning and a shining Lamp, for to the worlds end the Church of God shall rejoice in his light.

We have set a Marble Stone upon his Grave, with this Inscription.

So much was enough for him who hath erected a lasting Monument to himself. But I cannot take leave of my precious Father in so few words. Not then to advance his glory, but to satisfy my love, I must attend his going to Heaven with these filial breathings.

OPTIMO PARENTI sic Parentabat moerens FILIUS.

EPIGRAMMA Subjiciendum nostri Authoris imagini aeri incisae.

Errata.

IN the Translators Preface, Page 4. line 43. for lived read live; p. 5. l. 9. dele not, ib. l. 17. for Duke de la Foize, r. de la Force; ib. l. 33. for Sholars r. Scholars; p. 9. l. 30. add after England, The writings of. p. 11. l. 9. for ready r. already.

In the Authors life, Page 2. line 41. for cocnvres, read cocuvres; p. 15. l. 13. for Fernaques r. Fervaques. In the Epigram at the end of the Authors life, the last l • ne but one, for Sed modo digressi vanescunt Solis honores; read Sed modo digresso vanescunt Sole colores.

Errata in the Book, Pag. 5. line 23. for soil read style; p. 7. l. 20. for Hence r. Here; p. 22. l. penult. add be in the end of the line; p. 24. l. 18. for be r. is; p. 29. l. 10. r. to the Croisada; l. 43. r. every five and twen • ieth; p. 32. l. 5. r. In the Acts; p. 35. l. 10. r. may not perceive; p. 51. l. 16. r ignorant; p. 62. l. 30. r. hath been instructed; p. 65. l. 38. r. give to your commandl; p. 79. l. 45. r. by our adversaries; p. 86. in the margent, l. 42, & 43. for commiseratio r. contesseratio; p. 127. l. 23. r. famous pride; p. 130. l. 37. & 38. r. Mandy Thursday; p. 161. l. 29. r. not pardonable; p. 224. l. 9. r. I will give thee; p. 246. l. 49. r. It was never; p. 251. l. 42. for Sabellius r. Dionysius; p. 254. l. 17. r. unto him; p. 311. l. 4. cap. 15. r. not with; p. 314. l. 25. r. Novarre in Lombardy; p. 329. l. 43. r. provisionally; p. 377. l. 42. & 43. put out these words, before they hold Baptism necessary to salvation; p. 464. l. 23. r. in their debt; p. 484. l. 39. r. he said, himself; p. 542. ch. 6. l. 7. r. who lent: p. 561. l. 27. r. that they have not the souls; p. 563. l. 6. r. acquiesce to their judgment: p. 595. l. 40. r because the fault.

THE PREFACE. Occasion of Cardinal du Perron 's Book. Answer to the two Prefaces, which he premiseth before his Book. Judgment of the Book, Wit, and Capacity of the said Cardinal.

THE late King James of glorious memory, moved with the zeal of God's house, had by an example beyond all examples, consecrated his Pen to the defense of God's Cause. In which good warfare he was free from the niceness of Alexander the Great, who disdained to enter the Lists of the Olympic race, unless he had Kings for his Antagonists. This great King was not ashamed to descend from the height of his dignities to run this race, holding it not a lessening of his greatness, to take upon him a Labor by which God is honored: Whereby he hath stirred against himself a multitude of Writers, like a cloud of humble Bees, that either buz without stinging, or break their sting when they make bold to use it. Cardinal du Perron would have his part in that glory of measuring his Pen with the Royal, to raise his reputation by the greatness of his adversary: But the honor of the Combat remained on his Majesty's side. That Prelate in the Assembly of the States held at Paris made a long Oration to assert the Popes power over the temporal of Kings, whom he affirmed to be deposable by the Bishop of Rome; saying, that the Apostles command, Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers, was but provisional, and for a time. And among his assertions, some were offensive to the person of His Majesty of Great Britain, and prejudicial to his State. Of which Oration he sent a Copy to the King, as if he had presented him with a nettle to sting him.

Hereupon his Majesty undertook the refutation of that Oration, by a Book, in which the Cardinals reasons are overthrown, his allegations convinced of falsehood, and the independency of the Crowns of Kings is maintained with great solidity.

That Royal Book being short and strong, and concerning the Cardinals credit very near, the world did look for a short answer from him. But he chose rather to swallow the affront quietly, and condemned himself to a perpetual silence; seeking other occasions to show his sufficiency to the King, to whom he writ by the mediation of M. Casaubon, that he admired the virtues and rare conditions 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 of his Majesty; and that to express the Character of a perfectly accomplished Prince, he wanted nothing but the title and name of Catholic.

This Prince not used to be rocked with offensive praises, thought himself obliged to show to the Cardinal, that the title of Catholic, as well as that of King, belonged to him by right: And with his Royal Pen writ a Treatise, wherein to appropriate that title unto him, he giveth a touch to the most part of our Controversies, saying among other things, that he believes all the doctrines necessary to salvation, which have been universally received in the Primitive Church, of the five first Ages after Christ. That this Book might have a larger course, his Majesty would have it in Latin, making use for it of the Learned pen of Mr. Casaubon.

The Cardinal having received that Book, thought it a fair occasion to publish several pieces which he had in his Study, supplying what was wanting to them to answer the Kings Book; which being Latin, and spread among Forreign Nations, reason and the nature of the Work required that Monsieur du Perron should have answered in Latin. Wherein finding himself short, not for want of learning, but of exercise, he contented himself to answer in French. Many years he hath spent in licking that Bear; for the great desire he had to satisfy others, kept him from satisfying himself. I living then in Paris, was told by those that often visited the Cardinal, and by those that resorted to his Printer Antony Steven, that the Author had many times torn his own work, like another Saturnus that devoured his own children; That Book was like Penelope's web, which she did only to undo it, so that it was always to begin anew; and so he would have continued still, entertaining the people with the expectation of that Book, if he had lived longer: For that he might not be obliged to an answer, he would not suffer the Book to see the light, till himself could see it no more. Thus that Book is a child that oweth his life to the death of his Father. In the end, being on his death bed, he delivered into the hands of his friends and heirs his whole Manuscript to make it public after his death.

In the beginning of the Book he put two Prefaces, whereof the one is an Epistle to Mr. Casaubon. The first perfection of it is, that there is almost no mention in it of the Word of God: It treateth altogether of the word Catholic. A word which nowadays is given as the principal mark of the true Church: They will have that to be the true Church which is called Catholic, that is universal: And yet Heretical Churches have always assumed that title. And the Greek Church, an enemy to the Roman, and more ancient then it, yet at this time takes that title. It is a great abuse to make names the marks of things. The marks of a good horse, or of a virtuous man, are not words, but things; the marks also of the true Church must serve to make her goodness known: But this word Catholic, or Universal, imports no goodness, and doth not signify any virtue or perfection of the Church, but only noteth her extent. As in matter of coyns, the broadest pieces are many times the most suspected; so for the Church the breadth and the large extent is no proof of purity. But if you take this word of Catholic Church for orthodox and pure in the Faith, as the Fathers take it very often, the Church of the Apostles reduced to one upper room, or fled into a desert, was nevertheless the Catholic Church.

Herein especially appears, how vain und unreasonable is the dispute about this term of Catholic, that several particular Churches are contending which of them must be called Catholic or Universal; for it is as if Asia, Europe and Africa were contending which of them must be called the universal world. All the Texts which Monsieur du Perron alledgeth out of the Fathers to this purpose are to no purpose; for the Fathers, by the Catholic Church understood all the Churches of the East, of the West, and of the South; as those of Greece, Asia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, Italy, Gauls, &c. which at that time were orthodox, and made up one body, but now are separated, and have lost their former communion. Wherefore none of those separated parts can be now called Catholic. Neither hath the Roman Church anymore right to challenge that title, then the Greek or the Syrian, from which the Roman is descended. In three of the four first Ages, if a stranger travelling through Syria or Egypt, had asked where the Catholic Church was, nobody would have shown him the Roman; for every particular Church called itself Catholic, that is, orthodox, and embracing that faith which ought to be universal.

In the second place the Cardinal speaks of those things which the Fathers hold as necessary or useful, saying that they must be received according to the proportion of the belief which the Fathers have bestowed upon them. A dispute altogether useless, before he hath specified those points controverted among us which have been believed by the Fathers, as useful or necessary.

In the third place, he enumerates several kinds of necessity. An absolute and a conditional necessity; A necessity of medium, and another of precept: A necessity of special, and another of general belief; A necessity of act, and a necessity of approbation. All these distinctions of necessity he heaps up without necessity, rather to set out his Learning then to instruct the Reader. For we give him free leave to specify a hundred several sorts of necessity, since they do us no harm, and decide no controversy.

He adds a fourth observation, whereby he declareth who are those Ancients to whose judgment we ought to subject ourselves: Those are (in his opinion) the Fathers that have written in the time of the four first Councils, that is, from the year of our Lord, 325. unto the year 451. the space of 126. years. As for the three first Ages, he saith, That we have but few books of that date, and that in them the face of the ancient doctrine, and practice of the Church cannot be seen wholly represented. He holds then that the Fathers of the three first Ages are not such as can decide our controversies. Thus the Cardinal useth the Fathers of the first and purest Antiquity, undervaluing them as men unfit to judge of our differences. Yet have we these Authors of that time, Justin Martyr, Ignatius, Irenaeus, Athenagoras, Tertullian, Clemens, Alexandrinus, Cyprian, Origen, Minutius Felix, Arnobius, Lactantius, and Eusebius: Out of whole writings, better then from those that came since, one may learn what was the face and the doctrine of the Christian Church near the Apostles time: Yea, I say, that those that writ since, cannot be understood but by the help of these first: for the Fathers of the following ages often allege the ancienter Fathers, and borrow their terms.

But the Cardinal leaveth them out, because in some points they are far more express against Popety then those of the following Ages, as in the Invocation of the Saints, the veneration of Images, the Popes Primacy over the universal Church, and the celibat of Ecclesiastical persons. For we shall show in this Book how Monsieur du Perron acknowledgeth that the Fathers of those first ages speak only of the intercession of Saints, but of their invocation not at all, and that there is not the least trace among them of that custom of praying to the Saints. For some of them say, that the Saints pray for us, but never say that we must pray to them. Likewise he acknowledgeth, that the Pastors of the Church were married until Constantine's time, which is a space of three hundred years. We shall show also in the right place, that even our adversaries confess, that in the first Ages the Pope was little acknowledged, and the Roman Church was not much regarded. And as for Images, not only they had no veneration, but it was even a crime to be a Picture-drawer, or a Statuary, and those Trades were abominable among the Christians. It is not then without reason that Monsieur du Perron will not submit himself to the judgment of the Fathers of the three first Ages: Not that the following ages may be more favorable to him, but the multitude and unmeasurable length of their writings is fitter for finding of shifts, and fewer persons are skillful in them.

Yet to make that rejection of the Fathers before the four first Councils more specious, he saith, that to his thinking, his Majesty of Great Britain had consented to confine himself to the Fathers of the four first Councils. He should have produced the Kings words. For I maintain that this cannot be found. True it is (as Monsieur du Perron addeth) that the King hath extended that space to the five first Ages. But he that will have his belief examined by the Fathers of the five first ages, doth not exclude the three fitst, but includeth them within that space.

In the fifth place Monsieur du Perron declareth, how he would have the consent of the Fathers to be taken, namely, that a doctrine is held by the universal consent of the Fathers, when some of the most eminent affirm a thing, and the others are silent about it. But I hope to show in this Book that the Roman Church of this time opposeth not only every Father by himself, but also the consent of a great number of Fathers. And though they make a flourish of the names of Fathers to amuse the people, yet really they make little reckoning of them. Besides if one Father, yea, if two or three Fathers of the fourth or fifth age, have said something, of which no trace be found in the precedent ages, I see nothing that obliges us to believe that all the precedent ages have believed the same.

All that vexation which this Cardinal gives to himself comes hence, that he will not stand to the judgment of the Holy Scripture, but looks for other Judges then the Word of God, to cast the Readers understanding into an inextricable labyrinth. For the writings of the Fathers are Greek and Latin Books, endless for length, and infinite for number, of which therefore the common people can have no knowledge. Also among the Books ascribed to the Fathers many are supposititious, whose falsity is hard to be known: and of the sense of the Text of the Fathers there is as much contention as of the sense of the Holy Scripture, if not more: In which contention, if the Roman Church be judge of the sense of the Fathers, she will be sure to overcome. Consider also, that the Fathers dissent among themselves in many things; and in their differences we are not told which of them we must adhere unto, nor how many Fathers are requisite to establish an article of Faith. Moreover, succession of times altereth the doctrine, and changeth the customs: So that many words used by the ancients have lost their signification. The words of Sacrifice, of Pope, of Mass, of Purgatory, of Satisfaction, of prayer for the dead, of indulgence, and the like, are now turned into another sense, and signify no more what they signified in old time. And after all, the Fathers are men subject to err, whom therefore the Roman Church doth condemn in a thousand things, and the Fathers themselves will not be believed but as much as they speak according to Scripture; upon which, as the only infallible rule, they will have their writings examined.