The Looking Glass of the Holy War

CHAPTER I. The Evil of Wars.

A Certain Thessalian being demanded who were at most ease, answered they who ceased from war. True it is indeed: for war is the fruit of sin, the wages of sin, and the cause of sin; yea evē on the one part it is sin it self. All these are evident from the Scriptures. The first from that first war betwixt the two Brethren Cain & Abel, wherein Cain killed Abel; the ground whereof was his wrath; from whence are wars (saith S. James ) and contentions among you, are they not hence even of your own lusts, that fight in your members? Had there never been sin in the world, we should have had no war; for by sin we made war with God; and God, and all the Creatures at war with us: which war continueth between God and all those that are not reconciled to him in Christ Jesus. It is with all those as it was with Amalecke, with whom the Lord sware that he would have war from one generation to another: Yea, there is no peace to the wicked saith my God, neither external, internal or eternal; neither at peace with God, with others, nor with themselves. Amongst the evil qualities of the wicked man, this is reckoned as the chief, that he is prone to war; Release thou me Jehovah from the evil man, from the man of wrong &c. Every day they gather wars. Yea in this the wicked man discovers the image of his father the devil, who being let loose after the thousand years expired, goeth out to deceive the people, and to gather them together to battle.

And for the second, that it is the wages of sin, and that the special; it is as clear as the first, from plain places of Scripture, from God's order in his proceeding, and David's avoiding of this, when God gave him his choice of the punishment. For the first, the Lord threatening to harden himself against his people in punishment, as they had hardened themselves against him in sin, saith thus: I will bring upon you a sword that shall avenge the quarrel or vengeance of my covenant.

It appeareth also in the order of God's proceeding, by comparing of places of Scripture together, as the first and second Chap. of the prophesy of Joel. The Lord having plagued his people with famine, by the which they were not moved to repentance; he commandeth the Trumpet of war to be sounded, & telleth them that he would bring a fierce and cruel people against them, whose merciless & monstrons tyranny he compareth to the devouring of fire; and for the fierceness of their consuming wrath, he calleth that plague, The day of the Lord, a day of darkness, a day of blackness. Thirdly, and lastly, David delivereth thus much in choosing rather the plague, then the prevailing hand of the enemy.

3. War is likewise the cause of much sin, as pregnant testimonies, and woeful experience teacheth. The proverb is as true as common,

We may justly now with Erasm: that great Master in Arts take up the complaint made by him of his time. We

And what is come of this? I may answer, What evil is not come of it? I may justly apply that of Aristophanes, which Lypsius applieth to the troubles of his time.

In war, renown, honor, wealth, chastity, life, wives and children; yea, and religion it self, lieth at the stake: nothing so sacred; no sex so tender, no age so impotent, which the barbarous soldier will not contaminate, defloure and kill. It is the soldiers sport, as one saith truly, to ruin houses, to ravish Virgins, to spoit Churches, to consume Cities and Towns to ashes with sire: yea, these be the ornaments of war; to profit none, to hurt everyone, to respect neither sex nor age; yea nor God himself; for his, in war, are neglected, and the laws of peace and war contemned.

The world for the proof of this affords a world of woeful experience, both from sacred and profane Writ. To omit the examples of ages past, let us view, with compassion, the instances of our own times: and as God usually doth commemorate his latest mercies to lead men to repentance, and his latest judgments to terrify men from their sins; so let us look upon the latest wars in France, Bohemia, and the Palatinate. Is it not with God's people everywhere, as it was with them in Asa his time; There is no peace to him that goeth out or cometh in; but great vexations are upon all the inhabitants of the Countries, and Nation is destroyed of Nation.

Yet to use the words of the Apostle; If there be any confolation in Christ, any comfort of love, any fellowship of the spirit, any compassion and mercy; behold all you that pass by, your mournful sisters Bohemia, and the Palatinate, with their torn hair about their eyes, their veil taken away, their crown fallen, their sanctuaries defaced, their people flain, their land laid wast; young, old, Priest, and people, exposed to the immane and bloody cruelty, the beastly filthiness, and Ismaelitish mockery of the cruel enemy. In a word, was there ever sorrows like to theirs? Yea, I may safely say, the old Threns of Jeremiah hath got a new subject. And what is the immediate cause of all this evil of sin and punishment?

It is the part therefore of wise men (saith one) if they be not the more provoked, to be quiet; yea, of good men, if they be provoked, to change peace into war: but so that they change war again into peace with all possible conveniency. Men disposed to unnecessary war, are compared by some unto two Gamsters, whereof the one is undone, and the other is never a whit the richer; for all the gain is in the box. Compared also they may be fitly to the Elephant, and the Dragon, which in their cruel conflict are each killed by other. The Dragon (as it is written) sucketh out the blood of the Elephant, and being drunk therewith, the weight of the falling Elephant oppresseth the Dragon, and crusheth out the blood, which some calleth (but falsely) sanguis Draconis; but they both perish. And so it often falleth out with the unadvised undertakers of war. Upon this ensuing evil, the wise and learned have taken occasion to check the humors of Princes so disposed: as Lodovic. Vives to Pope Adrian; and in his epistle to Henry the 8, King of England; there his motives and counsels against unnecessary war, are to be seen at large. The proverb is true indeed, That war is very sweet to those that never tasted it; but those that taste it shall be forced to confess, that there is poison under the honey. This Hannibal (the honor of Carthage) knew very well, when the Roman Ambassadors came from Rome to treat of the continuance of peace; one Gisco, as great a coward as a vainglorious bragger, without either the practic or true theorick of Arms, getteth him up in a pulpit, and taketh upon him to persuade the Carthaginians to give up with the Romans, and to renew their war; Hannibal perceiving the fool to be out of his element, pulled him out of the Pulpit, and went up himself, where he persuaded the people, with impregnable reasons, to continue their peace, and so prevailed. He knew, by experience, it was not so easy to manage war, as to talk of war, and therefore blessed are the peace • akers, who make such peace indeed as standeth with God's honor and the public good: otherwise, as authors aver, and experience teacheth, A just war is to be preferred to an unjust peace: Melchizedek was King of peace and King of righteousness. Peace and righteousness kiss each other. No man can enjoy (saith Austin ) the one without the other. Saul's making peace with Agag brake his peace forever with God; therefore one said well, That war is better that maketh a man nearer to God, then that peace that separateth him from God.

Now for the last thing; that war it self unlawfully undertaken is sin, it appeareth from that quarrel that God forever had with the Amalekites, who were the first that made war with the people of God, when they took their journey. It appeareth likewise from the ground of war, which is always naught (at least, either on the invaders part, or on the defendors) arising as one observeth well, from malice, or injustice, &c and so, by consequence, it is either on the one part, or the other, from the instigation of the devil; because of all those evils of war, the ancient Latins derived the name of war from an unruly beast, as becoming beasts better then men: and therefore, as far as is possible, it is to be avoided.

CHAP. II. Of the good of War.

NOtwithstanding of all this, that hath been said of war; yet War well undertaken is not only lawful but also necessary: and that upon a twofold ground, either upon the law of Nature and Nations, not repugnant to the Law of God, undertaken for the defense of our selves or confederates; and this is called a Defensiue War; such was that of the Israelites against the Amalekites Or it is grounded upon the absolute command of God, for the revenging him upon his enemies, or the delivery of his friends: as Moses is commanded to take vengeance of the Midianites; yea, to remember Amalek, and not to forget him, but to raze out his remembrance. By the same warrant did Abraham reskue his nephew Lot, from the four Kings. The like warrant and watch-word is given to war against the Whore and her confederates. I saw an Angeil stand in the Sun, who cried with a loud voice, saying, &c So that War, both defenfiue and offensive (the due circumstances thereof observed) is lawful.

The reasons thereof be many, which I the rather press, for tha • frantic and groundless conceit of the Anabaptist, holding it altogether unlawful for Christians to make war. First we have (as I have shown) God's commandment for it, as we may see in the places quoted. Which commandment is not only peculiar to that time and people, but it belongeth to all upon the like occasions. Secondly, God hath set down laws of war. Thirdly, God is called the God of war as well as of peace. Jehovah is a man of war, that is an excellent warrior. Fourthly, the practice of the Saints approved by God, as of Abraham, David, &c. Yea John the Baptist in correcting of the abuses of the calling, did not cashire the calling, but rather approved it. Austin, well observeth, that if Christian discipline had condemned all Arms, then John had given the soldiers counsel to cast away their Arms. The good Centurion goeth on in his calling; and the devout soudier is a soldier still. Sergius Paulus, a prudent man, heard the word and believed, yet still remained Deputy. Yea, war is lawful by the law of nature and nations, because it is, as one saith, a work of righteousness, defending the good and offending the bad: Therefore not abrogated by the gospel. Yea, they who omit this work of righteousness upon good ground, are called homicides of themselves, and paricids of the Church, & common wealth. As for the objections of the Anabaptists, it is more time to fight then to answer them. The places of Scripture by them wrested; resist not evil. And when any smite thee on the one cheek turn the other also, and such like, may be answered thus; that rather then private men should revenge their own private wrong, they should suffer wrong; especially, if it make for the glory of God, or gaining of their brother. As for Christ's leaving of his peace with his, and the accomplishing of that prophesy, they shall break their swords into mattockes, and their spears into sithes; I answer as the prophesy is true and truly accomplished, yet but in part, and not so fully accomplished as it shall be; it is likewise true, that Christian Princes should labor for such peace as is both prophesied of, and partly accomplished; and so should all men labor both for the internal and external peace spoken off: But we must understand with whom we live in this world, with men of strife, men of bloods having Dragons hearts, Serpents heads, Bloody coulors with that cruel Motto of the wicked man, spoken of by Homer, deadly war delights him. Such is that incarnate devil in the Revelation, called the red Dragon; by which is meant bloody Rome, in her persecuting Emporours, deciphered there by her Arms. Of as deep a die is that bloody whore in the arms of her last lover the Pope; for the which she is called the scarlet whcore, which is not only bathed in the blood, but is drunk with the blood of the Saints. Such is the nature of all the devils limbs and brats of the whore, they think of nothing but war; They sound nothing but war: and shall the Saints that be slain, and the souls under the altar cry still for revenge, and Christian Kings and Princes keep their hands in their bosom? Surely this is to bring blood upon their heads, and to sin both against the Law and the Gospel. It is not a sin (as Austin saith) to war, but to abuse it. Do not think (saith the same Father) that a man cannot please God in war, for David was a warrior, and God gave to him a great testimony. The force of war (saith Ambrosius) that maintaineth the country against bloody and barbarous enemies; defendeth the weak, and such as are subject to oppression; delivereth the confederates that are in danger, from the hand of the blood-thirsty, is full of righteousness. There be but two ways, saith Tully, to decide matters, either by dispute or arms, and men must have recourse to the latter when there is no place for the former. Thucydides, like a wise man, pressing all mē to keep the peace, secludes not the lawfulness of war, if necessitic enforce it. Good men (saith he, if necessity enforce them change peace into war.

To conclude this point; the Apostle willeth us to have peace with all men, but if it be possible: where the Apostle implieth, that it is impossible to have peace with some. Yea, while the godly speak of peace, their enemies prepare for war. Therefore we must do, as the Apostles were commanded in another kind; Sell our coats and by swords. Or as Nehemiah, in the same kind, encouraged the people: Fight for your brethren, your sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses; yea, it standeth us upon it to do the work with the one hand and with the other hold the sword.

CHAP. III. Of the Guide of War.

THus having shown the incommodities of war, and the equity of it, I come to the third & last point of the treatise, namely, the ordering of war. This is the main point; for the clearing whereof, I have with as much brevity as I could, handled the former two. Here again to Apologize my want of skill, and to deprecate censure, were to be jealous of the readers good will, and to detract from my highest patronage. To come then to the point.

In every war there be two things especially to be observed. That it be Iustum & Iuste; just in it self, that is, justly undertaken; and it must be justly, and duly followed. For the first, we must first know what a just war is, wich may be thus defined: That which is undertaken, for a just cause, by a competent person, in place of Magistracy, in a lawful manner, against an external or internal enemy; following it orderly by the law of nature and nations, having for the end God's glory and our own peace: to the same effect as divines tell us; to a just and lawful war three things are required; A good cause, a well ordered affection, and a lawful authority; Or if yow will, for the better ordering of war by its proper laws, let us observe three sorts of polemick laws; some concerneth the preparation, some the battle it self, and some the sequel or the event. Some parts of the description apperatine to the first laws, some to the second, and some to third. To come in order to the first, there must be a just cause, which may briefly be expressed, under the maintenance of religion, or civil right, either for ourselves, or our Christian confederates 〈◊〉 Thus was the war of the Israelites against the Amalekits, Exod. 17: So against the Midianites, Numb. 25.17. & 18. For they had hurt them both in their bodies and in their souls. A like good ground had Abraham for his war against the four Kings, namely, the rescuing of his nephew Lot, out of the hands of merciless & bloody enemies. It is true indeed that Lot had no good ground for being there, neither is it thought, that the King of Elam wanted just cause to come against Sodom, to repress rebels; but howsoever they had nothing to do with Lot, by whom they were not wronged; and this gave Abraham just cause without further expostulation of Lots oversight, to adventure his own life, and the life of his, for the delivery of his friend. And indeed as the cause was just, he did but what he should have done; yea, if he had not done it, it had been both sin and shame to him. Wilt thou not (saith the Wise man) preserve those that are led to be slain? In the war enjoined by God to his people against the nations, and in other wars permitted occasionally, they were always to look to the equity of the cause, as the main ground whereupon they were to go. For God himself enjoineth nothing without a good ground. The Romans, who had only the light of nature to guide them, in their proceedings had always respect to the ground of their war, before they would undertake it. Amongst many instances observe these two. The Campani who were nieghbours to the Romans, being invaded by the Samnites, a mighty people, desired aid against them, pressing them with many forcible arguments; as from the law of proximitie or neighbor-hood, of affinity, of ensuing commodity, and finally from the Romans generous disposition: but all these allegations not affording a sufficient ground, this was all the Romans did for the present, they sent Ambassadors to the Samnites, desiring them to cease from war against their neighbors, which the Campanian deputies knowing to be lost labor, they yield themselves up as the right of the Romans, with this speech; If you think much to defend us from the unjust invasion of a Tyranons enemy, yet defend that which is your own. Upon this voluntary dedition, the Senate undertook the defense of them, having a just title for the ground of the war.

Another instance offers it self, in that dispute between the wisest man and the best man in Rome; namely, Cato and Scipio Nassica. Because the Carthaginians began to rig ships contrary to the articles of peace; it was the judgment of Cato and others, that war should be denounced out of hand; but Scipio was of another mind, because he thought it was no sufficient ground for war; for they had yet sustained no damage, but the Carthaginians had rather indammaged themselves; in violating their faith; they should rather be summoned to lay down their Arms, to untackle their Ships, and so to keep the peace. Scipio his judgment was approved, but the Carthaginians contemned the summons; Whereupon the Senate, and that upon just ground, agreed all in one to take up Arms against them. Other memorable examples are extant to this purpose: Charles the 8, of France, a young King, being instigated to take Arms against Francis Duke of Britain, and • o lay hold upon the Duchy as his right: the Chancel our of Rochelle told the King; that the right pretended was not well deceided; and that he should not do well to attempt war but upon a good ground. Upon this Ambassadors were sent to the Duke, and on both sides it was referred to learned Counsel, to search out the right: In the mean while the Duke died, the King had the heir to wife, and so the controversy was ended. The like course the same King took for resolution of his right to Naples and Cicily; before he would attempt anything, he convocated all the Presidents of his Parliamentary Courts; his Chauncellors, privy Council, and Princes of the blood, willing them to inform him truly. Where, upon due search of the Genealogies of the Kings of the aforesaid Kingdoms, they found the true title to be in him. So that upon this ground, he carried his forces into Italy; not that he meant to intrude upon Italy (as Matchivel would foolishly charge upon him, bringing this his attempt as an instance of a just war, without any truth of title at all) but he meant nothing less: for in suyng out a good ground for Cicilie and Naples, he never pretended any right to Italy, only he assured himself of some Towns for his safer passage, which he minded to give up at his departure.

To come to a present instance: The equity of the cause is an undeniable good ground for the Bohemian war, undertaken by his Highness Frederick King of Bohemia. Hapily some scoffing Ismalites, and the railing crew, may flout and make mouths at the Title, because he is abandoned the possession of that, and all other his right: but howsoever, truth is truth in despite of the devil, and the Lord will up one day and restore him to his right. As for the equity of the war, it will appear to the view of every indifferent eye, in these two particulars; First, on his part it was merely Defensiue; secondly, it was undertaken for the maintenance of Civil right, and true Religion. If war be not just undertaken upon these grounds, I know not any war at all to be just.

For the former of these two; that the Crown and Kingdom of Bohemia, is his Right, it is as clear to every impartial minded man, as the Sun-shine at noon day, and that upon these grounds: First, it was freely offered unto him, when he did not so much as think upon it. Secondly, it is clear, from the state and condition of their Kings and Dukes, which from the very first beginning of their state to this present time, hath been merely electiue; witness their uninterrupted practice of free election, recorded by the unanimous consent of all that ever undertook their Histories; together with the testimonies of Kings and Emperors; and lastly, the reversall letters of all the Emperors even to this present Ferdinand, will witness the same. One pregnant instance for all, recorded by Dubravius and Hajecius, when Anno 1458, some seven or eight Competitors, and that no small ones, as the Emperor himself, and the King of France put in for the Kingdom. The States to manifest and to maintain, their undoubted, and indisputable free right of election, made choice of Georgius Podiebrachius. So that you see, without any respect to treaty or entreaty, or any motion of disposal upon pretence of hereditary right, that State stood ever fast in their free liberty of election. They that will be further satisfied, may see this truth from point to point discovered, and confirmed in the defense of the Bohemian right, with a full answer to one that calleth himself the Informer, who indeed is rather a misinformer, and of less truth and honesty then the basest sharking Promooter. For as I do not think but he hath perused their Laws and read their Histories; so against the tenor of the one, and the truth of the other, he hath labored to his shame, by shifting and shuffling, to with-hold the truth in unrighteousness: but if the light in him and others be darkness, how great is the darkness? His only overture is, that foisted-in clause of Charles the 4, to procure and confirm to his posterity hereditary succession. This is fully answered in the related answer. Doth it stand with reason that a King Electiue, shall of his own head infert a new clause, to the subversion of the fundamental Laws of the State wherein he is elected? Besides this, No man is a sufficient witness in his own cause: Yea, the same Charles in another privilege, bearing the date of the same day and year, showeth the approving of the free election of Wenceslaus by Frederick King of the Romans; so if the clause be his, he is contrary to himself. As for the right of preelection of Ferdinaend; now Emperor (as the said answer sufficiently proveth,) it was none at all. First, he deprived himself of all right or title to that Kingdom, by rejecting and contemning the right electiue, and striving to possess it by hereditary right, (as the adopted son of Matthias, ) or by some other right of blood. And that this came not barely of himself, but was the plot of the whole Imperial faction, is as clear as the light, in the particular instruments of the pactions and conditions betwixt Phillip the 3, King of Spain, and Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, Matthew the Emperor, procuring and confirming the same. The sum of all which is this; that upon certain conditions amongst themselves agreed upon, the hereditary right of Bohemia, and Hungary, should pass from one to another upon the failing of issues. Where observe that all right of election, and by consequence all right indeed, is quitted by the Emperor; but because great is the strength of truth, when hereditary right would not hold water, they pretended the right of election. A bare pretence indeed, if it be duly examined. First, it was done the King being alive, and still King, and therefore of no validity: for in every Election two things are required; a vacant state, and lawful Electors, the former must precede the latter; both these, in this pretended election, was wanting: for the full right was by reservation in Mathias, with a joint inhibition, that Fordinand should not meddle with the government, and that upon the challenge of intrusion; which notwithstanding he labored to infringe against law and promise, and by vexation of Arms endeavored to turn an electiue power into an hereditary right; yea, and that before he was actually possessed, which made his election void if it had been lawful; for elections being conditional, the conditions broke, the election is no election. As for the Electors, besides their want of power, the place being full, as they wronged themselves, so they wrong all those that had any interest therein. If the same grounds be well sifted, his title to the Empire and Hungary, will prove but a broken title. This I was forced to clear, as briefly as I could, that the right of King Frederick might be the clearer; which being laid in the balance of equity with the former pretended right, shall show it self of a just weight, which the other wants.

First the place was orderly quitted of all lawful challenge. Secondly, he was called without seeking or intruding. Thirdly, he had an orderly unanimous and plenary election, all which, as I have shown, were wanting in the former. Neither did ever the said king infringe any of their liberties. This being as you see his undoubted right, stood it either with equity or piety, not to maintain it? Compare his right and maintenance of the same, with the examples quoted, of the Campani, & the Romans, and out of them you shall see, as from the minor to the major, that his cause & action is as just as may be. First the Campani were a free people, to make choice at their pleasure of their Head and Governor; so were the Bohemians, and ever, have been since their first being. Witnes all the Histories of Bohemia, Hungaria, Polonia; the Annalls of Cilecia, and the examples & monuments of the Bohemians. To the which I may add, for the better clearing of the point, that Embassye of Charles the seventh of France to the Bohemians, after the death of Ladislaus, to whom he had contracted his daughter, wherein he requested them, either to choose one of his sons for their King, or such a one, on whom he might bestow his daughter. Secondly, they were unjustly invaded by a mighty people the Samnites; so did the Bohemians suffer much from the house of Austria, and no little by the present Emperor. Thirdly, they sought aide from the Romans, who would not, but on just ground, undertake the war, and therefore they became their subjects, and so they undertook it; so the Bohemians made suit to the Prince Elector, in their fear of cruel dealing, that he would become their King, and take the maintenance of their just cause, which he did, and that lawfully; not undertaking anything for them directly, or indirectly before he was their King. Compare these together, and except that we will say, that it is lawful in Nevius, which is not lawful in Gaius, or a heathen Senate may do for their subjects, what a Christian King may not do for his, I see not why the one in him, is not as lawful, or more lawful, then the other was in them. But to conclude this point, If his success of possession had seconded his right of election, a great many of our English Imperialists & other drowsy Sybarits, would never have torn his title, nor exclaimed on his practice, as they now do. To them for the present, I will say no more, but to judge actions by events, & right of titles by present possession, is, in these evil & dangerous days, rather to approve of tyrannous intruders (both in church & commō wealth) then of the true owners.

As for the latter point of the ground, namely truth of religion, the defense whereof he undertook, It is the truth and none but it, against which the gates of hell, the dragon, beast and false Prophet, the croaking frogs and all the drunken Princes of the earth, with the cup of the whore (do what they can) shall never be able to prevail.

As hitherto then appeareth the equity of the war on the Kings part, so likewise, from the want of this ground, is laid open to the view, the iniquity of all the wars, undertaken by the enemies of God against his people: as the wars of Gog and Magog, and of the heathen Emperors, made upon God's inheritance. What ground had the great red Dragon for making war against the woman, and to stand before her to devour the man child when it was brought forth? As for the greatness of this persecution by the Roman Emperors, and for the bloody cruelty of it, it may justly be called a wonder; so not vnfitlie may it so be called, because there was no cause given them by those whom they persecuted, but rather by their quiet and holy behavior they deserved to live in peace. So the Psalmist speaketh of the rage of the wicked against Christ & his Church. Why do the people tumulteously rage? Where David marveileth at the tumulteous hurling together of the wicked, as if they would devour the godly (as they would indeed). What ground had the scarlet whore to bathe her leprous carcass in the blood of the Saints? Where observe likewise, that it is called a great wonder. What equity was there that the Popes unholiness, under a pretence of the enlargement of Peters patrimony, took arms against Kings and Emperors, as Julius the second against Louis the twelfth of France? Yea he gave battle on Easter day against the French at Ravenna. Innocent the second against Roger king of Cicilie. What ground of stirring up one Prince against another, & giving of Kingdoms from hand to hand? the French against the English, as Lewis against King John; by Innocent the third, the English against the French, as Rich: of England an Vrbanist, made war at the Popes command upon the King of France a Clementine: Paul the third, sent Cardinal Poole to foreign Princes to stir them up against Henry the eight, giving him & his people as a prey to their enemies. So, how like is the Pope to the devil his father, in being prodigal of Kingdoms, which are none of his to deal. Do we ever read (as a fryer Minorite said well) that Peter did so? Upon what ground do they incite subjects to take arms against their sovereign Kings and Princes, as Pius quintus, & Sixtus quintus, the one by his Bull, the other by his Declaration, excited the subjects of England to take arms, against their sovereign Queen Elizabeth: yea to lay hands on her and punish her? What just cause had Philip the 2 of Spain, to undertake by force of Arms, against law and covenant, the establishing of the bloody Inquisition in the Low countries? The best ground I can find was, Duke de Alva, his heart-burn against the people, and Cardinal Granvils spleen against the Gospel. What account in conscience, could the Duke and Red-cap give, to counsel the King to conquer England, whereto he had no right at all, and to suppress religion in all other places? For the effecting of this Chiapin Vitelli, Duke de Alva his Chief Captain, was sent with some feigned message to the Queen; but indeed his errand was to try the Papists: for immediately after his departure out of England, the Earls rebelled in the North. And for fuel for this fire, Duke de Alva had ready in Zealand 10 Regiments to be imbarkt for England, but God quenched our fire quickly, and found him enough to do at home for all his forces. But because this succeeded not, the great Armado in 88, was set out to sink our nation; For both the matter of that war, and the cruel manner of the execution intended, if the ground be well searched, I think it will be found no better then the success. As for that Hispaniolized Popish pamphleter, indevouring with tooth and nail to make good that Spanish invasion, from provocation given by her Majesty to the Spaniard, he showeth himself a Viper to the honor of his Country, concealing treacherously both the iniquity of the Spanish ground, and his treachery in the manner of proceeding, under the color of a treaty: But him in his colors I shall have occasion in some other treatise to discover more largely.

Lastly, for these present wars, maintained with much outrage and cruelty, by the popish faction, what good ground can be given, I see not, unless their Trent design be a good ground, which was to root out the Gospel, and to ruin the Professors thereof throughout all Christendom. If this rule should hold in every war.

Then I am sure that all the aforesaid Wars of the crew recited are against this rule; yea a just quarrel in the Popes or Spaniards hand, is a very rate thing. Witness their practices and possessions, the right whereof now I mean not to canvasse. I am sure of this, that they contend for much, and keep much, that they have as much right to as the Devil had to the body of Moses. One thing I could wish them, that they would follow Charles the 5, in one thing, who in his retired life, taking account of his actions (which were in number twenty more remarkable) he viewed them often, and amongst all the rest, when he looked upon that unjust war, made against the Duke of Saxon, and the rest of the Protestant Princes, with sighs and words he much regrated the same; But I fear they must be cloystered up, before they do the like. But if entreaty, or example cannot move, let the infamy of unjust war, and the issue of it, terrify all the undertakers of it. It is a shame for a Christian to play the Matchivilian. Now this is one of his most impious and hellish principles, that upon any occasion a Prince may undertake-war, although there be no just ground for it. Upon which falls ground, he persuaded Laurence de Medicis, to undertake the conquest of Italy; which he might easily achieve by the help of the Church, by the which he meant Leo the 10. He propounds likewise before him and others, that monstrous abortive, Caesar Borgia, as a pattern to be followed: but to follow this pattern, or to usurp another's right, is the very note and work of a tyrant; as the Chancellor of Rochelle well observed in the advice formerly mentioned.

As for the issue; both sacred Writ, and human Histories, do tell us; that remarkable ruin; yea, and sometimes utter extirpation, hath followed upon unjust war. For brevities sake I will only instance with these two, well known, but yet very memorable examples. The former of Amalek, concerning whom the Lord gives a strict charge that he should be rooted out; yea, his people should do it, and not forget i • ; so the Lord is said to have him in remembrance, till he did see the charge fully executed. Another instance observe in Simeon; when Moses before his death blesseth all the Tribes, Simeon's name is quite omitted, which is not without matter of note, especially if we compare this with other passages answerable to this; as when the blessing was first given he looseth his honor; his posterity in the wilderness was diminished from 93000 at the first muster to 22200 at the latter muster: neither were there Judges of his Tribe as of others; he had no possession by himself. The ground of all which, as I conceive, was their unjust war and bloody execution. Yea, the moving of unjust war, argueth exceedingly the want of the fear of God, Deut. 2 • .18: for by the fear of the Lord men depart from evil. And what fear of God is there, in those Captains, Colonels or Soldiers, that never looks to the cause, nor cares not whom they serve, so it be a golden service?

CHAP. IIII. Of the Authority required in waging War.

THUS much having spoken of the equity of the cause, I come now to the second circumstance of the description, which requireth competency of person. A just cause of war doth not warrant every man to undertake war. Things required in war may be reduced to these four heads, authority, virtue, fitness, and discipline; though others may reduce them to some other heads, yet all comes to one effect. Tully requireth in the supreme Commander these four things, Knowledge of War, Virtue, Authority and Success. Success here required by Tully, must of necessity follow the circumstances by me forementioned.

The first thing then is authority, primarily in the Magistrate, and from him derived to the Soldiers both Commanders and others. What the meanest soldier doth, he must do it by authority, which doth warrant him to do many things, which otherwise were unlawful; as to kill, sack, and spoil; which without authority, were murder, robbery, and cruel oppression. Authority then is the Key of War, without the which war is a mere Aceldema, or field of blood, and a chaos of confusion. Moses, the great Commander of the Lord, had authority to fight the battles of the Lord: Like authority did he, at God's command, put upon Joshua. Take (saith the Lord) Joshua the son of Nun, a man in whom is the spirit, and put thy hand upon him, &c. which Moses did, as you may see in Numbers; by the renewing of the same charge, especially for the war, Moses strengthens and confirms Joshua; And Moses called to Ios • hua, and said to him in the eyes of all Israel, be thou strong and courageous, for thou shalt go in with this people, &c. Thus the war against the four Kings was undertaken at Abraham's command. That rash and heady adventure of the Israelites against the Canaanites and Amalekites, as it was without God's approbation, so it was without authority; for neither Moses, Aaron, nor the Ark went up with them, and therefore Moses doth call their attempt a bofty presumption: And such was their success; for they were smitten to Hormah, a name answerable to the event, namely destruction. Such be the wars made by the man of sin, and the Locusts of the bottomless pit, against the Lord, and his annointed. What warrant had they, even by their pretended right, to undertake war? Did ever Aaron under the Law, or Peter under the Gospel, levy Arms for the field? But this their practice is agreeable to a rule of their own, so it be for the good of the Church, they never look for further authority then the Popes, whom they pretend to have authority, over heaven, Hell and Putgatorie. And what may they not then do on earth? But if they be pressed to show lawful authority for the taking up of Arms, I think the best evidence they can give, is, some forged transcript from the back side of Constantine's donation. I may well resemble this Antichristian warfare for want of authority, unto the war of that false Christ, that arose in the reign of Trajan the Emperor, whose name was Barr Chochab, that is, son of the Star, falsely alluding to that place of Numbers, where Christ is truly so called: but for his mocking of the people, and blaspheming of God, he was slain in the battle, and called afterward, by the deluded people, Bar Coziba, that is, the son of falsehood. And such indeed are the Jesuits, the very Incendiaries of unlawful wars; or if you will, you may compare them in this case, with that rebellious rout of the Jews, which called themselves, zelators, under color of fighting for religion and common-wealth; they chose for their Chiefetains the grand-captains of wickedness; they committed cruelties, outrages and impieties of all sorts. Insomuch that Vespasian, Lieftenant general to Nero, was sent to suppress them: whose terms of peace, by the mouth of Josephus from him offered, they scorned by their going on; so that as Josephus; Vespasian was forced to proceed to war; which as it continued a long time, so it discovered these goodly Zealators, who in their extremity set the Temple on fire, and brought utter ruin upon themselves, with the death of a million of men. Just so; these Babylonish brattes pretend Religion, as appeareth especially in their new Psalter, or sevenfold Psalmody, with the hymns whereof they solaced themselves in the expectation of the Cunpo •• der Jubiliee; but their aim indeed is, the racing out of Religion the ruin of Kingdoms, and the disposing of them at their pleasure.

and the second glory thereof should be greater then he first. But what authority had these fire-work-men in that tempestuous night (as they call it) to blow up a whole State, and to dispose of our Kingdom at their pleasure? A man would not think that they had any but from the Pope, and such a devil whose name is Legion; yet they point in their psalm at a Fabius and Marcellus, both in one person, whom they call a second Cyrus, stirred up to confirm his Scepter for the good of his people. Who this should be, except it be the Popes eldest son (whom the Jesuits hold to be the great Lord of the world ) I know not: But this I am sure of, that Tarquinius Furius, hath more fire in his bosom, and more snakes in his hands to devour us, and to set up their Cyrus, then ever they had. The heads of Hydra increase, and such a number of Todes come out of the brains of the Pope, and Serpents out of the reins of the Jesuits, that they cover the face of the earth, especially of these Kingdoms. But we had need to awake; for if we come to the Popes disposing (which the great God forbid) without doubt, the Jesuits Cyrus should not want his double portion; for the obtaining whereof Viriatus wants not his own stratagem.

CHAPT. V. Of the Uertue of a Soldier.

THe second personal circumstance is virtue; by which I mean not barely those moral virtues, wherewith the heathens were rarely gifted, as Caesar, Pompei, &c. (who indeed by these make our age blush,) but also those cardinal or Theological virtues, called sometimes by the name of godliness, and sometimes the fear of God: and that because the fear of God or godliness, is the fountain and foundation of all other virtues: Where this is not (as one saith well) the rest are not true virtues indeed, but shadows. It is worth the observation, that where God amongst the rest of his blessings, doth promise that their war shall prosper; He first blesseth the person: he must be a good man before he be a good and acceptable souldyer to God. God will not accept or bless the action (at least to that party) before he bless and accept the person: but the person being accepted, howsoever it fall out, it is a blessing to him. Such especially should be the commanders from the highest to the lowest; yea as everyone excelleth in eminency; so he should labor to excel in true piety; and that for these reasons.

First, a fault in the face is foul, and the greater person the greater sin. Secondly the sin of such is exemplary and therefore a double sin. Let Vitellius play the riot, Tiberius the drunkard; will the soldiers be sober? Let Sardanapalus sit down to the distaff, will his soldiers care for arms? Let Nero play the Mad-man, or rather the monster of men; will not his soldiers be as mad and monstrons as he? Let Jeroboam be an Idolater, all his followers will be of that fashion. Let Lewis 11, be an egregious dissembler, & his Courteours will be of that cut. Thirdly, as nothing corrupts more thē evil example, so nothing is of more force to correct thē their good example. When Lewis the 11, of France scorned learning, all the Court & Nobles thought it but foolery; but Francis the 1, both being learned himself, and affecting the learned, every state fell to affect learning. As the Roman Emperors and cōmanders were good or bad; so were the soldiers better, or worse. As valor failed in King John, & he began to submit to the Pope; so his subjects were content to put their necks under foreign Government: but as Edward the third, rose up to be the hammer of popish power, & to challenge & maintain his right, both by Counsel and Arms, the land became a counsel of war, and an army of valorous counsellors. Fourthly, the success of the war doth often follow the virtue of the commander. To omit other examples, witness the Kings of Judah. While they were good, they pevayled against their enemies, as David, Hezekiah, &c. but by the contrary against the bad Kings, the enemies; prevailed; instance Ahaz, branded by the Lord for a bad one, this is that Ahaz; and he had as bad success. For evidence whereof, read the places quoted. It is often noted of that King, and great Commander Moses, that he was the servant of God; and that not only for his authority and fidelity in his place, but also for his piety. And this indeed is the greatest honor, that any Commander can attain to, to be God's servant. So did David esteem it. It is said of Cornelius, the Centurion, that he was a devout man fearing God. Thus you see then, that it is not enough for a man to have a good cause, & authority in his hand, but if he will thrive and have the same to prosper, he must be good himself. It then condemneth to hell, from whence it came, that hellish principle of, Matchiavell, that a Prince, or great One, should endeavor rather to be esteemed religious, then to be so indeed. He hath to many apt Scholars, in this especially; but is not this to extinguish the light of nature, to mock God, and to play the damnable hypocrite? What gains he by this? First, that which is not in grain cannot hold. Secondly, when once he cometh to dance in a net, and the color is cast to the eyes of all men, then he turns from hypocrisy to open impiety; he takes on the Lions skin when the foxes will not serve; (which is a main instance of this Matchiavillian rule) and he maintayneth that with open tyranny, which he could not cover with hypocrisy. Lastly, when the Lord hath made him thus vile, he makes his grave in a field of shame. All these may be instanced in Julian a grand hypocrite, while his uncle Constantine lived; but as great in Aposiate, and as cunning an Atheist after his death. But his end was answereable to his courses. Such ends made Gaius Caligula that errant Atheist, and Herod Agrippa that truell murderer; yet, the one dissembled paynim devotion, and the other the profession of true religion, as might appear by his soliciting Tiberius for the Jews, when he was incenst against them. Let Christian Princes then follow Abraham; walk with God and be upright, and in peace and war God shall bless them.

Now as the Commāder must be such, such also should the soldiers be, as Cornelius was a devout man himself; so he called unto him, with his two servants, a devout soldier also. God himself in Deuteromy, gives laws concerning the purity of a Campe; when the Campe goeth forth against thine enemies, then keep thee from every evil thing; which after he calls uncleanness, because sin defileth. He here forbiddeth all moral, civil, & legal uncleanness; the former two concern all camps. So in Numbers, the leper and unclean were put out of the Campe. Of all Iepers the sinner is the foulest; and of all sinners the wicked soldier is the greatest. One Achan made the whole army fare the worse. Vnholy Armies, although they be for a good cause, and war under lawful authority; yet through their exorbitant courses, they encourage the hearts, and inarmes the hands of the enemies. I will produce but one instance, because I must labor to abridge myself, having many things to go through. Aventinus relateth how they of Rhodes wrote to Frederick the third, & the Princes Electors, how the great Turk, being dissuaded by his Nobles from making war against the Christians, especially against the Germans; his answer was, as he feared no Christians, so least of all the Germans; and that for 4 reasons. First, their disagreement amongst themselves, like the five fingers of a man's hand which seldom come together. Secondly, they are dissolute in their lives, by whooring, drinking and all manner of riot, delighting more in great plumes of feathers, then martial arms. Thirdly, they are disorderly in their proceedings. Fourthly, they neglect all laws of government, not punishing the bad or rewarding the good. As the Turk putteth these imputations upon a natiō once second to none (as they gave good proof to Caesar ) so I wish, that they, & all Europes armies, could quit themselves of these, better then indeed they can: for howsoever the envious Turk with Lamia his eyes, seeth much abroad and nothing at home; yet our home bred evils, which he thus taxeth are more hurtful to us, then all his forces; as witnesseth Folieta, in a speech to the same effect, upon that victory obtained by the Christians in a Sea-fight against Assanus Bassa, where he observerh that they stand not so much by their own forces, as by our sloth, negligence, and discord.

Oh then that we would make a holy War indeed; that is, to be holy in our selves; and then neither Gog nor Magog should prevail against us. To this end, the Lord biddeth us sanctify a war. By which phrase he wills, that all that will war for him should be holy. As this serveth to direct us what manner of soldiers in a just war are required; so it discovers the blasphemy of that Matchiavillian principle of Atheism; wherein with open mouth, he preferreth Paganism in soldiers, to true Religion; because Religion (saith he) makes men humble, pusillanimious, or weak-minded, and more apt to receive injury then to repel it. Before I come to the answer, let me say thus much of him once for all; if that Atheistly burn paper, and blind bayard, had lived amongst the Heathens, and had dealt with their feigned gods, as he hath dealt with the true God, they would have made him an example to the world, and would have burned his blasphemous papers in the fire; but as they humored exceedingly his lewd Countrymen, so they flew over the Alps; yea, and the Seas also, infecting France, and all the rest of Christendom: Insomuch, as the Sybillin oracles were the refuge of the Painims for their direction; so most Princes, and their affairs now, are guided by Matchiavel. Are not men now of divilish pates, and deep reaches to the evil, and such as are acquainted with the depth of Satan's policy, the only men of service (as they call them?) Yea, say they be but very beetles and block-heads, yet if their brains will serve to hatch toads, they will serve the turn as well as can be; if he can swear horribly, and blaspheme fearfully, with terms not to be named; if he can roar and quarrel, and out-face heaven and earth by his sins, he is fitter to be a soldier (saith the Matchiavillist) then he that will say, surely, and truly, and so forth: because such a one is a mere Puritan, and so weak and faint-hearted, that the enemy doth not fear him.

To come then to the answer of the point: there is nothing more impious then the Position; and nothing falser then the reason. For the first, is there anything more impious, then to prefer Paganism to Piety? If this had been good, in vain had John persuaded the doubtful Soldiers to take a holy course. Likewise the reason (that true Religion maketh men cowards ) it is against all reason, against the nature of true magnanimity, the power of Religion, and the experience of time. Standeth it with reason, that he that hath the strongest on his side, should have the least courage? True magnanimity makes a man courageous to undertake the good, and hate and abhor the evil as a base thing, unworthy of such a spirit. Who but the religious do so? Also the power of religion, doth tie a man that hath it to his God, assuring him if he loose this life he shall have a better. The soldier thus persuaded in his conscience, and bearing Arms for a good cause: as for the glory of God, the defense of Religion, the good of his Country, and credit of his Prince; will not love his life unto death, in the doing of his service. Caesar tells us, that the ancient Gauls were a generous and warlike people; whereof he gives this ground, that they resolutely believed the immortality of the soul. Have not all the true Worthies of the world been religious ones? Who more truly magnanimious? Who more valorous & victorious then David, & yet a man for zeal & piety, according to God's own heart? Who more courageous then holy Constantine, who vanquished Licinius, bringing peace to the Gospel, and establishing the Gospel of peace? What glorious victories had godly Theodosius, who was God's gift to the Church indeed, against the Barbarians, and other enemies of the Empire? I could bring many other instances, but these will suffice. And as none more worthy then such; so none more unworthy then irreligious Atheists, the openly profane, or rotten hypocrite. Was there ever a greater coward then Gajus Caligula, who would hide his head at the Thunder? And marching one time on foot through a straight, with his Army, was put in mind by one, if the enemy should charge them, what fear they might be in; like a cowardly Atheist, he mounts himself in an instant, and fled with all his might, though no man pursued him. Let the word, a witness beyond all exception, determine this question, The sinners in Zion are afraid, fearfulness hath surprised the hypocrites, Esa. 33.14. For how can that man stand, who is pursued by God and an ill conscience? Other instances I might give of great Tyrants, yet stark Cowards, but I can give but a touch; only let me commend to you an instance of this kind, worth your observation. As the Kings of Judah were holy and religious, so they were valorous and victorious; they were, as God promised they should be, the head and not the tail; but on the contrary, as they were impious and idolatrous, so they became degenerous and cowardly; and so they became, as God threatened the tail and not the head.

And as it is with Commanders, so it is with soldiers, remarkable and miraculous was that blessing that God gave to Marcus Anthonius the Philosopher, and his Army, and that by means of the Christian companies, that warred under him in his war against the Marcomans and Quadians: He and his whole Army were enclosed in a dry country, having no means to come by water, but through a straight passage which the enemy kept, and were like to be lost without one stroke; the Emperors General, in this distress, told him, that he had a Legion of Christians in his Army, which could obtain anything of their God, that they prayed for: the Emperor hereupon thought himself not too good to entreat them this office, which they willingly, and heartily performed in the name of Christ. God, as he is ready to hear, answered their desires with lightning upon their enemies, and plenty of rain upon themselves, which they kept in their Targets and Head-pieces, and drunk. Whereupon such fear fell upon their enemies, that through terror they were vanquished without stroke: wherefore the Emperor called them, The Thundering Legion, and honored them ever after, and all Christians for their sakes.

But some will object, [object.] do we not see and read, that men monstrously wicked, have behaved themselves to death, so valorously in the field, that their names have no mean place in the book of valor.

I answer, [answ.] ambition may provoke a man, to buy a bed of earthly honor with his dearest blood; or unadvisedly he may adventure, not counting what it may cost him: but if he should compare this life with eternal death attending after it, upon all those that are not in Christ; he durst not for a world be so prodigal of this life, except he knew of a better; yea, he would quake and tremble at the very thought of death. Then to conclude this point; as Joshua • had a resolution, that he and his house would serve the Lord; and as David would have the faithful to serve him: so, let those that will be God's warriors, be good warriors. For as the evil carriage of Soldiers, both Popish and Protestant, have laid Christian Kingdoms open to the Turks tyranny; so we must confess to our shame, that our unworthy walking; and walking after the flesh, betrays our good cause into the hand of the man of sin; whose soldiers do not prevail, because their carriage is better then their cause, (for both are stark naught) but he cannot endure that in his own, which for a time he will in his enemies. The Midianites that caused the Israelites to sin, were worse then the Israelites; but God first corrected his own people, and then vexed the Midianites.

Last of all. [object. 2] If any say, that this my frame of a Soldier, is like Sir Thomas Moore his Vtopia, or Tully his Orator, showing rather what should be, then what possible can be.

I answer, it is true, [answ.] if we respect the perfection of the thing: but it doth not follow, that we should not labor for perfection. No phisicall rules can be laid down, nor receipts given to reduce the body to a perfect latitude of health; yet still the Physicians prescribe, and study. On all hands, Let be done what can be done. And first, let one labor to be such, and if they cannot find such, let them strive to make them such. And let us all pray that our Camps may be holy Camps, and our Wars sanctified to the Lord.

CHAPT. VI. Of the Fitnesse of the Soldier.

THE third personal circumstance is the fitness of the Soldier. It is not enough in war to be a good man, but he must also be a good Soldier. Ten Soldiers are better (as the French-man saith) then twenty Ramesets. Agamemnon wished but ten such Soldiers as Nestor, to foil all his enemies in Phrigia, and to make the Greeks return victoriously to their Nation. These were precious Jewels in the eyes of the worlds Worthies. This was the difference betwixt Alexander the Great, and Phillip his father; he looked for the best Soldiers; and his father for the best money: of whom one saith prettily, that Phillip wan all Greece, tanquam Mercator, as a Merchant; but Alexander wan all Asia, tanquam Victor, as a Conqueror. It is without controversy, as the Wise observe, that money is the belly of an army, the sinews of war, and the body of a Soldier; but yet without the animal spirit of cunning, and the vital spirit of valor; a golden soldier may become a leaden slave; but with these many times, a moneylesse soldier, may become a commander both of men and money. An instance of this for many. we have in the Grecians, compared with the Persians, their delicate fare, glorious furniture, and exceeding great wealth, with themselves, were a prey to the Grecian valor. In every war (saith that great and learned soldier) it is not so much the unskillful and rude multitude, as art and exercise that getteth the victory; which he instanceth in the Romans subduing of the Gauls, Germans, and Spaniards. It is a groundless conceit, & against all experience, that a multitude without Art, is enough wherewith to conquer: for an unskillful souldyer, is not only himself subject to danger, but he endangers others also. Yea an unskillful soldier is no better then a woman. It is to be observed, that amongst the rest of God's excellencies this is reckoned up, that Jehovah is a man of war; that is, an excellent warrior, who by his policy, prudence and skill, turns all to the best advantage of his own.

How this skill should be attained unto, it is neither my end, nor my art to manifest in particular. Militarie motions, postures, distinction of orders, distances, marches, countermarches, & such like, I leave to the Tactiks or masters of arms, (as Vegetius calls them). Only for the generlal, to make an exquisite soldier, reading and use must concur. Let no good soldier detract from either. Mere exercise without reading is empyrisme: and mere reading without excercise is but imagination. Yea a merely read soldier, is like unto a Shipmaster only by the book. Therefore saith Vegetius, an unae • ercised soldier is always a mere novist; yet without learning the excercised, is not a complete soldier: because particu • ars (say they be many) are the object of sense, but universals be the object of understunding. Our great soldiers, were not only Tacticks, but also writers of tacticks: As Pyrrhus, Caesar, Aelian, Frontin, Cyrus, Xenophon; yea the greatest scholars have been the greatest soldiers. The Poet Homer is observed to be the first (at least that we read of) that was skilled in the inbat • ing of an army, much admired by that martialist Mnestines Tully said, he became a great General, by the reading of Papirius his letters. Cyrus his father could tell him; the Tactickes would not avail, without the knowledge of arts invented for the use of war. Yea, learning hath carried it out in a pinch, when bare practice hath been at its wits end. To omit other instances, take that remarkable one of the battle of Newport, Anno 1600: where our forces, having got the rize of the sandy hills; the Spanish forces were betwixt them and Ostend, in a low place. It was generally thought the best, to charge the enemy by descending to them. But the English General, wisely, would not condescend to loose the advantage of the place, citing for his judgment from Caesar's Commentaries, the like practice of Caesar against the Caules. And it had the very like success. For, the Spaniard, charging ours against the advantage of the ground, had such hot entertayment from above, that it brake their forces exceedingly at the first, and so they lost the day. This military learning made great Pompey so much admire the Philopher Possidonius, that after the victory over Mithridates, he came to his house, and honored him much. Caesar, then we see, should be able to write Commentaries, and Cicero in some measure (if need be) to order an army. And if you would have the picture of a complete soldier; Let Caesar in himself give it you, ex utroque Caesar.

CHAP. VII. Of Discipline in General.

THe last personal circumstance, but not the least, is discipline, which is the key of all. This, in all the passages of war, from the levying of soldiers till they be dismissed, is duly to be looked unto. On the wings of this, did the Romans soar from small beginnings (as Vegetius observeth) to be conquerors of the world. This (as a Civilian observeth) was dearer to them then the life of their childrē. Cassiodorus observeth, that it is the strongest guard that an army can have. By discipline men do not only attain their ends; but they keep that, by it, whereunto they attain. As in the strict law of discipline, the weal of Armies and Kingdoms do confist; so from the want of this, or remiss and loose execution of it, ariseth the ruin of Arms, and the advancement of the enemies. This testifieth Alexander Severus, as great a soldier as an Emperor, being so called for his strict exercise of military Discipline; The Discipline of our ancients (saith the Emperor) preserveth the common-wealth, which if we let slip never so little, we loose both our name and Empire. Evagrius in effect hath the same observation. By the wisdom of Commanders, and strict discipline, with obedience amongst soldiers, how great things are effected! But if either of these, or both be wanting, then all is undone. Lactantius relateth the looseness of military discipline, as one of the fore-running singes of the latter day. As Josephus exceedingly commends the strictness of military Discipline, that he observed among the Romans; so the best and greatest soldiers, amongst Christians, have heavily complained of the want of this amongst us, and that not without cause: for this appeareth in the loss of our renown, and Territories, to the Turk; whose observancie of Discipline to his advantage, & our loss, may make us blush. Seidlitzius, a Noble and military man, being captive to the Turk, did admire (as he writes) the discipline of the Turkish army, the modesty of their carriage, and the security of the country people, by whom they did March. But on the contrary, with detestation, he vehemently reprehendeth the dissolution, raven, and more then beastly looseness, of our soldiers, that will be called Christians. Whence is our fall, and their rize and standing; but from these contrary courses? The Turks strictness of discipline hath got what he hath, and our looseness of living hath lost what he hath got. I may well take up the complaint in the words of Scipio in Livi, speaking to Masinissa: we need not so much to fear the forces of our enemies, as we have cause to fear our own ill conditions. Therefore all Christian Commanders this day, if they would have God's war to prosper, honor to themselves, glory to God, and good to the common-wealth, must go about reformation of this so absolutely necessary discipline. It is true that great Commanders, as Emperors and others, have not only exercised discipline strictly, but caused books to be written; as a book in Greek and Latin of Discipline, set forth by the command of Justinian. The Imperial sanction for discipline, in the Parliament of Spier, Anno 1570, But for want of executors of these good laws, we may cry out with, Horace:

All good Commanders of what sort soever, should take that charge to themselves, that Aurelianus gave to his General in a military Epistle: If thou wilt be a Tribune (saith the Emperor) yea if thou wilt live, keep back the soldiers hand from doing evil. In this work, wise Commanders must begin with themselves; the greatest that is, must not say with Pericles; I am not subject to order: but for this, he became a proverb and was called by the people:

He that orders others, must first order himself. The discipline of a loose Commander will do little good upon others. And therefore Adrian is much commended; not only for his admirable valor, and exquisite experience, but also for his strictness towards himself. In the wars he fared hard, his lodging was answerable; he marched many times on foot with his soldiers, he spared no pains, underwent willingly all labors; insomuch that Florus the drunken Poet would not have his honor with his pains: His eye was always over his soldiers, he desired to know them in partiticular; he would visit them in sickness; and he removed all things from the Camp that might remove Discipline. So Alexander the Great would desire his Soldiers to undergo no stricter rules, then he would himself. Such were Severus Scipio, Phirrhus, and others.

Would to God our Commanders would imitate those, and do but as much for an eternal weight of glory, as they did for their Country, and a name upon earth. I have not only read, but mine ears have heard to my grief, the heavy and true complaints of Soldiers, injuried by their Captains and higher Commanders; namely, in detayning of their pay, which is indeed next unto sacrilege. It offers violence to the whole Army, endangers the cause, be it never so good; it cuts the throat of discipline. And therefore great Ones, if they love their lives, and the honor of themselves and their Country, let them with Caesar, and others, take heed that this strange fire be not in their Armies, for fear they cannot quench it when they would. This is one main cause, why our Soldiers now a days come short (for the most part) of the Romans valor; that they are neither so regarded, rewarded, nor justly dealt with. For besides the punishment, it was an indelible Character of infamy to defraud a soldier of his due.

But as they should have no wrong, so they should be kept from wronging their calling, themselves, or others, and that by the exercise of discipline, whereof there be two parts, as Austin well observeth, though in another kind, namely, Instruction and Correction; the former of these must be effec •• d with love, and the latter with fear. Alexander Severus •• d his name from his watchful eye that he had over their • erformances, and his strict punishment of delinquency. • uch were the Laws of the Romans (as Josephus telleth us) that the least negligence was capital, and the Captains were more terrible then the Laws themselves. Labienus the Cap •• in, being forbidden by Caesar to fight before he came; though in likelihood, by an advantage given, he might have defeated the enemy, yet he would not violate the Laws of Discipline. Yet in the exercise of discipline, a Commander should be discreet: for as the Commenter upon Vegetius, well observeth, Too too much lenity marreth all; so too too • uch acerbity hazardeth all: Therefore the golden mean is to be kept; but always with Tully his observation, That •• saving rigidity, should go beyond a vain show of clemency. • ucullus, otherwise a brave Captain, undid himself with • is too grear severity: He could command much, but he was • ot affable; He was severe in the exaction of service; but • e was indeprecable in punishment: at length he was forsaken of his soldiers, who proved as faithful to Pompey, as they were unfaithful to him; which argued much his indiscretion. Tra • an in his discipline had such a brave temper, that • is soldiers were more ashamed, then afraid to be insolent. Likewise Soldiers must learn to subject their necks to the yoke of discipline, which is the bond of war: for the Commander beareth not the sword for nothing; and the soldier that doth well need not fear. They must not repine 〈◊〉 the due inflicted punishment; for as the Commander doth • ot willingly inflict it, so one must rather perish then unity, • especially where it is deserved.) They must know, how • ardly soldiers are kept in order, and what a dangerous • ing disorder is in war. To conclude this point, I wish from my heart that our soldiers now, may deserve the commendation that Josephus gave to the Roman soldiers:

CHAP. VIII. Of the lawful undertaking of War.

THUS having shown the personal circumstances, 〈◊〉 come to the third main circumstance of the description namely, the lawful undertaking of it. A war may be lawful in it self, and yet unlawfully undertaken: As for no • making the causes known: not requiring reparation of the wrong: and finally for not denouncing of the war. All these were observed by the Israelites in repairing the wrong done to the Levite and his Concubine. For, first the Tribe • sent to Gibeah, to expostulate the wickedness with Be • jamin; they demanded those children of Belial that were the malefactors; that by putting them to death evil might be done away. To the which, when the children of Benjamit would not hearken, Israel makes war against them, which doubtless was denounced upon the denial; as appeareth by the Benjamits taking notice of it, and preparing themselves to entertain the war, Judge. 20.11.12, &c. In which passage it is not amiss to observe that Marginall note of rebe • ion, of the Doctors of Douay, made upon the place: That omission or contempt to punish heinous crimes, is a just cause to make war against any people. Their bloody conclusiō falsely observed from the premisse, I shall after have occasiō to han •• e; for the present let this suffice. They force the Text against the mind of the holy Ghost. For howsoever the people •• ere divided in tribes, yet it was one entire politique body, 〈◊〉 heads whereof might call any offenders to an account; • hich they might not have done, if they had been under • stinct dominions and policies. But of this more hereafter. 〈◊〉 To the present matter, that this proceeding is requisite; it 〈◊〉 not only clear from the law of nature and nations, but also from the law of God; & the continued practice both of God's people, & of the heathen. In the book of the law the • ord commandeth his people, when they come to fight against a City, they should proclaim peace, which if they entertained, then were they to save them, & make them tributaries; But if they should reject the condition, thē were they to be • eige the City, to smite the people, & to take the spoil to themselves, Deut. 20.10.11.12. So the tribes, by Ambassadors, examined the Reubenites erecting of the Altar, before they would war against them, Josh: 22.12. Yea God himself, who for his dominion and power, both in heaven and earth, is • alled the Lord of hosts, keepeth this self same course in his proceeding against the rebellious sons of men. For proof here of the Scripture is copious, I will therefore point out one place in the prophesy of Hosea. Blow ye the cornet in Giheah, & the trumpet in Ramah, cry aloud, or beat up the drum at 〈◊〉 thavē, after thee O Benjamin. As here the Prophet describeth the treachery and rebellion of the people against God, so he beingeth in God (as it were) coming in arms, or marching in battle-ray against the people. But withal he willeth the priests, and watchmen upon the wall, to give them warning; 〈◊〉 by sound of trumpet, and beating of the drumme, to pro • aim the Lord's coming, that they might prepare themselves to meet the Lord by repentance. And this God doth, 〈◊〉 show the equity of his ways; that as he giveth laws to • thers, he will be a law to himself. The heathens that know not God were strict in this course, as appeareth by an in violable rule of war mentioned by Tully. The equity of war doth religiouily require, that by an herald of arms, from the Roman Senate, war should be proclaimed. For no war (saith he) can be just which is not before denounced and proclaimed. This form of denouncing war, was first taken up amongst the heathens by one Rhesis, as witnesseth the Author of worthy men brought into Rome, as Livi witnesseth by Ancus Marcius their King; the form whereof we find in sundry Authors of note. A herald of Arms with two sufficient witnesses, was t • fling a spear into the Territories of the enemy. Upon the inlargment of their dominions, they had a Pillar which they called the Pillar of war; from which they flung a bloody spear (that was kept in the Temple of Mars ) toward the enemy, on whom they were to war. This was likewise the custom of the Persians.

CHAPT. IX. Against whom to War.

THe fourth circumstance following in the description, concerneth the object of war, or the party, against whom we are to war; namely, an internal or external enemy. So did rhe Israelites, in their wars commanded against the seven nations, or in their wars permitted upon occasion against their enemies. So the Israelites against the Beniamits, for they were become God's enemies, and the enemies of the common-wealth. The Lord will not suffer his people to meddle with the Moabites; because they were friends in the flesh, (though untoward ones) permitting (yet by God's mercy) his people to pass by them, paying for the necessaries they took of them. So neither with the Ammonites not theirs did they meddle, Deut. 2.9.19. It was a Law amongst the Romans, that upon controversies arising, friendship should be given up, and deadly enmity openly professed be • ore they made war upon them.

Hence it appeareth how unwarrantably against the Law, of Nature and Nations, the Duke of Bavaria hath taken up Arms against his deer and faithful friend, without just cause, or good occasion given him, by him, or his. Croesus was demanded by Socrates, what was the preciousest thing he had gained by his greatness? He answered revenge upon his foes, and advancement of his friends. What a vile thing is it then, to take vengeance on the friend, and to advance the foe! A hurtful friend is worser then a foe. So that the good Princes may say with the Psalmist, if our enemies bad done it, we could have born it. A wound from a friend is a double wound, & Shipwrack in the Haven is grievous. But what should we say? Though David in amazement complain, it must be thus; partly, that the trials of those that stand for God may be the closer; and partly that false friends may be unmasked: and lastly, that Popery may proclaim to the world (as it ever hath done) that there is no cord so strong, nor bond so strict, but it will either cut it, or untie it.

CHAP. X. The orderly pursuit of War.

THE fifth circumstance, especially to be observed and insisted on, is the orderly following of war, or proceeding in it. In which we must begin with preparation of all things fitting, as Soldiers, Arms, Money, Munition, Victuals, and the rest. What circumspection Princes ought to have in war the book of God teacheth us. What King going to war against another King, sitteth not down first, and consulteth whether he be able, &c. A long preparation (saith one) maketh a speedy victory. Yea, in our greatest peace, or ease, we should be fitting for war. A good note of Theoderic King of the Goths; Let a soldier learn while he is at ease, that which may stand him instead when he is in fight. Long peace (saith Vegetius ) breedeth deep security; security neglect of Arms; whereon followeth (saith the same Author) a dissembled show, or bare flourish of Arms, and last of all the true use of Arms falleth in utter oblivion. The truth hereof by relation of antiquity, and late experience, is manifest. The twenty years peace of the Romans, after the first punick war, together with their ease and victories, and disuse of Arms; did so enervat their skill and courage, that they were not able to stand before Hannibal, in the second punick war: Insomuch, that till by the loss of many Captains, and many Armies, they redeemed their use of Arms and skill in fight, they never got the victory. As for late experience, look upon the Germans, who, as Isidore saith, have their name from their war-like stature; who for their prowess in Arms have been admired, and extolled highly by the Caesar's of the world; yea, who have eternized their names by vindicating the Gospel of Christ, and the professors thereof from that man of the Popes right hand, Charles the 5; whose forces they did not only foil, but quashed the courage, and brake the heart of him that was not easily daunted; yet for all this (without contumely be it spoken) through their long enjoyed peace, their plenty, disuse of Arms, and want of exercise, they are become the scorn of the Turk, and are like to be made a prey to him that casteth at all.

But to come home to our selves; I may say with Seneca; why deceive we our selves? This evil we speak of, is not a foreign, but a domestic evil, not without us, but within our bowels. From use of Arms, we are come to neglect, and to palliate our neglect with shows. Oblivion is the last degree, in which I fear we are gone too far. Neither • old I go so far in opening of the door, to let the ene • y look in, but that I know he is already in our bosom. For the Roman Dog, and the Spanish Linx, have so profited • n the optic Art, that by the help of Risnerus his glass, they • an see into our houses, what Arms we have; and into the Fields, what skill we want. We are just like unto Seneca his old blind woman, who was stark blind, but would not believe it: but in this, we are worse then she (as he saith) for she would have one to lead her, but we will not suffer our selves to be led. Our bodily Leaders are like Oysters in May; and they say to our spiritual Leaders, prophesy not.

But to go on; As preparation and fitting of soldiers is necessary; so with Victuals and Arms, and other necessaries they are to be fitted. An Army without provision, as Quintus Flaminius said of Philopomenes his Army, hath legs • nd arms, but hath no belly. To this effect one said well, That be that will shape this beast must begin with the belly. Therefore (saith Vegetius ) diligent care should be had of maintenance. He giveth a good reason, Ferro sevior fames est; hunger is sharper then the sword. It was well considered of Theode • ic, that an Army in want cannot observe discipline. Caesar, Adrian, and other Emperors, and Roman Generals, had a special care that due maintenance should not be wanting • o the Soldiers.

And as for Arms they had a special care, that none should come into the hands of any that might annoy them. And therefore by the constitution of Martian the Emperor to

Merchant, nor Soldier, upon any Yet notwithstanding of this straight charge, and watchful care, some treacherous fellows and runawayes, betrayers of the State (such as cur Romanists be) were now and then, conveying their Arms to their enemies; by the which (as Herodian observeth) they sustained great hurt and damage.

God grant we be not so served with our Ordinance. What universal hurt and damage brought he to all Christ endome, that taught the Great Turk the use and making of Ordinance? What evil some of God's people; yea, our nearest and dearest friends, have sustained by our conveyed Ordinance; Or what evils our selves may sustain, we know not. Yet this we know, that we have as good Laws in that behalf as others have: but the maxim proveth true. Silent leges inter arma. It is not unknown to all, that knoweth anything in State businesses, how the State was gulled, by a great Ones transporting of Ordinance with a double Bore. Which being complained of in Parliament, was put off by that little great Statist, that it was a Mysterse of State. Richard of England was slain with an Arbalist, the use whereof he had shown to the French. It was a good blunt saying, of Blunt the Master, to the Kings Majesty at Chatton. That it stood him upon it, to look to his Ordinance, for they were his walls of brass.

I would I could ring a peal of complaint that might make all your ears tingle; by rubbing up your memories. It is not unknown how Gondomar, that crafty Merchant, who lay here to buy and sell our State, did by the grand Papists his factors, get up about some 400 chests of Ordinance, which he sent away in a fortnight. This he did when he lay in Barbican, in the year of our Lord 1618. Add to these the 500 Truncks heavy laden, sent from the Ambassadors house; the many brass pieces of Ordinance; the 30000 Muskets conveyed to Rome. What meant the Archduke, when a little before the Gun-powder Treason, by his forces at Dover, he bought up all the gun powder in Kent? Yea, what shall I say of our home bred Harpies, who have got the most part of our Arms into their hands, that thereby they might serve the enemy and undo us? What meant he, that some two months before the powder-plot, did beg of his Majesty all the refuse Armor and Artilery (as he called it) in the Tower, which would have served to have inarmed some 16 or 17 thousand men? I verily believe that the devil might have had it for money. That Marshall, or rather Marre-all, that sent away two ships laden with Artillary, was passed over with a little imprisonment; or, why did you so my son? If this will not awake you, I fear the clattering of your own Arms shall awake you. Besides the danger, I appeal to your conscience if the like was ever suffered in any Nation that meant not to play the Sybarits, wherein the crowing of a Cock, much less the sound of a trumpet might not be heard. But the Lord in mercy awake you.

CHAP. XI. God's presence first of all to be sought.

THUS as you have heard, being fitted with men and means, as they can, they are to proceed to the war, be it defensive or offensive: but observing this in the first place, that if they mean to prosper, they must take God with them; and that not barely, by his General Providence, as he is with all, both good and bad; but also by his particular presence: which Moses, the great Commander of Israel, above all things desired; yea, nothing will content him but this, as appeareth by that expostulation that he makes with God. If they presence go not with us, carry us not up hence. Where he entreateth God, that he would not only go before them, by the presence of his power, as he did to the Heathen when he employed them in his service, as of Cyrus, I will go before thee, and make the crooked straight. But that he would be with them by the love of his countenance; or otherwise, it would be better for them to remiane subject to the greatest danger, then to go on without this presence. The truth of this, plainly appeareth from God's answer. I will do this also which thou hast said. That is, I will not only go before you, but with you also. Moses had, and all others have, great reason for this.

First he teacheth his the true Art of war, and instructeth them how to fight; he teacheth my hands to war, saith the Prophet David, so that a Bow of steel is broken by my Arms. Where one observeth well, that the art of war is commendable; else God would never teach it. So he taught Joshua, Iobosaphat, what to do with their enemies. Secondly, God fighteth for his, and giveth them victory. The Lord your God (saith Moses ) that goeth before you shall fight for you. And so he did for them; as for David & others: Thou hast given me the shield of salvation; By which he meaneth good success. For these and other respects (as I shown) God is called an Excellent warrior. Thirdly, without God's presence, nothing goeth well; yea, victory where this is wanting is no better them the foil, because it is in judgment. The Israelites went up against the Amalekits, but how? The Lord was not amongst them; and they prospered accordingly. But by the contrary, God's presence was the strong rock of Abiahs confidence against Jeroboam and his great forces. In reckoning up the mercies of God towards them, in his ordinances, his priests, and true worship of the true God (all which Jeroboam wanted) he bindeth up all with this, and behold (saith he) God himself is with us for our Captain. Where observe, the note doth denotate the excellency of this; that it is all in all to have God to be their Leader.

I press this point the rather, because it is the center from whence all the lines of wars prosperity have their beginning: A truth acknowledged by the most, but by the most little regarded. For by some it is altogether neglected; and others by their carriage, declare that in show only they seem to respect it. The Matchiavillian-blush-color of the times, hath put the desire of God's presence so far ont of request, that it is a counted a color scarce worthy of a great soldier: Doth Liola his brood set God before their eyes in their wars; or do they not rather fight against God: If things go cross, they are ready with Julius the second, their father, blasphemously to cast of God, by way of contempt. In the battle of Ravenna, on Easter day, between him and the French, as he sat by the fire, reading of his prayers, and having news of the defeat, he flung away the book saying, that which I am afraid to relate. Judge how much this monster did esteem God's presence. I wish of God, that the mayntainers of the Lord's Battels would esteem it more then they do; for then it should go better with them then it doth. They may say, and that truly with Abijah against Jeroboam, they have God's own ordinances, the true Ministers of God, the true worship of God; yea and God's own cause in their hand. Why then, as Rebecca said, is it so? What want they for victory? surely an earnest desire, with an answerable courage, that God himself would be with us for our Captain. Our failing in this maketh him often forsake his own cause, which if he should not respect, he might quite leave us.

I presume to speak freely, yet friendly. The evil must be felt before it be removed. The Israelites did so forfeit this presence, that he absolutely denied to let them have it any further, I will not go up in the midst of thee. One reason because they were a stiffnecked people: But how were they affected when they heard these evil tidings? They mourned, and no man put on him his ornaments. Where observe. as, by the force of the reason, the threatening concerneth us; so it standeth us upon, to be affected and humbled by the threatening as they were. Though the Lord had promised to send his Angel to cast out the nations before them, & to give them the good land; yet all this, without God's familiar presence, would not content them. Oh that this mind were in us, and that we could mourn as they did: & he would be entreated to go with us, as he went still with them at Moses entreaty. If we will but look upon the practice of the heathens in this particular, it may make us ashamed of our neglect. Having prepared their forces, their Edicts for setting forth, were given out in the name of their gods, to whom before they went forth, they preformed all religious services: yea, they had such an esteem of the tutelary gods of nations, that they held them invincible, except their gods should forsake them; which made all the foolish nations, exceeding careful to keep and please their foolish gods; and their enemies as diligent to inveigle them. As it is reported of Diomedes and Vlisses, who enticed out the Troyan Palladium. So the Talmudists and Cabalists fable of Moses, that he should overcome Amonino, the God or intelligence (for so they call national gods) of the Epgytiās; The Platonists could say (as Austin witnesseth) that that man was happy who enjoyed God, as the eye doth the light. If thus the blind heathens, did toil themselves to please their mouldy gods, or rather devils, heaping sorrow on their own souls; and if Rome yet, take so much pains with her Bellona, for the success of war; how should we labor, to have his presence with us, who is the God of all the world, who needs not our keeping (save only by faith) but he will keep us, and make the hearts of the Caneanits to melt; yea the joints of every Balshazzer, that is drunk with the whores cup to tremble and shake? Therefore let us never cease nor give the Lord rest, till we have his familiar presence with us.

CHAP. XII. Of depriving the Enimy of all Means.

THUS an Army having got his presence, may go on with Joshua and be courageous; yet withal no secondary mean must be neglected. And first of all, a people must look to maintain what they have already in possession; & that especially by fortifying all places of strength, whereunto they may bring all their victuals and other substance. And that for two causes, as Vegetius well observes. The first, that if they be besieged they may want no necessaries. The second, that the beseiger may either be forced to fight with disadvantage, or to return home with disgrace. This the Romans gave in charge to their subjects, and appointed officers to see it done. Caesar gave the like charge upon the same grounds to the Vbij. G. Marius, as Plutarch reporteth, put this also in practice The Walls of Bisantium and Saguntum were very strong, as we read in Dio: and Livi: yet the Lacedomians, held it a point of worth to have no walls but the citticens valor, and so they did inhabit unwalled cities, as Plutarch in Apotheg. Divers are the judgments of Philosophers in this point. Aristoile refuteth this opinion of the Lacedomians with Plato his defense of the same, as very incommodious to a common-wealth. And so it is indeed: for why should men expose themselves and theirs to more danger then needs, or presume so much upon their own valor, as to neglect so good means, which indeed saveth often a great deal of blood that otherwise should be shed? Yet this much I will say, except valor maintayn the Walls, and sin be cast over the Walls, and God watch the city, a wall of brass is but a vain thing. To this effect speaketh the Comic. Si incolae been sint morati, pulchre munitam arbitror, at nisi invidia avaritia, ambitio, &c. Exulent, centuplex murus parum est. Yea, whatsoever cannot be got, or contained within the strength, is to be consumed with fire, that it may not serve the enemy. Such was Samson's practice in burning of the corn, Yea the towns themselves, as warriors relate, have been, by the defendents set on fire. As for instance, twenty of the Bituriges, that they should not come into the enemies hands. As for the raising of the trenches, with their dimensions of depth and breadth, together with other works, for holding themselves, and annoyance of the enemy, I leave them to their present occasions, & the particular Masters in that Art.

CHAP. XIII. War must be as well Offensiue as Defensiue.

FVrther when they have thus fitted themselves for defense, they must always know, that the nature of war requireth, that it be as well offensive as defensive, and that diversion of forces doth often help, where direct opposition prevaileth not. A war merely defensive, where they may offend, is worse then yielding at the first; for it inureth the assailant to cunning and courage, and it driveth the defendant, from good opportunities, to desperate conditions. Neither doth it a whit abate the cruelty of the enemy, in whose heart is the root of bitterness, and in whose ear the trumpet of destruction is ever sounding this: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Revenge thyself upon thine enemies. Yea barely to defend, without laying hold on every opportunity of offense, is against the rules of the Art military, the nature of war, and the practice of good soldiers. It is a main rule in war, whatsoever doth advantage the enemy, it hurteth thee. Therefore thou shouldest do all that may advantage thyself and hurt him. Again, the body of war, requireth as much offense, to accompany defense; as the natural body requireth for its actions, a right hand and a left; or, as the right hand and the left, require in sight, a sword and buckler: To the which Tully alludeth, speaking of Marcus Coelius, who could accuse well, but defend meanly. He hath a good right hand, (saith he) but a naughty left hand. So he that faileth in offending of his enemy, and cleaveth close to his own defense, hath a good left hand, and a naughty right hand. Yea, the very words of Military Art, doth join these two inseparably together; with them the word defend, doth not barely signify to resist, but also to abandon the enemy by all means they can from further assailing: So Vegetius, Caesar, Tully, and others, useth the word. So from this signification, the armed horse were called Cataphracti; equites defensores; not only for defending of the rest, but also for breaking of the enemies forces: Virgil useth the word in the same sense, though in another case; Yo drive away, or to put far off. He that would defend well at home, must learn to offend abroad. A good Warriour in this kind must be like the Amphibena, having a head on each side; for devising as well how to offend, as defend; and with every part of his body, on the right hand, and on the left, he must lay about him to make good his designs.

Lastly, that i • hath been the constant practice of the best and skillful est soldiers, it is undeniable. Abraham did not only reskue his Nephew, and his neighbors, with their goods and children, but also pursued the Kings and smote them, and took the spoil: which the Lord did well approve on; as appeareth by the words of Melchizedek in the blessing of him. I might cite the examples of Moses, Joshua, and the rest of the Judges, and of the Israelites war against their enemies; but this were to light a candle at noon-day, to men of learning and experience: For it is more then manifest, that this hath been the design and practice of all the worlds great Generals.

As for the diverting of the enemies forces, observe that example of Scipio, whose counsel prevailed with the Romans against Cato, to send forces into Aphrick: which proved exceedingly to the Romans good; for hereby the Carthaginians were forced to call back Hannibal out of Italy, and of an offensive war to make a defensive.

As this principle is well known; so I would our worthy Warriours, in the beginning of these Christian wars had answered their knowledge with their practice. For the Lord made the hearts of their enemies to melt, and their souls to faint at the hearing of them; but perceiving they kept their right hand in the bosom, and held only forth the left, they took them time for mature deliberation, in the which they got up forces and courage regether, knowing well, that the bucklars in their enemies left hands, might well receive blows for a time, but they could give none. This was the very beginning of our evil, our of which, much dishonor to God, trouble to his Church, and peril to his Saints hath risen. Of whom this left-handed-counsel came, I leave to those that know it; but this we all know, it proved a left-handed-counsel. God give us grace hereby to prove Epimethei, if we could not prove Promethei.

CHAP. XIIII. Of the safe leading of the Forces.

BVT to proceed with the rest of the warlike proceedings. As Generals must lead on their forces, at their appointed times, for their service; so they must look well to the safety of the ways by the which they lead them.

The learned, and experienced in Arms, do well observe, that there be more dangers in the ways, through which they March, then in the very front of the battle. The same Author quoted gives a reason: While they are in conflict they are fitly armed, prepared, and appointed to fight; they see their enemies before them: but in the way, they are subject to the concontrary of all these. Therefore the Romans, besides their Geographicall tables, they had their Viewers and Triers of the ways, which went before to clear all the passages, that by the enemies they might not at unawares be surprised. Julius Caesar would never lead his forces, nor suffer them to be led through any dangerous ways, without exact discovery of the danger. The neglect of this gave Sp. Posthumius the Consul, with all his forces, an ignonimious foil by the Caudini.

CHAP. XV. The manner of safe Incamping.

AS the ways for safe passage are to be secured, so a care must be had of incamping the forces. The Camp is the City of the soldier, be he never so great. The Israelites being numbered, had their charge to incamp about the Sanctuary; that is, to place themselves in a warlike order and government. The sons of Israel shall incamp every man by his standard, &c.

The Israelites had indeed two sorts of Camps, one for the managing of their wars, and another when they pitched about the Ark. The form of the former was • ound, as appeareth by the phrase of speech, expressing David's coming up to the Camp of the Israelites, ready to join battle with the Philistines. The word by divers, is diversely taken; yet amongst all, it doth properly signify the round compass or circuit environed, with the carts and carriage. And so the Septuaginta, in another place do well express it, by a word that signifieth rotunditie, called by some, pilata acies, Within the compass whereof, the King, in the middle of his Host did lie, for his better security. The form of the latter was four square, as you may see by the description of it in the second of Numbers; but in both they were placed in a military order. And it is likewise clear, that both the General and the Soldiers kept the Camp. Saul was always in the Camp, and so was Moses and Joshua, and the rest of Israel's Generals. Epaminondas that great Captain is much magnified by Aemilius Probus, for that speech to the Ephori, worthy of a noble General indeed: If you will be Princes of Greece indeed, you must be in your Camps, and not seeing sports and recreation. All should be of this mind, that war for the Lord of Hosts. The Campe is the fittest place, the safest place, and the place of greatest honor. Uriah rendereth this reason to David, of his not going home to his own house: That Joab his Lord General was in the field with the Hoast of Israel, and the Ark of God, and shall I then go to mine house, to eat, drink, &c. No: as thou livest, and as thy soul liveth, I will not do this thing. All this he might have done, but in regard of the common danger, it was more time to think on God, and his service, then to take his ease and liberty in things otherwise lawful. It had also been better for David himself to have been there, then upon the top of his house; for thereby he might have been preserved from a multitude of sins, saved a multitude of souls from death, and God's name from a great deal of blasphemy.

It followeth in incamping, what things are to be looked into. And first, for the forms of the Campes, which with the Israelites, I have shown to be round, which of all is the most perfect, and therefore the most capacious form. This is fittest for them that would obscure their forces, and have them seem lesser. But there be other forms or figures used, as quadrangular to make them seem bigg; triangular for a bigger show; and half round for the biggest show of all. But to a be brief; according to the nature of the place, the quality of the service, the show they would make, and the necessity of occurrences, they may fashion, or change the fashion of their Campes to their best advantage.

It is likewise meet that a camp be fortified; witness the practice of the Israelites with their Cartes and baggage. Amongst the heathens Pirrhus is said to be the first that devised the fortifying of a Campe, whom the Romans overcoming, they possessed his Campe, and seeing the order of it, they were content to imitate the same: As Frontine witnesseth.

As for the place it self; the sweetness of the air, the fertility of the soil, and the advantage of the ground, should be sought for as much as may be. At least this must be looked to, that they leave not a better place to the enemy, then they have chosen for themselves. The advantage of the ground is holden a main help for commodions encamping; which, how much the higher, so much the better. As it is better for encamping, so likewise for joining battle; witness the testimony of Livi, Frontine, Caesar's victories, and others by this means. Take for instance that remarkable victory against Pharnaces, Mithridates his son; who notwithstanding of inequality of place, put Caesar and his forces so to their valor, that all was little enough: with Caesar's own experience and testimony, we have his continual care, to take and keep this advantage; the great moment whereof doth manifest it self by this, that both the Armies contending for it, have begun their fight for the possessing of it. Of the further ordering of those things spoken of, or any other particular for the weal of encamping, I will say no more, but refer them to the careful industry, and industrous skill of the Camp Masters.

CHAPT. XVI. The Fixing of the Coulours.

THE Campe thus being fitly seated, the ensigns or colors are therein to be fixed. The word used by Stuchius well expresseth the action: for the Ensign-staff being sharp at the lower end was fixed fast into the ground. And this must needs be material in war; because God gave this in particular in charge to his people. The Sons of Israel incampe every man by his standard. Again in the colors a great deal of majesty, matter of command and conservation of order is always implied. Thus much is well expressed in the Chaldee word Tekes, a Standard, alluding to the Greek word Taxis, which as it signifieth any order, so • athexochen, or by way of excellency, that excellent ordering of war. As for the Majesty begetting due regard in the eyes of the soldiers; there is nothing more venerable (saith one) in the eyes of soldiers then the Majesty of the colors. Yea it appeareth most in this, that our blessed Savior is called by the name of an Ensign. In that day the root of Jesse shall stand for an Ensign of the people. The which prophesy the Apostle to the Romans, expoundeth by that commanding power that is in the Ensign. The root of Jesse shall rise to reign over the gentiles. Doth not the Army march or stand as their colors Command them? Further, the noble soldier, loves not his life unto death, in regard of the colors. A memorable instance we have of this, in that battle of Tarquinius king of the Romans, against the Sabines. Where Servius Tullius a gallant spark, perceiving the Ensigns to grow cold in the fight, he snatcheth the colors out of the Ensigns hand, & flings them in the middle of the enemies, for the recovery whereof both the Ensign himself, and the whole forces, did so charge the enemy, that they gained both their colors and the victory. You may read many other examples in the place quoted. In the last place, I may ad, that as the colors are stately to their Armies, so they are terrible to the enemy, as appeareth by that metaphor, used by the spirit in that spiritual battle of the Church against the devil, & all her other enemies, Christ saith, his Spouse is terrible as an Army of banwers. And so much for the general.

Now to give a touch of the particular colors. Every Company had their own particular colors, with some significant sign in them, for distinction and instruction. As amongst the Romans, the Legionarie, Auxilliarie and Pretorian companies had divers colors. So the 12 tribes, had their twelve distinct colors, with significant signs in them; But the particularities of their colors, were left to their choice, and what they were the scripture doth not express. The Rabbins tell us that Reuben had a man, Judah a Lion, Ephraeim an Ox, and Dan an Eagle, together with their distinct colors and empresses. The chief amongst the Romans was the Eagle, but they had others, to the number of thirty. The same liberty of choice is left now to the discretion of the Commander General; who in his choice is to take heed to 3 things. First, that his colors be void of cruelty. The Angels carry in their colors, the most excellent creatures, but the persecutors of the Church, described by Daniel, have their colors embellished with cruelty, as the Bear having 3 ribs in his mouth, the Leopard with 4 heads. The fourth monster with Iron teeth, tearing all the rest in pieces. The Dragon was one of ancient Rome's chiefest colors, and the Company draconarij milites, were under the same. As Rome hath, and doth make war with Christ in his members: So the Frogs of Egypt, march under the same colors, and they may be called Draconarij milites, or Dragons themselves. First for their original, for as the Dragon is a kind of Serpent, which must eat up another Serpent, before it be a Dragon; and the original of the Dragon in the Roman coulors was from the death of the Serpent Pithon; so the Jesuits must in their training up in Ignatius his Conclaue, be fed with nothing but Serpents (as that Indian maid sent to Alexander, was fed with nothing but poison) while they come to be flying, fiery and bloody dragons. Secondly, for their preying they are never satisfied, Julian and Valence, both Roman Emperors, caused the Priests and religious persons to be bookt, and to serve in war: which company they called sacram cohortem, the holy band; so these be the Popes holy band, who having the Dragon for their colors, have spread themselves in Mountains and Valleys. And as they have devoured others even at their doors; so through our own default, they are like to make us as much a do, as that monstrous Dragon made Attilius Regulus at the river Bagrada in the punick war, who hardly with his whole Army could overcome it. But would to God that the Kings Majesty would do as he did, for the safety of himself and us, that is, either send themselves, or their skins to Rome. A second thing to be observed, that no idol, nor badge of superstition be inblased in the Coulours. The Babylonish Banners, sent to the Popes bewitched Vassals for waging war with the Turk, hath made God's inheritance a prey to him, and the name of God to be blasphemed by the uncircumcised. Can God and idols join together? And howsoever, for our sins, God for a time hath forsaken his inheritance, and the Babylonians are got into it; yea, they display their banners in his own inheritance, and roar in the midst of the Sanctuary: yet God will return, and set his feet upon the Dragon, & require, with vengeance, the blood of his Saints.

The last thing in the colors to be looked to is this, that the significative sign in the coulors may give some good instruction, without superstition. It is a foul fault in us professing Christ, to give the badge of the beast in our coulors, and to use the name of a Chimera Saint in our joining battle.

CHAP. XVII. The Matter of the Camp.

BVT now it is time to come to speak of the persons, that must make up and manage this Camp. In every Army there must be a chief General to command, and Soldiers to obey. And first for the General, his personal qualities, and official endowments, should always answer the greatness of his place: Such God gave to his people, as Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Sampson, David; yea, when he gave them Saul for a King, and a Leader, though it was in his wrath, yet he fitted him for the place with excellency of gifts: take view of this in the first of Sam. 15. chapter, comparing the first, sixth and ninth verses. In the first verse, the Lord anointed him to be Captain over his inheritance, for then the people of God had war with their enemies: In the sixth verse, the spirit of the Lord should be upon him, and he should be turned to another man: In the ninth verse see this accomplished, God gave him another heart; not for all this, that he had one spark of saving grace, for he was a reprobate. But God by these, showeth what excellent common gifts he afforded him for so great a calling, as magnanimity, depth of judgment, Princely behavior. And in this sense, in the sixth verse, the Lord is said to be with him. I press this point the rather; because as from the head, as from a fountain, the body hath life and action: so in the sufficiency of a Leader consists the safety of the Army, the gaining of the victory, the glory of the Nation, and the honor of himself.

To this purpose, history is so plentiful, that instead of a taste, I could afford a whole Treatise, but the draught of my knot requireth such variety, that it will admit but a few flowers of every kind. Petrarch well observeth that the valor of one man (meaning the Leader) hath often saved both himself and the Army. Commanding is an excellent Art, of which Iphycrates, and that deservedly, did glory much; I have learned (saith he) to command. Pausanias, being asked how they might vanquish the Thracians; If you (saith he) make choice of a good General. And such indeed was himself, whose last words to this effect, I thought good to commend to your memory. Having received his deaths wound in the Mantinean fight, being brought into his Tent, he called for Diaphantus and Iollida, two brave Captains, whom when he understood to be slain in the battle, he counseled them to leave of war, because they had never a General: which counsel, as they did not follow, so they felt the smart of it. The inequality of the Leader casts the balance of the service. When Pompey was young, and a raw Captain; Sertorius made havoc of his forces, and esteemed himself but a boy to be whipt, but when the old wife Metellus came, (for so he called him) he gave him enough to do. It was a pretty, and a witty answer, that a young Numantine gave the Senate, reviling them for flying before the Romans, whom they had so often put to flight: The case is altered (quoth he) for though they be the same sheep, yet they have got them a new Pastor (meaning Scipio. ) Caesar made no account of Afranius, his forces, because (saith he) they want a Leader. That politique General Phillip would say; That he had rather have an Army of Harts, with a Lyon to their Leader, then an Army of Lions with a Hart to their Leader. To shut up all these with the censure of Alexander, who for his excellency in this Art, might be called, the Great; Discoursing of Homers verses esteemed this above all the rest. That it is required in a good king, that he be also a worthy war • our. And this made kings account it no small dignity to • ade their forces themselves, putting life and courage to their subjects and soldiers. Yea, as it quickens valor so it • aketh cowardice to be ashamed. Thus did the good kings • f Judah: Gajus Fabricius, when he heard of the overthrow of • he Romans given by Pirrhus, he turned him to Labienus, Pir •• us saith he, hath got the vistory, and not the Epirots, meaning that the worth of the Leader carried the victory. To omit other instances look but on this practice in our Brittaigne kings, our Edwards, Henries, Richards, Malcomes, Robert, James; the fame of whose victories, and heroic prowess is ronowned through the world.

The time putteth us on to cry to God for worthy Leaders; for first they are the diamond of the State; & such a blessing as for their sakes many times the State was delivered. And when the Lord raised them up Judges, then the Lord was with the Judge. Secondly, the want of such laid the people open to •• l impiety, and the rage of the enemies, Judge. 2.19. Besides that, it was a manifest token of God's wrath against them. Judges 17.6. Thirdly, this is the height of all people's ambition, except they be given up to a Sybaritical security: Yea, God's greatest enemies are careful and circumspect in this, to the damage and disgrace of God's people, being not so careful and circumspect in this point. Our defect is rather in want of care, then in want of able persons. Let the Phili • tim brag of his Goliath, and the Spaniard of his Viriatus; yet they shall well know ere they have done, that God's people have both a courageous Pompey, and a Grave Metellus, that will • eat them home to their own doors. Mee think they • hold either blush or tremble, to think upon the name of that ever victorious Sisca. Charles the fifth, was as a great soul • ier as any they had, and yet he was so mated by the valor of Germany, that his heart failed him clear, from setting up for another game. Lastly, as the want of a good is the woe • of a common-wealth; so the having of an ill one the •• greatest unhapines. It may be said of an ill leader, as it is sai • of an ill Lawyer, he is a plague to the common-wealth, such a on • is an ill Leader. Yea, the very stamp & seal of God's wrat • So God gave the Israelites Saul in his wrath. Cedrenus write • how a religious man in the raging of Phocas, did expostula •• the matter with God by way of complaint, why he woul • set such a wicked tyrant over Christians. It is said he heard 〈◊〉 voice answering (but saw nothing) They had him because neve • a worse could be found; and this they had deserved for their sins Concerning this point, it is further to be observed, that as • chief Commander is necessary, so there must be but one▪ It is an axiom of very good use. The chief command of m ••• then one in war is ever hurtful. Upon this ground whe • any consull being General did leave a Legate in his place, he had his full power to his return, which the Consul 〈◊〉 turning did resume, & the Legates place was altogether void, Livi discovereth the evil that cometh upō the joint command of more, from that example of more Tribunes jointly in command, and authorized with popular power. The same Author relateth the like of two Consulls, Paulus, and Varro, whose contrariety of judgment, in a matter of weight, made great dissention in the Army. Paulus, for his time, at no hand would have thē pass the river, Varro the next day without consulting with his colleague, Commanded the colors to be advanced. Turnebus also observeth from Livi and Polibius, that in one Legion there were six Tribunes, whereof each commanded by turns for two months. But the Romans perceiving the evil that did insue, from this emulation of this joint command, did ordain that the command of all their forces in one place should be in one supreme Commander, from whom all subordinate officers, should hold a subordinate command, and to him be accountable in their places. The soldier was under the Centurion, he under the Tribune, the Tribune under the Legat, the Legat under the • onsull, the Consul under the Master the Horse, and all • der the Dictator, who was the highest Officer, and the •• xt stepped to an Emperor. And questionless as a Mo •• rchy in peace is the Head and Chief of all governments. • owsoever accidentally, or through abuse it may become • e worst.) So it is likewise in war. And for my own part • think (saving the judgment of the judicious) that the • wer of a worthly General, though he be subordinate; • old be like in commission to the Roman Legates, that is, with freedom to deal, as they did, upon occasion, but with • ese cautions, that they should have a sound and judicious • ouncell, and strictly observe the laws of Arms. For what serveth the head and heart of a General, if his hands be tied. • e may loose occasion, being the life of action, which for 〈◊〉 heart blood again, he cannot redeem. As I have often 〈◊〉 thought, much regrated the bad requital of the Greciā Generals, the particulars whereof I shall hereafter touch: so I •• ue thought it the highest point of their unhappines, to be • ver-topt in their doings by a various and unruly multitude. What glory they got abroad, it was not only eclipsed but ex •• nguished at home, had Aristides, Themistocles, Pausanias and • paminondas, with (whom I will join Haniball ) been free from the countermands and controulments of their heady and harebraind States, they had everyone been likely 〈◊〉 have proved a Monarch. And on the contrary, here I must •• ke occasion to commend the good temper, and the due re • ect of the Romans to their Generalls, that howsoever their government was mixed, yet they were, not of a coalting • umor towards their Commanders; in this they are secōded • y the States of Hollād, whose due respect to that well deserving Youthy, the Prince of Orange, hath made their Armies terrible 〈◊〉 the enemies of God, and their flourishing state, a nursery • f Arms, But so much for this point, wherein I have taken • eaue to be somewhat large, because it is the head piece.

The rest of the parties that make up the Camp are soldiers and subordinate Commanders. As an army without 〈◊〉 Leader is like Poliphemus, without his eyes, or a great be • without a head; so a General without fit soldiers, is like 〈◊〉 head without a body, or a Lyon over a company of Harts. 〈◊〉 fit Commanders a special care is to be had, because they are the eyes of the General. Caesar, Alexander & Philip, were ve •• happy in their Commanders; so Edward the third, the black • Prince, Henry the 5. and Henry the 8. Neither was Gener • Vere unhappy in this, at the battle of Newport. Philip having slept longer then he used to do in the camp, put it off with this that he slept in safety, when Antipater was awake, showing thereby that the safety of a General and army consisteth much in the skill and vigillancie of the Captains.

The like necessity there is of good soldiers. Iphycrates giving the integral parts of an Army, It must have, saith he, the Phalaux, or body, for the breast, the wings for the arms, the horse 〈◊〉 the feet, & the General for the head. Caesar made no reckoning of going against Pompey, because he was a General without an Army: It was Pyrrhus his ill lot to want good soldiers, which if he had had, as he was the greatest soldier, both for skill & valor in the world by repute; so he might have been the greatest Monarch for possession: for besides that testimony of Gajus Fabius, quoted before of him, Justin erects to him an encomie of never dying praise. His own speech of the Roman soldiers slain in the field is worth the marking; seeing all their wounds in their fore-parts, O, saith he, that I had such soldiers, receiving all their wounds with their faces to the enemies.

It comes in the next place to inquire what soldiers they should be, to which I answer as before, the best that can be had. In the Roman wars at first, they were very choice; as Vlpian, and Flavius Vopiscus, two great Lawyers do testify • no criminous parties, no adulterers, no condemned persons: yea 〈◊〉 bondslaves, nor contentious braulers: but for want of men, or rather through iniquity of times, as Vopiscus observeth, • hey took of all sorts: As Sheepheards, sword players, wicked • ersons, but as Livi observeth, it was in the very pinch of despair of the common-wealth, when honesty must give way to uti • itie. But now to our shame, sin so aboundeth, & the good are so scarce, that we must do that in ordinary, which they did but sometimes on necessity: But that which followeth in • he treatise, and should follow in this service, would mend much, namely Discipline.

One thing more the Romans did observe by their rules of war concerning the soldier; namely, what kind they were, whether forreignes or natives: for those two sorts they had which they called Auxiliarii and Legionarij. Vegetius hath a maxim, that a mixed company from divers places moves a tumult. But Alexander found the contrary: for finding the Macedonians daily to incline to sedition, he made mixed Compaines, setting Persiā Captains, over them, which made the Macedonians leave of sedition, & fall to a generous emu • ation; yet is this to be done as Polybius well observeth with great wariness and watchfulness: for if such an Army fall at variance it is impossible to reconcile them. But the Romans themselves had such mixed forces, and used their auxiliaries with great respect, in giving them gold chains, when they gave the legionarie, or their own but silver chains. Yet in this mixture there be cautions to be observed. The first by Flavius & Livi, agreeable to the rule of Vegetius, that there be not more forrayne forces then domestic. Which rule they could not keep as their own histories report. For both in the war against the Vos • i, and Carthaginians, the Auxiliarij were far more then the Legionarij. Another caution I add which is the chief indeed, that the Auxiliarie forces be not such as come merely upon self respects, who many times like mowls so undermin the ground, that they cannot be got out again; and so such vermin prove worse then the former adversary. A black brood of such you see hath over spread the world, whom never a nation will entertain if they can choose, except it be such a Nation that God hath blinded. The torments of those on whom they are fallen, and the heavy oppression of those that have sought their protection, can tell what dogged helpers they are. As for the Auxilian forces of the States, it hath been their good hap to have such as not so much for worldly gain, as for their indeered love to religion and affection toward their Christian brethren, have advanced their State and Religion, with their dearest blood: for which I think they will acknowledge (or at least they should) that in mutual requital they owe themselves. As for time to come, only let them beware of the Popes brats, and they may presume of ours as of their own, upon good usage. Let the battle of Newport and Barganupsoan witness their undaunted valor and fidelity: and as they shall have occasion further to use them, I hope their actions shall proclaim what the Athenians said in the like case; We are all Hollanders.

CHAP. XVIII. Campe Discipline.

THUS having spoken of the body of a Camp, I come to that which is the very soul of a Camp, namely, Camp Discipline: For as the body without a soul, be the portrature never so goodly, is but a carcass; or as a goodly body animated and activated with the soul, yet the souls faculties are either obfuscated with dark and cold melancholy, or set on fire with black burnt choler; so that either nothing is done, or that which is worse then nothing. Such is a goodly Army, except this reasonable soul of discipline do organize the body. Agisilaus that great King of the Lacedemonians, having the question put, whether fortitude, or righteousness were the better, answered gravely, that there was no use of fortitude, except it were governed with righteousness. It may well be compared to the first • eece of armor, namely, to the girdle of truth; for it ty • eth all the Arms, and all the services in Arms, fast unto the soldiers loins, in a comely order. In war it self, it is the bond of peace: yea, as that which driveth a stake into the ground, or a piece of wood into another is called the Commmander; so Discipline driveth the nail in the Tent, and is the chief Commandresse in Martial affairs; yea, it is the best Physician for peccant humors; Surgeon for wounds and sores; and the only best bone-setter for fracture or laxation. This is a main key in Church, or Common-wealth, that shutteth out enemies, and intertaineth friends. Cassiodor telleth us, that it is the only fort, and best guard that an Army possibly can have: and as I said of Cities and towns, so may I say again of a Camp; fortify it with all the strength and Art that nature can afford; without discipline it will be but as a paper wall. For, as I have shown, the ruin of discipline is the racing out of Arms, and the destruction of a Nation. The learned observe, that the very name of a Camp implieth Discipline. A Campe, saith Isidor, is called Castrum; because it should be chaste, and all lewdness and lust should be cashiered from it. Yea, as Tacitus writeth, the Roman soldiers were interdicted Matrimony, which is the best ground (I take) that the Romish Priests have against their Marriage; that though it be a Sacrament (as they say) yet the Sacrament of orders barreth them of it, as the military sacrament did bar the soldier. But Severus more wisely, & upon better warrant, gave them free liberty to have their wives at home: but Alexander permitted them to have them in their Camps, with their families, after the Persian manner, and so to live and breed in Camps, as the Hollander doth at Sea. Though this proved well for Alexander, as everything did; and though a great many loving wives, willing to live and die with their husbands, would be of his mind; yet upon mature judgment the middle rule shall prove the best; but I leave it to the scanning of the judicious, and I come again to Discipline Sejanus, as Tacitus reporteth, would have Camps remote from Cities, except they did beleagre them, that by the evils of the Cities they might not be corrupted. Yea, the lascivious and disordered youths were brought into the Campes, that by the force of Discipline they might be reclaimed. For as the Synagogue of Rome, and all the lymmes of that confused Babel, liketh nothing worse then the Discipline of Christ's Campe: so to the loose Atacticks of these evil times, there is nothing more contrary, then the medicine of Discipline: A great many therefore had need to be in Camps, if Campes were as they should be, the schools of Discipline.

As the necessity of this Discipline is evident, from the exorbitancy of corrupt nature, and the evils incident to a military life: so it is more then manifest; from God's own command, concerning the government of the Israelites Camp; whereunto Moses and Ios hua had a great respect; namely, that Discipline should be exactly exercised, as appeareth in the censure of Achan, and others. Yea, the Romans, whose glory was their God, and their Common-wealth their best inheritance, made this the inlarger and maintainer of their Dominions. It was said of Scipio, to his great commendation, that he was the restorer of Discipline, not only failing, but also neglected among the Romans; insomuch that he held it a greater labor to reduce his own forces to Discipline, then to give battle to the Numantines his enemies; therefore he abandoned all Bauds, Whoores, Coseners, Coggers, Diviners, and Figure-flingers. And to give our enemies their due (for the wicked are wise in their own generation) how admirable hath the Turks been in the • ictnesse of Discipline, I formerly shown, whereof you • ay see more at large in Leunclavius, Hypolitus, Busbequius, •• d others: Yea, to come to a latter instance, in one of • e greatest of God's enemies that this age afforded, name •• the Duke de Maine, for excellency in discipline he was •• cond to none. For the ruin of this, I may again with •• e learned renew my complaint, but I have handled that before: only the causes would be observed, which I take. First, to be want of piety: the duties of the second Table, wise from the duties of the first. Other causes we may gather

As the evil is manifest, with the causes thereof; so of necessity there must be a medicine, else all is mard; and with this, as I shown, the great Ones, in themselves must begin Moses and Joshua, if they will lead the Lord's forces, must disciplinate themselves before they direct others. If a King 〈◊〉 in the Camp, Discipline should rule him. It is very base flattery, and meat and drink to many, to suggest to Kings, that they may rule others by Laws, and themselves by their our wills. The very Heathen Emperors, who had no mo • knowledge then the books of Nature; or at most, such 〈◊〉 Moral Philosophy could afford, and no more glory b •• transitory command; yet they would subject themselves t •• the self-same Laws that they willed others to obey. A notable instance in this, we have in Adrian the Emperor, the first after Octavius Caesar, that revived Discipline, and therefore much magnified by Aelian in his Tackticks; it was the manner, in creating of a Tribune of war, to put a sword into his hand, as an Ensign of command, which the Emperor holding out to the Tribune: Behold (saith he) recei •• this sword, which if I command and rule in reason, as a Prine should do, draw it out and use it for me: but if I do otherwise use it against me. Crinitus hath words to the same effect, spoken by the Emperor to Sura, when he set him over the Pretorian forces. So Dio. But Soudas hath the words in Greek.

Secondly, if Commanders would have Discipline, the must not disdain to show them the way; And that, great Generals have not denied to do, in things even inferior to their place: As I shown you before in Adrian, so by a whole Jury of the learned, the like is testified of Scipio, the restorer of Discipline. He would have no beds; and to show them an example, he used himself to much hardness, lying no better then on a bed filled with Hay; he abandoned all dainties and delicacies, so that ease had no entertainment; and by these pains he obtained his end: As it is said of him to his great praise; That he took away sloth, and other vices of the soldiers, rather by his exercise in the Campe as in a school, then by inflicting of punishment. • et Christian Kings and Commanders learn this of • od, the great Commander of all the world, who often • eth words and under them expresseth actions, more suta •• e to our shallow capacity, then befitting so glorious a • ajestie. There is one manner of majesty for the field, and another for the chair of State, or the Presence. The lower •• e looketh in the field, the higher he is; and the lesser he is to himself in the campe, the greater he is to his soldiers. Alexander the great, thought it no disparagement to his greatness, as he sat by the fire to take a soldier almost •• arved with cold, and set him in his own seat, telling him, that if he had been a Persian borne, the sitting in the kings seat would have cost him his head; but as he was a Macedonian borne, he might safely do it. You see how this great king, in this one act, shown both great humanirie and humility. The like is observed of the Noble and learned Xenophon; who being on his horse, and commanding his • ouldiers as they marched along, to take a narrow passage, •• lazy fellow, amongst the rest, fell a murmuring, and said, it was an easy matter for him to sit on his horse and command; which he over hearing, leaps from his horse, and causeth the common soldier to get up in his place, and marched a long on foot a great pace to the taking of the passage, the rest of the soldiers flouting and hissing at lazy •• ones their new General: He came down with shame • nough, and hardly could they persuade Xenophon to take • orse again, and to reserve him self for a better use.

A third mean to advance discipline, is to be very • hoise in the choosing of Officers. This was Adrian’s • are in the choice of Tribunes of war, that he admitted none but men of prudence, learning, courage, good report, & ver • uous conversation. As discipline hath advanced the Turk, so this hath been a means with him to preserve discipline; for neither, birth, wealth, friends, or any by respect, prevaileth with them in the choice of Officers; but according to hi • desert and carriage he is advanced to place: where, on the contrary, our making, or admitting of Commanders for money or entreaty of great Ones, makes us miss such a point o • our Compas as may mar all the course: when desert loosed place who will strive to deserve? All the Turks care is, wh • he is, not, what he hath, or of whom he is come.

The fourth and last means to preserve discipline, is exercise of discipline; wherein, as I have shown, there must be a due temperature, wherein mercy and Justice must meet together. That example of Manlius upon his own son, 〈◊〉 pure unmixed Justice, is not unknown to those that read: who, fighting against the commandment of his father, notwithstanding of his success, was first beaten with rods in the face of the Army, and after had his head chopped off with an axe: After which act he was ever called by the name of Manlius the Imperious. In this kind the Germans were very strict; traitors and fugitives, they hanged up; base and idle fellows, and all infamous persons, they stifled in mire and clay, and cast a heap of stones upon them. You may read at large in the Roman histories for divers crimes, divers punishments; as for adultery, drunkenness, &c. Maximus the Emperor, caused put two soldiers for abusing of a maid in the bellies of two slit oxen, with the oxens heads cut off, that the one might speak to the other. But not to insist in examples, this rule will do well, that according to the nature of the sin, the circumstances of the quality, and place of the offender, the punishment be inflicted. And to shut up the point, let it be ever holden a great part of Discipline, to keep the soldiers from unlawful spoils, which is indced robbery. The Turk is exceeding strict in this, wherein her glorieth much. Many examples there be in histories. A Ianizarie drunk off a milk woman's milk in the market, and being accused before the Judge, he denied the thing; but he caused to hang him up by the feet, and tie him strait with acord about the middle, by which means he vomitted out • e milk; and was presently after that strangled for the of •• nce. Lysander the Lacedoman beat a soldier, only for •• e stepping out of the way, who pleading for himself •• at he meant not to ravin, the General answered, he would •• ue him to give no appearance of evil.

CHAPT. XIX. The Motions and Actions of War.

HAving thus laid out, as you see, a Symeter of the parts of war, I proceed in order to the handling of the actions of war: for as war consisteth as it were of a body and soul; so the motions and actions of war are the fruits and effects of that subsistence But as a body and a soul, are • ot both enough to make sound and valid actions, either saturall or animal, except they be united in a good tempe •• meant, which may well be called a harmony of the four first qualities rising from a due mixture of the four Elements; just so it is in war, whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . or active motion requireth the due temperature of counsel, that it may leave remaining 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a perfect work. And as from natural heat the spirits hath their agility to inact; but the primogenious humor or radical moisture, both tempers and maintayneth that natural heat; so that magnanimious heat of courage putteth spirit and life into warlike actions: but the radical humide or pure oil of counsel, maintayneth and increaseth the • eat of courage therefore counsel is compared to a deep water) And as by heat & humide we live, they being the two •• tiue qualites; so war is to be managed with courage and counsel. The proof of this positiō is plentiful, both from Scripture & other writers. Every purpose is established by counsel saith Solomon, and with good advice make war: So in another place: By wise counsel shalt thou make war, and in multitude of counsels there is safety. That vile Blasphemous Rabshakeh knew the truth of this, that strength and counsel were for the war. So in the 10. of Judges & 19. we may see how the Princes, and the people of the Tribes, do assemble themselves together in counsel, how to undertake and manage war against their enemies. It is a main principle with Vegetius; that of wise men, and choice warriors there be a Counsel picked out and appointed, who may consult, and determine of all things necessary for forces and affairs, both concerning themselves and the enemies; and especially what will hurt the enemies and help themselves. This hath been the practice not only of good saints, but of all great warryours. David asketh of God before concerning his war with Saul, 1 Sam. 23.2.4. So a Sam. 5.19. where though he had the ground of his counsel from God, with a promised success; yet did he not neglect to consult with men, for the accomplishing of God's counsel. The Jews had two sorts of Magistrates, the one for peace called Togati, the other for war called Sagati or Bellici. So they had two sorts of Counsels, the one for peace and the other for war. So Quintus, Fabius, Severus, Alexander, Pyrrhus, effected all by counsel.

As this truth is of exceeding great weight, so there be weighty reasons to enforce the practice of it; as from the nature and excellency of it, the necessity of it, the particular object in hand; namely war, the good effects of it, and the great evils ensuing upon the want of it. First then to the Excellencie of counsel, which manifesteth the nature of it, counsel is not only an indagation, or searching out of things expedient, nor yet a bare discourse or discerning of things so sought out; but it is also an application of the will to that which is fittest, therefore is counsel called Election, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , inregard of making choice of one thing rather then another, persupposing always a well informed judgment by mature deliberation. So that I may say of Counsel, as it is said of Conscience, it meddles directly with particulars, according to that definition of Damascene; Council is an inquisitive appetite of things profitable: or as Tully, It is the electiue power of a pure mind; examining the causes and principals that are to be applied: The excellency of it appeareth in this; that it is a special gift of God. Counsel is mine (saith the Lord.) Yea, Christ is named by the name of Counsel. The Heathen could say, that counsel is truly an holy thing. It is well compared to a deep fountain of water, Prov. 20.6, for the fresh springing thereof, refresheth and maketh fruitful all the plots and plantations of policy, both in peace and war. It is like unto the head, which as it is the fountain of life and function, and so it transfuseth the faculty of all these through the whole body; so counsel containeth the life of war, and is all, as the soul is virtually in every part.

Counsel is very significantly enblemed by Lodovicus Sfortia, Duke of Milan, by Morus, or the Mulbery tree; which name the said Duke took unto himself as his surname, not for the blackness of his visage; but because he would bear the world in hand, that in his actions he was like this tree; for as it doth not bud nor flourish, till it hath past over the injury of the Winter, and presently after bringeth forth buds and fruits, and therefore called the wisest of trees. By this he would make show, giving this in his Arms, that it was naturally given to him, to dispose of all his actions maturely and deliberately by counsel. But it was but a show indeed, for he did nothing less, as you shall hear hereafter.

It were well with Nations, if it had been his fault alone, but these evil times hath too many too like him; who would seem to carry all by counsel; but their actions proclaim to the world, that they are at deadly enmity both with counsel and wisdom. Such dumb shows of council, with contrary actions, are well enblemed by the Centaur; Whose upper part giveth a semblance of care for the people's good, but the lower part which is the beast, devours the people under color of humanity. The excellency of counsel appeareth likewise in this, that it is a singular gift given to men fitted to command in war.

As this is the excellency of it, so it is of an absolute necessity. What good will forces do (saith Tully ) if counsel be wanting in managing of war. There is a necessity of counsel, saith Quintus Curtius, and not of rash violence. What good will the wall of strength do, except it have conncell for the foundation? Yea, the more strength, without moderation by council, the more speedy and greater ruin. Yea (as Ambrose saith) what availeth wisdom without counsel? It is but as a sealed fountain, it neither doth good to a man's self, nor to another: And, as one saith pithily, As is a City (the walls whereof are ruined and raced to the ground) such is a man that undertaketh not all his actions with counsel. Caesar held, and that truly, Counsel to be as necessary in war, as Physicians in time of sickness. It is the only thing (saith Vegetius ) and the Generals greatest advantage, to have a wise Council.

CHAP. XX. War especially requireth Council.

OBSERVE in the third place, the object of war, which is the subject of Council, and reason will enforce us to walk by council. Must not the General know his own forces, and his enemies; both for nature, power, furniture, and number, as near as he can? Should he not know how to dispose of his own, whether horse or foot; to take the advantage of the ground, to disadvantage his enemy all that he can, and by all lawful Stra agems, to conquer his enemies at the lowest rate that is possible? Besides all these to be considered, there is a further end, namely, the averting of all evil, and the procuring of all good that can be thought on. Doth not goods, liberty, wives, children, lands, lives, countries, Crowns, Religion, and God's glory, (which is worth all the rest) lie at the stake? yea, and on such a hazard often, that if the first be lost, there is little or no hope of playing a second game. All these cry for counsel; which, under God, is the only wise disposer of the aforesaid means, and obtainer of the end. If for other things of less moment, we do not cast the dice (as we say) but with great care, watchful forecast, and deliberate counsel, we labor to effect them, what should be done in this, where the adventure is so great, the issue so doubtful, and the least error may cast all away?

As the spiritual warfare of a Christian is the matter of greatest moment under the heaven; so next unto it, in my judgment, is the bodily war. If men of all sorts that professeth the name of Christ, would but take this to their consideration, it would make them in the first place, take up the controversy that is betwixt them and God, that he might be on their side; secondly, the weight of the subject, and worth of the object, would make them look to the laying of every stone, for making sure the building; lastly, having got a stout resolution, from advice well grounded, and the object well thought upon, they would stand fast, quit themselves like men, and esteem so high a prize worthy of their dearest blood, desiring rather to die with honor, then to live with disgrace.

Fourthly, I come to the utility, or good of counsel that enfues upon it. Discretion, or counsel (saith the Wiseman.) shall preserve thee. Erasmus citing that saying of Furipides, that one good counsel may overcome many forces, giveth this

As war without counsel, is as a City without walls; so counsel in war, is both walls and munition, it affordeth both invasiue and defensive Arms. Counsel (saith Caesar ) is the same to me against mine enemy, that the Pysician is against sickness; which he haed rather overcome with fasting, then with physic; so had I rather overcome with famine, then with sword. As this Counsel hath often more prevailed then the sword; so is it grounded upon good reason. First, famine fighteth within, as Vegetius well observeth, and therefore it prevaileth oftener then the sword. Secondly, if the Defendant have to do with a human enemy, he may save himself by capitulation. Lastly, the forces of the assaylant are without hazard. If you look but on the good success of counsel; yea, even then when forces have failed, the utility of it shall further appear. Was not Rome's Commonwealth advanced by the counsel of Q. Fabius? Cato in his Oration against Catiline said, that their Ancestors made themselves great, especially by good Counsel. Was not the State of Hungaria, and Bohemia advanced and maintained, to the dishonor and damage of their enemies; the one by the counsel and dexterity of that renounmed Hunniades; the other by the counsel and prowess of that admirable Sisca, against the two most potent adversaries of the world? Amongst all instances of this kind, there is none more remarkable then that of the State of France, under the government of Charles the Wise, who coming to the Crown, found a ruinous State full of confusion and calamity: for all Guyan, part of Normandy and Picardie were possessed by the English, through the great overthrow of Phillip of Valois, with eleven Princes, and twelve hundred Knights and Gentlemen, given by King Edward himself at the battle of Crecy, and by another given by Prince Edward at the battle of Poiteiurs, wherein King John was taken, and his son Philip, with many Princes and great Lord's sent prisoners into England, besides those two sore defeates, one on the neck of another, whereby the foundation of France was shaken, and nothing left but the ruins of a Kingdom. These relics were all on fire by civil dissensions. Notwithstanding all these, the aforesaid Charles Lesage (so called for his gravity and wisdom) coming to the government, did with such prudency and counsel compose and order the affairs of that troublesome state, that he first quenched the civil discord, and after, in time, recovered a great part of that, which the two former Kings had lost, and that not without wonder: for he was not so brave a warrior as his father King John, nor his grand-father Philip. Again he had to do with as wise a Prince & as great warrior, as happy & valliant a General, as ever Europe had; yet for all these, necessity made him wise, and he took a contrary course to the former, undertaking and managing Arms with great advice and counsel, without which he would not move one foot; it had indeed an answerable success, beyond the expectation of his adversary; who seeing and admiring his wise courses, whereby he dulled the edge of the English forces, (loosing ground they could not well tell how) King Edward gave this testimony of him, that he never knew king that used arms so little, and yet made him so much ado. For as by missives he effected much business (so said he) he makes me more a do with his Pen, then his father, or grand father did with their forces and Arms. By this his Counsel he brought his Kingdom from being a field of war, a triumph of spoil, a map of miserable poverty, to be peaceable, plentiful and rich. In these instances I could be larger then the treatise will suffer, but I will shut up all with one, not unknowen, namely, of the state of Spain. What I pray you is the root of his over spreading in Europe and other parts? Is it his prowess & valor? No, the few Spanish warriors of note upon record showeth the contrary. It is then their counsel and slight, (especially since it hath been fed with a fountain running under the ground. ) In this their crafty disposing of themselves, they are not unlike the Hedghogge running with the Hare. Let the race be through the hedge, the Hedghogge is too good for the Hare (for what side soever he be on, he is always before.) But that the Spaniard should not be proud of this, let Alva his Trophies stay his boasting. If he had been a man of as much counsel as cruelty; he might have saved a sea of blood, his Master a mass of money, and prevented Spain's greatest loss, which I hope he shall never reedeeme. What is it but the wisdom and counsel of a Prince, assisted by his privy Council, that commendeth himself, & commandeth others? It is not any personal indowment, nor the Princely perogative of place without this, that ever will advance his glory, or his subjects good, neither can he without this, procure his subjects continuance of obedience in love, nor cause his name to smell like a precious oin • meant. What made Severus to be beloved, feared and obeyed but his prudent counsel? Witnes that exemplary act of his, when his soldiers mutined; because he was carried lame of he gout in his Horse litter, the • would have his son Bassianus to govern. He called the Commanders together, and after a grave and wise remonstrance made to the Army, he caused the chief mutiniers to be beheaded, giving this item to the rest, that they should know, that it was the head and • ot the feet that commanded; meaning, thereby, that it is counsel and wisdom in the Superior that commandeth, and not any gift of the body.

CHAP. XXI. The evil of evil Counsel, or want of good Counsel.

THe last ground for use of counsel is taken from the evil that doth accompany the want of Counsel. Because I have many things to handle, I would be as brief in everything as I could. God himself telleth us what an unhappy state that people is in (whether in peace or war) that want counsel. When Israel had provoked God so highly, that he had resolved to make their remembrance cease, Deut. 32.26. What was the cause of this wrath of God and fearful desolation? furely their sins as you may see in the Chapt; which the Spirit of God reduceth to two heads, waxing fat in the abuse of God's blessings, and fo • saking of the living God to follow Idols. The ground of this their fearful condition the Lord layeth down in the 28. verse, namely, want of Counsel, They are a nation, saith he, void of Counsels in the plural number, that is, there is never a whit at all amongst them, & there is no understanding in them. Where you see what a woeful case that people is in, that is void of counsel.

And if effects demonstrate causes, and poisonable springs show corruption of the fountains head; then let us behold our nation, overgrowen with fatness, in the abuse of God's blessings, our kicking with the heel against him, and provoking him to jealousy, with the abhominatiō of strange God's, and these shall cry aloud to the shame of our faces, that we are void of counsel, let some talk what they will to the contrary. Though this be by the way; yet it is not beside the way. For to our hearts grief, you may see, what ground I go upon. But I proceed. Tully (though speaking like a heathen) hath for the matter a divine position; that a man that runneth and rusheth upon attempts, he cannot expect any help from God. Yea without counsel what better is a man, be he never so great, then a child or a beast, which as Aristotle saith; do not partake of counsel. It is observed both by divines and humanists, that it is a fearful token of God's indignation, when a man looseth his counsel. Yea, it is the very finger of God taking counsel from him; because he hath a purpose to bring some great mischief upon him, or to destroy him. God (saith Appianus ) hurting his mind, or taking counsel from him, calamiti • is not far of. The Lord doth threaten the same to the disobedient in Deuteronomy: 'The Lord shall smite thee with madness, and with blindness, with astonishment of heart, and thou shalt be groping at noon day; which as it is one of the heaviest punishments, as Flaminius well observeth, that God layeth upon man; So it is just that it should be so; God sending them strong delusions, that they may believe lies, because they would not believe the truth. Because they would not be ruled by counsel (saith the same Author) God giveth them up to their own lusts, and to follow their own counsels, which proveth their bane in the end, even then when they least look for it. The man thus groping for counsel where there is none, but destruction instead of counsel, is well compared by Plini unto the Polypus or many-feet, which thinking to catch the Oyster, is often caught in the Trap; so the Blindman is often caught in his own snare.

CHAP. XXII. That great Ones must use Counsel.

THUS having laid down the grounds why, both in peace and war we must walk and work by counsel, I come now to lay down what kind of counsel this must be, and of whom it must be taken: All men will seem to agree, that all must be disposed by counsel; but by what counsel, and from what counsellors, there they disagree. The better sort love not to do all of their own head; but, be they never so great, in peace and war they use the counsel of others. Julius Capitolinus delivereth this, to the commendation of Authonius Pius, That he would never do anything in Civil, or Military affairs, which he had not first consulted of, with grave and wise Counselors: giving this good reason (allowed by all that love counsel) It is greater reason (saith he) that I alone should follow the counsel of so many of my faithful friends, then that they being so many should follow my will being but one. Dionisius giveth a particular instance of this Emperors practice, in a case controverted betwixt him and his Council, of which was Scoevola that great Lawyer, and many others of good note. To whose advice after much debating of the matter, he yielded willingly. I see, quoth he, (Masters) it must be thus as you would have it, giving the same reason already alleged. This course did not Solomon despise. This course did Caesar, Alexander, Severus, and all good Warriours and Magistrates follow, both in peace and war. Neither is this any disparagement to the Prince or General (as though he had no wit or counsel but from others brains) but it rather addeth to their dignity: because a Prince is always holden so much the wiser, the less he is addicted to his own opinion. When Zeno the great Philosopher died (of whose judgment and advice Antigonus that wise King, made use in all his actions) he was not ashamed to say, That the theater of his actions was removed.

But there be another sort of great Ones, with whom it is nothing so, they like no counsel but of Matchiavi • his cutting out, that a Prince must have no counsel but of his own coining: What fair coulors he draweth upon this false principle, I have now no time to discover, I refer you therefore to his first and second maxim of Counsel. But to learn the lesson it self, without further scanning of the truth; Many have been too apt, to their own overthrow: Princes are naturally addicted, to admire what is their own, and to presume of an absolute perfection in themselves, as though they were God's, and needed no more. And so it was with Dioclesian, Caligula, and Nero, who scorned to hearken to anything but their own wills, and what pleased their humor. This was the fault, and wrought the overthrow of Lantrechius the Frenchman; whom Guicciardine doubteth not to call the chief Chieftain of France; but being of a lofty nature and high spirit, through his experience in Arms, and authority in the Army; he was so ravished with the conceit of self sufficiency, that he contemned everything that came not from himself. He thought it a disgrace not to be reputed a domine fa • -totum; neglecting many times better counsel then his own; as for instance in the wars of Naples, which turned to the undoing of himself, and of the business.

Another notable instance we have in the aforesaid Lewis Sforcia, a Prince (as Histories report) highly adorned with all endowments of nature, and ornaments of the mind, a quick wit, eloquence at will, but that the blood of his Nephew did stain all these excellencies; ( for of a Tutor he proved a Traitor, like Richard the third) he might well have deserved the name of a meek and benign Prince; but as his haughtiness and arrogancy was such that he thought to dispose of Italy at his pleasure, so he was puffed up with such a false-conception of his own self-sufficiency, that he contemned and rejected all counsel. For though he made a show thereof in his coulors, as I shown you; yet indeed he made use of nothing less; he carried all by the compass of his own opinion, whereunto he was so much addicted, that nothing relished with him that came not from himself. But this self-confidence, and despising of counsel, brought him to a tragical end, as witnesseth Guicciar • ne: For being foiled by the French, he betook himself • ong the Swiss to the habit of an ordinary soldier; • t he was discovered, and taken by the French, and in an • ominious manner was conducted to Lions, where in the • ew of a great concourse of people, he was tossed betwixt • vie and pity for a time; and being denied the Kings pre • nce (which he did exceedingly desire) was shut up in • ison; which served both to limit his ambitious thoughts; • which all Italy could not contain;) and likewise to put a • riod to his disgraceful and disdained life, after ten years • prisonment.

One instance more let me give you in James the 4, King • f Scots, as brave a man, as witie a King; so benign and • acious a Prince to his subjects, as Europe had not so great • usticiarie; so that he seemed to be composed of clemency • nd equity; and which surpast all the rest; he was so guar • ed with the tranquility of a good conscience, arising from • he innocence of his princely carriage; that he counted • ot the aspersions of the wicked worthy of requital, with so much as an angry word. In a word, he did so ravish with • oue the hearts of his subjects, that as he was dearer to them • hile they had him, then their very lives; so the remem • rance of his death did so gall their souls with sorrow, that • ever a Prince in the world lived more desired; and died more • mented. Yet this one Coliquintida put death in the pot; name • y, neglect of counsel, both in undertaking and managing • he war against the English, which put an untimely end, • oth to his being, and his princely virtues: Insomuch, that • t is well observed by the learned author. It is uncertain, whether the counsel, or event was worse.

These examples, and many others of the same nature, makes good that position of Plato, That a proud man, carried altogether on the wings of his own conceit; scorning the advice both of the wise and warrior, is left at length by God to be his own destruction. To this effect Comineus, a Statesman inf • riour to none, lays this down as an infallible prognostio • of future ruin, both of King and Kingdom, when a Pr •• neglecting counsel, cleaveth only to his own wit. Yea, he she • eth it plainly to be a fearful fore-runner of God's judgment, when God doth infatuate the heart, so that it 〈◊〉 not hearken to counsel.

The instance that we had last in hand maketh it plai •• For the wise Council, of that good King, did earnestly 〈◊〉 swade him from war: Besides that strange monitor th • appeared to him at prayer (as a man of credit with the Kin • informed the Historian, that he saw him with his eyes) y • for all this, by the instigation of Lamote, the French Em •• sador, he would to it. The English forces being gathered 〈◊〉 gether under the conduct of the Earl of Surry; and Hera ••• being sent to the King, desiring that he would design th • day and place of battle; his wise and warlike council diss • ded him from it, and that upon substantial grounds; first they had already the better, and so much as they could we desire; secondly, the English were twice so many, and th •• fresh soldiers, against them, being wearied with taking i • of Castles: thirdly, by delaying fight, they might wear • the English out; or at least draw them to such a disadvantage of place, that they might carry the victory rather by Coursell then by Arms, which (as the Earl of Angui •• said well) is the property of a good Commander. The sai • Earl likewise refuted all the allegations of the French, wh •• put the King on, only for their own ends. But all this would not work upon the King, who in great indignation against the noble Earl, willed him to depart if he were afraid; for I will fight (saith he) against the English if the • were a hundred thousand. Which he did, but to his ow • undoing, and the grief and damage of his Nation. The which I rather relate, for confirmation of the former position; That when God hardens the heart agains • council in judgment, he maketh way for ruin.

Foolish then is that forgery of those, who attribute this •• ngs fall, to the taking sacrilegious Arms (as they call them) • gainst Pope I • lius the second, England's holy Lord. It was • e Lord of heaven that gave him this defeat, neglect of • unsell being the secondary cause. I might instance this •• t further in Richard the second, a stout Prince, and gover • ng well for the time that he was counseled by his three • od uncles, the Dukes of Lancaster, York and Gloucester; • ut the rejecting of them, & their counsel, made way to the • sse of his Crown, dignity & life. Poets and other writers • e plentiful to this purpose, whereof I give you but a taste:

So another to the same effect:

And there is great reason why ruin should follow neg • ct of counsel, not only from the equity of God's judgment; but also from the dangerous disposition of a Princes • ounsell, without the mixture of advice. For as the • imple or pure element would not feed or nourish, but • ill or starve; so the counsel of a compound body, had • eed to be a compound counsel. Plato and others, explain • his well by comparison, taken from the twofold course of • he Sun. The Counsel of the sovereign power (say they) is like • he diurnall course of the Sun compassing the earth in one day: which course is swift, rapid, awful, and violent; but this is tempe • ed by the indirect opposition of the annual course, in the oblique • ircle of the Zodiac, which also distinguisheth the seasons, main • ayneth, rerfresheth, and nourisheth all the creatures which otherwise could not endure. So the Counsel of Princes, though endued with prudence, yet through the moving intelligence of supreme authority, becometh so fierce, redoubtable, yea and often so devious, that like Phaetons misguided chariot setting all on fire. To be plain it degenerateth from calm counsel to stern will, and from advised government to cruel tyranny; but by the sweet and temperate mixture of choice counsel from the religious & wis • Senate, it becomes pleasant and sweet, full of grace to the Prince, and goodness to the people. For indeed it is no grace to a Prince in peace or in war (howsoever Sycophants suggest) when he and his counsel rideth all on one horse.

Where this mixture is waning there be ever mad doing for Princes, for want of this, involve themselves, & their sta •• in such an inextricable laborinth, that when they would 〈◊〉 wind themselves, they go the further in their evils; beconming like Hidraes heads more then they can deal with. It i • an easy matter for a Prince, especially neglecting counsel, 〈◊〉 put all out of frame, as a Master-of a ship, may run her upon the rocks; but the shipwreck of himself and all the re •• followeth. The aberrations of Princes (saith Agiselaus ) 〈◊〉 the greatest evils of all; because they undo themselves and others. Princes mounted upon their will, are compared pretrily to one got up, on a wild horse, who being Asked by one that met him, whether he went, even whether (saith he) this horse will carry me. So some are carried so far on their own lusts, or their own wit, and some on their own fears, that when they would, it may be they cannot, or dare not alight, but over ride all in their way, and run themselves against a wall, or over a rock.

These are also wittily compared by a learned man, to Eucrates,

The Moral is no more but this, make work and have work; There be a great many water drawers, worse then the Gibeonites, that will not leave when they are bidden. To conclude this point with Comineus, such Princes, of all men are the most Then as Princes would shun these plagues, let them be content to entertain counsel, according to Menander.

Or if you will that of Iovius in his Elogie of Sfortia.

CHAP. XXIII. The Qualification of Counselors.

BVT as there is necessity of counsel, so there must be choice of counselors. In the choice of counselors four things must be observed, there must be number equality, ability and honesty. For the first, it is a good rule of Comineus, that a King should have many Counselors, and that he should never commit the helm of affairs, unto one man's hand: for as many eyes see more then one; so one man may put out his Masters eyes, and become Master in effect. Among many instances take this one of Sejanus. whom Tiberius advanced so highly with great offices, and the marriage of his daughter. He ruled all as he would; he was honored of all, and followed of all, more then the Emperor; to his image they offered sacrifice, and they were in no small esteem, to whom he gave any respect. His brith day, with Caesars, was celebrated. But like a monstrous paracide, he went about to subvert his Master, who, (how vile soever he was) had deserved well of him. But his great fall & ignominious death, together with the death of his, did fully parallel the height of his rize. The like may be seen in Dancres rize and fall.

As there must be a number, so there should be an equality of power amongst them: for to commit more to one then another, or, it may be then to all the rest; that one will go near to be Master, & the rest to be but bare voices to serve his desire. One is no number, and where many sit, and one swayeth all, there is a number in name, but none in effect.

Thirdly for their ability; they must be men of judgment & experience. The Roman Senate were picked out as men of sufficiency for counsel; who for their wisdom and gravity were called Senators, and for their care of the common good, Fathers; whose names were written in letters of gold, and so called Conscripti. It is a question amongst Humanists and Statesmen, Whether a weak Prince, and a wise Council; or a weak Council, and a wise King be better. Both reason and experience do prove the former to be the better. For many wise, can guide one weak one better, then one wise many weak ones. Secondly, the wise King taketh no care of giving account; and therefore passeth them at his pleasure: But the wise Council, the weaker the King is, looketh the better to give account of their actions. Severus had as many in Council of War, as the Senate had: but what were they? Ancient soldiers experienced in Arms, and in Militarie matters, such as by their service and carriage had deserved well their places. Also scholars such as were well versed in Histories, desiring them to unfold what they knew from the Roman histories, or any other, concerning any matter they had in hand. Pirrhus said of Cyneas; he had got more Cities by his eloquence, then by his own forces. I knew a very raw boned youth of a mere Scholar, proved an excellent and much honored Soldier.

The Ancients do Hyerogliph a wise and able Council

Just so, a learned and wise Council provideth how the Throne of the Prince may be established, looks out everything that may make him happy in his government, and his subjects happy in him: they foresee likewise the shallows, and the shelfes of base indignity, whereupon a Prince may run himself at unawares; by good counsels, motions and admonitions, they avert him from everything that may dishonor himself, vex his subjects, or bring his Kingdom into contempt. In a word, a wise Council, is the glory of his Majesty, and the Theater of his actions; as Antigonus said of Zeno; which being removed by death, or dislike, the pillars of State are removed, and so the edifice must fall. Princes then are not well advised, in making choice of insufficient men for the government of State, that there own sufficiency may appear the more. Will the Sun darken the Starrs, that it may shine the brighter? Will the fountain have but dripping conduits, that all may come to the Conduits head? Or would a man be lame in his hands or feet, that the wit of his head might the better appear? God indeed doth great things by weak and foolish means, yet that is his prerogative. Again, they are strong and wise in him and through him.

Now I come to the last, but not the least; namely, the honesty required in Counselors. Which we must not take strictly, only for outward decency with the Apostle; or for that Economick, Ethick, or Politick honesty; which we call by the name of Civil honesty, by which it is possible, (as the Car-men of this age assure,) for some to go to heaven: But we must take it so as it comprehendeth piety, equity and honesty; called by the Evangelist, good and fair honesty. Jethro gave Moses counsel to make choice of such Counselors, Exod. 18.20, compare it with Deut. 1.13, and you shall see 7 properties required; Wisdom, Understanding, knowledge, fear of God, ability, truth, and hatred of covetousness: The like choice was to be observed for that great Shanhedrion, consisting of 70 with Moses; Numb. 11.16. These were interressed in the highest matters, and sat with Moses himself. The spirit directeth what men they should be, namely, known men, that is, such as have approved themselves by their wisdom and good carriage, worthy of so great a place. One describing the properties of a good Counselor, cometh close to this mark: They should have experimental wit in their brains, words of truth in their mouths, zeal in their justice, and sanctity in their life. Tully giveth a reason from the weight of their charge. Counselors of State should be better then other men, because they have the custody of the Common-wealth. He illustrateth the same by a Master of a Ship sitting at the Helm. Ambrose gives another reason from the quality of counsel, either good or bad, according to the Counselor. Who will seek fair water out of a puddle, or a pearl amongst dirt and Mire? Where lust, avarice, Atheism, or Idolatry remaineth, shall a King, State or General, look for good counsel? Can a man gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? The counsel is as the counselor; witness Solomon, Prov. 12.5, The counsels of the wicked are deceit; the words are very emphatical in the original; the crafty counsels of the ungodly are deceit: where he calls them not deceitful but deceit, as all composed of deceit, and no other thing in them. The Septuagint Translation is a good paraphrast; They coin out (in steed of counsel) ungodly deceit. Shall I think him a fit man (saith he) to give me counsel, that never took any good counsel to himself? No; where any sin reigneth there is no room for good counsel: There may well be counsel for Rome.

A third reason may be given from the divers effects that follows from good and evil counselors. Forreignes use to inform themselves of two things especially in the State; Of the Council of State, and of the Kings fool; if the Council be wise and virtuous; and the fool simply plain and honest, there they gather evidences of a well governed State: But if the Council be shallow, and corrupt; and the fool more knave then fool, thence they collect the weakness of the State. And indeed as the Counselors be good or bade, so falleth, or flourisheth the State. A remarkable instance of this we have in Joash King of Judah, who under the counsel of Jehoiada his uncle governed exceeding well; he was zealous of God's service; he razed out all the High places, purged the Church, rooted out Baals Priests, caused money to be collected for the repairing of God's house. In a word, He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, all the days that Jehoiada lived, all which time he prospered. But Jehoiada being dead, the Princes of Judah, Baals old friends comes to the King with cap and knee (like dissembling traitors as they were)

To these, or the like speeches of the corrupt Courtiers, the unhappy King is said to hearken, with whom presently the case is altered, he becometh an apostata from God, a plague to his people (and that deservedly both in their bodies and souls,) an ungtate full and a cruel tyrant, in murthering of the priests. But mark what was the end, even such as the proceedings, The wrath of the Lord came upon him and his, and a small company of the Assyrians routed their great host; he spoiled the land in giving all to the enemies; The Lord smote his heart which cowardyse, and his body with diseases, his servants conspiring against him, slew him, & he wanted the honor of a kingly burial. The special cause of his death is set down to be the shedding of the innocent blood of Iehoiadaes son. The like example we have in Rehoboam, who forsaking the good counsel of the wise and ancient, and following the counsel of young and heady Courtiers, set himself besides the throne.

Not to take up time with instances, I will but touch some of our own nation. Sigibert King of the West Saxons, hated good counsel so much, that he killed Combranus his faithful Concellor; the rest taking indignation at that, conspired against him, & thrust him from the throne, who seeking shelter in a wood was found by Combranus his swineheard, who killed him because he slew his Master. Edward the second, not hearkening to the counsel of his dying Father, namely, that he should take heed of loose counsel; but following the Counsel of the Spensers and Gaveston, lost his Crown, and his life. So Richard the second, rejecting the counsel of the three noble Dukes, as I shown you, and following the will of the two Earl Marshalls, one after another, brought not only himself to disgrace and ruin, but also, by his fall, that fire of civil war was kindled, which was not quenched but by an ocean of English blood. One instance more in James the third, King of Scots; who being of an ingenuous disposition, and a Prince of much hope; yet, through custom and evil counsel being corrupted, became a very unhappy Prince, for casting of his Nobility, and addicting himself to the beastly humors of a few base fellows, as Preston, Cocheran, English Roger, & Andrew a Pysician, he spared not his own blood. So he run from one evil to another, till in the midway, that overtook him, which Magicians told him, & he feared (for he was much addicted to divination) namely, that the Lyon should be torn of his own whelps.

One reason more, which might make Princes to be choice in their counsel, may be this. In my reading I have observed great ones, miscarried by corrupt counselors, to have cried out when it was too late. An example we have in Theodorick Marquies of Brandenburgh; who being of a haughty spirit, not hearkening to the counsel of the wise, but to the counsel of the vicious and proud, he ran unto all kind of tyranny, and insolency. At last, abusing one Mistovius a Vandalian king, provoked him by his railing speeches to forsake Christianity (for he was christened and married to the Duke of Sax his sister;) Theoderick rashly adventured with his own forces, to give him fight: who being defeated, was banished from his dominions forever, hated of all, forsaken of his friends, and lived extremely poor in Madburgh upon the Alms of the Monks. Being thus brought low, with many tears, he confessed his outrages in particular, and that by them he had justly provoked the wrath of God against him. This he regrated much, that he could never endure sound counsel, but followed such wicked and corrupt counselors, as soothed his humor, and were bellows to all his bloody designs.

So you see, how mislead Princes, in the midst of their misery, can see the evil of evil counsel. I could bring more examples, but let this suffice.

Notwithstanding of all these weighty reasons, this rule is not regarded. Augustine giveth excellent counsel, if Princes and Generalls would hearken to it. Choose to thyself (saith he) councellors fearing God, loving the truth: for flatterers with a fair show deceive, and kill the souls of those that hearken to them. But alas, few or none look to this. A form changing Pro • eus; a treacherous Seianus, a time-serving Abiathar; a stati • ing Architophel; a calumniating Doeg, are the only coun • ellers. Is not civil honesty the most, that by most is •• oked for? who looketh for religious piety, or truth of re • igion? Constantine tried his courtyers fidelity to him, • y their piety towards God; but now a man truly religious, 〈◊〉 thought unfittest of all for State affairs. They cannot say it may be) but that he is an honest man, but with this con • itionall, if he were not a rank Puritan. Men show what they are by their practice. Many Counselors of this age are like those of Caesars. They make Kings believe what they list, and do what themselves list. Nero was bade •• ough of himself, yet wicked counselors made him worse. They were always buzzing in his ear; What Sir, will • ou suffer this? what need you to fear? know you not that you are • esar, and that you have power over all, but none hath power over • ou? I will conclude this point with that speech of Comineus 〈◊〉 man of much experience, out of which, all Princes & peo • le, may pick a lesson. Where wise counsel is rejected and novists • nd noddies, and arrant assentators, are set up in their place, the • uine of that realm and Prince is nigh at hand.

Thus you see I have gone a long in these circumstances of •• uncell, making a mixed application of them as occasion was given, both to civil and martial affairs.

CHAPT. XXIIII. Of the particularities of the Counsel of War.

NOW I come more close to my proper subject of war, wherein I briefly mean to show what is the object of this counsel; what is the ground of it, and how 〈◊〉 should be carried.

The object of the counsel of war is, whatsoever ma • accommodate themselves, and incommodate the enemy▪ Yea they are to be acquainted as much as may be, with th • enemies affairs, forces and counsel; As what number they be; what kind of forces they be, whether horse or foot what disposition they are of; what be their Arms, defenfive and offensive; and what Arms they are best at. Vegeti • giveth a good reason for this, he is hardly overcome that 〈◊〉 truly judge or discern of his own and his adversaries force • For the discovery of the adversaries counsel, as it is of greause; so some Generals have not only been careful in th • discovery; but have made great attempts for the effecting of it. As Cato in the Spanish war, being very defirous to discover the enemies counsel, and seeing no ordinary means to effect it; caused 300 soldiers break in upon the enemies campe, who brought one of the said campe safe away to the General, out of whom he extorted the secrets of the enemy. The discovery of the King of Arams council by the Prophet Elisha, was great advantage to the King of Israel. Beware (saith the Prophet) thou pass not suth a place; for thither the Sirians are come down. Even in this respect as for others, the Lord is called an excellent man of war, because he knoweth the forces, the counsel, and Arms of the adversary. In this, the diligence of the common enemy doth both blame us and shame us. The devil is a busy Bishop. They want no spies; they spare no pains, nor charges, whereby they may discover and frustrate, all the attempts of God's force • for his own cause. That serpentine brood (of the devil, o • rather devils themselves, as one calleth them) affordeth all • kinds of counselors, some dormient, some couchant, some rampant, some walking, yea creeping & flying abroad for discoveryes. The Duke of Bavariaes letter to Richard Blond, Vice-Provincial in England (wherein he thanks him for his pains and diligence for the Romish See, and Catholic Cause) doth directly discover what weekly intercourse is between the said Blond and the Pope, notwithstanding of Rome's distance from England. As for Blonds interest in some of the Bedchamber, mentioned in that letter, I will not meddle with it. It were good then they were encountered with the • ike diligence and industry. Paulus Aemilius discovered the ambushment of the Boians, by the flying of Birds in the Truscan war. For the fowls being affrighted from the wood, the council sent out a scout-watch, and discovered ten thousand in ambushment. So by the flying of these black-birds of Rome, their subtleties in war, and infidelity in peace, with carefulneffe might be discovered. The Doctors of Douay observe from Nubrigensis; upon the opening of Elisha's servants eyes, that a husbandman in York • hire, named Ketle, had the gift to see evil spirits, whereby he often detected and hindered their bad purposes. As by this lie, they would make footing for their feigned miracles; so indeed the Lord's Armies had need of scaled eyes, wherewith to discern those Legionary spirits, who are digging through the wall to raze down the foundation.

But some with Gallio care not for these things; some see them but will not see; some underhand do countenance them; and some with the faint-hearted spies, dare say little or nothing to them. But it is to be feared, that these evil spirits will prove like a Hecticke, once openly discovered, ne • ver cured but by a miracle.

CHAP. XXV. God's word the ground of Counsel.

IT followeth in the next proper place to show when •• this council should come, the ground whereof should b • the word of God. For although the Scripture be not an Encyclopedia of all the particulars of every Science; yet in it the •• may be found a System of all sciences; it being the Mistress • to whom all Sciences are handmaids. Yea, this directs the • ordering of all true principles and conclusions. No better Philosophy, Logic, or Metaphysick, then in the book o • God. No better counsel or direction for war or peace, the • there is to be found. Hence the Word is called by the nam • of Council. I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God: Thy Testimonies are my delight (saith the Prophe • David) my councellours, or the men of my council. Tha • charge given to the King of Israel, concerneth all King • in the world, and they that will thrive in peace or war, mus • obey it; namely, that they have God's Law-book continually with them, that they should read it, that they may learn to fear God, to avoid sin; yea, by this rule all their doings should be so ordered, that they should not decline from i • to the left hand, or to the right. So the like direction was given to Joshua, who was to fight the battles of the Lord's. Th • book of the Law shall not depart out of thy mouth, but thou sha •• meditate therein day and night.

Both reason and experience confirmeth this position, a • what work can teach a man so well to war as the book 〈◊〉 God, who is the excellent man of War. Again, hath eve • any Warriours paralleled those who have had their rules and directions from God? Witness Moses, Joshua, David, and the rest, Have all the Worthies come nigh one of these? Add to these reasons the nature of the Word, whose proper encomy it is, to make a man perfect to every good work. Since lawful war is a good work, and that of a high nature, the word must not only fit men for the undertaking of it, but also for the happy managing of it, to God's glory, and the and ertakers good. It is a sure Canon in Theology, That the word of God is not only the Canon of our faith and life, but also of our Calling, whatsoever it be, from the King to the Porter. Would to God we would all observe it. This may very well be said to be that Tower of David, built for an Armory, wherein a thousand shields do hang, even all the Targets of the mighty men: for whether we understand thereby the Tropies of Christ's triumph, hung upon the necks of the • aithfull; or that Panopli, or complete armor spoken of in • he Ephesians; yet all this we attain unto by the Word. Alexander carried Homers works ever with him, as the furniture of his journey: and Cyprian used ever and anon, to call for Tertullian his Master.

Oh that those that fight the Lord's battles, or hath interest in them; would take this course with the Word, that they might say with the Prophet David, Thy Commandments • re with me; and that they would cast away profane Pamphlets, plaguie play-books, and frothy complements of • le love; for as these become not Christian warfare; so I • m sure that Homer, and all the Tacktick Writers, and rules of Military Discipline in the world; are not able, without • his, to teach a man the Art of War. And therefore David giveth a good reason of his foresaid resolution, that the Word should ever be with him; Thou through thy commandments hast made me wiser then mine enemies. If it be objected • hat many great Warriours, and victorious Conquerors, • ever knew what this Word was. I answer, Great they were • deed, but not good. And what gain they by their greatness, but the greater torments? especially they who live in the light of the Word, and yet will not be guided by it? This Word doth stretch it self through the world as an infallible rule to walk by; but, Who believes the report of it? Who walketh by the rule of it? Wisdom standeth without and crieth; without indeed, for she cannot come in. Counsel for the Popes war is brought by the frogs from the bottomless pit, where Ignatius lieth Leager for the State. Professedly, they do disclaim the Word, and the Popes unwritten Villanies, must be both the ground and guide of all his War.

As for the Atheist; Matchiavils rules, or worse, are his chief guide, with whom the Papists do willingly joy • hands. As for the hypocrite and carnal professors, what the Papist speaketh blasphemously of the Word, he maketh good in his profession; namely, he useth it like a Nose of Wax; it must be stamped and cast in what mould he will have it: but he will not be cast by it, as in a mould; it shall not square his conscience, nor his actions; but he must square and pare it at his pleasure: yea, such will have nothing to command in all actions, but the great canon of Prosopolatria, or human authority. In a word, in effect they say, The word shall not reign over them, but they will reign over it and the conscience too, though it be God's Cabonet, not sit for man to sit in.

God's forces must likewise acknowledge their guilt herein: with this Armorie they are not so acquainted as they should be and must be indeed, before things go well. This would clear the judgment, reform the life, overcome passions, kindle zeal, temper with discretion, encourage the heart, strengthen the spirits. In a word, it would make a truly valiant man. If we would but take this sting of David, we should not want a stone to beat out Goliath's brains. But every piece of this is like Saul's armor, too heavy for flesh and blood to bear, further then in bare discourse. But there must be a denial of flesh & blood, before in our courses we can be happy here, or hereafter. It is reported of a king of Aragon (to his no small praise) that besides his other literature, (wherein even in the time of war he much delighted) and besides his love to the learned (whom he honored and used as his special councellours, both in peace and in war) that notwithstanding of his many weighty affairs, he read the Bible over fourteen several times, with the special comments upon it. I wish heartily, that all God's warriors would make this word the treasure of their study, and that as I have said it might always be with them, for therein is the fullness of counsel.

Neither will a superficial look, or a bare taste thereof, serve to make the persons happy or the affairs prosperous: but as the Apostle saith, it must dwell plentifully or richly; the word doth significantly press, that it must always be with us. We must be the house, & it the furniture. It is not a lapping of this word as the dogs do of Nile; nor a talking with it, and of it, while it is without doors; but there must be a diligent searching into it, as a man would dig for the finding of the richest treasure, John. 5.39. So did those truly noble men of Thessalonica, they searched duly for the truth, Acts. 17. There be too too many now of Leo the tenth, stamp, that say in effect, they find no profit in the fable of the word, for so called, that blasphemer, the doctrine of Christ. And some are, like Agrippa: they are almost persuaded by it, but it is, but almost: but it must dwell richly in us, that is, as our only treasure, as David, did wisely esteem of it, as you may see through all the 119. Psalm, as his richest treasure.

CHAP. XXVI. God's Ministers the disposers of this sacred Counsel.

BVt as the word of God must dwell plenteously, so it must be used wisely; So saith the Apostle, in all wisdom. As this word is God's special treasure, whereby he dispose •• all his mercies towards his; so he hath ordained dispose •• and dispensers of his sacred wisdom, namely, his Ministers, who are to stand between him and his people in things appertaining to God. Hence it followeth that such stewards must dispose this counsel, as well in war as in peace. As Kings have their Counselors, and Courts have their learned Counsel, to give them the law: so God maketh choice of these, and calleth them from amongst the sons of men to be his Counselors and Ambassadors, to deliver his will, and counsel to their brethren.

The necessity of such in war ariseth from these grounds. First, from the depth of the mistery, which they are to dispose, and the greatness of the work they do undertake: for who is sufficient for these things? Secondly, from the indisposition of man to understand, or teach, this mistery, except a man be sent from God to inform him: how can I (saith the Enuuch ) understand, except I have a guide? Ananias must be sent to Paul, and Peter to Cornelius, that they may be instructed. It is a mad conceit of many in this age, that they know as much as the Minister can do; yea, some will say they can teach as well as he, though they be not called of God; which indeed is to despise the gift of prophesy. I speak now of such an one as is called of God; for otherwise, many private men, are better to advise with. But it is not learning barely, or an aptness to discourse, but there must be a set • ing a part of the man, with an endowement of power and authority, with a holy skill, to wound, to heal, to cast down, to raise up, to instruct, rebuke, correct. In a word, to cast down every strange thought that setteth it self against God. God calleth not every man to this; he gave some to be Pastors, and some to be Teachers, not all. Thirdly, great are the enormites, that do accompany war (as I have shown) both in Commanders and in ordinary soldiers; and therefore, they had need to be hedged in by the Lord's husbandmen, with the pale of the word. Fourthly, from their excellency, they are the greatest gift; save Christ that ever was given to man, A Prophet will I raise up from among their brethren, like unto thee. In which words, though Christ be especially meant as S. Luke applieth them, Acts 3.22.23. Yet they necessarily imply the giving of others, though Christ be the chief. God by the Prophet Jeremiah; speaking of the desolation of his people, whereunto they were fallen by their own sins, and wickedness of their for-lorn Priests, telleth them of a great blessing, That he will set up shepherds over them, that shall feed them. Such are called God's in the book of God. I have made thee a God to Pharaoh, (saith the Lord of Moses ) namely, in bringing judgments, and removing of them. They are said by God himself in Jeremiah, to stand in his counsel. And for their service with God, piety and holiness towards him, they are called Angels,

Fifthly, for their industry & fidelity, they are called Seers, Watchmen. Elisha kept Centinall against the King of Aram, over the King of Israel, when he slept. So the men of God in the armies of God, whether they sleep or wake, they are always at Centinall. For though they sleep as Solomon saith, yet the heart is awake; In this respect Ministers may well be called the four beasts full of eyes, before and behind, being round about the throne to watch and discover. As for their industry and watchfulness, they are the surest guard; so for their fidelity and plainness they are the safest counsel. Kings with Antigonus, and warriors with Severus, may all in those days go out of the Court, out of the Counsel, and out of the Camp to seek truth because they cannot find it; but they shall find it with the watchmen of Israel. There were never indeed more vile and wicked flatterers; both in Courts and Camps: for as flesh-flies and other Vermin, are bred out of the putrifaction of some humid matter, by unnatural heat; so this kind of vile vermin is bred and fed out of the corruption of the times. What a swarm of Munkies, and Marmozets and Ianglers, and Gnatoes are everywhere •• It is not my purpose to particularize their differences, but this may be said of them all, they are the corrupters and ruin of King • and Kingdoms. To busy the reader with instances of this nature, were but to prove that which nobody denieth: for Dioclesian one of the worst men that ever was, was so pestered with those flies, that from an Emperor he turned a Gardener; & having observed (as Flavius Vopiscus observeth) of him, all their villainies, he concludeth thus; A good wise and virtuous Prince is bought and sold by this people; Yea David, a man after God's own heart, holding out against the cursing of Shimei was overcome with the flattery of Zyba. Yet this one thing, is no less lamentable then remarkcable, that though they be such ravenous vipers, and have eat out the bellies of so many great Ones; yet still they creep into their bosoms, and are nourished by the self same heat which they do extinguish; Yea, they cast King, and Court, and good counsel, and State, first in a Marasmos, or deadly Hectick, and then out at doors; yet for all this, who but they? Comineus giveth one cause of this, because such do best please the humors of Princes. Princes love better those that are of Placentia, then those that are of Verona. They love the things that please, better then those that profit. Plutarch rendereth another cause, namely, they are often touching that string that Princes much affect, namely, their own praises, in things many times not praiseable, which flatterers can cunningly effect, by palliating their vices, with the seeming vicinity of some virtues:

Secondly, they will make them believe, they are affected and praised of others, and then it is as well as can be, when indeed there is nothing less.

But to leave their shifts, and the great Ones evils that accreweth upon them; my purpose is to point out the remedy, and the Physician; namely, that plain-dealing Word, from the mouth of the man of God; against the venom of those Asps, and the poison of all the sins which they love to palliate; I know no better Physician then a good Minister. That saying of Gordianus is most true, and worthy the memory, That miserably is that Prince from whom the truth is concealed. And Lewis the 11, complained that this one thing wanted in his Court. Yea, sundry great Princes have gone in private manner amongst their subjects to un-boult the truth. But this is the way for Court and Camp, to have the Trumpet of truth in it, that dare not, nor will not lie, or flatter. This impartial dealing and plain course, is set forth at large in Deuteronomy, where Moses, by the spirit of prophesy declareth the excellency of the Tribes, and the blessings that should be upon them; upon Levi (as he showeth) should be Vrim. and Thummim; yea, he should say of his father and his mother; I respect him not▪ and his brethren he acknowledgeth not, and his sons he knoweth not. Where, as there is an allusion, both to the commandment, Lev. 21.11.12, and to the execution of the idolaters, Exod. 32: so the morality of it, is his, that God's Ministers, gifted with light and perfection; shall give everyone his portion from the Word without partiality; yea, neither Highness, nor nighnesse, shall make him play the Huckster with the word. Papinian the Lawyer was never so plain with Caracalla, nor Ephestion, so free with Alexander; nor Mecenas, so faithful to Augustus; as Elijah was plain with Ahab; John Eaptist free with Herod, and Nathan faithful to David.

One instance amongst many is worth the noting. When the Gospel of God in the Northern parts of this Island began to be set on foot, the devil bestirred him exceedingly in the enemies of the Gospel; Queen mother, of the house of Guies, with the Scottish Papists, and her French Forces, did so overtop the Lord's, and others of the Congregation, that with grief enough they were compelled to quit Edinburgh; and to go to Sterueling: where a man of God made a worthy Sermon, in his application much lamenting the confusion that was come upon them, but more their sins which were the cause. And as he had the Duke; and other Nobles for his Hearers, so he gave him and all the rest their portion, showing their particular failings in that business, which they all entertained as from God; and acknowledging their sins, they were mightily encouraged, and began to wax strong, so that by God's mercy in the end they prevailed, as hereafter you shall hear.

Last of all, the necessity of such doth appear, in the happy success of such Wars, as have made use of them. Was not Elisha better to the King of Israel • , then all his strength and counsel beside? Eleazar was joined with Joshua, the Priests bare the Ark and blew the Trumpets in the Lord's war; for that was the Lord's appointment, Numb. 1.10. & 31.6. One instance may serve for many, namely, of that great battle betwixt Abijah King of Judah, and Jeroboam King of Israel: Where Jeroboam had the odds in forces, to the number of three hundred thousand men; yet Abijah by his oration, showeth that he was confident he had the better: And why? Because (saith he) God is with us for our Captain; and his Priests with sounding Trumpets, to cry alarm against you. Where you see that Abijah conceived and that truly •• at he had great odds of Jeroboam, even in this particular, • at he had the Priests of the Lord, and they the Priests of • ols. We may see how much the Priests and Prophets are • steemed in war, even of the wicked, by Bala • ms desiring • f Balak to come and curse the people of God. The ho • ourable esteem that Bala • m had of Ba • a • k, appear • h in this • at he went out to meet him: Yea, the Jews in their rebelli • n against Adrian, the Emperor, had their Bar Cochab, that 〈◊〉 , the son of the Star. And so hath the Romish Jebusites. And as to the Jews final undoing, he proved Bar Cozibae, the • nne of falsehood; so shall the Jesuits prove in the end, when • heir seduced Crue shall see themselves deceived. Who • ught Joash the King of Israel, to smite his enemies, but • e Prophet Elisha, 2 King. 13.14? I will add but one instance more very memorable and admirable. In the wars 〈◊〉 Scotland, for the establishing of the Gospel, the Protes • nt Army being nigh S. Andrew's, resolved upon • eliberation not to go thither, by reason of the Queens • reat forces in and about it: that godly Minister spoken of • efore (being with them in all their troubles) told the Ar •• y that he was resolved to preach there the next day, being • e Lord's day. According to which resolution he taketh his • ible, and goeth on. When he came to the City, the Queen • nd her forces were fled for fear. That night, and the next • ay, he taught; laying open the haynonsnesse of the sin of • dolatry, pressing the Magistrates with the ejecting of it, • d erecting of God's true worship; which so wrought up • n their hearts that the effect followed. Yea, that very act by God's blessing, was the very break-neck of Babel in those • arts.

Thus you see the grounds cleared for the necessity of such • creed Counselors in God's Wars; wherein I have been •• e larger, because (howsoever this is universally slighted • ver, as a matter of least moment) yet if it be judiciously and religiously weighed, it shall prove a point of 〈◊〉 greatest importance.

Doth reason direct men to provide good soldiers, a go • General, good Officers, a good Pysician, a good Chi • gian, and shall they neglect the providing of a good Minister, of whom I may say truly, that in an Army he is bo • Fabius and Marcellus, a sword and a bucklar?

But by how much the necessity of such is the greater, 〈◊〉 much the more is the neglect and contempt of such to b • regrated. Neither in peace nor war are the Watchmen 〈◊〉 God in their deserved esteem. The counsel and comma • of such, by men of all sorts (as it is from God) should b • obeyed and followed. God commandeth us to obey s •• as have the oversight of us, and to have them in singular estee • for the works sake. They that murmur against such, the • murmur against God; and they that reject such they reje •• God. If Elijah be found out, he is charged to be the en • my of the State, because he speaketh the truth. They th •• be indeed the troublers of Israel, do falsely charge it upo • the Watchmen of Israel. Time-serving Amaziah will conju • Amos from the Court, and the Kings Chapel. Lyi • Hananiah will not stand to contest against God himse •• speaking by Jeremiah. If Micaiah will not sooth with a h • to destruction, he must be hated and beaten for th • truth, Zedekiah giveth him a bok on the ear, and 〈◊〉 there setteth him packing, or fast by the heels.

In a word, if the man of God with the Apostle Paul, de • ver painfully, faithfully and freely, the whole counsel of God, he 〈◊〉 presently charged with conspiracy, against the State, & the land cannot bear the words of such an one. God indee • hath given such counselors, but the rebellious of this time cannot brook them; either they choke them, or chop them on the cheek. Our case and Israel's is much alike, I raised up your sons for prophets (saith God by Amos ) & you • ong men for Nazarits, but how do they use them? They gave their Nazarites wine to drink, and commanded their Pr • • bets saying prophesy not. It is holden a great policy now for Micaiah, that his word be like one of the rest, and that he speak • ood, whatsoever come of it: but a Micaiah indeed dare not • ally for a world, but whatsoever the Lord saith that he will beak: Men had best look to it, for whosoever he be that • eepeth back one jot of God's counsel, for fear of the • ce of a mortal man, shall never be able with Paul to make a • omfortable account of his Embassye to God, which is far • etter for a Minister then life it self. Yea, this huckstering of God's counsel, is the very way to bring the Minister to a • earfull, visible and exemplary confusion. The speech of God to Jeremiah, should be the word in the Ministers Banner: • ird up thy loins and arise, & speak unto them all that I command • ee, be not dismayed at their faces, lest I consume thee before them.

Indeed the faces of Kings and great Ones, especially Generals in a field, are full of fear and terror to weak • llie men, that carry no Arms but the Word. To this pur • ose the Sermon of one Gregory, Preacher to Frederick, Duke • f Saxon, (a man much approved by Luther ) is not unworthy your view. This man dealing roundly in the Dukes • udience against the sins of the time, being somewhat • fraid to smite at the Princes sins in a public place, he • ame home to him very handsomely, with this similitude.

The like freedom of speech; did Frederick Bishop of Vtricke, use by way of parable, to Lodovi • us Pius the Emperor, as he sat at dinner with him, being newly consecrated Bishop, the Emperor willed him 〈◊〉 remember his office, without respect of persons: for whi •• admonition, the Bishop humbly thanked him, and ask • him forthwith whither he should begin with the head 〈◊〉 that fish that was before him or with the tail; the Emperor replied with the head, as the chiefest member. It is we • said the Bishop, then break you of your incestuous Match with Judith: which the Emperor did for a time, but the Pope upon a penitenciary mulct of some thousands of Crown • made up the Match again, and Jezebel caused the Bishop for his freedom of speech to be slain in the Church These were honester mē, though the one a Dominick Mon • e & the other a Bishop, then that Protean Bandog Split, whose Dalmatian Pal hath proved but a P • , to the English Church. Amongst the rest of his Sicophantish knaveri • s he hath this flat against the Word, That the faults of Princes may not at any hand be taxed in public, by whatsoever authority: wherein, sure he shown him self a greater friend to his own f • guts, then to the states and souls of Princes. And yet we • want not such Black-birds in our own Purpits, who under the name of White, vent this black position, that Ministers are not to enforce God's command upon Princes. Judge you by this what fearful times we live in, indeed the high Creast of authority thinketh much to stoop to the word of a weak man (as they conceve it). What saucy fellows did Pharaoh esteem • Moses and Aaron, that they should will him from God to let his people go. Shall the worlds Minions deified with flattery; or Mars his favorites, adorned with trophees, and attended with triumphs, submit and render at the blast of a trumpet? yes indeed, that word that can make the blind to see, the deaf to hear, the lame to go, yea the dead to rise, can command the greatest Commander in the world. Yea, if a man were commander of the whole world, he must either by this word be Commanded, or condemned. See the proof of this in that powerful discourse of Paul before Felix. As he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled. Tertullus, and all the smooth-tounged pick thanks under his government, could not have kept him out of this fit.

These Counselors are not to be slighted, because the contempt of them, is not only a fearful prognostic of fu • ure ruin, but also a main moving cause, why the Lord will • estroy both Prince and people.

Amongst many others, there is a pregnant place for this in • he second book of the Chronicles, And the Lord God of their fathers sent to them by his Messengers, rising up betimes and fending them, because he had compassion on his people, and on his 〈◊〉 welling place: but they mocked the messengers of God, and despised • his words and misused his Prophets, until the wrath of the Lord • arose against his people till there was no remedy.

The worth of a worthy Minister, is not known but in time of distress, and not then, but to those whom the Lord hath taught how to esteem of him, heathens, Pagans & papists, may challenge us of our neglect of this. Were ten Nestors so much worth to Agamemnō, one Sopirus to Darius, one Cineas to Pirrhus, what is God's Aaron to his people? what is Nathan to David, and Elisha to Joash? The Grecians would not part with their Orators on no condition. The Romans had a great care of their Dogs that kept their Walls. So the Geese that with their cry did awake the watch, when the enemies were about to surprise the Capitol, were in great esteem with the Romans, insomuch that their food was allotted by a public decree, wherewith they were to be fed in the Capitol. Yea in great scarcity of food, they would not touch them. Will you see what honor Balac the King of Moab, did to Balaam the false prophet; he goeth out to meet him, even to the outmost border of his land. Deut. 22.36. What honor were Baals priests in, that eat bread at the Kings table? The papists glory much, and give us often in the teeth, with that honor they give to their shavellings. Gondomar, (for an instance) made great brags of this, that though he were the Embassador of the great King; and beside • that he had a breech that was not very bowable; yet he mist not an inch of his manners to Blackwell in the tower. False Prophets are with the wicked always most in request, because they serve their lusts and please their humors. Balac • would not let Aaron have so much as a bit of bread, or 〈◊〉 draught of water; but Balaam I warrant you wanted no dainties. Joash King of Israel was no good man, and yet how did he honor, & love, with the best love he had, Elisha the Prophet. When the man of God was a dying he cometh to him, & weeping over him, crieth out, Oh my father, my father; the chariot and the Horsmen of Israel. Alexander the great came down from his horse and entertained Iaddo the high Priest of Jerusalem with all reverent respect.

All these and many more examples, may condemn the neglect of this in the Professors of Christ. But we had best look to it: for neglect or contempt of God's Messengers in time of peace, maketh a woeful want of them in time of war, especially when the good spirit of God hath left the soul. Saul in his peace would have no Prophet, but such as were of his own stamp, and pleased his humor; therefore instead of Samuel, he had none but the devil to answer him in the day of his distress: could all Baals Prophets, and his full-fed trencher-chaplaines, say nothing to him? No never a word, they were all to seek. A false deceiving Hananiah with his horns; a Doeg or doglike Amaziah accusing the brethren; a furious boxing Zedekiah smiting God's Ministers on the mouth, will prove but miserable comforters in the day of danger. Therefore they must be God's Ministers indeed; and not barely in name, of the Lord's own sending, that are Counselors in war. As of all the heavenly creatures, that ever God made, a good Angel is the best, but a bad Angel is become the worst; so of all the sons of men, a good Minister is the best, and therefore called an Angel; but a bad Minister the worst and therefore may be called a Devil. As all God's Saints are his peculiar Jewels; so his Messengers are the Starshining-Diamonds amongst the Jewels. A man's state is but weak when he pawneth or putteth away his Jewels. But it is a note of ignominy for a Prince to pawn his Crown. God's faithful Ministers are the Crowns and Jewels of the Kingdom. All the Iewelrie of Venice is not worth one of them.

A question was put once, what Forreignes had received the richest gifts out of the Tower. One answered, the Spaniard, another answered not so; for the Duke of Bulloin had carried the richest Jewel out of the Tower, that ever was in it: yea, such an one as was worth all the rest, and the Archduchesses inventory besides. Those Princes wrong themselves much (saith a learned Author) that send such Jewels out of the land; because they may stand in need of them, when they cannot be had. I have known some of the black crew, on their death bed, to have cried out and roared for comfort, from such Ministers, whose presence in their health they have hated, and whose persons they have persecuted; besides others, instance that Maule of the Ministry, and arch-persecutor; the first letters of whose name were Sir P. M. having persecuted in his life, with cruel persecution, that holy Father, M. R. B. in dispair at his death, he sent sundry to seek him, but neither the man of God, nor the favor of God could be found God give others of his stamp to look to it in time; for as there be many haters and persecutors of God's Ministers against the light, so I see, or read, but of a very few reconciled to God. Of all the gifts that ever God gave to a people, such a Jewel as I shown is the very best. Witnes that saying of God by the Prophet Jeremiah: Amongst many blessings promised upon repentance, he promiseth to give them a good Pastor, as the Crown of all the rest. And I will give you Pastors according to mine heart, which shall feed them with knowledge and understanding. But of all the plagues that ever God threatened against a people, or brought upon a people, a Counterfeit Jewel is the very worst. Witness likewise the Lord, by the Prophet Micah. If a man walking in the spirit and falsehood, do lie saying; I will prophesy unto thee of wine and of strong drink, he shall even be the Prophet of this people.

Let God's Warriours then take heed of such as God hath not sent; of Wolves in Sheeps clothing, beware of vile pontifical Jason, who for gain will betray the City and the Sanctuary to abominable Antiochus, Let Nehemiah beware of couzening Shemaiah, who under a color of saving his life, would earn the hire of iniquity; from Tobiah and Samballet, by suggesting false fears to disgrace him, and to bring an evil report upon God's General. So man-pleasing Uriah is also to be looked to, with whom change is no robbery; namely, to chop out the Altar of God, and in the Altar of Damascus. Take heed likewise of the Turn-coat Levite, at the rate, of who will give most. And likewise of the belly-god Chop-church, the Bisteepled, or Tristeepled metaphisicall ubiquitatiue; the enemy to the cross of Christ, the maker of merchandize of God's word. Never one of this crew will do good, but hurt. These cannot make up the breach, nor rise up in the gap, nor stand in the battle of the day of the Lord; yea, the Lord calleth such snares, and fowlers, in the way of the people, and hatred in the house of God.

In the name of God then, let God's Lieftenants get such as are of God, such as are the Chariots and Horsemen of Israel, and they will teach them to smite their enemies, as Flisha did Joash. The ordering of the Lord's Army by his own appointment, is an excellent pattern for all others in this point. Moses and Aaron, with the Priests and Levites, were quartered about the Tabernacle, between the Sanctuary and the Tribes of Israel, and as they were next unto the holy place, and kept Centinal there continually, so they were the first that moved in the March, Numb. 2. Neither was it only so in the Camp of Israel, but also in the Camp of the new Jerusalem, (where God hath his Throne,) You may see the like, namely between God's Throne, and the 24 Elders compassing it; There are four living creatures full of eyes, glorifying God night and day, after whom the 24 Elders fall down and worship God. This me thinks should be a strong motive to all God's forces, to take this course, since none can give better order for incamping then God himself. Until the time such Centinall be set, such Watch be kept, such Counselors be followed, and such Commanders in the first place be obeyed: give me leave to be plain: the Lord will not be with us. But if this couse be taken, as I hope it shall, I durst pawn my life for it, that God's enemies should flee before us with shame enough to their faces.

As the croaking frogs, the Jesuits, are the incendiaries of war; so it must be undertaken and continued at their pleasure. What war by the Papists hath been undertaken, since they began to flourish, but they have had a special hand in it? It is true, as Remigius Nantelius, a Dane, doth discover, that the Jesuits went not personally to war, before the Prince of Parmes going into France, about the year, 1595, because they thought it a disgrace to their Clergy, and a breach of a Law made against it, so to do, but with a non obslante, sundry ensigns of them followed the said Prince, with their Chariots, and all furniture; yea, with their banners, after the manner of Princes, thereunto ambitiously annexed: they gaped (as the Author saith) for honor and spoil; whereof they did assure themselves, if the Prince had subdued the French: For it should have been their prayers only, that moved God to give the overthrow to their enemies. But they counted before their Host,, and so they were deceived in the reckoning. Yet for all this they cease not to ply it, assuring all that fight for the beast that it shall go well with them. Their large promises of heaven, of victory, of pardon, of freeing of their friends out of Purgatory, and foiling and rooting out of their enemies, maketh me call to mind a blasphemous brag of that curse • Heretic Nestorius, made Prelate of Constantinople by The • dosius, to whom he speaketh thus in a Sermon. O Caesar pur • me the land of Heretics (meaning the true worshippers o • God) and I shall give thee heaven; help thou me to root 〈◊〉 them, and I shall help thee to overcome thine enemies. For th •• he was called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or fling-fire, in French, Bon te feu. Just so, the frogs of the bottomless p • do croak and call together the Kings of the eari • to the battle of Armageddon, with this encouragement;

But how they have sped and prospered that have followed their counsel I shall have occasion to show hereafter. And as they are of their father the Devil, and with lying words deceive men; so 〈◊〉 will assure you upon the word of God, who cannot lie, that if you will procure such Ministers as are of God, warranting their Call by their life and doctrine, and hearken to such and obey them, as from the Lord; the Lord hath said it; He shall curse thine enemies that rise up against thee, to be smitten before thy face; they shall come against thee one way, and flee seven ways before thee. If you will be willing and obedient, you shall eat the good of the land. Where observe especially, that there must be a willing obedience, otherwise both the Minister and the means can do no good.

It is a vain thing, and the grossest point of Popery, to presume upon the ordinances, or the work done. This is to make the Nest in the Clift of the rock, out of which the Lord will bring everyone down that so doth, for God thereby is robbed of his glory, and the soul cozened when it cometh to reckon. The Trojans trusted foolishly to their Pa •• adium, the Asiatickes to their Pessimuntius, the Romans to their Ancilia, the Papists to the Cross and holy-water; and the Israel of God, to the Ark of God. As the idolatrous Papist in any common calamity calls for the pax, and the host; so the Israelites caused bring the Ark, and putting carnal confidence in that, without any counsel asked of Samuel, or commandment from the Lord, it must be carried out to battle. They were no better here then the uncircumcised Philistim, or rather worse; for they feared the Ark more then God; and his people trusted to the Ark more then to God; but the Ark was so far from saving them, that God gave both them and it into the hands of the enemies. Yea, for their wickedness, and vain confidence, the Lord so abhorred his own Ordinances, that he suffered them to be polluted with the foul hand of the uncircumcised Philistim, who had nothing to do with them. In the very same predicament be our carnal Gospellers, who being confident upon the profession of the outward badges of Christian profession, as the Word and Sacraments, think all shall be well enough: they are baptized, they have the Word and receive the Sacraments, and they have an excellent Teacher, and they frequent the house of God, and sit before the preacher, and commend both him and the Sermon; the Word is as a lovely song, and they show much love to him with their mouths, but there is one thing wanting which marreth all; They hear the words (saith God) but they will not do them.

If the distressed people in the Palatinate, Bohemia, and Switzerland, examine the cause of their captivity in their own land; I believe they shall find their presuming on the means, with unanswerable walking, to have deprived them of the means, and made Ashur to lie heavy upon them; their exemplary punishment gives an alarm from the Lord to England and Holland, who presuming on some Watchmen upon the walls, and some manna about their tents, thinks the Lord will never come against them, nor remove the Candlestick: but let them know, that except the deadness of Sardis, and the lukewarmness of Laodicea be really repented of; the Lord will pull them out of the 〈◊〉 of that rock. Yea, and rather pollute his own Ordinances then endure their mockery. The Provinces may happi •• presume upon some purer reformation, and expulsion 〈◊〉 the Antichristian Hierarchy; but I protest upon my knowledge, from the grief of my soul, that they carry a name that they live, but they are dead, both to the power of the the Word and Discipline: for besides the infection of all plaguie heresies, that they keep warm among • them; where is the power of the Word in Sabbath keeping, family duties, gracious words, and holy walking? Where is the Pastor that can say, here am I, and they who • God hath given me? Where is the power of the Ministry, in shaking, of the hearts of great Ones? Who will not, like the Nobles of the Tekoits, put their necks to the work of the Lord: Yea, their great ones in a manner, overtop both Word and Ministry; and (as their enemies speak) like 〈◊〉 many petty Popes, they make the power of both swords, serve only human policy; which as it is a justling out of God's honor, in putting the Cart before the Horse; so it is a thing that God cannot bear; for he is very jealous of his glory, and of the Scepter of his Kingdom. If the calamity of the aforesaid people cannot work; let them and us take a view of Scotland, the very paragon of true reformation, where there was not so much as one hoof of the beast left; yea, where their tallest Cedars were made to stoup at the foot of God's Ordinances: yet for want of fruits worthy of so great a mercy, the Lord cast them in the furnace of affliction, as famine, sickness, dearth, and death; yea, which is worst of all, he hath suffered the stinking carcass of the interred whore, to be raked out of the grave, and the frogs of Egypt to swarm in Goshen, which is a great and fearful wonder. What think you? Is Israel a servant? Is he a home-born slave? Why is he spoiled? &c. Hast not thou procured or deserved the like unto thyself, v. 17. My counsel is, that Princes, States and people, both with us and them, might be humbled for this particular; for God doth threaten us if we do not, that we shall go forth from him, with our hands upon our head; yea, he will reject our confidences and we shall not prosper in them.

The enjoying of the means, without the holy use of them, maketh men but the more liable to the wrath of God. The word and works that were taught and wrought in Bethsaida, made their case more woeful, then the case of Tyrus and Sidon. By how much higher Capernaaum was lifted up to heaven in the plenty of the means; by so much lower was it pressed down to hell in the abuse of the means. Take notice then, it is not the Temple of the Lord, nor the word of the Lord, nor the Prophets of the Lord, that will serve the turn, but labor to be Temples for the Lord to dwell in; Let the word dwell plenteously in you; yield obedience to all God's comandements, and especially look to the keeping of the Saboth; hate all superstition, turn away your eyes from beholding vanity, especially from stageplaies, the very theater of vanity, the chair of the Devil, and the other mass-book of the Jesuit. Labor as much to do as to hear, and make much of him that brings the message for the messages sake, and then be sure the Lord will bless you: He shall bless all those that bless you, and curse all those that curse you; and the Viols of odors, which are the prayers of the Saints, shall one day descend upon the head of you and yours, like a precious ointment.

CHAP. XXVII. The wise carriage of Counsel.

NOW I come to the last thing in Counsel, which is th • wise carriage of it, namely, it must be kept secret, no • only from the enemy, but also from all that are not o • the Council of War. I shown the discovery of the enemies counsel to be no small advantage; so the secrecy 〈◊〉 our own counsel, is the lock and key to good success. Fo • the discovery of the former, not only common soldiers, or ordinary Commanders, have adventured their lives; but even great Generals and Princes themselves, as Fabius Case, brother to Fabius Maximus, in an Hetrussian habit, discovered their forces and intent. Saladine, Sultain of Egypt hearing of the preparation and expedition of the Christian for the recovery of Jerusalem; himself in the habit of a private man, went through France, Germany and Spain; and discovering what he could returned to his Kingdom i • safety. So Athertus Brandoline, in the habit of a Labourer, under the pretence of selling Grapes, entered the Camp o • Francis Sforcia, Duke of Milan, and discovered his forces. But to clear those attempts in such personages of temerity, 〈◊〉 will not stand.

For the latter, namely, the keeping of their own counsel secret, it concerneth the greatest and the best. It is the plain position of Vegetius; That there is no counsel better the • that which is concealed from the enemy before it be put in execution. The same Author in another place, giveth a reason of the said position: It is the safest (saith he) that all the things we do in preparations, or expeditions, be hid from the knowledge of the enemies Hence it is (as the same Author and others report,) that the ancients gave the Minotaur in their ensigns, that as he was placed by Dedalus in an inaccessable aborinth, so the counsel of war should be wonderful secret. Hereupon One hath made a pretty Emblem, the application whereof is this, unfolding the reason:

For keeping of secrecy in war, Vegetius hath a marveylous good rule; of that which seemeth fit to be done consult with many; of that which you intend to do, indeed, consult with a few, and that faithful ones; yea rather with yourself (meaning the General) so that from the common soldier, or ordinary Commanders, the courses intended are to be concealed.

There be many notable instances of well concealed counsel, and the ensuing good in military writers; amongst the rest, none more common, and yet none more remarkable then that of Q. Metellus Pius proconsull in the Spanish War, against the Ce • iberi or French-Spanish: as he beleaguered Contrebia the chief city of that precinct; with all his forces he could not overcome it. After long deliberation with himself what to do, he withdraweth his forces on a sudden, and marcheth a pace to other parts, and encamping sometimes here, and sometimes there, the cause of his so doing wa not only hid from his enemies, who did not regard it; but also from his own soldiers; who wondering at his strange courses, one amongst the rest being very inward with him, demanded what he meant by these removals, Let alone (saith he) further to inquire, for if my shirt knew what I meant to do, I would cause it to be burned: thus seeming to direct his course another way, he brings his forces before the city; he give • h the assault unexpected, wherein they were surprised with such a sudden fear, that without more a do he took it. Caesar C. Nero attending Hannibal, desired exceedingly to prevent Asdrubal his brothers forces, from joining with him▪ but how to hold Hannibal in hand by concealing the matter • from him there was the cunning. He draweth out of hi • forces ten thousand of the best, and commandeth his Legates whom he left, to keep the same station, to make s • many fires as they used to do, to give the same face, or show, of an entire Campe, and Hannibal indeed did take it so to be. In the mean time he joineth with Livius Salinator his coleague, who was too weak of himself to join battle with Asdrubal; but the forces being joined, and yet concealed from show (least Asdrubal should detract fight) they join battle; Asdrubal is defeated and Nero returneth to the Campe ere Hannibal knew anything. So that of two of the wittiest Captains that ever Carthage had, the one was defeared, and the other was deluded, and that by well conceased counsel: for if Hannibal had had but the least suspicion, they might have lost their whole forces. One example more in Jason, who going to besiege a Town in Thessalia, he caused his soldiers to Arm, and led them out, being ignorant whether to go, or what to do. As they were marching, he causeth a message to be brought that the enemy was marching toward them, and that he had spoiled the fields all about: whereat the soldiers being incensed, the General leadeth them on to the very walls, which they assaulted so fiercely & unexpectedly, that the Town was takē (as the Author saith) before either the conquered or the conqueror knew. Antigonus was so wary in keeping his counsel, that when his son Phillip asked him, in the hearing of divers, when he meant to remove the Campe, he gave him no other answer but this; Are you afraid (saith he) that you shall not hear when the trumpet soundeth; taxing thereby, partly the unadvisednes of the Prince, who would ask his father such a question in the hearing of others, and partly intimating, that Princes counsel (especially in war) is to be concealed. Alexander, having suffered Ephestion to look upon a very • ecret letter, sealed his lips with his ring, enjoining him there •• y secrecy. If some of our counsellors hearts had been sealed with fidelity, & their lips with secrecy, the soul of Gondomar • ad not so easily entered into the cabinat of our secrets, where • e lay so long like an old rat, feeding on a parmisan; That all • e ratsbane in the city will scarce serve to kill the thievish • rood of his up-bringing: these have eat the heart out of • ur counsel, the Romish night-crows were his discoverers, • t the leaking she-counselors conveyed all the waters of our • ounsell to Holburn conduit; but what remedy for this? In my • pinion it were best to cleanse the house of the old Spanish • ts, make them pay for what they have eat, and spoiled, and • aue no more to do with them: ferrit out that corroding • rood, with their leaders, clip the wings of the night-crows, 〈◊〉 for the grand-couzeners of State, whose lips are not sealed with the ring, of state-secrecy, it is a pity but their lips should • e seared with a hot Yron, & their foreheads with indignity. 〈◊〉 For the custody of secrecy in counsel their be two Courts of guard, the one an outward Court for the attaching of spies from the enemies winding themselves into the Camp for the discovery of forces or counsel, or to get the word. The second is an inward Court, with Argos eyes, attending the carriage of their own, that none bewray their counsel to the enemy: against the former, namely, spies from the enemies. There is a rule in war, that spies in the Campe go not unpunished. It is the approved use and custom (saith a Civilian) though not a writ̄ law, that spies from the enemies shall loose their heads.

Directions for the discovery of Spies, out of the actions of the greatest warriors are reduced to these three particulars; as to cause everyone to attach his fellow, to give an accompt what he is, & whence he is, to cause them march through some strayt, which the Spies will labor to shun, finally to cause everyone to retire to his tent: But variety of occasions & dexterity of wit will afford more directions then rules can contain. Notwithstanding of all this it is true that your greatest Captains, have taken the Spies of the enemies into their Camps, shown them their forces, munition and order, and sent them away untouched. And thi • they have done, either to terrify the enemy, or to keep correspondency with the Spy in his kind, under a semblance of giving credit to serve their own ends. An instance of the former, we have in Scipio, of whom Appian reporteth that he caused the apprehended Spies of Haniball, which he had sent three several times into the Roman Camp, to be carried about the Camp, and through the Campe, & shown them all the Armory, munition, the order of incamping, and the course of their discipline. Which being done, Preter morem castrensem (as the Author observeth) not giving them the course of Campe law, he sendeth them safe away, that they might tell their General what they had seen, and withal extol Scipio his generous disposition. For the latter, we have an instance of that witty use that the General Ventidius in the Parthian war, made of King Pacorus his Spy, named Pharneus, who made show to Ventidius of discovery of the Parthian affairs, & intent, but directly intending to discover Ventidius to the Parthians. The witty General served him in his own kind, and made him against his intent, to serve his purpose. And to bring this about, he used this general, whatsoever he desired that the Parthians should do indeed, he told the Spy that he feared they should do the same. According to which (being the direct rule) Pharneus gave the Parthians intelligence, but being ignorant of the cross rule by which Ventidius walked, he brought them to the pit of destruction, by this trick put upon him. Ventidius of all things feared most, that the Parthians should pass Euphrates, before the Legionary forces that were beyond Taurus in Capadocia should come and join with his: Wherefore he dealeth earnestly with the Spie; that he would persuade the Parthians to cross Euphrates at Zuma, where the river was narrowest and the cut shortest, where that by the streightnesse of the passage, and advantage of the adiacent hills, he might offend them, and delude the force of their Archers: for his only fear, as he feigned, was that they should fet a compass, and cross the river against the plain fields, where he should never be able to defend himself, nor to bid them battle. The Spie taking the General, as he spake, & not as he meant (for what he seemed to desire he feared most, and what he seemed to fear, he desired most) persuadeth the Parthians to do what he seemed to fear. They bring their forces about, and through the many impediments they found, and the great deal a do in making and joining bridges and other engines, they spent 40 days ere they could pass the river, by which time Ventidius, and his other forces were come together, and set in order three days before the enemies approached, to whom they gave battle, and therein gave them a sore overthrow.

Now to come to the latter, namely, intestine perfidy, in the discoveries of counsel; as it is the more dangerous; so it requireth the more watchfulness, and the narrower search. For it is an evil shut door, when the thief is left in the house. When the King of Syria his counsel was discovered to the King of Israel, it is said, that his heart for that was fore troubled, and he called his servants and said unto them, will you not show, which of us is for the King of Israel? Where first observe, what a heavy trouble it is to have a counsel-carryer within; And secondly, by the search it is implied, that if there had been such an one indeed, what should have been his portion if he had been found out? Shamefull and fearful was the end of Robert Recatensis, a special commander of Venice. This man, being much affected by the soldiers, and desirous to be great, he bewrays their counsel of Venice to Genua, with whom they were at war. But his perfidious dealiug was discovered by Carolus Zenus, another Camillus; yea the restorer and conservator of the Venetian commonwealth. He suffered the said Robert to enter Clodia, but with a watchful attendant of his own appointment, by who • his treachery being discovered, he had in Justice his deserved punishment. It shall then be the part of every wise warrior to look well to his counsel, and whom he maketh his counselors. Counsel concealed can do no hurt, bu • once revealed it cannot be called back again. I have rea • of a man that was in the mouths of many, and of excellent parts if he could have used them. He had cunned by heart, the lesson of Q. Metellus, and had it often in his mouth, That if his shirt were privy to his counsel, and could speak, he would burn it. But like a bad hearer, he said and did not: for had his practice answered his theorick, he might happily, as yet, have known where to have found his head, & all the cunning of the proiecting Spaniard had not served to pick the Elixir out of it.

It shall not be amiss for God's people to learn this of their enemies. Simeon and Levi diggs deeply and closely through the wall, into whose secrets the soul of Israel doth not enter. To these secret and deep diggers, that Hierogliph of counsel, set out by the learned, doth very well agree. They picture Pluto with an helmet on his head, and Proscerpi • na ravishing. By which they would signify the subterranea • secrecy of counsel, so their deep counsels, are hellish indeed, closely covered, having Pluto and Proserpina for their President. Yea the Cabala is kept no closer by the Jews, nor the Sibills by the Romans, nor the Druids verses by the ancient Gauls; then they keep their secrets. It is good to cast a counter-Mine against this counsel, and though you work not on the like subject, but rather on the contrary: yet labor to keep as close as they do. When God will give his people into the hands of their enemies, he either taketh away the spirit of council, as he did from Israel when they grieved him; or he discovereth it to the enemy as he did the counsel of the King of Siria. Therefore, as I have shown, let his people consult with God, and let him be president over all their counsels, against whom there is no counsel: and let them look likewise to the sealing of their counsel, that their enemies might not read it. Take heed of the Babylonish Spyes that convey themselves into your Courts, Camps and Chambers, in strange habits, under the color of travel, traffic, profession of Sciences, or any such like. These be the Hyenaes that lie by the walls, with men's voices, but wolves hearts, ready to discover everyone that looketh out at doors. These be like to that dissembling Romish hypocrite, Aenobarbus, with a brazen face indeed, and a leaden heart. These are trained up and taught the Art of discovery, so that all Cyphers and Hyerogliphs are familiar to them; but if they be caught, it is good to make them pay for their learning.

But to come nearer home, into the inward society of secrets: Kings and Generals in these days especially, had need, not with Osiris King of Egypt to have an eye only in the top of the Scepter, or Sword; but they must have their eyes in their own heads: yea, in their hearts, ad discernenda regia pericula opus est oculo animi. To discover the danger of great ones, they had need of the eye of the mind. As Achitophel is without giving counsel against David; so Doeg is standing before the Lord when David asketh counsel of Achimelech, whereof Saul being by him informed, it costs the Priests their lives. You see this hell-bound came to the place of God's service; as some it may be with us come to the Church to blow up the Church; and made likewise a show of God's service, 1 Sam. 21.7, an Edomite by Nation and Condition; yet an Israelite by outward profession. This show without doubt made the Priests not mistrust him, but like a bloody Edomite or Esauite he seeks their blood, and hath it. His heart was died in blood; for there he conceiveth the murder, his tongue dipped in blood; he maketh the matter worse by relating; his hand bathed in blood; with that he executeth the malice of his heart. Secrecie (if God had so so ordained,) might have saved all this. Such be the kanker worms, and fretting moaths that cat out the heart of good counsel, ere ever it come to light. Such be the picklocks of the Cabinat of counsel. Yea, such and so many close deceivers now there be of all sorts, that it may be too truly said, as Tully said in another case: Whom to shun we know, but whom to believe we know not. Yea, the book of God maketh it good of these evil days; Trust ye not in a friend, put no confidence in a guide, &c. He showeth a reason, The son dishonoreth the father, &c. In a word, a man's enemies are th • of his own house. If Sampson be deceived by his own Heifer, and Noah dishonored by his own son; Isaac mocked by his own brother, and David find no place to rest in for his own father-in-law, what shall a man say then? Surely, this is his best refuge; Help Jehovah, for the gracious Saint is ended, and the faithful diminished from the sons of Adam: And for the present, till the world mend, it shall not be amiss to follow the counsel of Epicharmus; Be wise, remember to distrust.

But since counsel must be used, [quest.] and some must be trusted with counsel; here a question may be moved, what should be done in this?

I answer, [answ.] do as Constantine did with his servants; first try, and then trust. Yea, here ariseth another question, how should they be tried? To which I answer; First, just as he tried his servants, as I shown in the qualification of a good Counselor. For he that consulteth with God, can both give counsel, and keep counsel: He that keepeth with God, will keep with man: but because these are very rare birds, as I have shown you, and one of these is as a Lily amongst thorns: For the trial of mere civil men, let the practice of some great Warriours be instead of a rule. They would first try their fidelity with things of seeming importance, but in themselves of no moment. Dionysius going by Sea to besiege a City, gave a sealed commission in show, to every ship-master, but never a word written in it. Withall he commanded, so soon as ever a sign was given from a ship, thereunto appointed, they should open their Commissions, and make their course whether they should direct them. Withall he ships himself presently in one of the best Saylors, and coming about before the sign was given, he demandeth of every man his Commission: those that had opened their Commission against the charge, he executed as Traitors; to the rest who had obeyed, he gave commission indeed whether to direct their course. By which means he both discovered the perfidious from the faithful, and by his secrecy concealed, he assaults and takes Amphipolis, that neither expected him, nor was provided against him. Again another rule of trial of trust directeth you to take heed of two sorts. The first is such as their very Religion maintaineth treachery; namely, Papists, professing that faith is not to be kept with Heretics upon any relation. The second sort is such as by their practice have made ship wrack of their fidelity to any. He that is once evil is ever so presumed to be in the same kind, except the Lord renew him by repentance. It is the nature of faith, neither for fear nor flattery, for gain or glory, for hatred or applause of men to deceive. Pontius Centurio, a Captain of Caesar's, being taken by Scipio, Pompey his father-in law, had his life offered him, with an honorable place, if he would serve Pompey, who answered Scipio, That he thanked him exceedingly, but of life upon such unequal conditions, he stood in no need. So he chosed rather to die, then to falsify his faith to Caesar. Constantine would trust those Courtiers no more that had cracked their credit with God. Theoderick an Arian King, did exceedingly affect a certain Deacon, although he was an Orthodox: This Deacon, thinking that he should gratify Theoderick much, and attain to advancement, became an Arian, which when the King understood, he changed his love into hatred, and cursed the head to be struck from him; affirming▪ that if he kept not his faith to God, what duty in conscience could a man expect from him. But to conclude this point of keeping counsel, pray to God for wisdom, and for wise and faithful Counselors; for it is God that giveth and directeth the counsel of the wise; and also discovereth and confoundeth the counsel of Achitophel. To end then with the rule of Vegetius; if your counsel be discovered to the enemy, take another course.

CHAP. XXVIII. The execution of things consulted on.

THUS having finished my discourse of Counsel, with the conditions thereof, together with other things conducent to the good and guiding of war, I come now to the execution or managing of things wisely consulted of: or if you will, to discourse of the practic of war. As in all Arts and Sciences practical, practice is the proper end; so especially in the Art of War, wherein Counsel and Strength are required. Counsel to deliberate, and Strength to execute. There is an inbred sagacity in man, as Aristotle saith, to proceed from things more common, to things more particular; which course in this Treatise I keep, applying the unfolded general rules to their particular objects; not that I take upon me to direct in every particular (for that is both beyond my element, and unpossible to the best experienced, by reason of new occasions arising, requiring rather an exception then a rule.) As it is the discretion of the Pysician, in the cure of this or that particular man, by reason of occurring circumstances, of implicate or opposite diseases, not to walk by his general rules; for so he may kill rather then cure: so an excellent rule of war, evil applied in the particular, is like a Cataplasme to a true Plurisie, in steed of Phlebotomie. But not to insist in Apology, I intend to follow my aim; namely, having touched the particulars, to take them along with me to the standard of the Word, whereby they being ordered and directed; they may likewise be blessed from above.

CHAP. XXIX. The true use of Stratagems.

THE managing of war, according to the nature of war (as you know) is either Defensiue or Offensiue (taking the denomination from the chiefest part) otherwise a pure unmixed war, especially if it be defensive, will prove but a poor one. It may likewise be distinguished in regard of place, in field-fight, and oppugnation of holds. In both which services, before I come to touch the particulars, let this position take place without controversy, That stratagems are both lawful and necessary; neither do they (being lawfully used) deserve the name of deceit. That they are as usual as war it self, there is no question; Witness all that have written of war. Vegetius; Stuchus, Egnatius, Polyaenus; and Frontine who hath four whole books of Stratagems. But because the examples of men must rule us no further then they are ruled by the Word, you shall not only see the examples of God's people in his wars, warranted by the Word, but also God's own express direction for Stratagems, for the destruction of Ai; though the Lord had decreed it, yet he giveth order for all necessary secondary means, that might serve for the overthrow of it. Lay thou an ambushment (saith the Lord) for the City behind it. In which words Ans •• observeth very fitly, When a just war is undertaken, wh •• there one overcome by open force, or stratagem, it is all one in th • balance of Justice; for God (saith he) commanded Joshua th • to entrap the inhabitants of Ai. The very saying of the He • then is sound enough in this point, so his terms be we •• construed;

Neither can a Stratagem be properly called by the nam • of deceit; because deceit presupposeth some trust unde • parley, league, or kindness; so that this being put upon a • enemy, is rather, as I may say, doins acceptus, then dolus d • tus; because he should have looked better to it. The woe •• Dolus, that the Poet useth abusively (as A • ujnas saith) 〈◊〉 taken in the better part: wherefor the Ancients when they took it in the worser part, to make a difference, called it •• lum malum. Homer likewise taketh it in the better part; so • commending Visses for his excellency of wit against his enemies, and that by just proceeding, setteth it down under th • very same name. It is said of Phillip of Macedo, that he • prevailed more this way, then by all his forces.

But as the course is both lawful and commendable; so you must look to use it lawfully; you must not shift in false deceit and cozenage, under the color of a true Stratagem. There is as much difference betwixt these two, as is betwixt a Magistrate using the sword of Justice, and a man lying in wait to cut his neighbors throat.

In every Stratageme there be two things especially to be avoided, fa • se-deceit, and lying; the former hath relation to any league, or parley, or interim of truce, promised or proclaimed. Under these terms, to attempt anything directly against the enemy; is on the doers part to deceive. With this soul blemish, Lucullus that great Roman Warriour did stain all his honor. He being under terms of peace with the Portugals, whose forces lay in several places; desired them so to remain, and he would show every company where they should build and seat themselves most conveniently: He cometh to the first company, and under show of friendship persuadeth them to lay down their Arms; whereupon he causeth his Army to fall upon them, and kill them every man; yea, so quickly was it done, that the last knew not of the murthering of the rest. From this treacherous Massacre a very few with Viriatus escaped. One speaking of this, giveth it the proper name; namely, Perfidie, and not a Stratagem. Likewise in a stratagem, the least lie is to be avoided. It is true, that the most of your memorable Stratagems, where speeches hath past, have been strewed with untruths: but we must not use in the best presidents, • he least evil that is in them. We should follow the Midwiues piety in saving the children; Abraham's charity in securing of himself, Rahab's mercy in saving the Spyes; Ia • obs industry in getting of the blessing, and John his zeal and admiration of God's good power, and of the glory of the Saints: but withal we must not follow Abraham his counterfeiting, Rachabs, and the Midwiues lie; Jacob his untruth, nor John his do • ing on the Angel.

I know some will hold it much preciseness in Stratagems to be effected with speech, not to allow an officious lie, since all such Stratagems hath been so effected, and almost it is impossible without such a lie to bring it to pass.

I answer. First, what hath been done de facto will not serve; but what may be done, de jure, we must examine. Secondly, the Word is so precise both in the general, and even in the very particular, that it will allow no lie at all. For the general, this rule is without exception. We must not do the least evil, that the greatest good may come of it. As for the particular, put away lying, saith the Apostle, Lye not one to another. And least men should take these places with a Pharisaical gloss; that the Spirit forbiddeth lying one to another, that is, to a brother, or neighbor; but to •• enemy we may (especially upon necessity;) the Spirit will have no lie at all, upon whatsoever good intent, to come from the children of truth. No lie (saith S. John) is of the truth; that is, no lie will sort with the truth; let the ground or pretence seem what it will.

Heathens, that sees no further then Owls, permits lie • upon some necessity; as a certain Poet, he is not to be blam • that maketh a lie for saving his life. Plato affirmeth, that Physicians upon necessity, must have leave to lie, that they may comfort the sick, and hold them up with hopes, although • there be none. But neither recovery of health, or saving o • life, is a sufficient ground for a lie; because we may not lie for the glory of God, which should be dearer to us the • our own salvation. Will you speak wickedly for God; and talk deceitfully for him? Hence it is that the defense of an officious lie falls to the ground. We have examples indeed, both of pernicious, merry, and officious lies, but in the book of God, every lie is condemned, and no lie warranted. Austi • having spoken much of the divers kinds of lies, upon good

First, by this we cannot effect anything; for it is not a lie that can save life, nor gain advantage of the enemy. Secondly, we dishonor God exceedingly, and show our distrust in the using of evil means: Thirdly, and lastly, we provoke God to curse his own work, for mixing that with it, which is an abomination in his sight. We must not then imitate Sopyrus mangling of himself, and lay it upon others, though it be to gain dominion to D • rius, glory and grace to himself, and the good of hi • Country. Neither must Synons cogging craft be a warran • to do so, though it were to gain Troy: Neither must we emulate, or imitate the new Synons of Rome; the croaking frogs, and other Papists, who are become their crafts-masters in shameless lying, and hellish equivocation. They are apt scholars in Lysanders school; tell them to their Thame, as some did to him, That by devilish lies, they have brought many massacres, treasons, and outrages to pass. They laugh it off, and answer with their Master, That a man must put on the Fox skin, when the Lions will not serve: that is (as Plutarch expounds it) that which cannot be done by fair deal • ing, must by fraud and dishonest means be accomplished. But they need not go so far to school, their hollow fathers, fogged up with deceit, will teach them to cast the keys in Tiber, and the Sacrament in the fire, when plain dealing will not serve. Yea, old Leo the tenth, hath taught the young Whelps a Text, which all of them hath by heart, and all the comments upon it:

Neither, last of all, must we follow a multitude to do evil: The whole world lieth in wickedness, and truth and faith have left the world. Men are now grown natural Cretans. It is a great piece of policy with great Ones, to lie as ordinarily as to speak; but it is a great shame and disgrace to them. Excellent speech becometh not a fool, much less do lying lips a Prince. For this quality in great Ones I cannot pass a remarkable passage in the Scottish History. Yong Malcom King of Scots, fled into England from the cruelty of Macbeth, who had murdered his father, and usurped the Kingdom: Macduff Earl of Fife escaped likewise from the Tyrant, and coming into England to the King, did solicit and incite him with arguments, to labor for the deliverance of his people from the tyranny of a Traitor: Malcom fearing deceit, which Macbeth by sundry means against him attempted, he desired to be excused, because he had two evil qualities incompatible to Kingly government, namely, avarice and lust. Macduff answered, that these might be remedied by matrimony, and abundance: The King replied that he would be plain with him as a friend, lest afterward he might be deceived; that he had another fault intolerable in any man, much less in a King; There was no truth in his words, no sincerity in his heart; he trusted nobody, neither was he trusted by any. At which Macdu •• brake forth in these speeches: Away with thee (saith he) the dishonor of the name of Kings, a monster rather to be abandoned society, then to be called to rule a Kingdom: With which speeches, going away in a great rage, the King got him by the hand and told him; he put the case but to try him, for he was no such man indeed: yea, there was not a more religious, faithful, just and magnanimious King amongst them all, then he was. David's lie to Achimelech did more hurt then if twenty others had lied; he said, the King had commanded him some secret business; which was not so indeed: And though he coined upon near necessity, yet cannot he be excused of infirmity, although he made no trade of it. This lie cost the Priests their lives, as he ingenuously confessed, I have occasioned the death of all the persons of thy fathers house. Besides; this fault in great Ones, as Kings, Generals, and Counselors, makes inferiors of all sorts, to count lying a grace. The Courteours of Meroe, a Kingdom of India counted themselves highly graced with limping and halting, because the King halted. Exemplary sin in great Ones, maketh sin common; and vice once common is counted novice, but virtue: though a liar (as the Poet saith) is to be hated to hell. Yet for all this, that hell is so hugely enlarged upon earth, that we are become like the Egyptians, who had no punishment for lying, nor no measure in lying. Two sins of all other, the Persians most abhorred, lying and breaking; & these two of all others, bear now no little sway. Yet it were our best to break off this sin. For though we may lie by authority, and no man can call us to account; yet God will call us to an account for every idle word, much more for every lie: And though there be no penalty on earth; yet the Judge of heaven and earth hath appointed hell hereafter for liars, if they leave not of and repent. Without shall be dogs (saith the Lord) and whosoever loveth and maketh a • ye.

But some may reply, what would you have a Spy to do; how shall he accomplish his business, except he deliver some untruths? To which I answer, as his calling is lawful, so he must use it lawfully, whatsoever he doth he must not sin; God putteth sin as a necessity upon no man; he may conceal the truth, or some part of the truth, change his habit, make show of what he meaneth not to do: In all which he must take heed that they be not in matter of Religion; for that will endure no part of dissimulation. But some may instance that stratagem of Hushai in subverting the counsel of Achitophel, wherein it seemeth he delivereth sundry untruths, and that against his knowledge; as first he saluteth Absalom by the name of King, and that he would be his, and serve him. Osiander answereth that it was an officious lie; but Junius better, That he dallied with Absalom in a doubtful speech. Peter Martyr pleadeth for warrant, Divine instinct, because David so directed him, ch. 15. v. 34. But howsoever, if there were either untruth, or equivocation in it, it is no warrant for us.

CHAP. XXX. The Oppugnation of an Hold.

NOW I come more particularly to the oppugning and defending of an Hould, wherein I mean to be brief, because the particulars of the service, dependeth much upon the circumstances of the subject. First, then to the Assaylants: There be two kinds of ways, as Writers well observe, and experience teach, to besieg any place; either by continued assault, or by cutting off all supply of means, whereby they may be forced to yield. The latter of these is first to be attempted, as Caesar well observed. The Assaylants having chosen the best advantage of ground, for entrenching of themselnes, and planting of their Ordinance, they are in the first place to look well to themselves: for if neglect or carelessness overtake them (as one well observeth) they are subject to as great danger as the besieged. Claudian the Poet, both expresseth the danger and directeth the remedy:

The Apollinates whom Phillip besieged, served him such a trick; in the night time, through the besiegers neglect, they took in the Roman supply (their enemies not knowing:) All the day following they kept themselves very quiet, giving occasion to the Assaylant of security: but in the silence of the night, they sallyed forth without any noise, and possessed themselves of the enemies Camp, where they slew some thousands, and took more then they slew; the King himself without his clothes very hardly escaped. Frontine gave the same caution upon the same ground: For whether the Assaylant (saith he) be taken with sleep, or surfeit, or idleness, or with any neglect of their place, the besieged on a sudden sallyeth out, they take, kill, consume and spoil with fire; they wherein they prove often happy beyond all reason.

Hereupon as the Assaylant must secure himself; so in the next place he must keep the besieged doing. To direct the Assaylant against the besieged, these five things are requisite; he must be wise, cunning, diligent, constant, and upon occasion, wisely adventurous. By the first he is taught not to persist against that which must needs cost him more then it is worth.

The second includeth all lawful stratagems, whereby every wise Assaylant should labor to possess himself of any place, rather then by main force; because so, on both sides, bloodshed may be prevented. It is not possible, as I shown, to give rules for all stratagems, because of new occasions; yet for taking in of places these be most usual. Sometimes the Assaylant corrupteth some of the besieged, who betrayeth the Town or City into the hand of the Assaylant, and so it is taken with little or nothing a do: So Papyrius Cursor, the Consul dealt with Milo, who kept Tarentum a Town of the Epyrots. Being taken with the great promises of the General, both of reward and safety to him and his; he persuadeth the Town to send him as a Legate to Papyrius, of whom he received the reward promised, returneth to the Town, and by fair speeches casteth the people in a deep security, and so delivereth up the neglected Town into the hand of the enemy. So Marcellus used Sosistratus a Syracusan, for betraying of the City: On a day when Epicides did feast the people, he gave intelligence to Marcellus, who (while the secure inhabitants did revel it out in profuse hilarities) scaleth the walls, killeth the watch, entereth the Town, which was a glorious victory, and a great booty to the Romans. So Hannibal took Tarentum by a corrupted Citizen, who was taught by Hannibal to ask leave of the Captain to go out in the night a hunting, which they durst not do by day. Hannibal had good store of Boores killed ready for him, with which he often returned laden into the City, whereof he gave a share to the Captain: But one night Hannibal put his soldiers in the habit of Hunters, who being laden with prey, and let in at the gates, they killed the watch suspecting nothing, set ope the gates and let Hannibal in, who killed all the Romans save them that fled into the Castle. Examples of this kind are so frequent, that I will not trouble you with more.

Some to effect this, have sent the trustiest of their own, to proffer their service to the enemies, who under complaint of a feigned injury (or at most feignedly offered) maketh the enemy to believe, that they will do or suffer anything for revenge, when they intend nothing but deceit. This kind likewise hath had good success, witness Sopyrus whom Cyrus so much esteemed) who by a mangling of himself, and fleeing to the enemy, by some feigned service, got Babylon into his hand, and delivered it unto Cyrus. When Tarquin the proud, could by no means prevail with the Gabians to surrender, he taketh rodds and beateth his own son Tarquinius Sextus, and sendeth him to the enemy, to whom he accusing his fathers cruelty, desireth in show of revenge to be their Captain against his father, to whom when they came to fight, he delivered them up.

But here ariseth a case of conscience, [Ob.] since one man to betray the rest is paricide, or the highest kind of murder, how can the persuader be free of the sin, since a persuader ab ante or before is the chiefest principal?

I answer he may very lawfully persuade them all to surrender, Ergo he may lawfully persuade one to do what he can. Yea but the means used be naught. I answer, on the persuaders part they are good, who may as lawfully by cunning as by force overcome. Neither can it be called treason in him because he is not in trust. Again the enemy is become his friend, though he be an enemy to his own. If it be lawful for a man in authority, to cause one thief, or traitor, to betray another being all enemies to the state; it is no less lawful for a commander in this kind to divide his enemies one from another, & to make one serve his turn against another. But in this, and passages of the like nature, I refer myself to the judicious divines.

Another stratagem of use is to fain remisnes, or neglect of assaulting, or to do some other thing then the main thing they intend. Alcibiades General of Athens besieging the city Agrigentina, which was almost impregnable: He desireth the city to send some of their counsel to him, with whom he might consult of matters concerning the common good. He causeth a Theater to be erected, and in great pomp, according to the Grecian manner, he holdeth the eyes of the besieged with a show of consultation; who neglecting to stand upon their guard, were supprized by the Athenians before they were aware. Domicius Calvinus besieging Leucas, a Town both well fortified, and well manned; took often this course, to compass the walls, with all his forces without the least show of attempt, & so to lead them back again into the campe. The Town being induced by this accustomed course, to believe that the Roman did it only for use of exercise, began to slight it as a toy and to grow remiss in their attendance; He turns his obambulation into a sudden and unlooked for assault, and taking the walls he forced them to render the Town and themselves. Neither doth the like action of Joshua, in compassing the walls of Jericho, want the nature of a stratagem. For though the Lord had givē it into his hand; yet he neglecteth no secondary means, either of force, or cunning to accomplish the Lord's decree. And no doubt the continued compassing of the city, without any further attempt; made Jericho slight it off, as a toy,

Besides; this general hath likewise another trick of slight to simulate the raising of the siege, and departure for a time, that the besieged, neglecting their watch, they may return upon them, and take them at unawares. This did Phormio, of Athens, against the Chalsidians; Agiselaus, of Lacedemon, against the Phocenses; Alcibiades against the Bizantines, and Q. Metellus, as you heard, against Cantrebia.

The last that here I relate, for all I cannot (and with many I will not cloy) is the drawing of the besieged to sallie out, with laying ambushment to take the place. Of many examples, I will give but a taste. Of this stratagem God himself was the author to Joshua, as I shown you, Joshua. 8. Cato in the very eye of the Lacedemonians, whom he besieged, set the Suessens, being the weakest of his forces to assault the Walls, and layeth the strongest in ambush for the service indeed; the Town breaking out upon the assailants (who fled for their lives, and they followed as eagerly;) the town was taken by them that lay in ambush. Hannibal, besieging Hymera caused not only his soldiers to flee before those that sallied out; but also to quit the Campe into the enemies hand, for which the Hymerans were so ravished with Joy, that they run all out of the Town unto the Campe; and so the Town was taken by those that lay in wait. The like stratagem he used against Sagunt.

The third thing required in the assailant is diligence in following the work, loosing no opportunity, nor omitting any occasion of diligence. It may well be said, that all things are subject to the service of it; yea nothing is so hard but it will overcome; without this, nothing with honor can be achieved, and by this, many times, things seeming impossible are accomplished. It is well observed by Demosthenes of Alexander, that his happiness did not attend his fortune; neither by it did he attain to so great victories: but his industrious d • ligence, his boldness and serving of the occasion, brought those great things to pass. Neither will this service suffer any delay or slipping of occasion: for occasion (as one saith well) is the soul of action. The Israelites did compass Jericho for six days together; and when they came to the point of the service, they did compass it twice. It is reported of Caesar, that being asked how he had accomplished so great and admirable things, that he should answer, by de • aying no occasion. The dexterous and cunning Hannibal, neglecting his attendance upon this great commandresse, lost the Crown of his victory, namely, the taking of Rome.

Fourthly, for the taking in of a place of any worth there is required Constancy. It is not common, to come and see, and so to overcome. The place is very weak, or pestered with Cowards, or traitors, that yields at the first, therefore the assailant must resolve to stay by it, yea and to be at some cost with it, if he mean to have it. They that come to besiege any places (as Livi well observeth) must ever have that of Appi • nus Claudius before their eyes. That perseverance in every part of war is very necessary, but especially in the besieging of towns. Titus besieged Hierusa em six mone • hs; the siege of Troy continued ten years. In the time of Leo Iconomachus, Cal • ph Sull • man besieged Constantinople for the space of eight years. Anno Domine 719. So the siege of Constantinople, and the Rhodes, when they were taken, continued for many days. But how short while soever it be continued, i • shall be good policy to make show of continuance. • lea • chu • the Lacedaemonian environing the Thracians, they were confident, that want of provision, would force him • o depart (for they had carried all into the mountains.) As they sent their legates to him, he caused a captive to be cut in pieces, & in the presence of the Legates to be distributed, as though it had been for victuals, which the Thracians taking as an evidence, that he and his would endure anything rather then break their resolution, they rendered themselves into his hands. When the Portugalls told Tiberius Grachus, that they had provision enough for ten years, and therefore they did not fear blocking up, well (said he) the worst is, then I shall take you in the eleventh year: with which resolution they were so daunted that they rendered themselves, notwithstanding of their provision.

The last, but not the least, thing to be thought on, is the cost which they must be at. Stratagems, nor wearying out, it may be, will not serve the turn; they may find the besieged as resolute to hold out, as themselves to continue; as cunning to prevent, or to retort a Stratagem, as they are to devise it. They must therefore come to handy blows, besides plying of ordinance. Neither must the assailant be daunted with the valor, or resolution of the defendant; but it must the rather whet him on to his attempt. First, considering wh •• an adversary he hath: the valor of the adversary addeth spirit to the valiant. Caesar Domitian, knowing that the Germans, against whom the French were to fight, would add strength to strength, courage to courage, if they should know of hi • being in the battle, came closely with his forces under th • colors of the French, and so overthrew them.

Secondly, the worth of the adversary, addeth to the glory of the victory, & to the gain of him that overcōmeth him. Aulus Torquatus oppugning a Town of Greece was told, by one of his army, that the young men within the city wer • excellent Archers, & that it would be hard to expugne them all the better (saith the General) for I shall have the richer prey. When Aristotle his Elenchus will do no good with the besieged, he must bring Achileum argumentum, an irresistable arg • meant, they must be in their assault (as Homer saith) like the wik • boores; who run upō them that provoke thē, not shunning the launce Yea, the assault must be given with that resolutiō, either to 〈◊〉 or die, as one (saith well) where there is only place for bold adverture; and of all the services of war this requireth it most: Yet this adventure must be with good advice; as men must not be timorous, so they must not be temerous. It is a part of magnanimity to dare, but to be desperate without ground, is no part of manhood.

In making of assault there be three cautions. First, if by blocking up, and cutting off means, the place may be taken, it is vain to make a desperate attempt upon it: and therefore I think the Duke of Alva his will was above his wit; and that it was rather cholor, then true courage in him, at the siege of Harlem, to spend so many men, to the number of 20000, where he might in time have famished them out, as some of his own requested him to do. Secondly, to attempt, continue, & re-enforce assaults, where no good can be done, standeth neither with the wit, nor credit of a Commander. It was well observed by Chilo, that things are not to be attempted that cannot possibly be done, and that being effected, the evil overgoeth the good. The great Turk, that cruel beast, continued and re-enforced his assault upon the Rhodes so long, with the loss of so many, that the soldiers refused absolutely, notwithstanding of his threatenings, to renew the assault. It is a good saying, and experience proveth it true, that expense of danger, reclaimeth a man from fool-hardiness. This was verified in Spinola at the siege of Bergan-upzome, where he came short of himself in two things; first in loosing his opportunity; and secondly, when they were too good for him, he made such desperate and hot assaults, and was so prodigal of the blood of his soldiers, that everyone might know, it was none of his own: but the cost of his rash attempts made his courage to cool, till at last he left of a little wiser then when he began.

The last caution concerneth the person of the General, that in the siege or assault, he be reserved from the point of danger. Abimelech coming close to the Town of Thebes, which they were besieging, was killed with a piece of a Milstone out of a woman's hand. Alexander the Great was more adventurous this way, then it became so great a King to be: For he endangered himself in taking the Towr of Jupiter Haman, where entering first by himself, and put to his own defense against many, was very sore wounded before any help could come at him. Charles Duke of Bourbon, at the taking of Rome was so eager in entering the breach, that upon the wall he was slain with a bullet. D. de Maine, at the siege of Montabon, viewing of his works, and coming too nigh the walls, was likewise shot with a Musket. The reason hereof is this, that when the General is lost, the business is often quashed, A • imelech being slain at the Town of Thebes, they proceeded no further, but every man went into his own place. And thus much for the Assaylant.

CHAP. XXXI. The carriage of the Besieged.

NOW I come to the Defendant besieged, who as their case is the worser, so they had need of the readier wit, both how to hold out, and how upon necessity of surrender, to make the best condition they can for themselves. As contraries laid together, discover one another's nature, so out of the directions of the Assaylant, the Defendant may pick matter of instruction. Things required in the besieged, may be reduced to these general heads, Providence, Vigilancy, Cunning, Fidelity, strict censure of Traitors, Warinesse, and Continuance. By the first of these they are directed to get all within themselves that they can, and to consume the rest, that it may not serve the enemy. To th •• head belongeth the making good of every place by water or by land, that may serve them for sallying forth, or bringing in of necessaries, and for annoying the enemy. To the second head may be referred the managing of all things and actions, that make for holding out. As nothing doth more incommodate the Assaylant, then secure negligence, so to the Defendant it is much more obnoxious, because in a repulse th • re is place for a second error, so is there not, if the place be taken. Presumptuous security was the ruin of Laish. Dan (saith the Word) came to Laish, a people that were quiet and secure, and they smote them with the edge of the sword, and burnt the City with fire. A constant care must not be intermitted; watch must not be neglected. When Alcibiades, General of Athens, would have his soldiers to keep strict watch in a City besieged, he commanded the Watch to observe a light that he would show them from a Castle, at the sight whereof, they should all hold up their lights, and whosoever should fail in that should die for it. While every man expected a sign from the General, all kept constant watch, to the safeguard of the place. This diligent and watcfull care, should be always as a Watch upon the Walls, which the learned termeth well, the Shield of the City. The neglect whereof, in regard of the danger, hath been severely punished in particular delinquents. Iphicrates of Athens, keeping Corinth when it was besieged, went about the Watch himself, even when the enemy was about to make an assault; and finding one of the Watch a sleep, he thrusteth him through with his sword; and to those that taxed him of severity, he answered thus, that he left him such as he found him. The like is reported of Epaminondas the Thebane: To omit the example of diligence, used in the defense of the Rhodes, Constantinople, Belgrad, and such places of former times, look but upon the diligence used by the Defendants in the siege of Harlem; where, to fortify the Town against the whole force of the Spaniard, 200 women wrought as pyoners, and that under the ensign of a woman Captain, called Margaret Knenault, in one month they made the Town three times stronger then it was, making Sconces towards the mouth of the water; to assure safe passages for their necessaries. Such was the diligence of Leyden, Bergan-upzome, Montabon, and others.

The neglect hereof, and want of mature providence, was a means, amongst the rest, to lay the Palatinate in the mouth of the enemy: and indeed it is to be feared, that the same failings in us, together with our sins, may make way for the tribe of Dan to smite us, as Laish was smitten, Security is one of the national sins of Britain, and so much the more dangerous, because it vayleth it self, and all other sins; from being taken notice of; yea, it is the stalking Horse to sin and judgment: It is the mother of Negligence, and the Devils door-keeper. As there was never greater security; so was there never a time wherein it was more dangerous. That speech of the Father may be fitly applied to us; No man should be secure in that state which is assaulted continually by the enemy; yea, indeed it may be called all one assault; their case may be ours, except we repent. For (as the same Father saith) we become rather worser of better, then better of worser. The devil now hath set all his Miners a work; that Antiochus of Rome; and Sennacherib his General, means to block up Zion to the very gates. The Foxes are not only got upon the walls, but the Spyes are got within the Cities; and howsoever we are too credulous to take their word with Jacob's sons, that they are not Spyes; yet when the Assault is given they will prove such. It is time therefore that everyone that is zealous of God's glory, careful of his life, and the life of his, and true to his Country, awake himself and others as much as he can, to make up the breach, before the enemy enter.

But to proceed. It is a main point of diligence to make sure at every point. That rule of Gregory is true in all kinds of defense, that in vain do we fortify all the rest, if we leave one place unfortified by which the enemy may enter. A dangerous thing it is if there be the least breach in the wall, or the wickat of a gate be but open: but if the surest-seeming part of the wall, be but daubed up with untempered mortar, or if the city gates beleft open by night, though the keys for a fashion be carried up, is that city sure think you? Judge by your own private house, and it will tell you the danger.

A third point of diligence is to be used in sallying out upon the enemy: so Furius the Roman consul brake out by the gate called Decumana, and did the assailant great hurt: So Caesar in the French-war telleth us, how he served the enemy; slighting us (saith he) they fell to their work, some to cut trenches, some to fill up ditches: Caesar in the mean time sallyeth out at all the gates & put the enemy to flight. The like did Labienus & Hircius upon Pompey. Harlem made many brave Sallies upon Duke Alvaes forces, and not only killed many, with small loss to themselves, but also carried divers ensigns out of their trenches, nailing some pieces of their battery. Without further example, it is an usual thing. A mere Lyon couchant, or a Serpent dormient, though they h • ue both courage and wit; yet (not employing it to offense) are not fit to keep a hold.

The third thing required is cunning: for the art and cunning of the assailant must be opposed and cut off with the like. Stratagems in defense are of exceeding great use, neither is it sin by those to deceive a deceiver: for this is but to take him in his own net. As there be many examples of this kind, well known to men of reading and experience; so I will show you but two or three examples for instance. In the besieging of Rhodes, the enemy made an Ambulatorie or walking-Tower, an engine then of great use, not unlike (it may be, though of greater quantity) to the moving wooden sconces used at the siege of Harlam. This over-topt all the Towers of the city; to cut off the use hereof, the enginers caused to dig through the walls, and in the night to make the way hollow, by the which they did convey it, which the enemy not perceiving (being covered with earth) as it came that way, it sunk down with the own weight; so they lost their engine and all their labor, and the city was delivered. There were many pretty Stratagems used in the defense of Harlam, amongst the rest, this one put Duk de Alva from working anymore that way. The defendant preceiving that the enemy meant to lodge in a new battered bulwark, they left rampering against it, and fell to the mining of their own bulwark, wherein they put barrels of powder casting many trenches round about it, the enemy offering to enter they quit the bulwark; As a multitude of the enemy pursued and were come to Push of Pike, at the barrier of a trench they fired the mine, blew up, killed, and took to the number of 1600, and sallying back to their own trenches, recovered the ground of their bulwark, which again they re-intrenched and kept. One more of excellent note, related by Vitruvius in the siege of Apolonia. Trypho Alexandrinus did mine through the wall in sundry places, till he brought his mines a flights shot without the gate, in all which he hung up vessels of brass; so sone as ever the enemy began to mine towards the city, by the sound of the vessels they understood where he wrought; whereupon they countermined the enemy, by penetrating their own, and poured vessels of hot boiling water, urin, boiled sand, and such like upon the heads of their enemies, whereby they plagued them. Not unlike to this was he practice of a carpenter at the besieging of Berca by the Persians, who carrying a brazen shield about within the walls, and laying it to the ground, by the sound of the same discovered the working of the enemy. In our time it is usual to set basins full of beans or peason upon the ground, which rebounding at the strokes of the miners, discovereth the enemies works.

There were never more Miners or Enginers under Zion's walls then now there be. Pharaoh hath said to the Egyptians, come let us work wisely with them; that is, craftily; for so the word signifieth. It is not unworthy our observation; when that Typicall Phara • began this undermining of Israel; even then when they began to corrupt their religion, & to commit whoredoms with the Idols of Egypt. That this is true, look in Ezech. and sundry other places of God's book; the Lord showeth what direction he gave them, namely to cast away the Egyptiā Idols, wherewith they were defiled: but they rebelled against me (saith the Lord) they did not every man cast away the abhommation of his eyes, neither did they forsake the Idols of Egypt; then I said I will pour out my fury • pon them to accomplish mine anger against them, in the midst of the land of Egypt. Then (saith the Psalmist) he turned the hearts of the Egyptians to hate his people, to deal craftily with his servants. You see when his people's sins provoke God, the enemies wit beginneth to work against them, being guided thereto by the overuling hand of God: So standeth the case between us and Pharaoh his Antitype. We have hugged the gods of Rome so long, and kept in the strange fire of their sacrifice so carefully; that we are become, as some call us, a Nation of devi • s, for reasons and conspiracies: by this means many are infected, others grown lukewarm, the most part key cold, for which the Lord hath increased the hatred of forreyne, and of our homebred Egyptians against us, & sharpeneth their wit, that they may deal craftly with us; not that God is the author of the evil of sin, but of the action as it is a just plague and punishment to us. With their craft they have undermined our wit, they have undermined our State; and which is worst of all, the have undermined, yea and almost blow en up the power of our religion; they have made Israel naked, and Judah contemptible and bare: We stand in need then, that wit should awake, and some Trypho should discover their undermining (for we see but a little:) But vessels of brass, or tinkling cymbals will not serve, but some silver Trumpet must give Israel the alarm, and awake them out of sleep, that they may hast to the breach. We had more then need of some cunning Archimedes to countermine the Romans, for keeping of our Syracusa.

It is likewise a part of cunning to meet with the enemy in his own cunning, in feigning a regress, or raising of the siege, for that (as I shown) is a special Stratagem in oppugnation to withdraw themselves, that the besieged may be secure, and they may return with the greater advantage. It shall be their care therefore to make use of that time as occasion shall be afforded.

Our enemies seem to withdraw themselves from the work about which they are, as though they had given it over. Upon the Parliaments proceeding, some seems to turn, that they may overturn us; the frogs keeps a croaking at the proclamation; the nymphs of Babel seems to mourn that their ghostly fathers must be gone; and great Dian • droups right down, as though Jupiter were in an evil aspect. In a word, all the Edomites take on, as though both Spain and Babel were fallen: yea, and the Spaniard himself take • on, as if Gondomars works were all blown up. But for all this they have not said in their heart, there is no hope. Their night counsels, their continual intercourse with the Pope and Spaniard; their Scout-watches everywhere; their threatenings, out of their abrupt passions, doth plainly tell us that they mean yet to have a round bout. Their seeming retraits are trecheries; the Jesuit can go out at the foredore, and come in at the back-door: yea, under Gi • es ring he can go where he list. Therefore right Honorable, and most worthy of the Parliament, look nighly to them now especially; lest their re-attempts upon us, with greater force and counsel, cause us one day say of our deceived selves; The fool believeth everything.

The fourth thing following, namely fidelity; which as it is the bond of all other societies; so it is the Man, the muniment, and munition, in maintaining of an Hold: without this, neither valor, wit, nor fortification will serve. What was the special maintenance of many places mentioned in this Treatise, as Constantinople, Rhodes, Vienna, but fidelity? And what hath betrayed many impregnable places into the hand of the enemy, but infidelity. The instances of later times, and of our own memory, are freshest and of fittest use. When Suleiman the great Turk besieged Buda, Thomas Madastus, a brave Captain, possessing the Castle, defended it valiantly; and, without doubt, had kept it, with great dishonor and disadvantage to the Turk, if his soldiers had not betrayed him into the hands of the enemy: For they took him (denying to render the Castle) and delivered both him and it to Suleiman, upon condition, that with bag and baggage they might safely depart. So the Isle of Rhodes was betrayed by a Varlet to the Turk, on condition that he should have the Turks daughter to wife, with a great portion. Lastly, Deventer was betrayed into the hand of the Spaniard, by Sir William Stanley, the stain of his Nation, though treason be the common badge of his black profession.

But if you will have inslances of fidelity; let me give you one of note for all the rest. William Seton, Captain of Barwick, having maintained the Town, against Edward the first, for • he space of three months; and besides the hot assaults made continually at all quarters, he was driven to great want; the Town being blocked up, & not able to hold out any longer, he conditioneth with the King, that if supply should not come within a month, he would deliver up the Town to the King; and for further assurance of performance, giveth his eldest son, Thomas Seton, in pledge. Not long after, the Scots raised their forces, under the conduct of Archbald Douglasse; they present themselves before the English forces, which the King perceiving (though the time of the condition was not yet expired) he sendeth to the Captain, willing him either to deliver up the Town, or he would hang both his sons before his eyes (for the one was taken, and the other was a pledge.) In the distracted soul of the worthy father of so hopeful sons, love, mercy, honor and fidelity, could not choose but make a great conflict. But to be short, his rarest wife, the mother of the children, proved here an helper above her sex. She laid the honor of his house, the duty to his Country, and loyal fidelity to his Prince, in balance against his private affection; she shown him that they might have more children, but honor and fidelity once lost, he could never recover; and she had often heard from the learned, That to sacrifice their children in the service of their Country, was their highest praise. The Captain admiring the spirit of the woman, was persuaded with her words, and removing himself to another part, that he might not behold so doleful a spectacle, was contented rather to part with the sons of his love, then with his fidelity in his service.

But because places of note in the time of oppugnation, be often not only pestered with Traitors, but also betrayed by them; it shall be the States care, to look narrowly to such, and to give them their desert if they be found out. These be the special underminers, and nothing can be safe so long as they are within. If the name of a Traitor be odious, what should be the penalty of a Traitor? Each nation hath labored to exceed other in the rigor of punishing Traitors. The Fgiptians pricked them through all their members to death. The Grecians threw them headlong over Rocks; the Macedonians stoned them; the Romans drew them in pieces. In a word, to so heinous a crime what death can be sufficiently devised? Yea, as they have been hateful to those whose ends they have served, as to Caesar, Phillip of Macedon, and others; so from some they have received a shameful death instead of a reward. Instance these Villaines that betrayed the Castle of Buda, with their Captain: notwithstanding of Solymans promise of safe departure; when he understood how villainously they had used their Captain, he caused to put every man of them to death. The other that betrayed the Rhodes was as finely served: for his promised wife and portion were presented; but the Turk told him, that he would not have a Christian to be his son-in-law; but he must be a Musil-man, that is, a believing Turk, both within and without; and therefore he caused his baptized skin (as he called it) to be taken off, and him to be cast in a bed strewed with salt, that he might get a new skin, and so he should be his son-in-law: but the wicked wretch ended his life with shame and torment.

Not to trouble you with more examples, take heed of two sorts especially; namely, of Traitors to their God, or Idolaters. The Town, or people, professing the truth of God's worship, can look for no safety where they are in trust with the place. Constantine's position (as I shown you) of his apostate Courtiers is very true: They that are not faithful to God, how should they be faithful to men? A second sort is, such as have been tainted with treacherous dealing; they that are inured to their tricks of Legerdemain, and are once fallen a peddling with the enemies of State, they can never leave chopping. A traitor will never be true till he get a new skin, with the Turks son-in-law. When Lycimachus K. of Macedo, besieged Ephesus, he used the help of Mandro, a very wicked perfidious fellow, and an arch-pyrat: he was quickly corrupted by Lycimachus. And as he used to bring in ships laden with men, and goods to Ephesus for a prey; so one time he brought in the strongest of the Macedonians with their hands bound, as though they had been captives: who fitting themselves of Arms out of the Castle, brought in Lycimachus, who possessed the Town. When the Ephori commanded Agis to take the young men with him, and to go with one there present, who had promised to deliver them up a Castle: How shall I ( Lord's, saith he) trust him with these young men, who hath betrayed his own country? giving thereby to understand, that nothing can be safely committee • to them that will betray their country.

It is to be feared, that we have too few Setons, & too many Stanleyes: the treasure cannot be safe when the thief is in the house. Besides (the dissembling Giliadits, who may pass the watch without inquiry for the word ) there be the crafty Balamits, there is the double hearted Semiiah, either to curse or to cog it over for the enemies ends. Whē Tobiah & Samballat, will seem to build, take heed of God's house. One observeth well of I • das his treason, that no bond could tie up his wicked he •• from that monstrous act, neither the common graces which he had, nor his familiarity with Christ, nor the giving of the sop, nor the knowing of him to be the son of God: when men are sold to work wickedness, they will sell their country, & that for •• gain. I read of Clearchus the Tyrant of Heraclea, that taking an • indignation against his own people, could find neither cause nor occasion to plague them; at last he calleth out all the special youth, in the very heat of the caniculer days, to besiege a town in Thracia; he incamps them in a marrish ground, and commandeth them there to stay, taking the higher ground himself with his mercenaries, where there was plenty o • fresh springs, he caused them stay so long, that through extreme heat, & corrupt water, they lost all their lives, which was the thing he desired. Was not this to betray the lives of his people, and that without any hope of gain?

The more eminent the person, the more odious the treason. All circumstances considered, could there be a more odious treason then that of Barnevelts, who was advanced by the State to what honor, wealth, and esteem, that the common wealth could afford him; of whom at any time could a State deserve better? Should a pillar of the State subvert the State? his Excellencie gave him no just matter of envy: fo • though he sat at the stern; yet many a wave went over hi • head, that never touched Barnevelt. What, would nothing serve but Spain must have all? What wanted he that Spain could have given him? nothing but a traitors reward, and that he had in the end. I would all of his cut, were as openly known, and as closely followed: but God will unmaske them to their eternal shame. It shall fall out with all grand traitors, as it fell out with the Duke of Venice, namely, Falarius, who (beside the condign punishment, that he suffered, for conspiring against his country) lieth under an hierogliphe, of infamous memory to this day: for where as the statues of all the Dukes, from the beginning of the State to this day, are erected in the Senate house; instead of the statue of Martin Falarius, that pernicious Prince, there is se • an empty chary of State, covered with a black veil, intimating thereby, that traitorous Princes to the state deserve the obliteration of their names, with a monument of perpetual hatred. As there is no punishment greater then public hatred; so • here is no sin better deserveth it, then the betraying of the country. Had the danger of these been well pondered, the nests of such well searched, and all that were found foul in the gun-powder Treason duly punished, the lowing of the ox̄, and the bleating of the Sheep had not this day been so loud in our ears. As Sertorius in Spain dispersed his forces for his greater advantage, (which being recollected did more annoy their enemies;) so since that time their dispersed forces are hugely increased. Our slighting over of that unparelelled attempt, what will it not encourage traitors to do: our lopping of some superfluous branches maketh the tree more fruitful: the casting a little water upon a hot fire, maketh it burn so much the hotter. The not casting out of those whom God would have cast out, may cause them do to us as we should have done to them.

I come to the last, which is Constancy in holding out. As he is a pusillanimions assaylant that raiseth siege upon the first repulse; so he is a faint defendant that gives over at the first assault. The enemies semblance or resolution of continuance should not daunt a whit or discourage the besieged? How bravely did Constantinople hold out against the Saracen? where, besides those that were slain there died with famine and cold 300000, and so they desisted. Likewise hot and furious were the assaults that Soliman made upon the same city in Anno 1529. His army consisted of 144000: but Frederick, count Elector, General of the Imperial forces, did man the Town exceedingly well, three days before the Turks approaching. Philip, Count Palatine shown himself a brave soldier in that siege, by whose means, under God's favor, the Town was safely defended, the Turkish tyrant with shame and loose repulsed and set a packing. He lost as it is reported 80000, besides those that perished by famine & cold in the way. Harlem maintained their siege for 10 months to the very last pinch. Ostend held out against all the Spanish force, and Italian cunning, for three years and three months, and gave it over at last on honorable terms.

There be many reasons to bind the defendants to all possible preseverance. First, there is nothing more dishonorable, then to quit a place in all apparence defensible: for he that is not a man in a Hould, will never be a man in the field. Secondly, while men put on noble resolution, and quit themselves like men the Lord in straits doth send them admirable deliverances. In that lamentable misery of the siege of Samaria, beset by Benhadad King of Siria, you may see how they bought & eat asses flesh, & doves dung; yea their children's flesh, & yet holding out against hope, & above hope, the Lord was seen in the mount, the Lord made the host of Syria to hear a noise of chariots & horses, & of a great host, saying one to another, the King of Israel hath hired the neighbor Kings to come against us; wherefore they fled in the twilight, & left their tents, & their horses, & all the campe, as it was, furnished with all plenty: So that Israel was not only delivered, but also had their wants supplied. When Duke de Alva with all his forces, after the taking of Harlem had engaged Leyden, that they could neither sallie, nor receive supply, he battered their bulwark with 18 piece of ordinance, making a sufficient breach as he thought, insomuch that they were in a desperate case: but when he came to the entry, he found such brave entertainment, that in three assaults he lost many of his best Captains, and no fewer then 1600 of his bravest soldiers: but being never a whit daunted, but rather enraged with this encounter, the next day the Lord rained from heaven, so that the raising of the waters caused them to raise their siege, where they left some of their battery. The like may be said of Mountaban, where Duke de Maine had advanced his battery, made fit all necessaries for the very last assault; insomuch that he doubted not (as himself said) but within two or three days he should take the Town: but one day after dinner walking along to view his works, one that was come thither out of S. John de Angelot observed him a far off, who with a piece of a longer sise then ordinary, did level at him, and struck him starck dead; after which the siege was raised.

Thirdly, some by the brave entertainment of assaults do quit themselves of their enemy. Fourthly, by holding out they attain to honorable conditions, which the enemy would never afford them, but that he feareth their valor will answer their resolution. Fifthly, and lastly, a resolute continuance saveth both life & honor, where, an untimely surender might loose both, by laying them down in the hand of a merciless and faithless enemy. The best of the defendants at the siege of Leyden, did ingenuously confess, that through the fear of the people, and also of the Soldiers, they had quitted the Town, if it had not ben blocked up; in doing whereof, they had lost their honor, and it may be their lives; yea which was more, they might have lost the country: but being bound to see it, by continued valor they overcame, saving their lives, honor, and the place; yea they so daunted the courage of the Duke de Alva, and so defaced his credit as all his former encounters had never done the like: after this he never attempted anything worthy of note. To conclude this point, let them take heed in this continuance of the enemies dalliance; yea (to give them a caveat) to beware whose word they take, or whom they trust. I will say no more but remember Weasel.

There is one point more concerning the oppugnation and expugnation of holds to be treated of, namely, the just and lawful usage of the surrendered or taken: for the defendāts, sometimes render upon composition, sometimes they are taken in the very assault: In the former, fidelity is to be kept; and in the latter, cruelty to be avoided. The word of a soldier, is the worth of a Soldier. As public faith inviolable by the laws of nations, in all places should have place; so especially in keeping conditions with the surrendered, whose lives as they are be-trusted into the enemies hands upon articles; so it is a kind of sacrilege to break any one of them. What honor from man, or blessing from God can that soldier expect, who hath torn his colors and flung away his shield? To die, lapped in the colors, or with the shield in the hand, is counted a matter of the greatest honor. The Graecian laws set a mulct for him that lost his shield, but none for him that lost his sword, signifying thereby, that their care should be greater for their own defense, then to offend others. This was all the care of dying Epaminondas, is my shield safe (said he.) It was the only command that the Grecian women gave their children going to war; either to die upon their shield, or to bring back their shield with them. This fidelity is the shield and colors of a soldier, which when he hath lost, he hath no more to keep. By this allusion Henry the 4, was nipped in the quick by one of our own Poets, he lost (saith he) his shield. The execution of the two sons of William Seton (formerly mentioned) contrary to covenant, & the law of nations, was a foul stain to Edward the first, and much regrated of his own. All the excellents parts, and magnanimious actions of Charles, Duke of Borbon, were eaten out with this one Canker-worm: the Inscription of his Tomb, mentioned by Ferronus, declareth his valor. Aucto imperio, devicto Gallo, pontifice obsesso, Roma capta, Caroli Borboni hoc marmor cineres continet; that is, The Empire increased, Italy overthrown, France overcome, the Pope besieged, Rome taken; this Tomb containeth the ashes of Charles of Borbone: But his fidefragie vayleth all these with black; for, as Histories tell us, he oppressing Milan, much pressed it at last with the payment of 30000 Crowns for to pay his soldiers. And though he had sundry times broken with them, yet he got them to believe him upon his oath, and imprecation, that if they would let him have it, if ever he troubled them again, he wished, that a bullet might strike the head from him. On this hope to be rid of him (though they could hardly do it) yet they made him up the money; but they were never a whit the better: for once having the money, without faith of promise, or fear of expressed imprecation, he let loose his spoiling soldiers to all their wonted outrages. This was an hereditary fault in Hannibal, for it was his National sin: Hence the proverb, punica vel Carthaginea fides, &c. But now the Papists have taken the badge from them. For in both these two, infidelity and cruelty, they exceed the African, Turk, Grecian, or Thracian; if any go beyond him, let him have Pluto his chair. It may verily be said of that brood, as Tully said of Afric; That that Nation was never to be trusted, for it never respecteth faith. When all things are at the best with them, as they suppose; yet there is one thing wanting with them, as Lewis the 11, said of France; namely, truth or fidelity.

And in this one thing they exceed all other, that they do not only practice, but preach perfidy. After the burning of John Hus, contrary to the Emperors safe conduct, they made an act in the Council of Constance, That no faith should be kept with Heretics. Julius the second goeth one point further, and telleth us, the Church is not bound to keep oaths. And as their position is (which I shall have occasion further to handle) such is their practice, in their Capitulations which is the present point in hand. How was the capitulation of Sancere performed by the French Papists? D. de Alva his faith to Harlem, Narden, and Zutphen, was washed out with blood. And here I renew the challenge to all the Romish calumniators, to tell me if they can, what Protestants, at any time, contrary to their faith given, hath put any, surrendered upon terms, to the sword. The Devil I know hath been about to make where he wanteth. Instance an imposture of the French Papists, who to cover their more then Turkish infidelity, and bloody cruelty, like the Fox that lost her tail, did labor to bring the Protestants under the same aspersion. Popilintere a French Historian recordeth (but falsely) how a Popish town in France, being besieged by the Protestants, was surrendered upon composition of life and liberty to the besieged; which composition (saith he) was not kept by the Protestants: But according to the truth indeed, it was rendered at their discretion. Oubigne Historian to Henry the 4, of France, meeting with Popiliniere, the penner of the said calumny, charged upon him the wronging of the Protestants with his pen, contrary to his knowledge: Popiliniere, with tears in his eyes, confessed that his pen had been hired to it, to the end that the Protestants might be charged with falsifying their faith, in one particular of that kind, as well as the Papists.

Miniers that bloody Tyrant, having taken by treachery the Town of Cabriers, entered the Church whether the people were fled for succor, and caused man, woman, and child to be cruelly slain. So the Duke of Guise at Va • iacum, caused his soldiers to enter the Church, and put all to the sword. No murder so monstrous, nor no act so unnatural, which against the firmest oath, or strictest bond in nature, they will not commit. Amongst a million of instances, none more remarkable, then that horrible act of Gaveret the French-man (if he might be called a man, and not rather a monster:) He being given to all manner of vice was cashierd by his father; yet found entertainment by a Gentleman of great nore, in whose house he swore himself brother to a young Gentleman; but coming to his patrimony he turned Papist, of whose fidelity the Papists could hardly be assured: He to put them out of doubt, undertook the killing of Henry the 4, then King of Navarre; and to that end he boughtan excellent horse: But a little from Burdeaux he was discovered to the King; where the King • ryed his horse, discharged his pistols that hung at his saddle, • nd so dismissed him. Having failed of this, he plotteth • he death of his dearest friends the Protestants, whom he • nvited to his house; namely, the Gentleman his father, Monsieur Seamats; his sworn brother, and six other Gentlemen of good note. All the dinner time he entertained them with protestation of obligements to his said father: but this was the bloody Catastrophe. Sixteen men came up in Arms, • nd laid hold on all the guests; himself layeth hold on his father; and willing the rest to stay their hands, till he had dispatched him; he stabbed the old Gentleman (crying for mercy to the Lord) four times to the heart. After that he • unniades all the rest with his own hands, save three that were dispatched at their first entrance. The young Gentleman, his brother, he reserved to further torment, whom he • rought to a window, and caused him to sing (as he could very sweetly, though then; no doubt, he did it with a very • eavy heart) towards the end of the ditty; that bloody Traitor cried out with many blasphemies; that there was • ut one Gaveret that could end that Tragedie: and with that tabbed his brother, first in the throat, and then to the heart; • nd so flung the dead body of him, and all the rest, out of the window into the ditch. The act being discovered, it was known, that he had promised to his Confessor, to manife •• himself an undoubted Catholic, by setting a sure seal t • his profession. Judge you if the devil himself would not b • of this profession, that hath such a Seal.

As for their monstrous outrages and cruelty, the blo • of the slain in the Massacre of Paris, proclaimeth it, whe • they neither spared age, sex, nor quality, as Natalis Comes telleth us: where were murdered 60000 persons, or upward.

To this add the loud cry of the late and fresh bleeding State of Bohemia, and the Palatinate, wherein the Spaniard and Austrian have renewed an Indian cruelty; no year nor sex, have they had any pity of. View but that immane and monstrous murder, of an ancient Minister, and ma • of God, Monsieur Mileus, by the Spaniard in the taking o • Heidelburg (notwithstanding that such should be safe by th • very laws and practice of the Heathens;) yet they took him having abused his daughter, and tied a small cord about hi • head, which with trunchions they wreathed about till th • squeezed out his brains.

To think on their cruelty, me thinks, should make o • heart to bleed: But when God maketh inquisition fo • blood, woe to that soul of whom God shall require any of it.

As the coming of these Dragons from Babylon in red and their bloody executions, bewrayeth them to be of th • blood of the Whore (for she is the mother, and Romulus the father) so it shows the nature of the Religion, or rather Arch-Heresy, which they do profess. A bloody disposition i • the very badge of heresy, as Jerome telleth us; for Heretith when they cannot overcome with the Word, they smite with th • sword; they indite with their mouths, and write with the • hands bloody laws. Hence it appeareth, that Heretics ev •• have been cruel; because cruelty and falsehood of Religion goue • always together, where the one is, there the other is. But i • this they are worse then heathen Rome, who by the very light of nature and by the law of nations, both protested, and professed against this breaking covenant with the enemy. Assurance made to the enemy (saith Tully ) is at any hand to be kept. Joshua kept with the Gibeonits.

If men will not be moved with all these, let them observe the judgment of God on such as have broken in this kind. A remarkable example of this in Saul's posterity, who were hanged up for breaking of the covenant made by Joshua with the Gibeonits, although it is said he slew them of zeal: Was not Edward the first, served in his own son Edward the second, as he served William Seton in his sons? For by Mortimer his own subject, against all loyalty, his life was taken from him. And what became of Charles of Borbon in the taking of Rome, while too too adventurously he scaled the wall, according to his imprecation, he was shot quite through, and so for breaking with Millaine he made his end.

CHAP. XXXII. The Exercising of Forces in the Field.

NOw I come from oppugnation and defense of places, to speak of exercising forces in the field, the ordering and joining of battle, the lawful use of victory; and the behavior required in the conqueror and conquered. As the nearer things come to their Center, they move the faster; and the nigher the Sun approacheth the Zenith, it is the hotter: so this, the last part of my subject, being the chiefest part, & highest point of all the warlike motions, it requireth the special workmanship, & that of such a workman as is highly guifted with wit and experience. Haniball could not but laugh at a stoicke, disputing by arguments, that only a wise mā should be a commander, not knowing that use, and experience must concur to the making of a military man: so if my affection to the business, should not gain excuse; in place of approbation, I should move laughing, and instead of a plaudite, I should gain an apage: but having experience that men of Arms, are generous, evē in affecting them that love Arms; I proceed to touch, though not to sound, the depth of those things. And if my skill were to my affection, yet could I not direct in every particular: because necessity offereth many inconveniences in war, which the wisest and expertest Commander cannot avoid: for the which notwithstanding there is a good general rule, to correct that by art and counsel which of its own nature is adverse.

To this rule, for the better directing of all the particular passages, let me add or perfix the counsel of Vegetius; that the hearts of soldiers should be knit together by the bond of love; yea, they should be compacted and united together, not only in order, but also in affection: so they all should be but one body or one soul in divers bodies: where an Army thriveth; a • Tryphonius the lawyer observeth, not only knowledge & familiarity, but also love increaseth in the fellowship of war.

The Army being thus bound together, as head and body, in their several places and functions, ready to serve one another, there be two things which the leader especially must set before his eyes; namely, laying hold of present occasion and celerity of dispatch: The former as I shown is the soul of the action, and the latter is the quick passage of the animal spirits, effecting the functions of the soul. Life once lost cannot be recovered: occasion once past cannot be recalled. Lucius Portius Cato, speaking of Catelin, taketh this (as he showeth) for a rule approved on by all, that in all our affairs, opportunite is to be served, and nothing more to be avoided the • neglect of occasion. Agesilaus being demanded what were the rarest ornaments of a commander; summed them in these three particulars, Valor, Counsel, and laying hold on occasion. That proverb of Vespatians courtiers taking their best opportunity to petition him, is an excellent motto for a commander, know thy time. A man in this sense must be a time-server as, one enjoineth us, serve time. A man, as Erasmus saith, must snatch at that which fleeth away. Scipio the great Cunctator, did call it the part of a sluggard to pretermit occasion. The neglect of this lost Pompey his greatness. First, not to dispute whether he did well or no in quitting Rome, at Caesars approaching; I am sure he lost his way, when he went to Greece, to cast himself upon inexpert and weak forces, degenerate from the use of Arms. Had he rather gone into Spain, of whose warlike and strenuous soldiers of proof, (when with Q Metellus he warred against Sertorius ) he had experience; without question, he had made his part good against Caesar: for which I have this ground, that Caesar in his last fight in Spain with Pompey the elder, was put to such a desperate pinch, that he was in parle of offering violence to himself. What would he have done if Pompey himself had been there, especially in the beginning, when Caesar was neither of any great power, nor authority in the place? This error of Pompey made way for many others: for his campe in Greece began to grow effeminate; lazy, full of riot, and neglect of all good occasions; and that out of the abundance of good things evilly abused; insomuch that it was liker the camp of Darius, or Sardanapalus, then of the ancient Romans, such as Camillus, Fabritius, &c. But the neglect following is most palpably of all without excuse; neither think I, if Pompey were alive, that he would deny it, namely, in the battle of Dyrrachium, wherein he overthrew & routed Caesar; but he neglected to follow the victory, which when Caesar, perceived he said of Pompey, that he knew not how to overcome. You may see then in this instance and others of the like nature, the saying of Lucanus made good.

As occasion thus doth animate the business; so celerity in performance is the energetical power of life in military performances. Qucknesse (as Vegetius saith) is often mo •• helpful then valor it self. That golden saying of Caesar, should in capital letters, always be in the eyes of grea • Commanders, That whatsoever he had effected, celerity h •• done it.

Another thing to be thought on in the leading of Forces, is how to quit themselves, when they are brought into a strayt, and so environed with the enemy, that there is no way to pass without hazard; then and there is the special use of some cunning stratagem. Examples of such we have many of good note in Frontine; and none more witty then that of Hannibal against Fabius, although none more common: Where Hannibal was brought to such a strayt that he could quit himself no way, but through the narrow passages that Fabius kept: He tied bundles of combustible matter between the Horns of Oxen; and set them on fire. The Romans sent out by Fabius, could not tell at first what 〈◊〉 make of it; for they thought it had been some prodigiou • thing: but conceiving what it was, they told the General▪ who fearing it to be some slight, to draw them out, kep • close in their Camp; so that Hannibal, with all his Forces, past without opposition. This was indeed a witty one, but yet a costly one: for the pattern, out of which he had it, co •• his father Amilcar his life. The Dukes of Spain, again •• whom he warred, yoked up Oxen in Waines, loaden with wood, which the Army drove before them, as they came toward the enemy: who counted it a foolish toy, but eve • in the joining battle, they fired the wood, and drove the Oxen and Waines so fired upon the enemy, whose force • were broken, and Army quite disordered: so that the Spanish, following the advantage, slew Amilcar, and many o • his Army. Out of this Stratagem, no doubt, did Haniba • pick the other.

The next thing following, advantageous to fight, is the opportunity of place, which as they are to take, so they are to take heed they loose it not by circumvention, as some have done to their own undoing. Besides strength and valor (saith Livi ) the place helps much; He giveth a reason, that Arms being used with advantage from above, may fix their blows with their own weight. Vegetius hath the same position, whereof he giveth this reason; He that goeth against the height hath a double enemy to deal with; namely, both the adversary and the ground. This advantage was well looked to by Marcus Curius against Pirrhus, and by Pompey against Mithridates; Lucullus against Tigranes; Caesar against Pharnaces; and Hannibal against Marcellus; all these, by advantage of place defeated their enemies. But as I said of Encamping; so I say of the place for fight: It is not always in the Commanders power to make choice; for sometimes in March they are charged by the enemy, and then being forced to fight, not because they would, but because it pleaseth the adversary: they must take the place as it falleth out: but if the place be incommodious, they must labor by all means to gain a better, detracting fight all that they can, till they obtain it. Publius Decius, Tribune of the soldiers, obtained leave of the Con • sul Cornelius, being to figh with the Samnites, that with some few forces he might adventure the taking of an Hill that was nigh hand by; which he did indeed, to their own gain, and the enemies loss. The sole disadvantage of the place lost the Earl of Anguise the field against Edward the first.

The second branch of this point, concerneth the keeping of a fit place already taken. The wise enemy perceiving the odds of the place, will detract fight by all means and labor to shift his adversary from his place, and then give him battle. All the cunning in this kind that I have read, affordeth not a fitter instance then that of Hannibal against Fulvius, the Roman General; who being seated for fight very commodiously, was more negligent in watching, and rash in skirmishing then he should have been. Hannibal perceiving his humor in the very dark of the dawning, presenteth a Perdiu to the Watch, who giving an alarm, Fulvius with his forces breaketh out, whereupon Hannibal, by the most of his forces laid in ambush, interceps the place, chargeth them on their backs, and slew 8000 of the bravest soldiers that Rome afforded. Not unlike to this, was that Stratagem of the English against the Scottish, at the Field of Floudon: King James was counseled by his Nobles, to seat himself beyond the river of Til; where, by the opportunity of the banks, and of the river unpassable (but at one bridge) they might save themselves, and have the enemy at their mercy: for planting their Ordinance toward the bridge, they might let some of the English forces pass, as though they neglected the bridge, and thereafter cut the bridge with the Ordinance, when they would, and so divide their enemies forces, which they might easily foil without danger to themselves: but this counsel could not find place with a man hastening to destruction: yet counsel, or common sense, so far prevailed with him, as to fortify himself in the next fittest place namely, on a hill, at the foot of a great hill, called Zevist; the place was nowhere pervious, but by a strayt and narrow passage, which they did fortify on either side with their Munition; & they stood no less then need of this advantage, for they were far fewer in number then the English; who understanding by their Spyes, that there was no coming at them in that place, without eminent danger, they remove their Camp, making show as though they went toward Barwick, or otherwise into Scotland, to quit the damage they had sustained; which the King fearing especially, quits the place, sets fire in the shiels, and such things as they could not carry: the smoke deprived them of the sight of the English, who fet a compass about and crossed Till, with all their Ordinance, coming on the backs of the Scots, whom they found in an equal plain called Floudon: Thus the Scots drawn out of their strength, having their Ordinance to transplace, at the very encounter with two Battalions, either of them consisting of as many as all their Forces, they were forced to fight at all disadvantages; where in a hot and bloody fight (as most hath been heard of,) they held it out till night overtook them. Great was the loss on both sides, and for number equal: but the Scottish loss exceeded in quality of person; for they lost as Royal a King, and illustrious Nobilty as any Europe could afford: and all, as you see, upon neglect of good counsel, and want of taking heed.

Neither would I have any so to presume of opportunity of place, as without valor and vigilancy it could secure them: for the enemy may adventure beyond all reason and expectation, and so surprise them in the same whereon they do presume. Pharnaces charged Caesar so hotly and unexpectedly against the steep of a Hill; that had not their inexpugnable valor quit them, they had lost both the place and themselves. Thus being placed, they are to inure their rawest soldiers under some good Leaders to light skirmishes; as the Romans inured their Gally-men first to use their oars by rowing on the sands. Further, in keeping place for the annoyance of the enemy, men must take heed of false fears suggested by the enemy. So was Fabius hood-winked by Hannibal. It is good for a General to have a Lions eye for his Symbol, with this inscription; Let not fear nor error transport you.

CHAP. XXXIII. The ordering of the Battle.

NOW it followeth, that I come to a point of no small importance; namely, the ordering of the battle, in the undertaking whereof it may be justly said to me, as Pirrhus said to one that would undertake to teach him the Art of imbattling; I stand not need (saith he) of a Commander whose ears did never tingle at the sound of a Trnmpet: Therefore let me apology my weakness once more, with the like speech that the people should use to Archippus; Take heed to thy Ministry: so may I safely say to Commanders; Take heed to the ordering of your battles.

The very word importeth the necessity of order; it is called Acies (saith Isidor ) from the defensive Arms of proof, and from the sharpness of the sword. When swords are sharped, and the sight of the eye is cleared, then they are fitted for cutting and sight: so when men are set in battle array they are indeed called Acies: and as man consisteth of matte and form; so a battle consisteth of men and order. The weal and wisely disposing of a battle, (saith Vegetius ) helpeth much to the victory. Gaius Flaminius being to fight against the French, was called off, both by the Senates letters, and by some prodigious tokens; he opened not the letters, but charged the enemy, where he slew 8000, and took 17000. This great victory of Flaminius was got, as Polybiu observeth by the due ordering of his Forces. This was the main help to Alexanders victories, as witnesseth Q. Curtius in his fourth book. When the Romans had equalled the Carthaginians with a Captain; insomuch that it was hard to tell, whether was the better: where then lay the odds? Not in number, nor in feigned fortune, nor in such a General, as men call foolishly fortunate without reason: but it was especially (as Polybius well observeth) to be attributed to the ordering of the battle: for the Roman Acies (as the Author insisteth in commending of it) far excelled that Phalangical form which Hannibal used, and that for sundry reasons. For in it there is an easier motion, a quicker turning, and fitter distance: This form will fit any place or time, where the Phalanx will fit but place and time appropriated.

As Caesar could not endure the least error in battle array; so Alexander by no means could be moved to break it. In his last battle with Darius, at Arbela, many Companies of the Persians brake in, and drove away the Macedonians goods, Parmeno thinking much of that, desired Alexander to fall upon them. At no hand, answered Alexander, will I dissolv my battle, with which I must encounter the enemies forces, and not go rescue beasts. For if we be overcome we shall need none of these; but if we overcome, both ours and theirs shall be our own. A few forces so well ordered, with some advantage of place, hath put a huge Army to their stand, and made them glad to be gone. A notable instance of this we have in Chabrias the Athenian Captain, who having embattled himself in the side of a narrow Hill, in exceeding good order; Agiselaus, that great soldier, chargeth him with 18000 foot, and 1500 horse; where he was but 5000 foot, and 200 horse; but in contempt, as it were, of him and all his forces, he causeth his soldiers to attend him, with their pikes ordered, and their Targets sunk to their knees. Agiselaus wondering at their excellent order, and constant resolution, that they would not stir one foot, like a wise man, gave them over.

Now for the several forms of battle array, it is neither pertinent, nor possible, for me to discover them. The Grecian Phalanx, and the Roman Acies, or the mixture of both is the most common; the frame of the first, you may gather from Vegetius; the description of the second, word for word you have in Polybius.

In this point of imbatteling, there is not only a due form required, but also fit and convenient matter in the due place: some do order the weakest forces in the front, and the strongest in the wings; some do the contrary: no certain rule can be given in this, but as occasion shall be given from the enemies order, so must they do. The ordering of Xantippus his forces, was the only means of restoring Carthage from her ruins: He placed his stronger forces in the wings, and his weaker in the front. In the fight against Marcus Attilius Regulus, he charged the light forces, that after they had shot their shafts, they should retire themselves within the wings, drawing the enemies after them, and withal they should get themselves without their own, and help to compass in the enemy.

As the powers are often placed, as occasion is given by the enemy; so sometimes the enemy will deceive by a sudden transposition of his order. Publius Cornelius Scipio, whose surname was Africanus, warring against Asdruball in Spain, led out his Army some days before the fight, with the strongest in the front, and weakest in the wings: but that day that he came to join indeed, he led them in a contrary order, and so circumvened them. I will conclude this point of ordering with these general rules to be observed, in every form of battle (though especially in a four square battle with a long front,) namely, first, that there be no gulf, nor emptiness (for so they term it) in front or wing, or any particular part of a battle, because in it the order by the irruption of the enemy, is easily broken.

Another rule in battle ray, is this, that the Sun, dust, or wind be with them, and adverse to their enemies. Where this advantage is got, it maketh much for the victory. This helped Hannibal, that suttle Commander, to the day, at Cannas, to the almost undoing of the Romans, as Historiographers relate. The great advantage of this, doth herein manifest it self, that the greatest Commanders have contended for it. It stood the Romans instead (being taught by their own evil) against the Cymbrians; and the General of the Cymbrians made use of it against Marius. The victory always went with the advantage of this Stratagem.

CHAP. XXXIIII. The Ioyning of Battle.

NOw I come to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or highest point of warlike exercise, namely, the joining of battle, or fight it self, which determineth in three or four hours, that which hath taken up a long times preparation, and a great deal of deliperation; therefore this adventure is well and wisely to be considered; and the rather because failings in fight leaves • o place for amends. That Apothegme of Lamachus, to a Captain of a Company, is worth the remembrance. The Captain being rebuked for an error in fight, told Lamachus the General, that he would do so no more: to whom he answered prettily, that for a second error there is no place in fight. Vegetius giveth another reason, from the preciousnes of • ife that lieth at the stake: There is no pardon (saith he) for an error in fight: because all the good of life, and life it self, is that which is contended for. This as the same Author saith, is the • atall day, wherein the fullness of victory doth laureate the temples of the conquering with a wreath of glory: but it layeth • he honor of the conquered in the dust: And be he never • o great, he is at the pleasure and service of his triumphing • nemy. How wise and careful then should Generalls be in committing fight: and how courageous and resolute in the fight it self?

There be many remarkable cautions that should accompany the good advice of fight. First the very day of fight; the disposition, or indisposition of the soldier to fight is much to be regarded, which may be gathered by their words, countenance and carriage. A second thing to be looked to, is the avoiding of temerity: a little of this, like a Coloquinti •• marreth all the rest. Fresh men at Arms may out of their hot blood have a great mind to fight; because they know not what it is to fight, nor what lieth upon it. Aman that never sailed thinketh it a sport to be at sea: because he never fe •• a storm. Pericles being pressed by his soldiers to fight, and

The disposition therefore of the soldier is not enough, except other things concur. It is here as it is in Physic, e • sie to err, but the least error bringeth great damage. An • therefore it is a good axiom, that nothing in fight is so much 〈◊〉 be avoided as temerity. The rashness of Vladislaus that young King of Hungary, lost him his crown and his life. It is a • good precept, the least disadvantage in war is not to be contemned. Contempt of the enemy, and confidence in forces, maketh many reckon twice, and sit down by the loss. Instance this in King John of France, who presuming of his multitude, would admit no conditions from Edward the black Prince, but fight: who with a few wearied forces, driven to a strayt, gathered courage from despair, and gane the French such a foil, both in their honor and forces, that they blame themselves much in this, that they had no mo •• wit. Agiselaus that worthy Captain, was wiser, in not adventuring on Chabrias the Athenian Captain against advantage of the ground, giving this reason, that courage, opportunity of place and necessity are the wings of victory. A wise fear of such is no cowardice, but rather a good temper of resolution. Aristotle calleth this discreet fear, the right hand of counsel. Incogitancie (saith one) begetteth temerity, but consideration breedeth a wise or cunctatorie fear. It is a pretty Adagie; the mother of the fearful seldom crieth. Augustus compareth them well, that cast themselves upon disadvantages & unnecessary dangers, to those that angle with golden hooks. G. Julius Caesar dictator, who had no fewer then fifty times been in fight with the enemy, & in this, unparalleled by any of the Romans, learned this in the end as his master-piece, to be very wary with whom, how, and on what terms to fight. In this particular, as in many other, we may worthily admire his Excellencie indeed the Prince of Orange, who by age, industry and experience, hath learned to play the Fabius, as well as the Marcellus; he hath got much honor to himself, and good and glory to the State, by the use of that Motto, that Augustus gave to his Captains; make hast deliberately. There was never man more desirous of fight, then that wise politick Emperor, & great Commander Trajan; yet in this he did so temper himself, that he would rather break his enemies with delay, then unadvisadly, or unnecessarily, adventure his own.

Thirdly, a considerate General must not fight at the pleasure of the enemy, but at his own best opportunity: none will draw our their enemy to fight but upon some assured advantage. That vexed Hannibal, that he had more a do to get Fabius to fight then to overcome other Roman Generalls in fight: and therefore he said he feared Fabius more detracting fight, then he did Marcellus, though a great warrior, in fight. To this point, that speech of Gaius Marius fitteth very well: who being importuned by his adversary, Theutonus to fight, answered him thus; if he were weary of his life, there were ways enough to rid him of it.

Fourthly, as he must avoid temerity and not serve the enemies desire; so he must not omit opportunity: by this I have formerly shown how great things have been done, and how the greatest Commanders have attributed much to this.

No more I say of it; but the neglect or loss of this, giveth us all just cause to Iament: for had battle been given to Spinola approaching the Palatinate, when opportunity was afforded, it may be the Sanctuary of the Lord had not been possessed by the enemy: yea, by all likelihood, all the outrage committed might have been prevented; all the blood saved, and all the country preserved; but where the fault lay, there I leave it.

I come to the fifth thing very necessary in fight, that is, an exhortatory oration from the mouth of the General, that they quit themselves like men. It is fit that the General have the faculty of encouragement, as well as of commandment. C • sar was excellent at this; for he was a man both with tongue and hand amongst many. Of other instances, none showeth more cunning then this, that being to fight against Ariovistus, and the Germans, the hearts of his soldiers, through the forces and fierceness of the enemy, began to fail them; and amongst them all the tenth legion especially, which Caesar, very cunningly fell to commend in his oration, and told the rest, that he would use none but that legion: Which speech so affected them, that being partly ashamed of their former fear, and partly ambitious to make good his seeming conceit; that no service seemed too hard for them: and the rest being emulous of their commendation, did strive to deserve it as well as they. Thus by experience Caesar made good the proof of his own position: That a good speech prevaileth sometimes more then money.

The motives whereby Generals may persuade are these, and the like; as first, from the goodness of the cause; for everyone (at least) pretendeth a good cause, as you may see in all the speeches of this nature. From this Joab did enforce valor upon his soldiers: Be of good courage (saith he) and let us play the men, for our people, and for the Cities of our God. Of which one saith very well, That though he was no good man; yet no speech could be worthier of a great Captain. Secondly, they persuade from the valor of the enemy, and sometimes from the weakness of the enemy: to overcome the former, it is exceeding great glory; and to have the other to fight with, assureth victory. Thirdly, from the preservation of them and theirs; for goods, liberty, wives and children; life, honor, and religion it self lieth upon it. When the Romans were to fight, they brought all the prey, the sallary and richest substance that the soldiers had, and laid it bound in fardells hard by the colors, that thereby they might be whetted on to fight. The Persians bring their wives and preciousest things into the field; and so doth the Spaniard the richest things he hath.

Fourthly, they move with hope of glory, and promise of reward. Fear and punishment are the bonds of Camp Discipline; but the soldiers must be carried on to the battle, on the wings of hope and reward.

Fifthly, it is no small motive to observe the impossibility to escape the enemy (if they should fly) through the nature of the place wherein they fight. Myronides the Athenian General, leading his soldiers against the Thebans, brought them into a fair large field, where they were to fight; where he caused them all to lay down their Arms, & view the place all round about. You see my soldiers (said he) what a large field is here, and our enemies are bravely mounted on swift horses; therefore if we flee there is no possibility to escape; but if we stand to it, there is good hope of victory. Upon which speech they pur on resolution to stand it out to a man, and did second the same with such courage, that they carried the day, and had a great victory, which they followed to Phocis and Locris.

The last motive, and that of no small force, is taken from the cruelty and inhumane condition of the enemy with whom they are to fight. If men fight against such as are worse then Bears and Lions, that are never satisfied with blood; such as the brood of Gog and Magog, Turks and Papists, whose very mercies are cruelties; Were it not better to die upon the sharp, with honor in the field, then to be reserved for a while unto some cruel torment, intolerable sorrow, and disgraceful reproach? Fpaminondas, General of the Thebans, being to fight with the Lacedemonians, that he might not only strengthen his soldiers, but also sharpen their indignation against their enemies, delivered in his Oration, that it was the determination of the Lacedemonians, if they overcame, to kill all the Males of the Thebans, man and mothers son, and further to make slaves and captives of their wives and daughters, and last of all to equal Thebes with the ground. This did so inflame the Thebans against the Lacedemonians, that at the very first shock they overcame them.

Doth not the belluin rage and cruelty, executed upon the Germans and Bohemians, by woeful experience tell us, what merciless and inhumane enemies we contend with; namely, the brats of the bloody whore. The ripping up of women, the shameful abusing of them, not to be named, the torturing of men with new devised torments; the bathing in the blood of inoffensiue children; the cruel murthering of God's Ministers, (who by the laws of God and Nations, have always been sacred.) In aword, their unparall • ld immanity, above Turks or Barbarians, would put life in a man to fight to the last gasp, rather then to live and see, the least part of these horrible indignities. To pass by the Spaniard outrage upon the Indian and Hollander (whose resolution and valor, ariseth out of the Spanish cruelty and perfidy) cast but your eye upon the Spanish provision for 88, and you may see how like the base bramble Abimelech, they were determined to burn up the inhabitants; and as the scourges of God's wrath, to whip us to death with tormenting scorpions; as if they would have made the torments of the English a terror to all nations. But by you, my Lord's and people of the Vnited Provinces, let this particular be observed in your encounter with the Spaniard. I know the monuments of the more then Saracen cruelties remains with you; you have pictures in your houses, and draughts drawn in the tables of your hearts: Yet let this sharpen your resolution to fight it out to the death; that if ever the black brood be masters, you shall have the blackest day that ever men had. If Radamanthus and Minos were come out of hell to torment, they could not exercise more cruelty then they would, upon you and yours; yea, as they would make you a spectacle to all the world, so they would send you, bodies and souls to hell, if they could. As Hannibal therefore was a sworn enemy to the Romans in his childhood; so teach your youth, rather to die, then to live at the mercy of the Spaniard: But, withal, fit yourselves, and yours for death, better then you do; and then let fire or water have the land, and all that you have: yea, if I may so say, and make it good in dispute, let the devil have it (as he had all Job's substance) rather then the Spaniard have it, who is a devil incarnate.

As the bloody disposition of so devilish an enemy, should put you on to fight it out to the very last pinch; so should it likewise terrify you from any terms of peace, which if once you entertain, you are caught in the trap. The Spaniard is like the Irish, who under a perfidious peace doth his adversary more mischief then in open war. Your charge and pains in peace shall be never a whit lesser (for I am sure you dare not trust them) your damage and danger shall be greater. For whoever gained by peace with the Spaniard, England excepted, who hath of late gained repentance, I wish they be not too late in bringing forth the fruits of it. But to speak of this, though I cannot speak enough, I shall be further occasioned; only I will shut it up for the present, with showing what I think of that distressed people of Bohemia and the Palatinate, under the yoke of the enemy. If they had expected such barbarous cruelties, they would all have died upon the point of the pike, or edge of the sword, rather then to have trusted themselves in the hands of such men of bloods. But to conclude this point, all and everyone of these means hath often prevailed; in so much that Generals had need to be well versed in this faculty, to which Vegetius doth not unworthily attribute very much; If exercised soldiers (saith he) do fear to fight, the exhortatiue power of the Generals oration, will rouse up their strength, and kindle their courage.

But here ariseth a doubt not unworthy the answering. What if the heart of the soldier be so sunk, and his courage so quailed, that words are but wind with him, his fear hath made him deaf, and he minds nothing but taking of himself to his heels?

I answer, as the Noble General in this case is in a great strayt; so some have forced their soldiers to fight. For this we have many examples of note, both in the most expert Grecian and Roman Generals, whereof I will observe but two or three. Themistocles, and the Grecians having their Navy at Salamis, they fearing the enemy, would needs fly with their ships, for all that Themistocles could do or say to the contrary: he seeing this, sendeth Sicinus his sons Tutor to the King, and telleth him (in show of good will) that the Grecians were about to fly, therefore it should be his best, with his whole Navy to come and charge them: To this the King did hearken willingly, and bringeth all his sea forces into the narrow sea, where he cooped up the Athenians ere they were aware, where they were forced to fight, yet with great advantage: and so nil they would they, by the dexterous policy of a witty Captain, they had the victory. Where observe by the way, that to fight at the enemies instigation or counsel, is no sure nor safe course. Another instance in Fabius Maximus, arriving at the same place, and being to fight with the enemy, setteth all the ships on fire, that no place of refuge should remain for flyers. The like did General Vere, at the battle of Newport, in sending away the ships that attended them. Timarchus Aetolus did the like. Clitarchus choosing rather to fight the enemy, then to be blocked up in the City, draweth out his forces; and lest they should recoil back again from the fight, he caused the gates to be shut, and the keys to be laid up on the top of the walls, which he shown to the Soldiers; admonishing them thereby that there was no refuge left, but for fight; who making a virtue of necessity, fell resolutely upon the enemy, and carried away the victory. The like of this did Charles Martil against Abdiramus the Saracen; knowing that the valor of his soldiers would countervail the multitude of the enemy, he preventeth all refuge for flight, by setting of the Camp on fire, and shutting of the gates of Turon, so that there was no way but even to fight it out.

Yet for all these examples, in my simple opinion, this will not always be safe, but only where there is fortitude and experience in the soldier; yet overdaunted and quashed wi • h the fear of the enemy, being overmatched in multitude, or some other odds: But where insufficiency concurreth with fear, to force such to fight, were but to stop a ditch with Cowards, to flesh the enemy, and to spoil a good Commander.

The sixth main thing to be observed for the joining of battle, is this; not to be daunted with inequality of number, if necessity enforce the fight; (I say if necessity enforce it) for otherwise to adventure upon great inequality, without some odds, to countervail the number, were not the part of a wise Commander: but if he be put to it upon this odds, I may boldly use that speech to him, being such as he should be, that God often useth to his Generalls; Fear not be, strong and courageous, &c. The reason of this particular may be taken from that speech of Jonathan, there is no restraint with God to overcome with many or with few. Which speech, as it is an infallible truth, so it is full of encouragement: for though God prescribe means; yet he is not tied to means; for he worketh above means, & without means, and against means. Besides the instances of proof for this point from the word (which some may think to be extraordinary) there is plenty of examples in military treatises, human histories. Vegetius hath the position it self, that often, the fewer in number under good Commāders, do carry the victory. The Commenter giveth instances in Datames, who never fought but with the fewer number; yet by his wise carriage, & using of his best opportunity had ever the better. Sertorius with a handful, got admirable victories over Marcellus, & other Romans, with great armies. Admirable was that victory that Charles Martill, great Master of France, & father to King Pippin, had over the Saracens, in the battle of Tours, where Abdiramas encountered him with 400000 Saracens: but with a number for inferriour, yea with a handful in respect of them, he did not only foil the Saracens, but made the hugest slaughter, of any that we read of, to wit, he slew 370000. One instance more of no less wonder, if we mark all the passages of it; in the battle of Poictuiers, where Edward the Black Prince with a handful of weareyd soldiers, not passing 8000, overcame King John with an army of 40000; of which besides the nobles, 10000 where slain, King John & Philip his son taken prisoners, with 70 Earls, 50 Barons, & 12000 Gentlemen: so that they both slew more, and took more, then themselves were in number: likewise at the battle of Cresy, the English where but 1180; yet they overcame the French being in number 70000; of which besides, John King of Bohemia, 11 Princes, 80 Barons, 120, Knights, there were slain 30000 common soldiers.

So that you see it is not the multitude of our foes that have prevailed against us: For if they had covered the face of the earth like grasshoppers, the Lord could have swept them away. But as we shall hear hereafter, we have provoked him to strengthen their hands against us; he goeth not forth with us, because we go not out & in with him: the Lord is not with us, but hath left us and forsaken us: because we have left & forsaken him. Why do we not prosper in anything whither soever we go as Joshua did? even because we do not as Joshua did. We walk not according to all the law of God, which he hath commanded; and yet for all this, if we would turn to the Lord, we need not to fear the increase of their forces. It is true, that they do increase, and must once make a head, & that in great number; for as the great Whore sitteth upon many waters; that is, as the spirit expoundeth to be, the inhabitants & Kings of the earth; so the three unclean spirits come out of the mouth of the Dragō, of the beast, & of the false Prophet, to gather the Kings of the earth, & of the whole world to the battle of Harmagiddon; & that they may the more prevail, they come with lying miracles in judgment, to those whom they do deceive. You see their number must be great; for they must be many Kings; yea of the whole world in account, thē there must needs be many people, to maintain the tottring Kingdom of the devil, whē it is even at the downefull. Yet, for all these hands, they shall have enough to do. The Angel that poureth out the seventh violl saith, it is done; yea the cup of the wine of the fierceness of God's wrath, shall be givē her by the hand of God's little flock. The multitude shall neither maintain her, nor themselves, but all shall perish together.

The seventh thing to be looked to is, that superstition be avoided; whereunto, as corrupt nature is very subject, so most of all in extremity. A superstitious man (as Plutarch well observeth ( feareth everything, except that which he should fear. Four especial ways do men in this particular commit superstition, by consulting with sorcerers, or southsayers; by taking some casualties as ominous; by observing of days; and by seeking to Idols. To the first, Gaius Marius had a Witch out of Scythia with whom he always consulted of the event of war, before he undertook it. Did not Saul in the like case seek to the Witch at Endor? They who forsake God, and whom God hath forsaken, may run to the devil for counsel; for that is all their refuge: yea when men take that course it is a shrewd evidence that they are forsaken of God. As he would not answer God with any kindly obedience; so God would not answer him by any manner of manifestation; not by a dream: for he had no temper of the spirit; not by the Vrim or Priest; for he had killed the faithful ones; and so in his greatest necessity, he wanted the comfort of them; not by a Prophet: for he despised the spirit, he runneth therefore to the devils dame (for so the word doth signify) or the mother of a familiar, and she must tell him what shall be the event of the battle When God leaveth men to themselves, they know not what to do, all his wit and policy, and all the cunning of his courtiers could not help him out with this lurch. This, amongst the rest, made way for Pompey's overthrow: for he consulted with a woman of Thessaly, who brought him a soldier as he thought from the dead, declaring to him the bad success of the Pharsalian battle. Julian after his apostasy, betook him wholly to Sorcerers and Conjurers. Richard the third, made this a special part of his counsel. James the third of Scotland, was much corrupted with this kind of vermin; and so much was the more pity; for he was a Prince of excellent parts; but he plagued himself with two sorts of evil beasts, namely, superstitious figure-flingers, and cater-pillar favorits, whereby he brought desolation upon the land, and himself to an untimely end. Considering God's hatred against the sin, and the evil end of all such as have taken this course, it is a wonder, especially that men illuminated should look this way: but whom God will destroy he giveth them up to corruption of judgment and madness of mind (as Austin well observeth of Saul ) being become a reprobate he could not have a good understanding.

As for the Papists conjuring and consultation, it is a main part of their Leiturgie. Yea, they have one trick more of this kind, namely, to give Amulets to soldiers going to fight, whereby they assure them of security from all hurt. A worthy Historiam giveth an instance of this. The French under the conduct of Charles Alobroge, going against Geneva; in the year of our Lord 1502 had Amulets from their charming fathers to hang about their necks, wherein were engraven crosses with the beginning of S. John's Gospel, the name of Mary, Jesus, of the Trinity, with many odd Characters & inscriptiōs; promising to all those that should wear them, that they should not perish that day by earth, water nor the sword. But the devil was cunning enough to cozen thē: for though they scaped those particulars; yet they perished another way: In the night their Characters were taken from them, & they were strangled and blown in the air. Jesuits know it is foul play to wear amulets in fight, and against the laws of Arms, and yet they will be doing. Let such as love soul or life, beware of these; for such things have neither hid force, nor elementary quality to save or preserve. Austin of such, hath a very good speech, with a counsel subjoined; Many (saith he) being driven to a strayt, seek help of the devil in the persons of Charmers or Enchaunters, and in the supposed force of Amulets: what is this but to go to our invisible enemies, who kill the soul persuading us that there is no help with God? The ears of such

The second thing to be avoided, is an ominous construction of casualties. When Scipio transported his soldiers out of Italy unto Africa, as he went a shore, his foot slip, and he fell on his face (whereat his soldiers being astonished, conconceiving it as a token of evil success,) Scipio with a brave courage making a better construction; Go sport yourselves (said he) my soldiers, for I have already taken possession of Africa. It is fit for avoiding this, that a wise General be seen in some measure in the causes of natural things, which seeming to the ignorant prodigious, they may therein give them satisfaction. Lucius Sulpicius Gallus, foretold to his soldiers the Eclipse of the Moon, and the causes of the said Eclipse, that they might not be dismayed at it, through the ignorance of the cause. Pericles going to war, as he went aboord of his ship, the Sun was eclipsed, at the darkness of which eclipse the Master of the ship was exceedingly astonished, taking it for some ominous or prodigious thing; but the General cast his cloak over the Masters face, and asked him if there were any matter of terror in that; who answered no • No more in the other, said the General, but that the cause is not so well known. If Heathens were thus wise, is it not a shame for Christians to startle at the signs of heaven, or at the casual occurrences of accidents below? Let God's command, medcine this shy disposition (which is worse then heathenish in the Lord's account. ) Be not dismayed at the signs of heaven, for the Heathens are dismayed at them.

The third thing is seeking to idols or false God's; so did all the Heathen: and new Rome is not one whit short of old Rome in this. Yea, as Pliny saith of the one, so I may say of the other; that the number of their gods, exceedeth the number of the Papists. And as another saith well; they are Lapideus populus, a people made of stocks and stones: to Saint George, and to such they go for success in battle.

The last is difference of days, as some days they hold good to fight on, and some bad; as though the Lord, had made one day good and another bad. This superstitious differencing of days, the other Rome held both in position and practice. They were called Fighting-days, saith one, wherein it was lawful to fight with the enemy; for there were some feriall days, wherein it was not lawful to fight. Of these irreligious days, and of their strictness in this point, Cato maketh mention in his commentary upon the Civil Law. In those days (saith he) they did not levy men, nor join battle, nor sit in judgment. The Macedonians abstained from fight, all the month of June. The Germans held it unfortunate to fight in the beginning of the new Moon, or in the full of the Moon. It is observed of the Jews, that they neglecting to defend themselves on the Saboth, Pompey took Jerusalem. Lucullus the Roman Captain, considered better of the matter, who being to fight upon the eighth day of October against Tigranes, was by some of the company dissuaded from it; because Scipio, as on that day had had a great defeat: Let us (said he) therefore fight the more stoutly, that we may make to the Romans, a good day of an evil. Joshua and Israel compassed Jericho seven days, and on the last day took it, which was the Sabbath of the Lord. One persuading a General not to fight, upon some ominous conceit taken of the day; I hold it (saith he) the best kind of divination to fight stoutly for my Country. To observe days, or months, and times, standeth not with Christian liberty. It is charged upon the King of Bohemia, when Prague was taken, that he would not fight on the Lord's day; but it is one of the lightest aspersions put upon him by his calumnious enemies. If he had fought and carried the day, they would have put his fighting as an imputation upon his profession, for fighting upon the Sabbath.

As fighting hereon, and all other works should be avoided, as much as may be: (though the Papist (as one saith) pestereth the week with idol-holy days, and heathenishly maketh less reckoning of this then of the least of his devised holy days:) yet if necessity command, either to assault or defend, the day is made for man, and not the man for the day. That restriction which the Heathens held concerning their days, agreeth very well to the Lord's day. Si ultima necessitas suadeat administretur; that is; if necessity enforce to fight, we may.

Let God's people therefore, both in peace and war, beware of Rome's superstition. It is said that old Rome had their superstition from the Hetruscians, whether they sent every year, six of the Patricians sons to learn the rites of religion: but all Nations now have their superstition from new Rome, which is become the Mistress of Whorish inventions; and whether our Romanists send their young Cobbes, to learn their postures and motions. Of her, whosoever borroweth for garnishing, or rather for gaudifying of the worship of God, may justly fear, to the woe of their souls, that they pay as deer for it, as Israel did for the golden Calf. The Altar of Damascus, provoked the Lord to forsake his own Altar, wherein Achaz presumed of safety (oh! Cimm • rian blindness and fearful apostasy! ) but it proved contrary, for it was the ruin of him, and of all Israel; according to the word, it was the break-neck of them; or as some translate, not unfitly, it plagued him and all Israel. Was the Apostle in fear of the Galatians, because they kept days and months • And may not we fear and tremble, who have not only their dismal hollow days (mince them as you will) but 〈◊〉 great deal more of the devils dirt, wherewith, as with a garment spotted with the flesh, the garment of Christ is fearfully defiled? The strange Arms, or colors of the enemy in the field or City, are ominous indeed: for by them the wall • have been scaled, and the forces slain and routed, without so much as a blow given in defense; even so, do not the Arms of the Beast, and the colors of the Whore, set up cheek by joull with God's colors in his House, and amongst his Armies in the field, presage some fearful plague approaching; especially to those that are a sleep: our Laodicean conceit, shall be so far from sheltering us, that thereby we provoke God, that he can bear no longer, but that he must needs sp •• us out of his mouth; which, if he do, it is to be feared we are such a loathsome thing, that he will never take us up again; but make a new people to himself.

As all these things aforesaid are duly to be considered; so in the eight place followeth, a thing not immaterial to be thought on, and very often helpful to the victory, being thought on; namely, that soldiers wearied with a long March, should not immediately (or if they can) that day join battle. Vegetius giveth a reason, by a great March the soldier weakeneth his spirits, and looseth his strength. Instance of this may begiuen in the Volscians fighting against the Romans; after too great a March, & much crying, they joined in fight, and at the very first encounter were defeated, and abandoned their Campes. Sergius Galba, with his wearied soldiers, set upon the Portugalls, and routed them at the first, and pursuing them unadvisedly with his over wearied soldiers; the Barbarians, with their recollected forces, returned upon them and slew 7000 Romans, very able soldiers. The neglect of this observation did the A • ch-Duke no good at the battle of Newport, who after a long March, as I am informed, gave battle to his adversary and that upon a sandy ground. Had Spinola with an easy march brought his forces fresh before Bergan-up-Soom, & presently given an assault, he had hazarded the taking of the Town: but with over marching, they were so wearied and weakened, that five days past, before they were able to assault, & by this they lost their best opportunity. He laid the blame on Velasco: but it was well howsoever.

The ninth, and the last thing to be remembered, but not the least; yea, the chiefest thing of all, is devout and servant prayer unto God for the victory. If an eloquent and pithy speech, from the mouth of a natural man prevail much (as I shown) in provoking them to courage, how much more couragio • shall these men be, whose hearts God doth touch, and whose hands God doth strengthen for the day of battle. Now • hese by prayer are ob • ayned of God; witness that instance of Moses praying, and, the people of God fighting, when Moses held up his hand (that is, was strong in prayer) then Israel prevailed, and when he let down his hand, (that is) when his spirit failed, Amalec prevailed. A man may think that Moses should rather have gone into the field being the Lord's General, then got him up to the mountain to pray; but Moses knew well enough what he had to do; he appoints a man sufficient for the place; he knew wherein the strength of Israel lay, namely, in their God, and what would most prevail with God, namely, fervent proyer. One good man praying is worth an Army of men fighting; and therefore Moses the man of God guided by the spirit, took this as the best course for obtaining of the victory. The prayer of the righteous (saith S. James) availeth much if it be fervent. This is the key that openeth heaven, and the steps of the ladder, whereby we ascend: This maketh the Lord to bow the heaven • and come down: By this we wrestle with God that he may give us strength to wrestle with the enemy: This strengtheneth the feeble knees, and hanging down hands, of those that fight God's battles: Finally, this blunteth the forces of the enemy, and overturneth the horse and the rider. Origen on that practice of Moses maketh this application; lift thou up thy hands to heaven, as Moses did and obey the Apostle his precept; pray without intermisssion: for God's people did not so much fight with hand and weapon, as they did with voice and prayer. This time of battle is the very pinch of extremity; and therefore the best opportunity for prayer. Moses joineth these two together in the blessing of Judah, hear oh Lord the voice of Judah (or as the Chaldee well trāslateth the prayer of Judah) when he goeth forth to war. If we be commanded to call on the Lord in the day of our trouble; what greater trouble then this when the enemy is ready to devour us, and to reproach the name of our God? This you may see to be the ordinary practice of God's people in the fighting of his battles. Judah cried unto the Lord. Notable is that prayer of Asa, going against the Ethiopians, he cried unto the Lord. He • pe us, oh Lord our God, for we rest on thee, and in thy name we go against this multitude. So, that of Jehoshaphat, going against the Ammonites, is a president at large for all God's people, how to behave themselves in this particular: First, that good King discovereth the strayt wherein they were; we know not what to do. verse. 12. Secondly, his refuge, but our eyes are up towards the, ibidem. Thirdly, his pressing God with petition, oh our God wilt thou not judge them, ibidem. Fourthly, the arguments whereby he would move God to hear his petition, from the 6 verse. to the 13. Fif • lie, there is the preparation to this duty, that it may be the more effectual; and Jehoshaphat feared the Lord, and set himself to seek the Lord, & proclaimed a fast through all Judah. verse. 3. I show the scantling of the place, the rather, because I know no place in all the book of God fitter for this purpose. Other instances there be, as that prayer of Hezekiah against the Asstrians. The like course took the Israelites being to join battle with the Philistines. So Jacob looking for nothing but for battle from his brother, he prepareth himself by prayer. So did Ezra. I urge the more places, the rather because I would enforce the necessity of the duty, and manifest the good effect of the same, being performed; and justly to tax our selves, to our humiliation, for the neglect or uniound performance of this duty. To the first; you may see by this cloud of witnesses, how strict God's people have been in this duty. To the second, it is likewise clear that good success hath followed the duty, in all the quoted testimonies. Ezra relating how he had commended the cause to God, whē they stood in fear of their enemies, showeth us what was the issue of this their holy practice; So we fasted and besought our God, for this and he was entreated of us.

And for the last, namely, our neglect, would to God our mourning for the sin were as manifest as the sin it self: look but on the success of our battles, that argueth our neglect. God is one & the same God, & the cause is likewise God's: but God is not sought unto, he is not importuned. We are like to the Israelites going against Benjamin, who inquired of the Lord whether they should go up against them or no, and what tribe should lead them: and having their direction in both these, they set themselves in order. Hear they make the cause sure, and for avoiding contention about the leading, they have the bravest Leaders allotted them, and for their forces they were either enough, or too many; yea of the choice soldiers, and very well ordered: but how sped they? But very meanly, as you may see in the text: they were twice foiled, and lost to the number of 40000 men. But what was wanting hear? I answer, even the self same things that are wanting in us, Search of sin, and seeking to God. We do not read in all the text that they did either of these, till they were beaten to it: And what needed they in their own conceit; They had a just cause, and the Lord his own warrant, and brave Commanders, and for multitude they might have eaten them up, and why should they go to God for the victory? they doubted not of that: but as they looked least to the matter of greatest weight; so they were plagued in that which they least feared; to teach them and others to take their whole errand with them, God gave them twice into the hand of their enemies, and then they saw their oversight, and went up to the Lord and wept, and fasted, and offered burnt offerings and peace offerings before the Lord; then by the Lord's direction they went up and prospered. So we may lay our hands upon our mouths in this case, and proclaim our selves to be faulty: for we have presumued much upon a good cause, and secondary means, but we have not wrestled with God for the victory. The Pagans and Papists do condemn us in this, who toil themselves with their idols, babbling out many blasphemons prayers, and that for the most part, for the prosperous success of wicked designs. Appianus telleth us, that before the Romans joined battle they sacrificed to Audaci • ie and Fear. Plutarch, telleth us that the Lacedemonians before the fight sacrificed to the Muses. The Mysiās before they fought did sacrifice a horse. To what a number of Saints do the Papists sacrifice, when they go to fight; how do they ply the idol of the Mass in which they put their confidence. The Jesuits indeed, the Popes blood-hounds, trust more to the prey then to their prayers. They much resemble, as one saith well, the Vultures, whose nests (as Aristotle saith) cannot be found; yet they will leave all games to follow an Army: because they delight to feed upon carryon: neither will they be wanting with their prayers (such as they are) for the success of the great Cracke, and black day (as they call it) wherein these harpies thought to have made but a breakfast of us all; they erected a new Psalter for the good success of a wicked counter parliament, the depth of whose consultation was fiery meteors, the project, whereof, was the rending of mountains, and tearing of rocks, & with an earthquake of fiery exhalations to consume and swallow up both hills and valleys, and to increase the iniquity with wicked Jezebel, they would color it with a fast, and with blasphemous and lying Rabshakah, they would bear the world in hand by this their Psalter, that they came not up against us without the Lord, and the Lord had bidden them do it. Their develish dittie consisteth of a seven-fold psalmody, which secretly they passed from hand to hand, set with tunes to be sung for the cheering up of their wicked hearts, with an expectation (as they called it) of their day of Iubilie. The matter consisteth of railing upon King Edward, and Elizabeth, and our Sovereign that now is; of perition, imprecation, prophesy and praise for success. I will set down some of these, because the Psalter it self is rare, or not to be had. For they are taken up by the Papists, as other books be that discover their shame.

Howsoever God in mercy disappointed them; yet by these, you may see, as by so many ignivomus eruptions of the helfiry-zeal of Aetna, what their diligent endeavor was: for they would be wanting in nothing. The necessity therefore of the duty, the good success of it, the sinister zeal of idolatry in this point, according to their kind, and the danger of the neglect of it, may provoke us if we be not void of sense, to set upon the duty. If idolaters, who by their prayers and sacrifice bringing nothing but sorrow upon themselves, do so bestir themselves; what fools are we in slighting off so excellent a duty wherein the Lord hath promised to be with us; yea, give me leave to speak the words of truth, whereat I would have none offended, but rather offended with their own negligence, that all that have had their hand in God's battles, from the Kings Majesty himself, to the meanest soldier, have been, and are yet exceeding faulty in this, as their own hearts (I know) upon examination will tell them; which neglect indeed, to them and us both, doth minister matter of great humiliation. If they do reply, that prayer hath been made, & God hath been sought to, by themselves and others for them. To this I answer, [Answ.] why doth not God hear them, is his ear deaf, or his hand shortened, or is his good will to his abridged, that he will not, or cannot hear or help? No, no, the fault is in our selves, and our prayers, our sins have made a separation betwixt us and God, so that if we cry and shout, yet (as the Prophet saith (he shutteth out our prayers.

Though it be not my purpose, nor for the place, to handle the common place of prayer; yet for the better discovery of our neglect, and the amendment of it, let me briefly lay down what things in prayer (if we would speed by it) should be observed, namely, the matter of it, the person that maketh it, the manner of it, the quality of it, and the helps to sharpen it.

First, for the matter, it must be such as the spirit approveth on; the rule whereof is laid down in the word. For the person, he must be good, otherwise his prayer is not good, nor can it do any good. The prayer of the just mā prevaileth much. If I regard iniquity in my heart (saith the Prophet) the Lord will not hear me. And as the blind man in S. John, God heareth not sinners; Moses, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah & Ezra were all good men; their prayers were of force against their enemies, The Lord heard them, & gave them the victory. Kings & Commanders should be good themselves, if they would have any good by their prayers: for God is no respecter of persons; the greater • he party is, if he be not good, the worser is his prayer in the sight of God; yea let them have some good men of God, to be their mouths to God. The people of Israel being to join with the Philistines, they say to Samuel, Cease not to cry to the Lord our God for us, that he will save us out of the hands of the Philistines. Where no doubt the people joined with him, but he led them in the duty, and was their mouth. I shown the necessity of such before: the Lord touch your hearts with a desire of such, and stir up such for you.

Thirdly, the manner of the prayer must be performed, by going along with the spirit, who helpeth our infirmities, with sighs and sobs, that cannot be expressed. We must not be like to Julius the second in our devotion, who sat by the fire and said over his prayers in the time of the fight. It is not the ringing, nor chanting with the voice, nor the Barotonus lowing of a mighty lung, that will prevail with God Moses cried hard to God, though he spake newer a word. Which cry did so ring in God's ear, that he could not but answer; why criest thou Moses? yea as one saith well, upon that place, he held his peace that he might cry the louder; not that the cry of the voice is to be condemned; but the cry of the spirit commendeth the matter to God.

Fourthly, for the quality of it, it must especially be fervent; it prevaileth much if it be fervent. This is the fire that doth burn the odors in the Censor. Moses zeal in this particular was so fervent in that battle against Amaleke, that (to use the words of the Prophet David. ) It did eat him up. A key cold Leiturgie galopt over, or cast through a sive with a many parat-like Tautologies, or a luke-warm lip-labor, can never bring down a blessing from God.

Fifthly, and lastly, the helps of prayer, are fasting and mourning; wherein, and whereby the soul is humbled with God, and fitted to hear from God, and to speak to God. The necessity of these you may see, by the practice of God's people in all the former examples. The people of Israel in Mizpeth, are said, to draw water, and pour it out before the Lord, and they fasted. What is that, but as the Chaldee well observeth, they poured out their hearts before God, and shed tears in such abundance, as if they had drawn water. So Jehoshaphat proclaimed a fast. So Ezra proclaimed a fast, and he and the people afflicted themselves before God. It is recorded of Otho the great, Emperor, to his great commendation, that

examine yourselves and be still: And that it may not be a lame nor a liveliness prayer, get matter from reading, hearing, and meditating on the Word. Labor for holiness, without the which it is impossible to see God. Get the guidance of the Spirit; for bare saying is not prayer: be fervent & frequent: and for fitting you the better, afflict your souler in fasting and mourning, as your State is afflicted. With Hester make your servants fast and pray; Try but this course in truth; and as sure as the Lord liveth, he shall heap glory and honor upon your heads, and shame upon your enemies.

This course will break the heads of the Dragons of your sins; this will offer violence to heaven, and as it were enforce God to answer: this will be like an earthquake to your enemies, it will sink them, it will swallow them up. A pretty instance of this, I remember from the confession of an arch-enemy of the Gospel, namely. Queen mother of Scotland; who fighting against God, and the erecting of his Kingdom, confessed openly, That she feared more the fasting and prayer of the man of God John Knox, and his Disciples, then an Army of 20000 armed men. As your neglect hath been great in this particular; so the blemish of out Nation, in neglecting and opposing this office, is indelible. No Nation professing the Gospel, but they have publicly been humbled in some measure, we excepted: we only, have not set forth to help thus against the mighty; which I think verily hath accursed all the rest of our helps, that they are as Water spilled upon the ground. It is true, that the souls of God's people have been exceedingly humbled in secret for the afflictions of Joseph, and have poured out their hearts, in abundance of sighs and tears for their miseries; But what is this to the public discharge?

Since I am fallen upon the point, I cannot but with grief observe, that this Nation hath been at such opposition and enemity with this duty, that it is thought as dangerous a thing to undertake it, as it was in Athens to make mention of the recovery of Salamis; or as it was amongst the Jews, to speak in the name of Jesus. What should be the cause of this I have often wondered; I am sure of this, It is an evil sign of an evil cause; yea, a fearful fore-runner and provoker of God's long protracted wrath to fall upon us. Not any sin of omission, or commission, hath a more fearful threatening against it, then this; Witness the Prophet Isaiah; When God (saith he) called to weeping and mourning, and to humiliation (in the highest degree, as the word importeth) then behold (saith he) joy and gladness, slaying of Oxen, and all the contraries; by which they braved out God to his face. But what followed? A fearful threatening; Surely, this iniquity shall not be purged from you till you die (saith the Lord of Hosts.) Whose ears should not tingle to hear this? And whose heart should not tremble to think upon it? And yet the best in this is too secure.

But since the duty is so called for, and since it setteth such an edge on invocation, it hath so prevailed against the enemies of Zion, and the neglect of it is so severely threatened; what may be the cause, may some say, that in a Christian Common wealth it should be thus neglected and withstood? If you will have my opinion, in my judgment, I conceive these to be the Remoraes, or break-necks of this duty. First, the universal plenty (except the wants of the meaner for;) so long as there be Oxen and Sheep to kill, and sweet wine enough; so long no humiliation: When the meat offering and the drink-offering faileth them, then will the Priests (saith the Lord by Joel) gird themselves in sackcloth, and lament and howl. A second let is the conceited glory of the Church; the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, say they, and that imgreat pomp and glory, and what need we mourn? It is an outside glury indeed, but there is but a little glory within. A third let is this; men are so enslaved to sin and Satan, and so vassalled to their own corruptions, that they dare not encounter with their Masters, for whose service they have bored their ears. The fourth Remora is this, the plants that are not of God's planting, know well, that the use of humiliation, would find out the causes of our evil, amongst which themselves would be found to be the chief: So that it is no wonder, that they cannot endure to hear of humiliation. But if men be thus fearful to awake sleeping dogs, and will hazard themselves, and the Nation upon the point of God's Pike, what a fearful plight shall they be in, in that gloomy day that is like to come upon us, wherein the Lord shall give the Alarum. May not Ahab condemn us in this? And where shall we appear when Ninivie showeth it self? Of whose King Ambrose giveth this pretty

But to conclude the point: oh that my counsel could please all those that I have spoken to, both Kings, Ministers, and people, that we might be humbled as one man together; and every man apart by himself: and renting our hearts before the Lord, never leave importuning him, nor let him go till he were entreated. If we would humble our selves, the Lord would humble our enemies. It is his Covenant; Oh that my people had hearkened to me, and walked in my ways, I should soon have subdued their enemies, and turned my hand against their Adversaries. Oh that we were like Israel in the Judges, who went to God the second time, humbling themselves and offering burnt-offerings and peace offerings, whereupon the Lord gave their enemies into their hands. So if we would humble our selves and kill our sins, our enemies should quickly loose what they have got, and pay full dearly for all costs and damages. But before I conclude the point take one caveat with the duty; that it be performed with sincerity and singleness of heart; for if it be done in hypocrisy, or perfunctorily slighted over in the performance, it provokes God, and plagues the performer. The Hollanders and French fast, (but without exprobation be it spoken) they had need to send, as God speaks, for mourning women, that by their cunning they may be taught to mourn. A soft heart sets well to a mournful ditty, where this is wanting, there is no music. Humiliarion, without reformation, is a mockery of God, and the undoing of a good cause. The Lord tells us in the 58 chapter of Isaiah, and the 7 of Zechariah, how he abhorred the fasting of his people without reformation, he gives a good reason in the fifth and sixth verses; They fasted not to the Lord, but to themselves; that is, for their own ends: as if men would serve their own turns with God, and care not a whit how he be served of them; it were just with God to mock both them and us with shows of favors, because we mock him with shows of service and amendment. And surely, if we look not to it, in the humbling of our selves indeed, all our hopes may be on a sandy ground, and then that of the Lord by Jeremiah be verified of us: Ah Lord God, surely thou hast greatly deceeived this people; and Jerusalem saying, Peace shall be unto you, whereas the sword reacheth unto the soul: the word doth signify in our Language, to put a trick upon them; and so he may do indeed, for the many we have put upon him. But God give these words to work upon our hearts. I have been the longer in this point, because in it lieth the strength of all our forces: for pray well, and repent well, and you cannot choose but fight well. Prevaile once with God, and it must needs follow that you shall prevail with men.

CHAP. XXXV. The Fight it self.

I Come now to the very point at length which doth determine all, and that is the fight it self: Men must not only pray, but they must also fight against the enemy: they must not only speak, but they must also strike: Strokes and words will do well together. Moses and Aaron prayed against Amalecke, Joshua and Israel fought against them. Amalecke is a smiter, and he must be smitten. It is a general fault amongst us that profess Christ, that we can discharge a few prayers against Antichrist; but a heart to abhor him, and a hand to smite him (even so far as our places reach) we have not; we are too too like that white livered Roman in Tully, who under excuse to keep the Camp, stayed back from the battle, to whom Africanus said well, he could not endure officious seeming Soldiers, whom indeed do stark nothing. When Moses cried hard to God, Israel being in a great strait, the Lord answered; Wherefore criest thou unto me; speak unto the children of Israel that they may go forward. He doth not check Moses because he prayed, but because he went not on with the people, as he was commanded, and therefore God reneweth the charge. The Ancients commend the Lacedemonians, that with their prayers, their hands were prompt to fight. To this effect was the speech of that ancient Roman, that by bare wishes and woemanish cries, we must not look from God to overcome, but by counsel, watchfulness and doing (which are the secondary means whereby God hath appointed us to help our selves) we must look to overcome. In coming to the very shock, what part of the enemies battalion, and with what forces it is first to be charged, is at the Generals discretion. As for that Military cry used, and commended by many in the joining bartell; yet holden as a base and barbarous thing of others, I will not much contend; only this, as it is a thing most used by Turks, Barbarians and Savages in their fight; so it rather spendeth spirit, then she weth spirit. The Barbarians have this observation against this crying; that dogs that bark much, do not bite much. True fortitude consisteth in a stout heart, and in an able hand. Of this mind was Regulus Mauritanus, and others. As for the Israelites using of it, Ios. 6, it was the Lord's command, and they had little opposition in the fight. As for Cato his commendation, and Casars approbation of the use of the voice in his Commentaries; I take them not to mean hollowing and hooping, but rather a courageous stirring up of one another, and daunting of the enemy with high words, and austerity of looks. Howsoever, let the soldier remember, not to be daunted at the encounter of such as come on with a cry.

CHAP. XXXVI. The Generals and Soldiers part in Fight.

NOW the Battle being joined: as the General and the soldiers, as head and body, are to perform the charge; so to each of those in particular somewhat belongeth; as to the General, with the spirit of wisdom and magnanimity to command and encourage; and that as Xenophon said of Clearchus, with a pleasant and cheerful countenance, which will refresh and encourage his Soldiers in their greatest dangers: but he must not fight at all, except necessity drive him to it. Vegetius setteth it down as the property of a good General, not to fight except necessity compel him. When it was objected against Scipio Africanus, that he was no great fighter; he was not ashamed to answer, That his mother bare him, not to be a Fighter, but a Commander. The Romans were so careful of their Commanders, that Q. Petilius the Consul, being slain in the fight against the Ligures, the Senate decreed, that that Legion in whose front he was slain, should be neglected, they should have no annuary stipend, and their Arms should be broken. Rashness in a General deserveth rather blame then commendation. Marcellus and Pelopidas, two great Captains, and very famous for their exploits; yet (as Plutarch telleth us) by adventurous rashness, they lost both their repute and their lives.

As this rule of wariness is given by Vegetius to a General, that he should not only have a care of the whole Army, that he may bring them off, as he leadeth them on; but also of himself: so Iphicrates giveth a good reason, from a similitude taken from the head, which is the fountain of life and motion; if it be cut off, the body is but a trunck; so the loss of the General, is the loss of the Army. Agreeable to this, is that speech of that loyal people of Israel to David their King, dissuading him from going forth to battle, Thou art worth ten thousand of us. Yet for all this, upon necessity, when honor, life and victory lieth upon it, the General must (as many Noble ones have done) put his life in his hand, and sometimes with Pompey take the lot of a common Soldier. M. Furius Camillus, a man of Consular dignity, perceiving his Army to slack the charging of the enemy, he layeth hold on the Ensign, and carrieth him upon the enemy; whereat the Soldiers being ashamed, they went on. Lucius Sylla, seeing the Legions give way to Mithridates forces, under the leading of Archelaus, drawing his sword, he made toward the body of the battle; telling his soldiers, that if any asked for their Leader, they should say they left him fighting in Boesia; at which, the soldiers being ashamed, they went on to their service. I could instance the like attemps in a number of our own nation, as the renowned Norice; the redoubted Vere, and the never dying Sidney, but let these suffice.

Now as the General, from whom the life and motion of the service, dependeth must be careful of his soldiers, & of himself that he expose not them to any desperate service, nor himself to danger beyond his place; so all the soldiers must be careful to quit themselves in their places: for the defense of their head; the maintenance of their good cause; the glory of their nation; the good of all that depend upon them; & their own honor and reputation. For military directions in fight, I think there be no better rules then that of the Apostle Paul, though in another kind; namely, a spiritual fight. The terms are borrowed from a bodily fight, and therefore they are the fitter for the purpose. The words of the rule are very significant and emphatical, and therefore I set them down; watch ye, stand fast, quit you like men, be strong. The words, as they are applied by the Apostle, express the whole use of every part of the spiritual Armor, unfolding fully all the cunning and dexterity of a spiritual fight; So the words in themselves, are as so many rules, out of which every soldier may read his duty in fight.

All things required of a soldier in fight may be reduced to those five heads. Vigilancie, Fidelitie, Valorous Magnanimitie, Promptitude & Perseverance. All these are included • n theforesaid terms.

First, then there must be a wise & heedie watchfulness, especially in subordinate Commanders, even from the file-leader • o the highest in subordination, that thereby they may take, or give command, by or from signal, crier, or trumpet, o • from the motion of the Commander; which is an excellent director for all military motions. As there is nothing according to Vegetius, more avayling to victory then the true taking and observing of command, by what means soever i • be given; so there is nothing more dangerous, then the mistake of the mind of the Commander. It is a matter of no small consequence, (saith Stuchus ) for the soldiers in confusion of fight to be well possessed of the Generalls mind: and by the contrary, the mistaking of his mind may mar all. Appi • nus giveth a pregnant instance of this in Hannibal, who being in fight, and seeing some troupes of French and Spani •• horses, go to the ascent of an hill, he made towards the • to bring them on for renewing of the fight; the souldie • and Commanders, not understanding his intent, but supposing him to flee presently forsook fight, and routing themselves fled without any order, not after their General, bu • whether each one listed. By this you see what shame, & confusion, followed upon a contrary construction of the Generalls intent. At the battle of Newport (as I have been informed) there was a foul mistake, & full of danger in Lieutenant Yakslie, who having his command from General Vere t • bring up such forces, for such a service, was so takē up, either with a jealous emulatiō of Lieutenant Honywood (with whom that very morning he should have fought) or with some other transporting cogitation, that he quite mistook the matter, and brought on such as were not any way fi • for that service; which the General perceving in grief & anger, gave him this farewell; Go on Yakslie (said he) and adieu, for th •• hast lost this day, all the honor that ever thon hast got in thy life. The Lieutenant being brought to this strayt, that there was no place for retreat, nor opportunity for change was forced to lead them on howsoever, who being to weak to entertain the charge of the enemy, gave presently back, and would not for anything he could do, or say, stand to it, whereat the Commander being vexed exceedingly; and being ashamed to come off, & live with the blot of that misscarriage, desperately threw himself in the gulf of the enemies fury, to the pitiful loss of a noble soldier, and a very brave Commander, and all as you see upon a mistake. Thus then in fight, it is first required that the soldier have a good eye, and a good ear, both being given in charge under the word watch.

Now to the second thing required which is fidelity, enjoined in the word stand, this is as much here as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be resolutely bent to endure the worst, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to stay by it faithfully, and not to flee a foot: for as men must overcome the devil, not by flying or shifting; so must soldiers their enemies. And this word here is properly opposite to flight, which is holden by the currant of all millitarie laws, very • ignominious, and if it be to the enemies very treacherous. Vegetius (as Stuchus expoundeth him) hath the very same in effect; to fly beastly, or to be taken cowardly, is ignominious to the party that doth it: but to fly to the enemy is to betray the cause and the country, hurting with those same Arms and hands the very parties, that have inarmed them. Again as they endanger all the rest; so they are so far from exempting themselves from danger (as the same Author observeth) that they are in most danger of all others: and therefore he calleth it madness in men to flee if they can do any other. The case may so stand, and such may be the adversary that men had better die like men in fight, then to forsake their colors and be at length made subjects of the enemies tyranny: We read of the Romans in fight, that when it was told the Tribunes of the seventh Legion that the left wing was clear defeated, their colors taken by the enemies, who were charging them upon their backs, they gave not way one foot, but stood to it till they were slain every man. But because there is too much mercinarie faith, which never endureth in a strayt, Generalls have taken course sometimes to tie the run-awayes to their service. Lucius Lucellus preceiving the Macedonian horse to flee to the enemy, caused presently an alarm to be given, and sendeth some out after them; the enemy conceiving that they were coming against him, entertained them with a flight of darts. When the fugitives, preceived that they were pursued by their own, & encountered with the enemy, they fell upon the enemy, and quit themselves like honest men against their willes. So Datames following his fugative troupes, commended them, out of cunning, that they would first charge the enemy; with which speech they being ashamed, they did it indeed. It was very frequent with the Romans to inviron such as were suspected of cowardice, or infidelity, with their choicest troupes, who might either cause them, for fear, to stand to it; or cut them off if they attempted flight. It is reported to be the manner of the Cymbrians to tie their companies together with long chains, that they should not break their orders nor run away in the fight.

Yet all this that hath been said doth not abridge the soldier of the benefit of a fair retreat, which is a special part of service, and of no less cunning and commendation, then the highest point of achieving the victory; neither barreth it the benefit of an honest flight, which some Generalls have commended, and accelerated upon good grounds for better occasions. That brave retreat of Horatius Cocies, from the overswaying power of Porcenna, is worth our memory. He caused his forces to return by the bridge into the town, and to cut the bridge, to cut off the enemies from following; but like a valiant Champion for his country, stayeth himself to stop the enemy, till they cut the bridge; and when he heard the crack of the fall thereof, he cast himself into the river, swimming through, loaden with his Arms, and a great many wounds upon him. As many were the brave services of that noble and completely qualified soldier, General Norice, so none is held of greater note then that retreat at Gaunt. It is no less virtue sometime to fly well, then to fight stoutly. It was a pretty policy of Sertorius in Spain, being compassed almost with the Army of Metellus, to cause his soldiers disperse themselves by an orderly flight, and appointed them a place where again they should meet him.

The third & fourth things, be magnanimious valor, with a promptitude in the usage of the same; which all are included in this phrase, quit yourselves like men. The Greek verb containeth more indeed, then can be fully expressed, without paraphrase; yea, I read not one word in all the New Testament, that containeth more in it, except the words that express the Dietie. The word doth import, an expressing of a manlike fortitude, by maney actions. The Latins translate it viriliter agere, to play the man; this is that indeed which striketh the stroke (as were say)

Two things (saith Stuchus commendeth a soldier, fidelity & valor. And though Barnard was no soldier; yet he hit the mark prettily well in these directions. A soldier (saith he) must be circumspect to save himself and others; he must be expedit, & faithful in his place, & he must be valorous and prompt to give his enemies blows. Admirable it is to read, how the heathens have excelled in this. And because all soldiers are persuaded of the truth of this, and have plenty (if they have read) of instances in their memory. I will only present you with a view of the Lacedaemonian valor, much commended by Plutarch, & cited to good use, by that industrious Ambodexter (mistake not the word) Captain Bingham. A Goat being sacrificed by the King, according to the Lacedaemonian manner, and the command being given, they crown their heads, and at the sound of the flute, and the song Pean, taken up by the King himself, they measure out their March, and come on with such an undaunted, and advised resolution, that they seem joyfully without astonishment to entertain the encounter. And as herein they show their magnanimious valor, so their carriage and demeanour is very fearful to the enemy; according to this encounter they perform the service.

I come at the last, to the last thing required; namely, constancy in holding out: be strong, hold to it, endure to the end. So Joshua is willed to be strong; be strong and of good courage, that is, continue in thy courage. To the same effect, saith one; he is said to be a strong man that hath endured with an unconquerable mind. It is not the giving of the first stroke, nor the getting of the first ground; but a continuance in valor, and holding out to the end, that carrieth the day: He that overcometh, saith the Spirit, shall be clothed in white; which is the color of triumphant victory. Pertinent is the speech of a Father to this purpose, though in another case; Not to him that prepares to fight; yea, nor to him that resisteth to blood, much less to a coward that giveth back in the battle; but to him that overcometh by conquest shall the Crown be given. A continued battle proveth often like a Cock-fight, where the case is so altered on a sudden, that he that was thought to be the Conqueror is the conquered. Stobeus maketh mention of an oath that the Athenians took, I shall not leave my fellow in fight with whom I am joined, b •• I shall fight for Religion and Country. It was one of Skanderbeg's special honors, that he never fled. It often falleth out, that by holding out, men obtain the victory that they have little looked for. Divus Julius, at the battle of Munda, being forsaken of some of his forces in fight, who saw they were like to have the worse, he caused one to carry his horse out of sight, and leaped into the front of his foot: which the same soldiers observing, and being ashamed to leave their Commander in the field, they re-enforced the fight, and so had the day. This courageous holding out at the battle of Newport, especially by that thrice truly Noble Sir Horace Vere; gave the Spaniard a memorable foil, got much honor to the English, and redeemed the Low-countries from the mouth of the grave.

For such soldiers, so qualified, we should be earnest with God, for a few of these are worth a great many mere mercenary fellows, that fight only for themselves (that is) for their own gain, and fly for the advantage of their enemies. There is little good to be expected of the fearful and faint-hearted, who when they come to join, are ready to lay down their arms, or run away, having no other thing to cover their cowardice withal but calling for pay. There is no way with those, as ancient practice teacheth us, but hemming of them in, and holding them to it; and even in this the best is bad enough; for compelled prayers and forced fight, are much of one nature, and hath often the same effect. God himself the great Warriour, and Lord of Hosts, who knoweth best the danger of fear, and faint-heartedness in those that are to fight; gave a law concerning such, that they should depart from the Hoast to their home. And to that end he caused the officers to make proclamation: What man is there, that is soft or tender, (that is) faint-hearted, let him go and return unto his house. The like proclamation did Gideon make at God's command, when he was to fight against the Midianits; and of 32000 men that were with him, there returned 22000. Judas Ma chabeus being to fight against Licias maketh the same proclamation. The Law-giver himself giveth a reason of this Law, that his brothers heart melt not, or grow not faint as his heart: a good reason indeed; for as melting metal cast upon other, may make it also melt; so a sort of fainting swoonding fellows, may cast all the rest in a syncope. As the faint-hearted spies, returning from the view of Canaan, discouraged all the rest; insomuch that they durst rather rebel against God, then look their enemies in the face; so a company of cowards may dash the courage of the best: and as the Spyes brought a plague upon Israel, for their faintness and incredulity; so faithless and fearful Cradons bringeth the rest to destruction. And as this faintness is dangerous to their fellow soldiers, so it bringeth themselves to further evils then they are aware of. It bringeth sin, shame and destruction: for besides, that with deserved ignominy, they die often like dogs and swine, they bring also (as the Hebrews observe) the blood of all the rest upon their heads. Yea, these white livered fellows have a double curse. First, this soft, feeble, and effeminate heart is a curse in it self▪ the Lord speaking of the curses that he would bring upon his people, if they would not obey, threateneth this as a special one. I will even bring softness into their heart in the land of their enemies. Secondly, they are accursed in with-drawing their hand from God's work, or in doing the work of the Lord deceitfully. Cursed is he that doth the work of the Lord negligently, or deceitfully, and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood. The 300 valiant and courageous men, that lapped water with their tongues, were worth all the 32000. Caleb and Joshua having another heart, were of more esteem with God, then all the rest of the people. I would have all God's Warriours to take heed of softness of heart in this sense; and at any hand not to trust such: for commonly they have hard and cruel hearts against anything that good is. The King of Britain's observation upon the Lord's prayer, maketh this good by the instance of the Deer, which being the softest hearted and fearfullest of all other beasts; yet is the cruellest of all, to mind an injury, and an opportunity to revenge it. Hence a fearful man is called, A Man like a Hart. Ancients do tell us, and examples do testify, that there is no greater Tyrant then a cowardly King; Witness Nero, Caligula, Tiberius; yea, according to Plutarch, as fear and cowardice is the cause of their cruelties, so the greatest coward of all is a faint hearted soldier. The idolatrous Gentiles both Roman • and Grecians, made a Temple to Fear, as to one of their 〈…〉 which they sacrificed a dog, intimating thereby, that they should have no fellowship with fear. It is better to have a coward to thy foe, then to thy counselor or copartner: for a man can look for no true good from the fearful. Faint fear (saith Tully ) is an enemy to good will. The Chameleon (saith Pliny ) is the fearfullest creature of all other, and therefore it turneth it self into all colors that it may shift for it self. So fearful men, without respect of faith or friendship, they turn themselves into all colors but the truth, that they may save themselves. And whom they fear most, they serve most, though it be least to their credit or commodity. Cowardize is well compared by the Grecians, to a white livered disposition, whence we take our proverb white livered: as that waterish duscrasie, or distemper of the liver, causeth dropsies and Lienteries, and so hurteth the body more by corrupt humors, then it helpeth it by sanguification; and howsoever life for a time be protracted; yet color, strength, and appetite faileth exceedingly, and breath at length forsaketh the body: so a fearful white livered friend, may seem to keep life in a good cause for a time, but it is but an hydropick, or lienterick life, which being both together are symptoms of inevitable death. Some corrupt counsel, lukewarm comfort, and weak forces to no effect, they may afford; but it is but a palliation; it is no cure: it is but to quench the City with a pottle pot when it is all on fire, which indeed will make it burn the faster.

In a word, the fearful man is a foe to his friend, and a sriend to his foe. What made Saul eye David continually to do him hurt, but his conceived fear; though other causes concurred, yet this was the special: What can he have more but the Kingdom? Whence arose the ruin of Achaz and all his, but from the servile fear wherewith they were possessed, as the the holy Ghost, by the Prophet Isaiah witnesseth: When he heard that Syria was confederate with Ephraim, hi • heart was moved, and the heart of his people, as the trees of the wood. Where this spirit of slavish fear is, the spirit of God is not. God (saith Paul) to Timothy, hath not given the spirit of fear, but of power, of love, and of a sound mind. Where the Apostle opposeth the spirit of God, or the graces of the spirit, as power, love, and soundness of judgment, to this slavish fear, which for the prevailing power of it, he calleth the spirit of fear, which cannot consist with the power of the foresaid graces, whether it be in ministers, soldiers, Captains, Generalls, or Kings. As it is spoken there directly to the Ministers; so of all men they had most need to look to it: for the spirit of fear in a Minister is a most fearful plague to himself and others, especially in these fearful times, that requireth so much use of the Spirit of power. But observe this, as a main conclusion from the place touching all persons, that where this spirit of fear resideth, there is neither soundness of judgment, nor sincerity of affection, nor power of action to be looked for. What should men then do with such Ministers, friends, soldiers, or any other such? these white livered men, as the Grecian noteth well, are good for nothing.

As I desire that all men might remember the fearful punishment of this slavish fear; namely, the burning lake; for the fearful and unbelieving, &c. Where observe, they are the very first in front, so I wish and pray, that all that put their hand to the work and fight those battles, would take courage to them. I would that speech of God, by Moses, unto the people might prevail with them, Hear oh Israel, you approach this day to battle against your enemies, let not your heart be soft, fear not, and hasten not away; neither be you terrified because of them. The Lord addeth a reason, for Jehovah your God is he that goeth with you, to fight for you against your enemies; to save you: Even, so would he be with us, if we would be with him; if you will fight for God as David did, that blessing that was pronounced upon David by Abigail, shall be upon you and yours, the Lord would certainly make you a sure house, and honor you and your children forever, because you fight the battles of the Lord: and he would bind up your souls in the bundle of life. I will not herein play the Pope, to assure life, and relief of friends, out of purgatory for fighting of the Lord's battles; No, if such a fight would serve the turn, in vain, did Christ fight that great battle on the cross: but thus much I will assure them, that they that fight these battles, they fight the battles of the Lord, for the maintenance of which, the Lord hath given his promise: and surely such as die in these, they die for the Lord; and thrice happy they, if they die in the Lord. As for their enemies fighting against the Lord, they have none of this assurance, and howsoever it go with them they can have no sound comfort.

One thing more in the fight to be observed is, that beaten rule of much use and practice; not only to let the enemy fly, but to make way for him to fly, if he be so disposed, for this there be both laws and a multitude of examples. Licurgus gave a written law to the Lacones, not to stop the enemies flight. It was the saying of Scipio Africanus, that he would not only give way, but he would also make way for his enemy to fly. A number of examples you have in Frontine. Caesar having enclosed the Germans, standing to it desperately, made way for them to fly. Haniball did so with the Romans at the battle of Thrasimena opening his orders, he let them fly & so defeated them. So did Camillus with the Gauls. The Grecians having got the victory at Salamis, they determined to cut the bridge over Hellespont, to stop Xerxes his passage: but Themistocles that old beaten soldier with danger, counseled to let him pass: for it stood with greater wit to rid the land of him, then to force him to fight.

The reasons of this rule be two; the first given by Vegetius; necessity is a desperate virtue which will effect (as Themistecles well observeth) that which neither valor, nor magnanimity durst adventure to do. Secondly, by this the victory is more easily obtained: they may kill, and take at their pleasure routed forces without the loss of themselves, where as by keeping them to it, they may buy the victory to dear. Despair will incite some to die with honor, (if die they must) that it may be, never meant it. G. Maulius the Roman Consul, keeping the Hetruscians too strayt, lost his life, and had lost the field, if his Legates had not opened their orders and let them pass, and so they had them at their pleasure. Yea this sometimes hath lost the victory; witness King John of France invironing Edward the black Prince, not suffering him upon any conditions to pass, put him and his handful so to it, that the French had shame and repentance for their pains. To conclude the point, I will shut it up with the saying of Count Poetiline; If mine enemy (saith he) would fly I would make him a bridg of gold to fly upon; yet all this must be taken with a grain of salt; Not so to let the enemy fly as to loose the occasion of the victory, or for fear, to hold back the sword from blood (that were to encourage the enemy, to redintegrate the fight.) That wise speech of Kings Agis, is worthy of observation, who in the pursuit of his flying enemies, being counseled to make way for them; answered thus: If we be not able to overcome our flying enemies, how should we overcome our fighting enemies? intimating thereby that no occasion against the enemy should be lost.

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the Issue of the hattle in General.

NOw I come to the Issue of the battle, which giveth the one party the victory, and the other the overthrow: for seldom they part on an even hand. It is true indeed that the victory is so dear bought many times (that as the Learned observe) it scarce deserveth the name of victory. Of that dear bought victory, the Grecians have a pret • ie proverb. The conqueror crieth and the conquered is undonel. Pyrrhus that Mirror of Generalls made this good out of his own experience; who having twice defeated the Romans, but at so dear a rate, that he was forced to say: such another victory would undo us. Yet since there is always a better and a worse, my task put • h me to it, to discover as briefly & perspicuously as I can, how both the conqueror, and he conquered should carry themselves. Seneca layeth down the general:

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the Carriage of the Conqueror.

TO begin then first with the victor: for (as Tully observeth) victory is always rash and insolent. For the ordering of victory there be two sorts of directions, the former for making of it up, the latter for the right usage of it, when it is fully a •• ained. In the former there be these two observations. First the conqueror must take heed of the rash and disordered pursuit of the enemy. To this effect serveth well that counsel of Iphicrates joined with his practice. This Commander following his flying enemy, at his leisure in good order, gave order to his soldiers in the pursuit, that they should beware of ambushment, and that they should not follow too hard, nor near to the Walls or forts planted with munition, giving a good reason as Polyaenus well observeth, that many by doing so have lost the victory, that they had obtained. Vegetius telleth us, that it often so falleth out, that forces put to flight, recollecting themselves against the disordered pursuers, doth alter the case, and killeth them right down as conquered, that ere while were the conquerors. This change of fight, by way of a proverbial speech, is called osculana pugna, or a battle wherein they, which before had the victory, are now overcome; as though victory with a kiss had saluted them, and so forsaken them. So it fell out with Pirrhus, who having in a manner overcome Valerius Laevinus, the Roman Commander, was by him in the same battle by the recollection of forces overcome. A notable instance of this, Historians give in Q. Fulvius that noble Roman Commander, who being overcome by Carus, General of the Segadans, and having lost six thousand, he observed the disordered pursuit of the enemy, out of his too too much pride and confidence, as though there had been no danger of re-encounter; whereupon he commanded some troupes of Horse being laid to keep the strayts, to charge the disorderly purfuying enemy; who presently-unhorsed & killed the General Carus, being in the front of the followers: besides him they slew 6000, and pursued the victory till night.

Yet with this caution, another extreme is to be avoided, namely the slacking so of the pursuit, that they loose more which they might have, then that which they obtain is worth. This neglect of Hannibal at the battle of Cannas lost Rome, which would have been the crown indeed of the Charthaginian war: had he, according to the counsel of his friends, flown to the mark, that is, pursued the defeated and routed, Romans into the city; he might have taken the prey, of which again he had never so fair an offer; neither do I think (though otherwise a great Commander) that he could give any good account of his neglect; o •• ely this general might excuse him; no man is wise at all times. For this Barchab the Carthaginian gave him this Motto, to his ever lasting blemish; thou canst overcome Haniball, but thou canst not use the victory, to thy best advantage.

The second observation is, that they abstain from spoil, till • hey have fully secured themselves, from any further reattempt of the enemy: some snatching at the prey before the victory insured have often lost, both prey & victory. Tacitus giveth an instance in the Germans, who only out of their greediness of the prey, were overthrown by the Romans at the battle of Horminius. Therefore Saxo Gramaticus giveth a good rule for this: with contempt of gold itself, pursue the p • ssessors of the gold. Many examples there be of this kind, let this one more suffice. The Germans at the battle of Erlam in Hungary, Anno 1596, having thrice defeated the Turks; yet through untimely falling on the spoil, were themselves defeated. And so much for the insuring of the victory.

CHAP. XXXIX. Of the true Vsofe Victory.

THus having shown you as well as I can, how to secure the victory; I come now • o the true use of the victory being thus secured. The true use or good carriage of the victory consisteth in these five particulars. Thankfulness to God, moderation of themselves, C • emencie toward the conquered, Lawfull usage of the creatures, and due respect to their own soldiers.

Now to the first, wherein there be two things to be noted, First an acknowledgment of the victory to come of God, and next to be thankful to God for it. For both those there be plenty of testimonies, both in Goods book, and other writers: the former of these two all men will easily acknowledge in word (except they be Atheists) but the neglect of the latter showeth the former, in the most, to be but verbal: for if men would acknowledge that victory were from God indeed, they would never carry themselves so insolently in their victories against God as they do. But to come to some proofs. First, that all victories are of God. Samuel speaking of the victories that David and his worthies obtained: and the Lord wrought a great victory that day. God is said to give Abrahā the victory over his enemies. So to give Joshua his enemies into his hands: So you may see in that song of Moses, and in the song of Deborah. As victory is of God, so all the Saints of God have attributed their victories to God, & thanked God for them; as may appear at large in the aforesaid songs. Blessed be the most high God (saith Melchizedek to Abraham ) which hath delivered thine enemies into thine hand. Moses after the victory obtained over the Amalekits, in token of his thankfullnes erecteth an Altar to the Lord, which he calleth by the name of Jehovah is my banner. The Prophet David at God's commandment, having smitten the Philistines, attributed all the power unto God, & for the victory giveth him all the praise; The Lord hath broken, forth (saith he) upon mine enemies as the breach of many waters; therefore he called the name of the place Baal Perazin; where observe how he as • ribeth the victory wholly to the power of God, and in token of his thankfulness for the same obtained, he leaveth a monument thereof in the name of the place, calling it Baal Perazin, or the plain of division, or broken asunder; because he brake in upon them, by the power of God, like the inundation of waters. To this purpose, the 22, of the second of Sam: is worth your reading.

The very heathens who were ignorant of the true God; yet did acknowledge their victories to be of God, and therefore labored to entice from their enemies their tutelary gods, to get them on their side, that they might the easier overcome them. Of that mind were the Philistines in that battle against the Israelites, when they perceived that the Ark of God was come into the Campe (though he were not there himself) yet were they exceedingly afraid, and said; God is come into the Camp, and they said, woe unto us, who shall deliver us out of the hand of those mighty God's? &c. They spake not this out of any true fear, or yet out of any true knowledge that they had of God: but only they feared that the God's of Israel (for so they called the Ordinances) would plague them, as the Egyptians were plagued by them: but God in just wrath gave his people into their hands: which victory they attributed to their god Dagon, and in token of their thankfulness, they sacrificed the best of their spoils to him, namely, the Ark of God which they had taken from the Israelites. The Thracians, though a warlike people, yet the most barbarous of all Nations, do challenge Mars for their Country-man, and so make him their God, to whom they bow before they go to battle, and to whom they sacrifice the best of their captives, after their victory. Where, by the way, in exercise of Arms, to offer a laurell bough to a feigned Mars, is more Thracian-like, then Christian-like. For in jest or in earnest, we should not attribute, or make any show of attributing victory to any other God, but to Jehovah. The Romans likewise had their Temples consecrated to Victory. And to put the Romish Philistines in the bushel with them, as they duly deserve, they sacrifice the praise of their victory, to Jack in the box, or other Idols.

But all these may tax a great many that go under the name of Christians. They know that victory and deliverance are from God; yet when it cometh to the acknowledgement, and tendering to God his due honor; they say little less in their actions then Pharaoh said in plain terms; Who is the Lord that I should obey his voice? I know not the Lord. That which is related of Tamerlan, called the Securg of God for tyranny, may make many blush at their unthankfulness to God. Having taken Baiazet the great Turk, at the battle of Stella montis or Cassona, (as the Turks cal it,) he we • out on foot to meet him, brought him into his Tent, s • him on the same Carpet • a • meat with himself, and did hi •

This is more I am sure then a great many have thought on in any serious manner; but they are liker to Baiazer indeed, whom Tamerlane questioned, whe • her ever he had give • thanks to God or no, for making him so great an Emperor; who confessed ingenuously that, whereof many be guilty (though they are ashamed to confess it;) that he had never so much as thought upon giving thanks to God. To whom T • merlane replied, that i • was no wonder that so ungrateful a man I would have many to observe this; and if neither God's works for them, nor his Word to them, nor their professing that they know him, will serve to work their hearts to thankfulness: yet let them for shame pick a pattern out of one of the worst men that ever we read of: and let them blush at the drowning of many great deliverances in oblivion, as though God had been bound to them. Are not some from their cradle to this day, engaged to the purity of Religion, by their continual preservation, and admirable deliveries from the designs of their enemies; yet how have they requit religion, and her followers? in plain terms, with the devil to their thanks. Yea, let those to whom God in fighting of his battles hath given any victory, be humbled for their great neglect of this. I speak in particular to the Hollander, whose deliverances hath been admirable, and whose maintenance is from the very finger of God against the whole forces of Babel; but I fear their forgetfulness will make God weary of them: and we may well take them by the hand; for we have not yet so much as reckoned with God for the debt of 88, and the Powder-plot deliverance. As we have joined in this so sacrilegious a sin of unthankfulness; so God give us to join both in reckoning and restitution.

It is a thing incident to God's children to be too too faulty in this very particular, if they look not to it. Witness good Hezekiah, who had more mind to show his pomp and bravery to the Babylonish Ambassadors, then to give thanks to God for his deliverance from Sennacherib; and therefore the Lord met with him. In time to come, upon any opportunity, forget not to offer sacrifice of praise, be the victory never so little. David in the very same case, doth model with himself what to render unto God. What shall I render to Jehovah for all his bounty toward me? The return of thanks in any true manner and measure, maketh an increase of the stock.

To these two former, a third may be added respecting God, that if any place contended for, come under the conquerors government, that he purge it from idolatry and all salse worship, so much as in him lieth. A mixture of religion or a linsie woolsie worship, the Lord will not tolerate, and what man dare take upon him then to do it? The suppressing of all false worship, may be pressed upon Kings and Magistrates, wheresoever they have right to command, by these five reasons: from God's strict commandment in that behalf, from the nature of God to be worshipped, from the office of the Magistrate, from the practice of Idolaters, and lastly, from the evil that ensueth upon idolatrous worship.

Then to the first (for in every particular I would be brief) God plyeth this point again and again upon his people, and the rulers thereof; namely, that they should break down their images; that they should make no covenant with them, nor with their gods; that they should not suffer them to dwell in th • land; they should make no mention of the names of their gods; tha • they should destroy their places wherein they served their gods, ye • the graven images. Again thou shalt not stricke any convent with them. What can be more more plainly said against toleration? for herein is forbidden, as one saith well, not only their gross idols, or superstitious rites and ceremonies in the true worship of God, but generally all conversation is forbid • with them as naught.

If any plead against this, that the charge concerned the Jews against the Canaanites, in particular; I answer, observe • but the reason of the charge, and it will tell you that it concerneth all God's people in the case of idolatry, or superstitious worship, the rule must need be as general, as the reason of the rule: but the reason both in Exodus and Deut: concerneth all; therefore so doth the rule; They shall not dwell in the land (saith the Lord) least they make thee to sin against me: for thou wilt serve their gods, which shall be a snare unto thee. And again, thou shalt not make marriages with them, thy daughter thou shalt not give to his son, and his daughter thou shalt not take to thy son. Mark the reason: for he will turn away thy son from after me. Have not woeful experience taught us in this land? and were we not like to be taugh • (like fools) in a deeper and more dangerous instance • Of the generality of this instance; If any can say of his sons heart that an idolatrous daughter cannot turn it away from God, then he might go match him with such an one: but the former were to contradict God, therefore he may not do the latter. Babes (saith S. John) keep yourselves from idols. That is as Tertullian saith) ab ipsa effigie eorum. From any relique, or show of them, all which should be abandoned. In precept John forbiddeth these four things; The making of Idols; the using of Idols; the keeping of them in the house or land; (for all must be put away, as I have shown:) And lastly, we are to avoid the users of Idols; they must be abandoned. Take heed that none spoil, or make a prey of you.

As for the Papists excuse, that they are no Idolaters it is but a covering of fig-leaves, as the word of God, the wirtings of the learned, both ancient and moderne doth fully manifest, wherein they are discovered to be the very worst sort of Idolaters. Look Master Perkins in his treatise of idolatry of the last times.

The second reason may be taken from the nature of God and true religion, which is one, as God is one, one faith, one God. There be many false religions, as there is much counterfeit Pearl: but one true religion, compared to the Union or Margarit. This appeareth by the Etymon of religion, which is so called as Lactantius; a religando, from tying the soul unto God, non a relegendo (saith he) as Tully would have it: Nor a relinquendo, as the Atheist would have it. So Augustine runneth upon the same ground. Religion is that whereby the soul is tied unto God; and so Isidore to the same effect. This unity will endure no competition: Dagon and the Ark cannot stand together: Yea God will have no partner in his Worship: because he is a jealous God. In that land where God dwelleth he will endure no worship but his own. Having commanded the Israelites to root out all idolatry and superstition, he showeth them that he will choose out a place where he will put his name, and there he will dwell, & thither should they resort: As if the spirit of God should say, where he dwelleth, there must no Idols dwell. Yea let Kings and Princes persuade themselves, if they suffer idolatry in the place where he hath put his name, he will be gone from them and the place. It is an Atheist-like conceit of carnal wretches, and gross Papists (as I have heard from some of them,) That a man may be saved by any religion, as though God would be pleased with anything.

The third reason may be taken from the office of the Magistrate, or supreme power, whose office as it is to estabish true Religion, and to maintain it; so he must extirpate the false. Moses beat the golden Calf to powder; Hezekiah brake the brazen Serpent; Josiah and Jehoshaphat, plaid their parts in this; and where they left any relict it is (deservedly) laid upon them as a fault: but the high places they took not away. That point of separatism against this is very unsound, whereby they would abridge the power of the Magistrate in reforming of religion. Their evasion likewise, from the instance of the Kings under the Law, is of no worth: for Christ himself as a King reformed the Temple, and that as the Learned observeth two several times; first, at the beginning of his course, John. 2; and lastly at, or toward the end of his course, Math. 21.12, not only by words, saith Cyril, but by strokes also, did he reform the abuses, and that as a Magistrate, as all the Learned observe. Yea, that Evangelical Prophet fore-telleth, that Kings under the Gospel, shall be noursing fathers, and Queens noursing-mothers to the Church. Now fathers and mothers must as well abandon that which is naught from their children, as maintain that which maketh for their good. But since it doth relish too much of Anabaptism, I would have them let it go. Hence likewise that groundless reason, against the truth of the Churches of England, falls to the ground: that they are false, because they had no call but enforced constraint by the sword of the Magistrate: the Magistrate, as I have proved, in abandoning false worship, and establishing the true worship, doth nothing but what his place enjoins him: if he be tied to the former, he is tied to the latter, because contraries are under one, and the self same logical genus: Neither by this means (as they mistake) were the Churches called; but by the pains taking of the Ministry: Witness that course taken both in the reign of K. Edward, and in the beginning of the reign of Q. Elizabeth; would they but in sobriety difference the weakness of being, from the nullity of being; and the purity of a thing, from the truth of a thing, they should come off the quick-sands whereon they have set themselves. The judiciously sincere, neither for fear, favor, gain, or any by respect, makes their Churches worse or better then they are indeed; neither do they attribute more or less to the Magistrate then is due: And as he is the Protector and Acquitter of both the Tables from abuse; so let him have his due, but let him look to do his due, and let him not hearken to those Matchivilian heads, who give too much to him, as the former give too little, persuading that he may tolerate any religion so it be for his profit. A more dangerous Principle then this, is not hatched in hell; and whatsoever Prince is persuaded of this (as one faith well) will in the end prove a very mocker of all religion. Nature it self will evince the falsehood of this position: for as Nature teacheth that there is a God: so likewise that there is but one God (for otherwise he could not be perfect, since perfection and unity are reciprocal) by just consequence then it must necessarily follow, that there must be but one Religion, and that of God's own appointment.

Some Civilians, who (for the most) are too much Matchiavalized, loving the profits better then the Law, labors to palliate this with utility, matter of fact, and necessity: And for instance they bring Sultan Suleiman the great Turk (a fit example indeed) who being moved by the Mufty, (or chief Pope) and the Cadilesheiri (or Arch-prelates) together with some of the Bassaes, to abandon the Christians, Jews, and all of diverse religions; or otherwise to force them to Muzilmanize, that is, to profess Turcism: The Turk looking out at a window, pointed them to the variety

The like, they tell us of Alexander, Severus, Trajan, and others: but what be these to Christian Kings and Rulers, who have not so learned Christ? They must walk by Laws and not by Examples; neither must God loose the least jot of his honor, for their greatest gains. As for necessity, in regard of disturbance, all wisdom is to be used in avoiding of it, and all fair means used to reduce them to the truth: but disturbing must not be avoided with sin. It is a clause worthy the observation, and by the Popes themselves placed in the Canon right, though not observed, but ill abused; That it is far better that offense or disturbance should come, then the least truth should be forsaken. Is a King a noursing father, and will he suffer a plaguy or leprous child to be in the house, or lie in the bed with his child that is sound? Will he suffer poison to lie strawed about, where his child may reach it? This were to murder his child, and not to play the parent to it. Will a King suffer foreign Kings to erect their Laws in his Dominions, and permit his subjects to obey, someone, and some another? No, he would scorn it, and hold them Traitors that should motion it: and will he put that upon God, and force him (as it were) to bear, that he will not bear himself? Surely, the Lord will not bear it.

It was a princely part, and a royal resolution, worthy the imitation in Edward the sixth, a Sun • shine over-clouded by the sins of this land in the very rising: he being requested with his Council by Charles the fifth, then Emperor, to suffer the Lady Mary his sister, to have a Mass in her house; the Council sitting about that and other things, sent D. Cranmer, and D. Ridley to persuade the King to grant it. When he had heard what they could say; he so learnedly and gravely did refute it, out of the word of God, that with astonishment their mouths were stopped. Then they fell to him with false grounds of policy; as the loosing of the Emperors favor, the hardening of his sisters heart, the discontenting of Popish subjects: to whom he replied; that they should content themselves; for he would spend his life and all that he had, rather then agree or grant to that, which he knew certainly to be against the truth. Yet for all this they would not leave him, but pressing him further, he fell a weeping, and willed them to let him alone; He had cause to weep indeed, but they greater: Where they should have preserved him from sin, they were made the means to corrupt him. The Prelates, and pleaders for Conformity, have no great reason to brag of these men, (as they were Bishops not of God's making,) for whilst their heatts were deceived, and their eyes vayled with the bewitching honors, and glorious shows of Pabel, against the light of knowledge; they proved, as you see, enemies to the cross of Christ; therefore God pulled them out of their rags, and cast them in the Furnace, and then they proved his friends indeed; and so may some Prelates prove, if God bring them to the stake: But to the matter; for all that they could do, such was the zeal of that holy Saint and happy King; that Lady Mary could have no Mass at that time.

To conclude this reason, men would have thought, that the union of Britain's Kingdoms would have cut short the increase of Babel his Kingdom; and that the Foxes should have been forced, either to change their skins or holes: but we see, for our sins, by neglect of authority, that, to the dishonor of God, the defacing of his Gospel, the grief of his people, and endangering of life, crown, and dignity, they are so hugely increased in both Kingdoms and in Ierland, that, in their own conceit, they are grown too hard f •• us: it is most just with God if we spare the Cananits, that the Cananits should vexus.

The fourth reason may be taken from idolaters, who to our shame are zealous of their false worship. The Lord may justly upbraid us with such, as he did his people Israel; hath • nation changed their gods, which are yet no gods? but my people have changed their glory for that which doth not profit. So the Lord may inquire of us, whether heathen Rome, and Antichristian Rome, do tolerate any worship but that which is of their own appointment. The Laws of old Rome, forbade any strange God's to be worshipped amongst them, that is, as Tully expoundeth, privatim adscitos, of men's private device; but by the Senats public appointment: so new Rome is as strict, in that they will have no mixture but of their own making; instance the Tridentin excommunications; witness likewise, with many others, the Doctors of Douay, upon the Lord's forbidding of mixtures of seed, cattle, and garments: here all participation (say they) with heretics, and schismatics is forbidden. Philip of Spain said, he had rather have no subject, then subjects of a divers religion: and out of a bloody zeal, suffered his oldest son Charles to be murdered by the cruel inquisition; because he seemed to favor profession, for which, that mouth of blasphemy the Pope, gave him this for his panagyr, that he had not spared his own son but had given him for them.

As old Rome, called the Christian religion, a new religion; so new Babylon calleth the ancient truth a new religion, or heresy; and therefore they hold it a damnable thing, to have anything to do with it, expecting but a day when they may race out the remembrance of it: As for our drawing nigh unto them in superstitious rites; they flout us to our face, and tell us in a bravado, that let us come as nigh to them as we will, they will not come one hairs breadth nigh to us; yea they asperse our religion with this, that if it were true we would never bland it. How bitter then is the friut of D. Hall, his correspondency with popery, for which he pleadeth in his treatise of travels, and urged hard for conformity with popish ceremonies, by Heylin in his Geography. As for the Papists applauding of our liturgy (as he speaketh there) it is but a sorry praise to it; when they reckon with him, they will pay him for this, as they do in the Epistle to Spalatoes recantation (where belying him falsely with the name of an unlearned Minister) they flout him for his brag, that the English Church was honored with a Dalmatian pall put upon a Bandogg indeed. I know the Doctor knoweth them well enough, and that there is no peace with Rome, who have sworn themselves deadly enemies to the gospel and the Professors thereof. It is the oath of the Kinghts of the holy Ghost, ordained by Henry the third of France, Anno 1570. that they should persecute the Hugonits.

Now I come to the last argument, which is, the evil ensuing upon the toleration of any false religion. The Lord telleth the Israelites that if they destroy not all the idols of the Canaanites, that his angershould be kindled against them, and he would destroy them suddenly. How angry was God with Jehoshaphat, for having anything to do with idolatrous Ahab: therefore he rebuketh him sharply, & threateneth him fearfully by the mouth of Hanani the Seer; shouldest thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord: therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord. And falling in the same fault again in joining with wicked Ahaziah King of Israel; he telleth him by the mouth of Eliezer; because thou hast joined they self with Ahazia, the Lord hath broken thy works. If the Lord were thus angry for joining in civil affairs, how angry would he have been if he had admitted their idolatry, or matched with them?

The most part of the Kings and great ones, they either forget God altogether, or they think he is not the same God. I would therefore have them to cast but their eyes upon examples of later times, and see how the Lord hath met with tolerators of false religion. Henry the fourth of France begun well, but he held not out; whose tolerating of others (though upon extremity,) and embracing of popery, for a kingdom, though from the teeth outward; caused the Lord (as one said well to him) to smite first at his tongue, wherewith he had denied him, and at last to smite at his heart, by one of the furies of the same hellish religion, which for the world, he was content for a time to tolerate. How did Q. Mary pay Cranmer and Ridley, for pleading so hard to the King, that she might have a Mass. Men must not think, first to serve their own turns, and then to serve God's turn; to go on with policy (making religion dance attēdance to it, which indeed should serve religion) is to set the Ass upon Christ, and not Christ upon the Ass. The disturbance, and distraction, of the Germans, which weakeneth them exceedingly against the common enemy; ariseth especially from the toleration of diversity of religion. No thing (as one saith well) doth more combine the minds of men together, then unity of religion: and nothing more dis-joineth them, then diversity of religion. And it were good (me think) for the united Provinces, to make up their union with unity of religion. And I may say boldly upon my former grounds, made good by instances, that they endanger themselves most by toleration of diversity of religion. Besides the multitude of idols in their houses, whereof they make no bones, (though thereby they keep life in Popery) what a confused chaos of heresies, what a State renting breach of Schismaticall divisions, with a hotch-potch of opinions are to be found with them: wherein to their blemishes they are holden the Antesignans, or ring-Leaders through the world; so that it is grown to a proverb, If a man had lost his religion, he might find it at Amsterdam. Which proverb. I think may rather be inverted thus: If a man bring any religion to Amsterdam, he had best take heed he loose it not; for reason and experience makes this position good; that a place of opposition is not so dangerous to Religion, as that place where for Religion, every man may do what he list. They must not think that their manner of government, or necessity of trading, or any other thing, will serve to tolerate this toleration, against the Law of God and nature: the office of the Magistrate, the example of the enemy, and the evil ensuing on it, I wish they may observe and ponder; together with the aim of their cruel enemy, (who looketh for more advantage out of this evil, then out of any other thing.) Where there be many Apes, there be but a few men: Many weeds, a little corn: So a small deal of true religion, where is so much diversity of religion. Where there is a Cachexia, or evil habit of humors, there is but a little good blood; so an evil habit of corruption, taketh away the life of true Religion, in which indeed consisteth the life of true policy. I pray God they may look to it; and that he would open our hearts from the head to the foot, to look to it at home, where Popery is as freely practiced, as if it had public toleration, and that by connivency, which God will not wink at.

And because matching with Idolaters, setteth up the greatest gate to idolatry; and by consequence layeth us open to God's heavy wrath, as God himself doth witness: They will turn away thy son • from following me, that they may serve other gods: so will the anger of the Lord be kindled against you, and destroy you suddenly; We must shut that flood-gate if we will not have the plague come in and consume us. I wonder how men can hold up their faces to speak for such Matches. They are first flatly against the Word, be not unequally yoked; which the Doctors of Douay quote in their Marginall note upon Levite. 19, to condemn all matches with schismatics and heretics: For confirmation whereof they cite Theodoret. Secondly, the Lord taxeth such Matches as a high measure of sin, instance in Ahab, of whom it is said; as if it had been a light thing to have walked in the ways of his father, he took to wife Jezebel who served Baal. Thirdly, of the evil effects of these Matches; we need not go no further then our own Nation. It is reported in our Histories of Vortigern, who Anno 450, at the persuasion of Hengist, brought in a multitude of Saxons, and married Rowen daughter to Hengist: of whom it is said, that the devil entered into his heart; because, being a Christian by profession, he matched with an Infidel, which was a plague to himself, and his, and all the whole Nation. As for that Countrygentleman Moderator, I will say no more but this, that he maketh a pretty show, if there were no Bible: but of the two places he quoteth thence, the last marreth all that he hath done: For sure it was a part of David's admonition to Solomon, that in seeking the Lord he should shun and abhor all Idolatrous Matches; for David hated all those that held of superstitious vanity. And as Solomon forsook the Lord in this crossing God's command, and his fathers counsel, so he and all Israel smarted for it. I am sure that this place well understood, and well applied, is worth all the rest that he hath said: Yea, if his moderation be but laid in the balance, with principles of human policy, it will be found lighter then vanity: And if he know no more of the Spaniards nature, practice and projects against us, then he hath delivered, he is but a Country Moderator indeed. I would but entreat him to take notice of the judgment, of as wise, as great, and as good a King as any lived in his age; concerning matching with the Spaniard. Lewis the 12, of France, who for his goodness was called pater patriae, being much importuned by Anne his Queen, to match his daughter Claudia (after wife to Francis of Valois) to Charles the fifth, son to Maximilian, made this wise answer, You may as well desire (saith he) the Cat and the Mouse to agree in one, intimating thereby (saith the Author) that it was impossible for the Spanish and the French at any time to agree; and all men know it is less possible, for many respects, for the English and Spanish to agree, especially as things go now. If he would peruse Guicciardine but a little; whom he citeth for their praise, he might see the Spaniard painted out in his colors; as also in other Histories, both foreign and domestic, as in their pride, Atheism, Cruelty, Filthiness, Fidefragie, Avarice and Beggary: yea, in one of their own Writers, that they are loved of no Nation; and yet we must dote upon them. I was taken thus off the way a little, by reason of this occurrent, but desiring of God, that that Match may never be, I return to conclude the point against Toleration, with that threatening of Christ against the Angels of the Churches of Pergamos and Thyatira, if they suffered any longer the doctrine of Balaam and Jezebel, which he hated, he would come against them, and give them according to their works: So indeed will he do with all, both Ministers and Magistrates, that tolerate false Religion.

CHAP. XL. Of the moderation of the Conquerors passions, and of his Temperance.

I Come now to the second particular of the Conquerors carriage; namely, the moderation of himself, which brancheth out it self in these two things; the moderation of his passions, and temperance in the use of things: in the command of these, doth a man conquer himself, which indeed is the greatest conquest: for what shall it profit a man to overcome all others, and to be a slave to himself, that is, to his own corruptions: but if a man can overcome himself he cannot be conquerd. Where the soul is free (saith Plato ) and is the Commandresse of the Passions, there is the bravest victory.

That speech of Claudian to Honorius the Emperor, is worthy the noting; where he showeth him, that if he could conquer from one India to another, and all the world should obey him; yet if he should obey hi. inordinate p • ssions, as fear, lust, and wrath, he were no free man.

In a word, as Seneca saith; He overcometh twice, that overcometh himself.

Excess of passion was a foul blemish to Phillips victory; vaunting himself of his great victory at Cheronea, over the Grecians, he grew to such a height of pride, that Archidamus Agiselaus his son, took him wisely down with this cooler; That he could not see his shadow to be any longer after the victory, then it was before the victory. A fit answer indeed; for this exorbitancy of passion is from want of knowledge of a man's self. That divine Oracle should ever be with us, Know thyself. Augustus Caesar, Severus, and other Heathens, were so eminent in this excellent Motto, that it commended them more then all their victories: and though they had but the rules of nature, and mere Morality to direct them; yet they may make many a one blush that liveth under the light of the Gospel. Charles the Great, was not so truly great, from that Majesty and Dominion wherein he excelled, as from that care he had, that he and his, should behave themselves worthy of so great victories; as may appear by a speech worthy of himself, made to his soldiers after the victory in that long war against the Lombards and Saxons; wherein he calleth his soldiers by the name of Nobles, and • ings fellows, and willeth

To this I may add that carriage of Frederick the Emperor, after his victory over the Gunzians in Hungary: We have done a great work (saith he) my soldiers; but their remaineth a greater; namely, to overcome our selves by brid • ing our avarice, and desire of revenge.

To apply with the Author, had the now Emperor and his, learned of him, the blood and outrage of their victories, had not made so loud a cry in God's ears, as at this day it doth. It is a good rule for conquerors; be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good: And it were a greater glory for some to conquer their passions, rather then Pulpits.

To come to later times, Louis the 12, was eminent in this virtue; and Henry the 4 of France, is for this much extolled in a Poem by Stephanus. And not to detract from General Norice, it was the crown of his commendation, wherein it is said that Henry the 4, did not disdain to emulate him. If a question here be put, whether Christians may rejoice in the victories over their enemies or no? I answer, all things concurring to make the victory lawful, without question they may rejoice in their overthrow, especially as they are God's enemies. The just shall rejoice when he seeth the vengeance, and he shall wash his feet in the blood of the wicked, and when the wicked perish there is shouting joy: But this must be as they are the enemies of God, therefore the heaven & the earth, and all therein, are said to sing for joy, at the spoiling of eastern Babylon; because she had caused the slain of Israel to fall. So at the fall of western Babylon, beyond her in impiety and cruelty; heaven, and all the holy host, shall rejoice over her, when God shall avenge them upon her.

The second branch of self-government, consisteth in the temperate use of such effluence of things, as in their conquests many times they meet with all; as the beauty and bravery of their captive women, the delicacy of their fare; for this Scipio was much commended, and it was great Alexander his greatest grace, that he would not so much as look upon his captives, the wife and daughter of Darius, but with good deliberation. But his last did not answer the first: for after that he had overcome all, he was overcome of cups, which marred all, and lost him more glory then ever he got. Drunkenesse in a King is a capital sin. As the corruption of a fish beginneth at the head, and so goeth through the body; so the drunkenness of a King maketh the land reel, and therefore woe to the land whose King is a drunkard. Philip after his victory, falling foul on cups, began in his drink to insult over his Greek captives: but Demades, a captive, took him boldy up; thus, Art not thou King Philip ashamed, whom the Grecians have chosen General, as another Agamemnon, to show thyself like a bibbing Thersites? at which freedom of speech, Philip taking up himself, and not his captive, cast his Crowns and Garlands from his head, and his rich robes from his back, and for very shame and sense of disgrace, done to himself, by himself, did set free Demades, and all the rest of the Greek captives. Behold in this a looking-glass for great ones, how incident it is to them to err especially in puffing-up victories; but it is more then Princely to correct themselves at the check of their vassals. We have too many Philip's forgetting themselves, and their places in their carriage of success, but too too few Philip's humbling themselves with shamefastness, when by their inferiors they are rebuked. The delights and delicacies of proud and luxorious Capua, wherewith Hannibal was taken, when he had taken the town, did him more hurt then all the Roman forces. To this effect there is a pretty saying of Hannibal; that he being invincible by Arms, was overcome with the pleasure and plenty of the place. Asia undid Alexander, and Julius Caesar was slain with good success: for as Authors observe, he being capable of all things, and fortunate in everything, grew so insolent of his victories, that usurping the priest-hood, he would needs be Deified; he spoiled the treasury, and growing sacrilegious: perfidious, and lustful, he ruled all by lust, and not by law.

Now I proceed to the third main thing; namely, their carriage toward the conquered. First, they must show humanity, in humando corpora captivorum, in giving the slain to be buried, or causing them to be buried. To that end, the Armies entered conditions, as Authors mention. Appion recordeth how Asdrubal, at the request of Scipio did bury the bodies of the Tribunes. It was an evidence of yielding amongst the Grecians, if they demanded their bodies to be buried. It was counted (as Tacitus writeth in his Annalls) great cruelty in Tiberius, to forbid the burial of the dead, with whom the cruel brood of Rome deserveth to be ranked, and that in the first place; who not only deny the burial of the dead, but with all inhumane abuses do injury the bodies of the dead: they come nothing short in this of the old typical Babel, hindering (as the Psalmist saith) the burial of the Saints bodies, giving them to be meat to the fowls of the heaven, and their flesh unto the beasts of the earth, but the Lord will one day (as it is there) render them, seven-fold into their bosom.

Secondly, they must not envy their captives but as they are God's enemies, and so they must hate them with a perfect hatred. It is reputed as a foul fault in the Athenians, and Lacedemonians (otherwise the bravest soldiers in the world) that they hated captives with an irreconciliable hatred, which was in the end their only overthrow.

Thirdly, they must not, like vulturs, or Harpies, reioycingly glut themselves in the sight of blood-shed, as the Dragon and the scarlet whore of Rome doth; she must be drunk with blood, ere she bid hold, or say it is enough. Instances of this unquencheable blood-thirst in them, I could give you tomany; take the carriage of Charles the 9, in the massacre of Paris, for a scantling of the rest: Beholding the bloody bodies of the butchered professors, and feeding his eye upon a woeful spectacle, he breathed out this bloody speech: how good is the smell of the dead enemy; which speech it seemeth he had from that beastly and cruel Vitellius, who having overcome Otho, went into the field full of slain bodies, & notwithstanding (as Tacitus saith) of the fearful spectacle, & filthy corrupt smell; yet delighting in it, he used the same saying, that a slain enemy smelled well, but a slain subject better. Tyrants must have blood though it be of their subjects. Yet for all this cruelty unbeseening a man, much more a King towards his subjects, that fury of France wanted not a popish helhound, to commend his cruelty in a set oration: but as he lived a man of bloods, so he made a bloody end. Another instance we have in Queen mother, of the house of Guise (who was the contriver of the Parisian massacre) she confessed that she delighted in nothing so much, as in the slaughter of Professors of the Gospel, although they were her own subjects. To these we may join our own Queen Mary who could never be satiated with the blood of her subjects, yea she had preyed on the life of her own sister, if the Lord had not restrained her: and which is mounstrously unnatural, she meant if she had lived, to have taken up her fathers bones and burned them. In this, popish Rome is worse then heathen Rome, who had written in their Capitol for moderation of victory; parce victis, frange superbos, spare the conquered, and bring under the proud. Epaminondus may be a pattern to all in this; who having rejoiced for his victory at Luctris, came forth the next day amongst his soldiers, all evil put on, and with a sad countenance; the cause whereof being demanded by his friends; I did please myself too much (said he) yesterday, with conceit of the victory; but thinking on the blood that is shed, I chastise myself today. Agiselaus, after his great victory at Corinth, seeing a great number of Corinthians and Athenians lying slain, was so far from rejoicing or growing proud of the victory, that in sorrow he cried out; woe is me for Greece, who in civil combustions hath lost so many brave soldiers, as might have conquered all the barbarians, (for so they termed other nations.) It was a frequent, and a worthy saying of Antonius Pius, for the which Capitolinus commendeth him much, that he had rather save the life of one subject then kill 1000 enemies.

Fourthly, they must not abuse the conquered captive, detracting from him, and taking arrogantly to themselves that which doth not become them. This did cruel Adonibezeck, who cut off the Thumbes of 70 Kings, and made them gather their meat under his table like Doggs. So Tigranes, King of Armenia, caused four Kings to wait on his table. Sesostris had his chariot drawn with Kings; and Tamarlan carried Bajazet about with him in an iron cage. That dishonorable & hateful contempt, done upon the supposed body of James the fourth (found dead, as they said, in the field of Floudon ) was both void of generositie & humanity: but because he took Arms against Julius the second, his usage could not be bad enough. Yea Thomas Howard, Earl of Surry, Commander of the field, being puffed up with the glory of the day, forgot his distance exceedingly in the adding to his Arms; for where before he gave the white Lyon, he gave it then upon the red Lyon, tearing him as it were with his claws. But this his insolency is thought to have been plagued in his posterity, whose ends for the most part, and that in both sexes were stigmatized with some note of disgrace. Borbon and Lanoy carried themselves more noblie toward Francis King of France, being taken at the battle of Pavia: for supper being prepared; Lanoy and Alphonsus Vastius did serve the King with Bason and Ewer; both they, and Borbon could hardly be entreated to sit down, but still they desired to attend him at supper. The like, or greater generositie, was shown by Prince Edward, the mirror of man-hood, towards King John his captive, before whom he stood uncovered, and would hardly be entreated to sit down at supper.

Fifthly and lastly, they are to keep quarters with captives being taken. For to cast off prisoners, and put them to the sword is against the laws of Arms; though Turks and Papists make no bones of this amongst the rest of their cruelties; yet far be it from any so to do, that professeth Christ truly. And thus much for the conquerors carriage towards the conquered.

Amongst many motives that I might give for this moderation, take only this, that the conqueror sometimes may come to stand in need of the conquered, who as they will remember moderate usage, and repay it with good; so they will requite tyranny with evil. Historians tell us how the Lacedemonians, the great Masters of Arms through all the world, having so great an overthrouw at the battle of Luctris, that they were forsaken of all their confederates, and had no refuge but to betake themselves to the Athenians, against whom they had warred, and whose Walls they had raised; yet for all this they received them very lovingly.

The fourth main thing followeth, how to demean themselves in the use of the goods or possessions of the conquered. It is true, that the spoil is theirs, but the good creatures of God they must not spoil. The Lord giveth a strait charge against this in Deut: when thou shalt lay siege to a city and take it, thou shalt not destroy the trees thereof, and thou shalt not cut them down; only that which is not for meat thou mayest cut down. By this prohibition God restrayneth the waste, and spoil which soldiers usually make in war; and teacheth them thereby, that there is a kind of mercy to be manifested toward the creatures, specially those that serve for the maintenance of man's life. This respect had Christ to the creatures, when he caused his disciples to take up the broken meat, after the people had eaten and were filled, that nothing should be lost. It is reported of the Danes, that with such cruelty and outrage, they made havoc of all where they came, that they seemed not so much to conquer the land, as to consume it; not so much to possess it, as to race out the remembrance of it.

Now I come to the last main thing required in the conqueror, namely his carriage towards his own. That General will never deal well with his enemies, nor get glory to himself, that dealeth evil with his own. As they have bought the victory with their blood, and the hazard of their lives; their is no reason but they should be both commended and rewarded. It was the custom of the chief Commander (as all our ancient writers do record) after the victory, to go up to some pulpit, and there with a solemn oration to commend the soldiers, according to every man's place, worth, and present service; neither was that enough, barely to commend or give thē thanks, but with their praise they distributed divers gifts. Is it equity or conscience that all should fight, and one, or a few, carry a way the spoil? David was of a more equal mind, who did not only willingly divide the spoil of the Amalekits, to those that were in the fight; but also gave the 200 weak and wearied ones a share that stayed by the stuff; and that was made a statute and an ordinance for Israel, as his part is that goeth to the battle, so shall his part be that tarrieth by the stuff: neither was there any wrong done to those wicked men who grudged at it: for, first, they wanted not will, but power to go to the battle: Secondly, they stayed by the stuff to keep it, as necessary a piece of service as to fight, and that with as great danger as those that fought, if they had been overcome: And lastly, they had but a Geometrical share, not an Arithmetical, or equal with the other. The like instance you have in Moses, who according to God's commandment, divided the spoil of the Midianites (on whom the Lord had avenged himself) amongst the soldiers and the people. This continued as a Law, and was observed by the Maccabees when they got any spoil. So that you see it is the Lord's own Ordinance; besides, reason and equity, doth enforce it.

Amongst many other reasons for this enduring ordinance, David giveth a special one, which I would have Commanders to observe; namely, that the spoil is of the Lord's giving: You shall not do so my brethren with that which the Lord giveth us. Observe here that David, the General, saith not, giveth me, but giveth us. Should one man, or a few, take that to themselves, that God giveth to all? No surely, David, out of doubt, as many brave Generals had wont, kept little or nothing to himself. Alexander the Great reserved only hope; and our brave General Norice was like that Bishop of Lincoln (a black Swan now,) that never thought he had that thing, which he did not give. The defrauding of soldiers of their shares of the spoil, was severely punished amongst the Romans. Marcus Salinator, a man of Consular dignity, was condemned by the people for unequal division of the prey to the Soldiers. The wrong in this done to the soldiers, when service is performed, maketh soldiers so loose in the performance of their service; where if they had but hopes of better respect, and assurance of place and recompense upon their desert, it would encourage them many times to stand to it bravely to death, when they mind nothing indeed but shifting for their life. That speech which I related of Charles the Great, to his soldiers; the war being ended, together with his bounty towards them; shown him truly to be great. Those that will have all to themselves, must fight all by themselves: Soldiers are out of request when their service is done. It was a pretty saying, and very true, of General Vere to the King of Denmark; that Kings cared not for Soldiers, until such time as their Crowns hung on the one side of their head. It was the sad complaint of Georgius Fronsbergius, a brave Captain, and one who had well deserved, both under Maximilian the 1, • nd Charles the 5, and yet being much neglected and forgot • en: Three things, said he, did terrify a man from a military life; the spoiling of harmless men, the godless, and dissolute life of the soldier, and the neglect of those who had well deserved. The times are partly come, and are yet to come, that a good soldier will be worth the making on. Yea, let those who look to live in safety, and to die with honor, make 〈◊〉 of them. There be such an Antipathie betwixt some and Arms, that the very sight of a soldier, the ordering of Arms, the sound of a Trumpet, or beating of a drum are as terrible to them, as thunder was to Caligula: others again loves Soldiers, but only to make use of them: In the most of this unhappy age, the esteem of Soldiers (be they never so worthy) dies and lives with the necessity of their service; the causes whereof are, under-valewing of merit, and unthankfulness. But States must beware, if they will be safe, not to use their soldiers, as the Athenians used Themistocles, of whom he said wittily; That they used him like the Plantan tree, of which they made both their drinking cup, and their chamber • pot; they shook him off, and fet him on at their pleasure, when they stood in need of him: But he told them at last, that he could not like those men, that would first drink out of a vessel, and then make their water in it. My counsel is to the Vnited Provinces, that they would cast back their eye upon the pit, out of which their life, wealth, and dignity are digged; which is not the depths nor hell, (as that Popish pamphletter suggesteth) but the blood of the valorous Britons; for the which, the Nation should be precious in their eyes: if Xerxes held Themistocles (on bare hopes of service) to be his rarest Jewel; how should they esteem of Britain, which to them hath been a field of precious, and profitable Jewels; whose worth they can never value? Therefore as I would have them not to slight the Nation, so I wish they may abandon all neglect and dis-esteem of the soldier: For generous spirits looks for answerable respect; yea, they who sow in blood, looks to reap at least in honor, and account. A •• Themistocles left Greece at length, upon continuance of bad usage: So I hope they will take heed, that no such usage from them, shall provoke their best friends to forsake them. And so much for the carriage of the Conqueror.

CHAP. XLI. The carriage of the conquered in General.

NOW I come to treat of the behavior of the conquered; to whom I must confess, it is easier to give counsel, then to undergo the burden: and rules of directions are sooner given in this case, then taken. A tempestuous storm (as the Poet saith) may countermand the Art of the best Navigator, and put the stoutest Master from the Helm. Yet for all this, in this greatest evil, there is matter to manifest the greatest magnanimity: there is more worth and valor in suffering, then in doing: Unto you, saith the Apostle, it is given, not only to believe in him; but also to suffer for his sake. Were not our glorious Martyrs the greatest Conquerors? It is a great grace for a conqueror to carry, even the cup of victory: but a greater glory for the conquered to drink the dregs of Martial displeasure, or of his enemies triumph, with undaunted magnanimity. It is some solace (as the saying is) to be brought under by him, who is worthy to command: And this gave some ease to the heart of Mithridates, who after 50 years standing out, with the glory of many victories, at length was forced to yield himself and his, to the mercy of Pompey the great; yet contenting himself with this fair overture, that it was no shame to be overcome of him, whom to overcome it was impossible. But as it is not in a man's choice whether he will be conquered or no; so likewise it is not in his choice, by whom he will be conquered; and therefore he must fit himself to carry it well, whosoever lay it on; whether the enemy be like Pirrhus, contending only with the Roman, who should command; or like the Samnite, contending with him who should surviue, whatsoever it be, or by whomsoever, it must be born; so that as the Comick saith, it is the part of a man: not that a man should be taken, in this case, with a Stoicall insensibility, and quaffe away all care, and wit, with drink and Tobacco; or cast himself fast a sleep with the opium of delights, or suffer himself to be charmed with the enchantments of solatious company, as though he cared not what God had done to him, nor what he would do with him; this is to be under a double conquest, the latter whereof is the worser.

A man therefore under the yoke, must not only suffer, but also do, and devise how to redeem himself. To do and not to suffer, is with the Lyon in the snare to struggle, or with the fish to wrestle in the net; but to suffer and not do, is with the sea-calf, to play and sport themselves when all the waves of God are going over them. God often by the hand of the enemy, as by a Pursivant at Arms, fetcheth in bankrupt Tenants; that is, his own untoward or backsliding people; and leaveth them in the pursivants hand till they take some course to satisfy for the arrearages. If a man in that case take thought of nothing but strong drunk and Tobacco, a punke and ribauldrie, as sundry in the fleet and Marshalsey do, is he not like to lie long enough by it? yea, it may be while all his delights leave him, and he have neither inward nor outward comfort; and the more unsensible one is of such a case, it addeth the more to the misery of his case. So when God's people are in the hands of their enemies, they must consider where they are, and cast about what to do. It is the lot of God's people, that are left alive in the Palatinate, and Bohemia, to be under an Egyptian captivity; The Inheritance of God is laid wast and possessed by Gebal, Amon, and Amalecke; they have consulted together against God and his anointed, that his name and the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance.

A great part of this woeful calamity lieth on their Princely cedars, who with their branches are rooted up, & like a partridge they are hunted to and fro, so if it were not that God out of the waters hath raised a little hill for them to rest upon, I know not whether Kielah and Ziph, would have afforded them any safe rest or no.

CHAP. XLII. Of acknowledging the defeat to be from God.

TO begin then (with leave) the conquered in the first place, are to look by whom they are conquered, or defeated; not I mean only the secondary means; (for to that everyone will look; everyone will be sensible of that) but they must look to God, as the first mover of it, the orderer of the means, and the accomplisher of it. As the Lord dispose • h the victory to the one, so the foil to the other. There is no evil in the City which the Lord hath not done. Actions (saith Hanna ) are not directed without the Lord, he killeth, and he maketh alive, he maketh poor and rich, h • e bringeth low and lifteth up; Yea, many times he giveth his own inheritance, and his holy places, with the bodies of his servan • s, to be abused at the pleasure of their enemies. Places are so plentiful for this, that I could be infinite. The Lord is said to sell his people into the hand of Jabin; he delivered them into the hand of Midian; & he sold them into the hand of the Philistines; when the Israelites were smitten, they acknowledged that the Lord had smi • ten them: Wherefore hath the Lord smitten us today before the Philistines? That place of Jeremiah is very remarkable to this purpose. I will s • atter them (saith the Lord of his people) with an East wind before the enemy; I will show them the back and not the face in the day of calamity. The lamentations of Jeremiah are a whole field of such matter; The Lord hath trodden underfoot all the mighty men, he hath swallowed up the habitations of Jacob, he hath cut off the horn of Israel. The Prophet Isaiah to this purpose is most pregnant. Who gave Jacob for a spoil, and Israel to the robbers? Did not the Lord; he against whom we have sinned? Again, therefore I have profaned the Princes of the Sanctuary, and have given Jacob to the curse, and Israel to repreches. I have given the dearly beloved of my soul into the hand of her enemies.

The Heathens, men without God in regard of power, or Scriptural knowledge, have been forced, upon their foils, to confess so much. Mardonius the Persian General, who stayed in Greece behind Xerxes, either to redeem his reputation, or to rid himself of his life by some desperate attempt, having lost all; was demanded by a certain Greek, how it came to pass that such a huge Army of Persians were consumed and brought to nothing by a handful of Greeks; he answered very modestly and pertinently, That that which God would have done, none was able to avert, although men will not believe those that tell them such things.

Fond (and confused indeed) are the opinions of the Heathens, of divers Sects, concerning the ruin of Kingdoms, and the overthrow of Princes. The Stoics ascribe it to Destiny; the Epicure to Fortune; Methodius and Cardanus to Planets; Aristotle to an asymetrie, or disproportion: but Pla •• and Pithagoras, (to whom Bodin. assenteth) do lay the blame on Numbers. And because some may wonder what should be the meaning of this last opinion, I will unfold it, so far as Plato, the chief maintayner of it, doth unfold himself. As in numeral notes in the strain of Music, there is a Diapason, which Art cannot transcend; so there is a diaposon, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, the highest-period of Kingdoms and Dominions, above the which they cannot pass. The place of it self is so obscure, that Aristotle in his fifth book of the Politicks, and 12 chapter, passeth it over: so doth Proclus, who illustrateth the other seven books with notes, but doth not touch that. That opinion is much like to another saying of his, That the conversions, or translations of Common-wealths, run by the course of nature. It is true indeed, as Kingdoms have their beginnings, increase and height; so they have their declinings and their ruins. All that hath a beginning, hath an ending, and as Philo saith, the greater height of outward bappinesse that a people attaineth to, the lower is their fall. As after an inundation the waters are dried up, so States are emptied of their floods of prosperity to the very channel. Experience maketh good that of the Poet.

Yet for all this, these Philosophers, and Sects, are a ground, in giving the ground of this. But Daniel, a better Politician then either Pla • o or Aristotle, giveth the true ground indeed: Blessed (saith he) be the name of God forever and ever: for he changeth times and seasons, he remeveth Kings, and setteth up Kings. That which Heathen Writers, Military men, and others, do attribute to fortune; namely, events of battles, victories, and foils, Daniel doth attribute to God. Caesar that great man at Arms, and man of great success, was greatly deceived in the ground, when he gave so much to fortune: Fortune (saith he) in many things, but especially in military affairs may do very much.

It is not only their fault (for they knew little better:) but it is more the fault of Professors, who know indeed the true ground, but in their carriage they do not acknowledge the ground: they confess the ground, but in their profession they follow not to the ground. Observe a courtly complement, with us in England, wherein great Ones bewray their faultiness; in this kind they denominate, the evil or good that befalls a man, or State, from fortune; He hath a good fortune, (say they) his fortune is undone: be their meaning what it will, I would have them, as Augustine counsels them, to change their words; and (as the Apostle wills them) to use a sound form of phrase, beseeming Christian profession. Mardonius said well; It cannot be denied, but all these foils, and defeats, and outrages, and spoils, and desolations, are of God's own doing; but men will not believe it applicatiuely, or run the right way, though it be not only beaten in their ears, but they see it clearly with their eyes. Men in this are like the uncircumcised Philistines, who though they knew and confessed, that the hand of God was upon them for abusing the Ark; yet they would try whether, or not, i • were by chance: Men thus called by affliction to see the hand of God in it, they are like unto Samuel, when God called him; they run many other ways, before they run to God; they run to the bloody cruelty of one; to the innaturallity of another; to the falsehood under fellowship of the third; to the pusillanimity of the fourth; and lastly, to the conspiracy or concurrence of all the Crue against them, who have vowed their destruction without a cause. It is lawful and expedient to have an eye to all those, and to view everyone of them in their kind; but first of all we must look to the sin-revenging eye of God, and to his all-disposing hand of the very least circumstance of our troubles. Hence it is that they are called the waves of God, and the arrows of God; yea, God doth afflict his own, that they should see his hand in it, and seek to him for deliverance out of it. The Lord doth threaten, that he will be unto Ephraim as a Lyon, and to the house of Judah as a young Lyon; yea, he will tear and take away, and none shall rescue him. The Lord here in effect doth threaten to send such enemies against them, as like roaring, cruel and devouring Lions, should tear them all in pieces: but the Lord is said to do it, because without him, neither foe, nor friend can do anything. But what is the end of this? Is it not that they might seek the Lord; I will go and return to my place (saith he) till they acknowledge their offense, and seek my face; in their affliction they will seek me early. If a man be wounded, will he rather look at the sword, then at the man that gave the blow? If a stone be cast at a man, will he like a dog, run to the stone, not looking to the hand that cast it? Or if it fall from a height, will he not look up to the place from whence it fell? When Rebecca felt that strange unusual struggling of the two twins in her womb (which prefigured the strife between the godless and the godly) to know the cause of this, she goeth unto the Lord; and she went to inquire of the Lord (saith the Text.) To him indeed in our troubles we should go, since it is his doing. Heavy and doleful was that message that Samuel had to Eli, insomuch that he feared to show him the vision; yet Eli would have it out of him, that he might know the Lord's mind, which when Samuel had delivered, he runneth presently to the ground from whence it was, and not to any by, or secondary, means by which it might be brought to pass; for the Lord wants no means to accomplish that which once he doth determine: It is the Lord (saith he) let him do what seemeth him good. He acquiesceth in the good will of God, and embraceth the judgment, though it were against himself and his: he, like a well nurtured child, kisseth the rod, though it were made for his own back. Then, in the name of the Lord, both King, and Queen, and subjects, take notice of this, that the hand of God is upon you, and upon us in you: it is the Lord that hath done it, and so let us all acknowledge. And thus much for the first particular.

CHAP. XLIII. The moving cause of the defeat is to be observed.

A Second circumstance of the conquereds carriage, consisteth in the inquiring and finding out of the moving cause of their overthrow: for though God be the efficient cause; yet there is a moving cause without him, that provoketh him to give his own people into the hands of his enemies. It is a question moved in the Psalms by David, why dealeth the Lord thus, and thus with his people? why dost thou cast us off forever? why doth thine anger smoke against the sheep of thy pasture? why withdrawest thou thine hand? and why hast thou broken down her hedges, so that all that they pass by the way do pluck her grapes? The Prophet answereth all these questions, by quitting God, and charging upon his people the cause of all this; namely, their iniquity. When in the 79 Psalm, he hath laid out the desolation of the holy temple, the bloody cruelties committed upon the bodies of his saints, their inhumanity against the dead bodies, the reproach they suffered, and God's wrath against them (which was heavier then all the rest) he layeth down their iniquity to be the cause of all; remember (saith he) not our former iniquities against us; let they tender mercies speedily prevent us: for we are brought very low. v. 8. In all the places quoted from the book of Judges wherein I have shown the overthrow of God's people to be from God) you shall still see their sin laid down, as the moving cause, provoking God to deal so with them: and the children of Israel again did evil in the sight of the Lord: so that this phrase of speech is made a preface to usher in the judgments of God. This was the matter of Abiiahs message to Jereboam's wife: the Lord shalt smite Israel as a reed is shaken in the water, and he shall root up Israel out of his good land, and shall scatter them beyond the river; he shalt give Israel up: and what is the cause? because of the sins of Jeroboam, who did sin and made Israel to sin. Where observe the sin of the King and his people, to be the cause of their ruin. This was prophesied of by Samuel to the people; if you shall do wickedly, you shall be consumed, both you and your King; and so it came to pass indeed. In a place of Jeremiah, the Lord setteth down the reason, why he would scatter his people with an east wind before the enemy; why he would show them the back, and not the face in the day of their calamity, because saith he, my people hath forgotten me. And to conclude; the Prophet Isaiah, in the places quoted, layeth down the same cause; for they would not walk in his ways neither were they obedient to his law: therefore he hath poured upon them the fury of his anger, and the strength of battle. So in the other place; thy first fathers hath sinned, & thy teachers have transgressed against me: therefore, &c. I have profaned the Princes and have given Iacoh to curse and Israel to reproaches. The curse must always accompany sin, he spared not the soul of his • eloved when they sinned; yea, nor the son of his love, becoming surety for sin: no prerogative exempts from wrath, but being in Christ; witness God's protestation concerning Jeconiah, the last and the worst of the line of Judah. As I live, saith the Lord, though Coniah, the son of Jehoiakim King of Judah, were the signet upon my right hand, yet would I pluck thee thence.

Josephus deploring the unparalelled calamity of his own nation of Judea, layeth down the cause of their utter desolation; namely, the abomniable impiety and iniquity of the Princes and people; which were grown to such a height, that everyone, in their place, did strive to out-strip another; in so much that if one should have gone about to have devised some new sin, there was no place for him, they were all grown so cunning.

A fearful and incorrigible case, and yet (woe is us) no worse in a manner then our own is, though we will not know it: the fearful things, given out of this nation, both for sin and judgment may make our ears to tingle, and our hearts to tremble; yea as the same Author reporteth, and that in grief of heart, that if the Romans had not come against them to execute the fiery wrath of the Lord upon them, he thought a new deluge would have swallowed them up with the old world; or fire from heanen would have consumed them with Sodom; for (saith he) they exceeded either of their sins. The like is related by one of our own Authors concerning the last loosing of Hierusa • em to the Saracens under Saladine their Commander. When the Christians had kept it 80 years, after the recovery of it by Godfrey Duke of Bullion, the height of their iniquities whereto they were come, did so ascend in God's presence, and made such a shrill cry in his ears, that he cast them out again, making their civil dissention, serve for the Saladines advantage. So that you see the cause is within our selves: we need not seek it without: it is not in God; for he delighteth to do good to his people: nor is it in the wicked; for he hateth them as they hate both him and his people: it is not in the creature of what kind soever; for he made it good, and he loveth everything as the workmanship of his hands: It is then the sin in our bosom, or our bosom sin that maketh him deal thus with us. As sin doth separate the soul from God; so it often separateth the whole person from God's house, from country, from wife, and family, from King from subject; and from what not? Therefore in this our separation, we should search our sin, and every man know the plague of his own heart which hath made the Lord to plague us. Search your selve (saith the Prophet) and turn unto the Lord.

But herein we are all faulty; men either search not at all, or they search as though they desired not to find; they search, as mē do for their bade money, they know they have it but they would gladly have it pass for currant amongst the good money. Lastly, they search not for that which especially they should find out. It was a very pertinent question of the Israelites when 4000 were smitten by the Philistines: wherefore hath the Lord smitten us today before the Philistines? But their answer was not answerable. O (say they) let us fetch the Ark of the covenant that it may come among us, & save us out of the hand of the enemy. What, were they smitten because the Ark of the covenant was not among them? So they conceived, and would conceive no better: but the truth was, their sins had caused the God of the covenant to depart, he went not out with them, Samuel went not with them: these were they that laid both the Ark and themselves in the mouth of the Philistim: and yet these were they, that they never suspected till the battle was lost, wherein 30000 were slain, their Priests were gone, Eli his neck broken, and which was worst of all, the Ark of God was taken; Then they began in their calamity to call a new quest of inquiry, to make a new search, and to find out this execrable thing, namely, their sin, for the which (as it is said) all the host of Israel lamented before the Lord. The like neglect, we may behold in the people of Israel going against Benjamin. The first day they lost 22000; they lament indeed, and look about them what should be the matter: but they go the wrong way; they fall to doubt of their commission, as though there had been some fault in that; they supposed they could not prosper, because they had lift up their hand against their brethren, although God had bid them do it: but there was another matter in it, that they were not a ware of, that was their sin, which questionless God did punish by those two overthrows: First they were altogether become corrupt and abhominable in their courses & worship of God; insomuch that (as the Lord speaketh) every man did what seemed good in his own eyes. It is true, when they heard of the beastly and abhominable act of killing of the Levites wife under their filthy lust, their hearts rose against it, they would be avenged on all the whole tribe, if the transgressors were not delivered. This was all well, but this was not all; they should have begune at home, and purged themselves of spiritual uncleanness, and other sins that do accompany that, and then they had been fit to have punished the beastliness of the Beniamits. Again, for number they were so many, and the other not a gleaning to them, that they made no question of the victory; so that they thought it needless to seek to God (by humbling of themselves) for a good success. But God for those met with them, and set them in the right way ere he had done with them: for when after the second defeat, they got sight of their sin, and humbled themselves for it; by fasting and praying they received a better answer, with assurance of the victory.

As it is far from me to charge anything upon any man's conscience; so I entreat every man to charge his own conscience, as David did, and say, I am the man. A general view or search will not serve: for so long as men keep themselves at generals, they never find out that in themselves, which most displeaseth God, but often mistake that to be no sin which is sin, or that to be sin which is no sin. Men must not stay themselves in the Procatartick, or remote causes; but they must dive unto the Proegumene conjunct, or essential, & imediate cause. Empyrickes mistaking symptoms for the sickness it self, are fairer to kill then to cure: so in finding out some petty sins, some never look at the main sins; like those that lop off branches of the tree, but never strike at the root: and as by this pruning the trees grow bigger; so by daliance in search, all grows worse and worse: therefore to the bosom sin, the darling-sin, the seed-sin, that is deer as hand and foot, cut it off, and cast it away. Let every man be severest with himself, and favor himself not in the least sin: that sin that he least looks after, and will not acknowledge to be sin, is commonly the capital sin; as taking liberty to profane the Sabbath; going to stageplaies, scoffing preciseness, petty oaths, abuse of the creatures, & usury; these be National sins, and set ope the gate to all other sins, and consequently to judgment. On the first, my heart gives me to dwell, if it were my place, and the Treatise would permit: for as it is the sin of Nations, so it is the capital sin, though least thought on; the threatenings against the breach of this commandment, the promise annexed to the keeping of it, the backing of it with reasons, and fore-fronting of it with a remember, do necessarily imply all these lessons; as first, the antiquity of it, and the continuance of it, that as it was from the beginning, so it should be remembered to the end, Gen. 2.3: secondly, it discovers the propensity of man to the light esteem of it, and to the breaking of it: thirdly, it shows, the greatness of the sin, Ezech. 20.12.22: fourthly, God's great desire to have it kept, calling it the holy, honorable day, yea, and the delight of the Lord, Es. 58.13. All these cords will pull down inevitable judgments upon all the palpable profaners of this day, by their pleasures, or ordinary employments, except they repent. This sin cries in England; and roars in Holland, where by open shops, and other works of their calling, they proclaim, with open mouth, their little regard of God, or his Sabbath. Judgment likewise hangs over the head of all halvers of the Lord's day, making it neither God's, nor theirs, but divide it: All Jewish translators of the Sabbath: all toleration from higher powers to profane it, at which we may lay our hands upon our mouths. But I hope the Parliament will redress it: likewise on all that dare proclaim it from Pulpit, to be only a Ceremonial Law; and that the rest now enjoined is a mere Civil Ordinance. The Papists press this as a mere human Institution in religious Worship. Split, a little before his departure, told a man in dispute with him, that that Commandment was done away. Many Libertine Ministers, and Prelates, in England, maintain the same in effect: and the worst of the Ministers of the Vnited Provinces concur with them in this point: for though some press the keeping of it; yet they urge it not as a divine Precept, but as a time appointed by a mere positive law for the worship of God; but this crosseth the nature of the commandment, being Moral; given from the beginning, before the Ceremonial Law; written by God's own finger; proclaimed to all the people to continue to the end. It substracts from the number of the Precepts, being ten, Exod. 34.18. Deut. 10.4, it oppugneth the practice of God, which is for a president to us: It is against natural reason, and divine prerogative, that God should not have a solemn time appointed for his worship, and that he should not be the appointer of it. Hence it is, that not only the Hebrews, but also all Greeks and Barbarians, did rest from work on the seventh day; witness Josephus, Clemens, Alexandrinus, and Eusebius: lastly, it afronteth Christ's institution, included in the very name of the day: Why is it called the Lord's day, Rev. 1.10, 1 Cor. 16.2, is it not because it was appointed by the Lord, and to continue for the Lord? as the Sacrament, for the same reasons, is called the Supper of the Lord. To make an end of the point, let the Magistrates of London, and other parts, who have kept back their authority from sanctifying of the Sabbath, look to the end, fire is broke out already; but I fear if we will not • earken to hallow the Sabbath of the Lord, that the fire spoken of by Jeremiah shall break forth in our Gares, and not be quenched till it have devoured us. I might say much in this point, both by reason of the commonness of the sin, and plenty of matter against it, but I will only say this: Where there is no conscience of keeping of the Sabbath sincerely, they have no ground to expect any good. As for Stage-plays, they are the devils chair, the seat of Scorners, the plague of piety, and the very pox to the Common-wealth: but I have a whole Treatise against them.

And as for the other sins mentioned, it is counted but Puritanism to count them sins; but so much the worse. As our Nation is a field of crying sins; so the cry of some sins must not be discovered, but countenanced in a searfull manner; who knows, but the things which we count trifles may be the special matter of our controversy with God? A little other fire then God had ordained might seem a small matter in the eyes of indifferency: yet it was such a sin as made all Israel guilty, as appeareth by the sacrifices offered for that sin, Levite. chap. 16; yea, it brought such a fire from the presence of the Lord, as could hardly be quenched. These sins therefore must be taken by the poll, and others of the like nature; as contempt of the Word, and hatred of God's people: and they must be beaten to powder, with the Israelites Calf. Go from a Tribe to a Family, from a Family to a house, and so to every man of the house, till the golden wedge be found out. We must not trust our wicked hearts with this work; for corrupt nature is blind as a beetle in the finding out of sin; witness the Israelites, even then when all the plagues of God were coming upon them, they said; What is our iniquity or sin against God? Ier. 16.10. Princes and people had need of good Seers, whom they must suffer to show them their sin, that either they cannot find, or will not find; such was Nathan to David: they must not count such, men of contention, and busy-fellows, as the Jews called Jeremiah; but our evil age doth not only hide sin, but maintain sin.

There is also too much propensitie both in the bade, and also in the good, to palliate sin, & to tranfer their troubles to other causes then to it. I remember that Trajan, General to Valence the Emperor, that mirror of impiety, going against the Goths, he was defeated in the very first battle; for which Valence upbrayded Trajan, at a feast, with cowardice and sloth, as being the causes of the overthrow, but noble Trajan, not enduring that indignity, with freedom of speech told enduring that indignity, with freedom of speech told the Emperor in plain terms, that he had lost the day; for you do so war against God (saith he, meaning his persecuting of Christians) that you abandon the victory, and send it to your enemies: it is God (saith he) that overcometh, and he giveth the victory to those that obey him; but such are your adversaries, and therefore you have God to fight against you; how then can you overcome? Here you may see a pattern of a wicked disposition well taken up, and the saddle set upon the right horse.

And not only do such bloody monsters as this, shift off their calamities from their sins; but also God's people, by falling in sin, and lying in sin, may be tainted with it; witness, David a man otherwise after God's own heart, yet tainted with this. Amongst the rest of his tricks of legerdemain, when he spun the spiders web of his implicit sin, this was one, to cover the murder of Uriah, he useth a principal, experimentally known; the sword devoureth one at well as another; make thy battle more strong against the city, and so overthrow it. David spake the truth but not truly: for he knew that it was not common lot that had cut off Uriah, but his own heart and hand, had caused him and others to fall; yet he would daube over a filthy piece of business with a little white plaistring; but when once he was awaked, he was so far from daubing as that he chargeth himself more deeply with every circumstance, then any other could have done; I am the man. And after the numbering of the people; when his heart smote him, grieving at the punishment of the people, he taketh the whole sin upon him, and would clear the people both of the sin and punishment: Loe I have sinned, and I have done wickedly, but these sheep what have they done? let thy hand I pray thee be against me, and against my fathers house.

CHAP. XLIIII. Of quitting God of all injustice.

A Third thing in the behavior of the conquered, is this, since sin is the cause, they must quit God of all injustice, how heavy soever their burden lie upon them. David quitteth the Lord of all injustice, if he should adjudge him to eternal death; so doth the people of God in the lamentations, being under the very rod of his wrath; The Lord is righteous; for I have rebelled against his commandment. By condemning of our selves, to acquit God, is the readiest way to get an acquittance from God. Yea (as Isedor saith) let a man learn not to murmur when he suffereth, although he were ignorant for what he suffereth: let this suffice to tell him, that he suffereth justly, because it is from him, that cannot deal but justly. Pompey was herein exceedingly mistaken, who seeing all to go on Caesar's side, doubted not to say, that there was a great deal of miste over the eye of divine providence: for with him that offered nothing but wrong, to the commō wealth all things went well; but with him that defended the common-wealth, nothing succeeded. But Pompey blamed the Sun because of his sore eyes. There be many in our age of Pompey his saucy humor; yea arranter wranglers then he, because of greater light, and shows of profession; who if their corruption be never so little crossed, or the Lord meet with them in the crossing of a way, they will grumble against God, as though he had done them wrong; or as though there were not in them for the which the Lord might not only cross them, but crush them; but let them know if they change not their note, the Lord will note them for his enemies, and thurst them out for wranglers.

CHAP. XLV. Of humiliation for sin, and forsaking of it.

FOurthly, as the conquered seeth sin to be the cause of his evil, and therein cleareth the justice of God; so he must be humbled for sin, and so forsake it, that (God reconciled to him) may be on his side. It shall nothing prevail men to see sin as Pharaoh did, and never to mourn for it; or to mourn for it as Ahab did, and not to forsake it. Israel, after their second defeat, humbled themselves, and mourned exceedingly. So Joshua, when the people that went up to take A • fled before their enemies and were smitten to the number but of 30 persons, fell on his face, mourned and cried unto the Lord: but what meant Joshua (might some say) was this the courage of so great a General, thus to be daunted for the loss of 30 men? was that such a matter? might it not be a chance of war? no there was another matter in it. It was not the 30 men, nor 3000 that would have so much dismayed Joshua, he wisely fore-saw that all was not well at home, and therefore he would not on again, till the matter was cleared, & the execrable thing was found out. To be brief, the Israelites under the yoke of the Philistines, found out their sin, & mourned for it. It is said in their humiliation that they drew water and poured it out before the Lord, (that is) they shed tears abundantly before the Lord. The roaring Goliath's of our age scorn a stone out of this running brook, to beat the brains out of their roaring sins: oh! mourn and cry? that is womanish. Well I am sure there was more true worth and valor in in one little David, then in all the roarers in Ram-alley or milford-lane; and yet he mourned, wept, and cried, and roared for grief of sin; but not as they do.

For four things the people of God are to mourn, being defeated: for their sin; because they grieved God by it: for the want of God's presence: for making him depart from his inheritance: for the defacing of God's glory, by the wicked in their ruffe. For the first: many will mourn; but rather for the punishment of sin then for the sin it self: whē the worm of conscience begins to knaw, & the terrors of hell present themselves to them, then they cry and roar as though hell roard for them; but they are just like Mariners, when the storm is over; or like fellous, they cry rather for the sentence given against them, then for the felony committed. And some will cry for their sin, but rather because it is hurtful and shameful, then for grieving of God by it; as if a man by his lewdness cast into some loathsome disease, regrateth the sin, for the disease it hath brought upon him; and not because thereby he hath offended God: but David crieth out, on himself and his sin, especially for the offense done to God by it; against thee, against thee, only have I sinned, and have done that which is evil in thine eyes. As for the want of God's presence (so other things go well with them) it is the thing that the most, least regard: but for the godly, they make more of it then of all the things in the world; yea nothing without this will suffice the godly: give them this (with whatsoever) they can be content: the good things or hid treasure of this life will serve the wicked well enough, without this, many say, who will show us any good, (that is for the belly, back, possession, or height of ambition: but lift thou up over us the light of thy face (Jehovah:) for that is more joy to me then all the riches of the world wherein worldlings most delight. And herein is a main difference between the child of God, and the wicked; let Ishmael live and be great, and let Isaac be the heir, with all the troubles that belong to the executorship; let Esau have pottage, and let the blessing go where it will; let Saul be honored before the people, and let him be an offcast from the Lord: but let all this be put together, it is but trash in the eyes of the godly in comparison of his face. Observe their desire in the burden of the 80 Psal: where, in their captivity, still they desire; oh God return us, and cause thy face to shine, and we shall be saved: their deliverance, and all the happiness that may follow it, will not be worth anything to them, without the amiable looks of God's countenance. So that as Absalom seemed rather to make choice of death, then not to see the Kings face: so God's people had rather die, or endure any sorrow or calamity under the countenance of a reconciled God, then live Methusalahs age, and enjoy what the world could afford, under the frowning looks of a displeased God. Yea, there is no temptation so sharp, no plight so dolorous, no fright so fearful, nor agony so in expugnable, as the angry countenance of a forsaking God: for this maketh a man apprehend and conceive of God, as a God inarmed against him for his destruction. This the people of God conceive of their state, as it appeareth by that pathetical expostulation in the aforesaid Psalm; how long wilt thou smoke, or show the tokens of an angry countenance against the prayer of thy people? verse. 6. What maketh the wound of conscience so unsupportable, but that the Surgeon denieth to look at it, he letteth it ranckle and fester, till who can bear it? yea, if the spirit of God should not support his own by the finger of the spirit (though unsensiblie) the best should be at their wits end, and Saul's impatiency should drive them to desperate courses: But in this, he differenceth his own from the damned, that as his one hand is over them, so his other hand is under them; he supporteth them wonderfully, when they conceive nothing less, and by a secret instinct extorts prayer from them, even in the fearful agony of their souls distress, whē their prayers seem to be rejected of him: but it is nothing so with the wicked, in their distresses from God his justly conceived wrath: for either they seek not at all for the appeasing of God's angry countenance, or with lost labor they leave presently of, and run to the devil directly, or indirectly, for the alaying of the same. I touch these things but briefly, leaving the further enucleation to accurat theologs, and sound soul-phisitians.

Lastly, for the glory of God, trampled under the foot of pride; we should be most moved of all, since we provoke him by our sins to forsake his own inheritance, and to leave his own cause, to his own dishonor unmaintained. This lay heavy upon Eli, who when he heard of the loosing of the day, the slaughter of the people, and the death of his sons, could sit still and bear it out; but when he heard of the taking of the Ark, he could sit no longer. So Phineas his wife, made more of the loss of the Ark, then of all the rest, then of the people, of her father in-law, then of her husband, or whatsoever? yea her rejoicing for the son she had gained, was swallowed up in sorrow; so that she left a character of her killing grief in the name of her son, calling him Ichabod, where is the glory, or there is no glory. It is the special matter of the complaint of God's people in their greatest desolation, that the heathen, in an insulting bravery; did dishonor their God, upon the seeming denial of his presence, and providence over his own people; yea many speeches in the Psalms hath reference to the thoughts of the wicked concerning God; why shall the heathen say where is their God? yea David showeth how he was affected in this case, that the reproachful words of the adversary were as a dagger thrust into this bones, with a murthering weapon in my bones, my distressors do reproach me when they say unto me all the day long, where is thy God. When Hezekiah heard how cursed Rabshakah had blasphemed & reproached the Holy One of Israel, how grieved was he in heart, he got him to the house of the Lord, spread the letter before him, & humbled himself in prayer. It is a principal in physic, that when two evils or sicknesses concur together, the greater taketh away the senoe of the lesser. Experience did instance this in a man so oppressed and pained with the gout, that he could neither stir foot nor hand, but feared the very touch of a fether: but being taken with a cruel fit of the stone, he forgot the gout and run and stamped in the chamber, as though he would have beaten it down. To an honest servant, dishonor done to his Master goeth nearer to his heart, then the cut of a sword: the true child of a father had rather loose his life then suffer his father to be dishonored.

This then, by it self, were matter enough of humiliation: why should the brats of Bable say where is the God of the Calvinists (as they call them?) No, should not this pierce our hearts while thus they say of our God? but doth not all, or the most, lay this especially to their heels, that all should lay to their heart: witness the security of all; the avarice, oppression, ambition, and time-ferving humor of some; the epicurish, & beastly life of others: give the men of this world gain, honor, office, yvorie beds, wine in bowles, lascivious Music, jovial company, and beastly songs, lordly prelacies, and fat livings: Let Joseph carry his afflictions as well as he can, and let the Lord's honor lie unlamented in the dust: but woe be to them that are at ease in Zion; the Lord suffereth sometimes himself to take wrong, to see how men will take it, but when he sees that none regards it, he will quit himself by the power of his own Arm, and when he rekoneth, with the coward, and the careless, he will pity them as little as they did pity him. Yea, what reckoning can our State make, who helps to deface the honor of God, by suffering our people to serve God's enemies, against those that fight the battles of the Lord: in this is a greater mass of mischiefs then we are aware of; for beside the setting subject against subject, blood against blood; yea, brother against brother (which is worse then toleration of duels ) it smites at God's cause, it makes his honor bleed, it heartens and hardens God's enemies, it grievs the heart, and weakens the hand of God's forces, it proclaims that we are not God's friends indeed (what show soever we make) and it threateneth the wrath of God against us. I cannot but with grief and fear, make use again of God's anger threatened against Jehoshaphat's sin of this kind; Shouldst thou help the ungodly, &c. therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord. Let us humble then our selves unfaynedly; let us afflict our selves, and pour out our hearts before our God, and do no more so. Let us sow in tears, for this especially, if ever we mean to reap in joy. God's honor in the dust, and all the rest of the former motives, calls us to mourning and baldness, and girding with sack-cloth. If we will not seek God with sorrow in affliction, we will never seek him: It is no time to hang our hearts upon the merry pin, when we should hang up our harps upon the willow trees; & if we do, the Lord hath threatened us (as I have formerly shown) not to purge this iniquity till we die.

Let us do as the Israelites did: when the Lord did rebuke them by his Angel, for not overthrowing of the Canaanites altars, and that therefore he would not cast out the Canaanites; but they should be as thorns in their sides, and their gods should be snares to them; all the people upon this lift up their voice and wept, and from their weeping called the name of the place Bochin: so let us weep much, for we • have much matter of weeping: but we must not only weep bitterly for sin, but we must abandon sin, there must be a total change of the inward and outward man; we must cease to do evil, and learn to do well: the golden Calf must be beaten to powder; yea, and the powder must be drunk, as Moses made the Israelites to do with th • golden Calf. Divers reasons whereof are given by the Fathers, partly to put away all impressions and relics of idolatry, partly, to show the vile and base esteem that we • should have of Idols, as of things to be carried into the draught; and by the bitterness of the water they might partly be admonished of the bitter curse whereunto all by nature, without Christ, are subject, and partly how sin by the bitterness of repentance, must be done away. I will not, with some of the learned Chymists, take this act of Moses as an instance of Chymicall projection: but I am sure that out of it we may pick the true projection of repentance, Hezekiah must break the brazen Serpent into pieces. Joshua must find out the excommunicate thing, and consume it with fire: for so long as it is with us, God will not be with us. As Ferus did wish for the Romish Synagogue, I woe • ld we had some Moses (saith he) to take away the evils: for we have not one golden Calf but many: so would to God everyone of God's people would reform one; and that Moses and Aaron (the Magistrate and Minister) would both reform themselves and others, by the due and holy employment of their several powers, in their places; and everyone in the so doing must cast out his beloved sin. Samuel showing the Israelites the way how to return, layeth down a good and perfect rule in this case, which will never deceive us. If you will return to the Lord with all your hearts, then put away the strange gods, and Ashteroth from among you. What was not Ashteroth a strange god? Yes, and the greatest Idol. Why is it singled out then? Because it was their beloved Idol. So everyone hath his Ashteroth, his beloved sin, which though it seem a little one to himself, like Zohar; yet it is the greatest of all: it may seem an Ashterah, a sheep, but it is indeed a wolf in sheep's clothing. At this then must we strike, and neither at great nor small so much as at this; He that conquereth this overcometh 〈◊〉 : but where this beareth sway, no sin is truly overcome. And so much Samuel intimateth by the speech, as if he should explain himself further: You say well, you will return to God, you will amend what is amiss; if you will do it indeed, this is the right way to work, put away Ashteroth: and so must we do, if we mean that God shall hear us and help us.

The cause of Nehemiah's diligence in reforming of the Sabbath, after the return from the captivity, was not only conscience of obedience; or because the sincere keeping of the rest of the commandments, dependeth much upon the keeping of this; but also, as it is plainly in the Text expressed, because it was Israel's special sin, and the ground of other sins, for the which especially the Lord had plagued them. Did not your fathers thus (saith he) and did not our God bring all this evil upon us, and upon the City; yet ye bring more wrath upon Israel by profaning the Sabbath?

I wish to God that the Vnited Provinces, and all other that profess the Gospel, would look to this. The Pharisaical Papist, being zealous of his Idol-days making the Lord's day (being his own commandment) of none effect, doth much insult over us that we hold it a moral commandment, and yet do yield so little obedience to it, together with this, that we retain some of their devised holy days. The like amendment I might press of many other sins, though I cannot touch all in particular. The Lord touch our hearts with the sense of every particular. That Cardiack life of swilling, sweating, and swearing, must be done away. David and all his, must not only turn away his eyes from beholding the vanity of Stage-plays, and other idlements; but he must whip out, with Augustus that counterfeiting rabble that God never made. The abhorring or liking of Stage-plays was holden amongst the Romans for a note, of a bade, or a good Emperor. I will not trouble this Treatise with the discovery of these hypocrites, only hear a little of that which one (once much affected with them) soundeth out against them in a retreat (for so the Treatise is called) he professeth, on his knowledge, that he found Theaters to be the very hatchers of all wickedness; as brothels of baudry, the black blasphemy of the Gospel, the Sabbaths contempt, the seat of scorning, yea, even of God himself, the danger of the soul, the disorder and cankar of the Commonwealth. He instanceth in his own knowledge, Citizens wives confessing on their death-beds, that they were so empoisoned at Stage-plays, that they brought much dishonor to God, wrong to their husbands and marriage bed, weakness to their wretched bodies, and woe to their undone souls. Bodin, the Civilian, calleth them, the schools of filthiness, and sinks of sin; insomuch that they are not worthy of a chaste ear, nor of an honest man's presence. But I hope in a Treatise only of that subject, more fully to discover the sin, and to set them forth in their colors; wherein I shall be able to prove, that the Stage-player, and Stagehunter, breaketh all the ten commandments in an eminent manner. The Stage is one of the Jesuits schools, from which these vile Varlets have cast so much dirt upon the face of the King of Britain, and of his children, with their Issue, that I think they should be as hateful to them, in a manner, as calumnious devils, for they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or devils indeed: As for the counter-railing of that prostituted Crue, it stands neither with grace nor wit, to make devils on our side Antagonists to other Devils: it is also a bad requital by the States, of all God's mercies, to grieve his spirit by those plaguie plays: yea, it is fearful on the Lord's day to make them a part of princely entertainment. It was the observation of an ancient Hollander in Leyden, upon the insurrection of the Armenians; that he feared God would being some great evil upon them, for the Stageplaies that did so abound; for he remembered that before that firebrand Duke de Alva was flung amongst them, that this plague was begun amongst them. The Lord give them and others to rid the land of them. The Lord threateneth to be gone, and he will be gone indeed, both from Camp and City, except we put away these evils from before his eyes.

But to conclude this point: up and do as you have heard, and the Lord (no doubt) will be with you, and delight to do you good in your deliverance. I will not, as some do, pawn my soul for assurance because it is not mine to pawn, but I will assure you on a better pawn, namely, the promise and practice of God, whose promises are all Yea, and Amen; and his practice like himself, unchangeable forever.

The book of God is so large in this, that I need not be anything large in the proof of it; take but that one place of Samuel mentioned, where after that Israel had humbled themselves, and got their peace made with God; and Samuel to cry mightily to God for them; the Lord taketh the work of their hands, he incountreth with the enemy, by thundering from heaven upon them, the earth trembled under them, the lightning blasted them; all wrought for his people against them. Our God is the very self same God, and they our enemies be the Philistines; Would we become such as this people, all the creatures of God should be inarmed in zeal, to take vengeance on our enemies: Yea, I am persuaded, that if the enemy should see us take such courses, it would daunt 〈◊〉 . more then thefeare of any forces that we can make: if they should see us taking up the controversy with God, and growing great with him, it would make their hearts tremble, as the Philistines did when they heard the Ark was brought into the Campe. It is reported that at the siege of Mountabone, the people of God using daily humiliation, as their service would permit, did sing a Psalm after, and immediately before their sallying forth; with which practice the enemy coming acquainted, ever upon the singing of the Psalm (after which they expected a sally) they would so quake and tremble; crying, they come, they come: as though the wrath of God had been breaking out upon them. Oh that we had hearts to seek the Lord, and surely he would be found, and will be seen in the Mount, whensoever we seek as we ought: and so much of this point, wherein I cannot be too large to those who mean to mend.

CHAP. XLVI. Of the generous behavior of the conquered in regard of his enemy.

NOW it followeth how the conquered thus reconciled to God, should demean himself in regard of his enemy. It is true indeed, that a man especially in this case must always walk humbly with his God; yet in respect of his enemy, he must resolve, even in his greatest extremity, on true fortitude, and courageous carriage. Extremity may change the greatest State into the furthest point of opposition; but it can never make a noble mind base, nor captivate a generous soul; though in an inthralled body. Craftie Synon could brag so much of himself, that howsoever fortune had made him miserable; yet of a base and lying disposition it should never make him. A truly magnanimious man must be like a four cornered stone, on what side soever he lighteth, he can lie: he can show himself as truly noble in the depth of adversity, as in the height of prosperity. What remarkable examples have we in the Heathens of this kind! Agiselaus said of himself; I do so use myself, that in no change I am changed. When all things went with Caesar against Cato, and the case grew so desperate, that his friends counseled him to submit himself to the clemency of Caesar; he answered, That it was for the conquered and delinquent so to do; but Cato had behaved himself so all his life, that he was never, neither conquered nor taken; meaning that he was always a free man howsoever. The Scottish Alexander, in his trivmphant prize of Poetry, (for so I may call the work) bringeth in Darius almost conquered by the Grecian Alexander, yet with this brave resolution if all should come to the worst.

Such was the princely carriage of Francis the first; and such an inbred Majesty did he show in his countenance, carriage, habit and discourse, that the hearts of Borbon, and the rest of his enemies, to whom he was captive, were so ravished therewith, that they honored him with no less observancy, then if he had been in the top of his prosperity. Homer much commendeth Ulysses, when by shipwreck being cast on shore, he had nothing to commend him but his carriage: Such is the force of virtue, it will manifest and extol it self. The noble behavior of Daniel, and the three Children, did so grace them in the eyes of their conquering enemies, that of Captives they became Commanders. A King indeed, or the truly Noble, will ever be like themselves, neither will they for any ease or fear, embrace any base or dishonorable conditions. The pusillanimity of some hath vassalled them more, and done them more dishonor, then all their own adversity, or the power of the enemy. King Perseus being taken by Paulus Aemilius, fell on his face before him, and holding up his hands, with womanish cries and tears, did deprecate his offense; whom Aemilius beholding with an austere countenance, told him that he was a miserable man indeed, and more worthy to be a captive then a King: only this, he was sorry that the Romans should contend with such an unworthy adversary; in whom as there was no worth, so he had no glory by the conquering of him. The like is related of Tamerlane to Baiazet. The more wicked and cruel the Conqueror is, the conquered must be the more wary of conditions: such be Rome and Spain; with whom there are no conditions to be had with God's people; but dishonor and extirpation: just such as Naash the Ammonite would put upon Jabesh Gilead; namely, the thrusting out of all their right eyes, that he might reproach them. It is their professed cunning (to their shame) above Turks and Heathens, to murder and massacre by equivocation; witness the usage of Malastate, by Paul the third, who causing him to be slain under his unsafe-conduct; excused himself thus; That he gave him leave to come, but not to go. Whence one observeth, that it is more safe dealing with the Turk, then with the Pope. They do not contend, as the ancient Romans did, for command and glory, making the conquered their friends; or as the Turks do at this day, to bring people to tribute, and Civil Obedience; but to bring them and theirs to slavery, dishonor, and utter ruin. They are such as Marcellus, of whom Hannibal said; That he was such an enemy as was never quiet, whether he conquered, or were conquered: So whether they give or take conditions, they are never to be trusted, as by their horrible perfidy and monstrous cruelty, to all the world appeareth.

It is the very singer of God that keepeth the Vnited States from any conditions with them, but such as are made at sea, and sealed with great ordinance. As for the King of France his conditions to the Protestants, when they see the King, they had best trust in God, and look to themselves.

As the conquered is thus to respect their own honor, so especially they are to respect the honor of God, in matter or manner of religion, that neither for fear of death, nor desire of deliverance, they admit any point of false worship. The three children are a good pattern herein, that preferred obedience to their God, before place & preferment, before the Kings favor, yea & to life it self. Amongst many other instāces of this nature, I read of some in the Scottish history pertinent to the matter in hand. When the castle of Saint Andrew's was takē by the French, there were may of good fashion put into the French Gallies; but the chief men of birth & place as the two Liflyes, the Laird of Grange, & others, were committed to strong holds in France, wherein were Captains; by whom they were much pressed to hear mass: but they replied, that though they had their bodies in keeping; yet they had no command over their consciences, neither would they do anything against their consciences, if the King himself would command them. Those that were in the Gallies were no less resolute: for being arrived at Nanses, and the great Salve being sung, a gaudie picture of the Lady was offered to them to kiss; amongst the rest a Scottishman being urged, he meekly desired them not to trouble him, for he knew it was one of the devils jewels, and a cursed idol, and therefore said he, I will not touch it. But the Patron, and the Arguisier, with two officers, having the chief charge of all such business, thrust the idol on his face, and put it between his hands, whereof when he saw he could not be rid, he took it very orderly in his hands, and looking advisedly upon it, he flung it into the river, and said, let our lady now save herself, sure she is light enough, let her learn to swim. After which they urged no Scottishman with their idols. Let men keep themselves from idols, and God will keep them, if it were in the midst of a fiery furnace. I cite these the rather, because a great many of our Mirmaid-Professors think outward presence at Mass very lawful, though it be not enforced; and for such vain toys they esteem them as they are; if a man be compelled, who will hazard his life or liberty for such a small matter? but let me tell such, that he that will save his life so, shall loose it; and he that will loose his life rather then dishonor God in the least thing shall save it. The Israelites in their captivity are straitly enjoined to quit themselves of the customs of the nations; that is, not to defile themselves with any of their Idols, though they were to obey in all things lawful. Yea, when they should see the heathens dote upon their idols, they should boldly say unto them; the gods that have not made the heavens, and the earth, they shall perish from the earth, and from under the heavens. I wish that the afflicted in the Palatinat and Bohemia, may so quit themselves, for they be in great danger: and so much for this particular.

CHAP. XLVII. Of the patience of the conquered.

THe conquered in the next place with his generous behavior, must join continued patience, which is able to beat into powder the hardest adamant of affliction; yea here indeed is the proper place of patience, and in this, it hath the perfect work. The virtue of patience (saith Gregory ) is not known in prosperity: Therefore the Apostle setteth down patience as a fruit of tribulation in the godly. Tribulation worketh patience. Lactantius hence giveth a reason why good men come under the power of ill men; namely, that they may learn patience, and have occasion to exercise patience: for patience hath his proper work in evil, not (as Seneca saith, very divine-like) that we should desire evil for the manifestation of our patience, as to be overcome by the enemy, to be forsaken of our friends: but if those evils fall upon us, we should desire herein to manifest our patience.

For the better pressing of you, in your present condition to the practice of this duty, give me leave to unfold briefly these four heads, wherein the sum of this duty, both for knowledge, and practice doth consist; namely, the excellency of it, the necessity of it, the motives to it, and the means to come by it. For the first, we must first of all know what true patience is, we cannot otherwise desire it; yea we may cozen our selves (as many do) with a show or shadow of patience without any true substance; therefore I do not mean by patience an apatheticall s • upiditie, or sencelesnes, whether stoical or natural, whereby men become like blocks under the burden, by setting a press upon their hearts; neither that seeming patience from the teeth outward, which some in their troubles proclaim to men, yet with an inward grudge, as it were, or dislike of God's hand, which Gregory termeth well, a veil of fury, not a virtue of patience; nor last of all that mere moral virtue of the heathens wherewith they were so highly gifted, and did so manifest the same in their lives and deaths, that they may make us ashamed: but by patience I understand, that fruit of the spirit, or that grace of God, whereby his children do bear, and outbeare everything willingly and constantly, that the Lord doth lay upon them, and that in obedience to his will; so that it differenceth the godly under the cross, not only from the openly wicked, raging and reviling, but also from the best, merely moral, or civil men of the world, whose outside of patience maketh so glorious a show to the world.

What (saith Melancthon ) is the patience of Socrates, or Marius; or (as Austin ) of Fabricius, Scipio or Regulus in comparison of the patience of the Saints? even as the chaff to the wheat or base metal to the purest gold. It is true, they endured and that to the death, but as Melancthon; it was a bare outside; their was no life in it; it wanted faith for the ground, God's honor for the end, consolation for the friut and effect: There be none of those three in philosophical patience, and therefore Austin saith well of this subject, that a man can have no true virtue except he be justified in & by Christ, neither can any be justified but he that liveth by faith; such were neither Scipio nor any of the rest, and therefore their patience and all other virtues were but glistering sins. Natural men may, by the law of nature, both do and suffer things contained in the law: but if themselves be not under grace what shall it profit them if they would give their bodies to be burned in the fire; Yea the patience of the heathen, as it is without consolation; so if their sufferings be prolonged, it holds not out to the end: for a spirit or fit, if they be put to it, they dare emounter with death and torments (yea in this they have proved desperately patient; but through long continuance their resolution faileth them, and through impatiency of disgrace, they become self murderers. Examples are frequent; for all, take that one of Mithridates; who for the space of 50 years (as I shown) had always the better of of the Romans, and had given them many great overthrows he possessed Asia, took their Legates & proconsuls and cast them in bonds; at last being overcome by Pompey, at first he set a very fair face on it, seeming to content himself, that it was his lot to be vanquisted by the greatest Commander in the world, and one whom he thought worthy to command the world: but for all this (his patience wanting root) it could not grow, he was in a kind of fever, wherein men be cold without, but hot as fire within; which fire of impatientie he quenched with his vital blood, shed by his own hands. And Pompey himself after his overthrow, grew impatient against God. But Christian patience, the more it is tried it is of the better proof. Yea; this maketh the sufferings of the Saints, not only to be easy, but also to be comfortable, which indeed is a paradox to a natural man. It is strange to him, that a man should pick any comfort out of sufferings, which are so bitter to flesh and blood; therefore the wicked (as Tertullian observeth in his time) did deride the martyrs, that they would suffer fire and fagot for they knew not what. And so the worldlings of our time, wonder that God's people will for some trivial controversies of religion (as they call them) loose goods, possessions of inheritance, honors, and dignities; put wife and children at random, and hazard life it self; what comfort (say they) can they have in this? yes, much every way. if they be in Christ: for their tribulation bringeth patience, and patience bringeth comfort, and the worth of this jewel the cock on dunghill doth not know.

As there be two kinds of Antidotes against poison, namely, hot and cold, so against tribulation, and temptation there be two sovereign Antidotes, prayer and patience, the one hot, and the other cold; the one quenching & the other quickinng. And this may serve to give a taste of the excellency of patience; for having so many things to handle, I can give but a taste of everything.

As for the necessity of patience it will appear if you look upon it self, or our selves, on the cross, and the issue we expect.

As for it self, since it is the sovereign medicine against the evil of trouble it must needs be necessary. That man (saith one of the Sages) is twice miserable, that in his misery wanteth patience. Secondly, if we weigh the cross; it is very heavy, & except it be corked with patience, we are not able to keep head above water under it. No chastening (saith the Spirit) for the present seemeth to be joyous but grievous. Again if we respect our selves, either in our weakness, or our drossines, patience is necessary, for to support the one, and to purge out the other. Affliction is the purge; but patience keepeth the place of nature, it setteth the medicine kindly a work, and is the chief work-man; otherwise the Physic would kill us. Sometime a man is dispossessed of his own heart by sudden impatience ere he be aware, and therefore he had need to possess himself with patience. Sometimes the heart is tossed like a ship on the waves, against which the Apostle inarmeth the Thessalonians; be not soon shaken: by patience again it is established. Sometime it is weak and faint, and by the power of patience it is strengthened. Observe the outbursts of the best of God's Saints, and we shall see that we have more then need of patience. Elijah desireth that he may die: Jeremiah quarreleth with God for deceiving of him; and Job curseth the day of his birth. Lastly, if we look to that which we look for; namely, the promises; for ye had need of patience, that after ye have done the will of God, ye may receive the promise.

As for the motives of patience with follow in the third place, they be many; a few whereof I will lay down. First, the author of the cross should move thee to patience, and that is God, whosoever is the instrument. The Arrow is sharp indeed, but who shot it? The burden is heavy, but who laid it on? Then bear it with patience, and let that ease the smart. The Prophet David with this did hedge himself in from impatiency: I am dumb and will not open my mouth, because thou hast done it: And thus he carried Shemies curse, Let him curse, because the Lord hath said unto him curse David. When God did consume with fire the sons of Aaron, it is said that Aaron held his peace; no man can have power over any of his, except it be given him of God.

A second motive thou mayest take from thyself, comparing that which thou dost suffer, with that which thou deservest to suffer: it is the mercy of the Lord that we are not consumed. Thus David compareth his troubles with his trespass, and layeth down the one as a reason why he should bear the other; Deliver me from all my trespasses, put me not to the reproach of the fool: then it followeth; I am dumb; as

Gregory hath a fit speech to this purpose, Our sufferings shalt be the more easy, if we call to mind our sins in our sufferings.

Thirdly, consider the nature of the cross, as it is qualified to the godly; the worst that it is, it is but a furnace to try the gold, and purge out the dross. Will not a man suffer the Pysician to purge out his corruption? Or the Surgeon with patience, to corrode and cut out the corrupt flesh? This life (as Austin saith) is the furnace, affliction is the fire, the godly are the gold, with a great deal of dross in them, and God himself is the skillfullest Artist; then let him purge and try while he will; let him make the fire of what height he will; let me as gold lie still in the hand of the Workman, till he take

Yea, the cross being sanctified, makes the vanity of all earthly things so manifest, that they see no help in anything, save only in the Lord of heaven and earth. There is more good under affliction, then we are aware of: to judge it by the taste, or to censure it by the outside, will never bring patience: but consider it in the effects, as it is, (namely, a bitter medicine, out of the sweetening hand of a good father, as it is sanctified by the power of Christ, to all that are in Christ, both by power and participation:) and we shall not only be patient in it, but also bless God for it. It openeth the ear, it cleareth the eye, it maketh great with God; as sickness it cleareth the body; it quickeneth the spirit, as blowing doth the fire, although these seem at first to suppress them. In a word, as many good medicines are picked out of rank poison; so out of the rock of affliction, groweth a sovereign Panacea; Yea, as one poison is antidotary to another; so the poison of according to thy weal, not according to thy will. Out of the experience of all this David concludeth, that it was good for him that he had been afflicted. That good that David found in the cross, made him him be patient under the Cross.

Fourthly, consider what the God of patience hath born of us, and how long he hath born with us; yea, what heavy things he hath suffered for us; (if so be we be in Christ:) Should we think much to suffer a little for him, or rather for our selves (for we have the good of it?) To the sufferings of Christ I may add the sufferings of the Saints, fulfilling the latter sufferings of Christ in the flesh: Take the Prophets (saith the Apostle) for an ensample of suffering, and of • ong patience. You have heard of the patience of Job, and have known what end the Lord made, who left us an example that we should follow his steps.

Fifthly, the excellency of patience may make us in Jove with it: like an expert Chymist, there is no matter so bad, but it will bring good out of it. It is the sostest and most sovereign ligature to all the fractures of the souls-qualities, as understanding, will and memory; it marshals all the forces of these faculties in the due order; it leadeth them into the field, it disciplinateth them at hand, in the end it maketh them too hard for any adverse forces to deal withal; and this (I take it) is to possess the soul with patience: it scorneth fortune, it weakeneth crosses, it increaseth fortitude, it sweeteneth all bitterness, it maketh good the promises: In a word it maketh a man (as the Apostle saith) perfect and entire lacking nothing.

The sixth and last motive may be taken from the contrary vice, namely, impatiency; which is worse then adversity it self: for this is the evil of punishment, at the worst; the other is an evil of sin, at the best, and a remedy worse then the disease: when this meeteth with a cross, there is a cross indeed. It maketh a man misconsture God's meaning, mistake his own estate, neglect the best courses, and take the worst; it weakens soul and body; it maketh the burden unsupportable; it giveth great advantage to his enemy: for a man cannot desire a weaker enemy then an impatient man; because he is overcome of himself. In a word, it maketh his estate desperate, and his case hopeless of recovery.

Hence I come to show the means how to obtain patience. First, in the time of prosperity think upon the cross and provide for it: Vnexpected calamity maketh men beside their wit. David, by misreckoning of a point, mist the haven, and ran upon the rocks: I said in my prosperity I shall never be moved, thou hast made my Hill so strong; but thou didst hide thy face, and I was suddenly moved. In unexpected evils a man cannot ply himself to patience, he is so much distracted, and therefore it is an only mean for patience, in prosperity to be thinking what to do if adversity should come. Things here are subject to change; no day but it hath the own night; the clearest Sun-shine is often over-clouded on a sudden; and the hottest season hath lightning and thunder. As a Sea-faring man in the fairest weather looketh for a storm; so in the height of worldly happiness, let men look for some disaster, that they may the better bear it when it cometh. Job's affliction was heavy, yet the lighter by this, that the evil was come that he feared. Our Savior endeavoring to in-arm his Disciples with this patience of proof; fore-warneth them of the great persecutions, and close trials that were to come upon them; namely, that not only their professed enemies should cast them in prison, and bring them before Rulers, but they should be betrayed even by their own parents, brethren and kinsfolks, and they should cause them to be put to death: But what remedy against all this? Christ's promise, and their patience: in your patience possess ye your souls: He forewarneth them of the persecution, that their patience may not be to seek; he discovereth the evil, that they might have the remedy at hand.

A second mean to obtain patience, is the fitting and framing of our selves to the burden. There is cunning in portercraft, as well as in King-craft. As there is cunning, as well as strength, to the bearing of a burden; so there must be patience, as well as fortitude, for under-going of the cross. To this the Poet speaketh prettily and pertinently.

The cunning carriage makes the burden light.

If I mistake the terms of the mistery, I hope the company will excuse me: For it is not for want of practice, but of theoricke: for the better carriage of the burden, as it must be well bound: so all the parts of the cross must be compacted and bound up together: for if one part hang from another, it is very troublesome: Secondly, it must be well laid on: a butthen well bound up, and well laid on, is half carriage to the bearer. Thou must willingly lay thy shoulder under the burden, and thy neck under the yoke, and thy yoke shall be easy, and thy burden light. This is that assuescing, or inuring of a man's self to the bearing of the burden, that the Prophet speaketh of: It is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth; he sitteth alone and keepeth silence, because he hath born it; he putteth his mouth in the dust if there may be hope. Where observe, that a man inuring of himself to the carriage of the cross, becometh a cunning carryer, and his cunning in carriage maketh him a mirror of patience. An old Cart going still without any noise under the burden, may be a good Hyerogliffe of this cunning, where as a new Cart unused to loading maketh a huge noise: so the old beaten porter to the Cross, had rather endure it, then deplore it. Thirdly, he must go steady, with his joints straight, and a stiff neck: for if his joints bow, and his neck budge, he will, as the Poet saith, fall under the burden.

So if a man wag to and again, and struggle and strive under the cross, he weakeneth himself, making the burden heavier, and at last he cashiers both sortitude and patience. To this point Seneca speaketh well; the burden by rolling to and again, becometh very heavy.

The last point in the carriage that gaineth patience, is cheerfulness: a cheerful heart maketh a strong back. Alexander Aphrod. giveth a reason, why porters under their but thens go singing; because the mind being delighted with the sweetness of their music, the body may feel the less weight under the burden. So the Apostle willeth us to count it exceeding great joy when we fall into divers temptations.

A third mean to obtaint patience, is to attend upon the reading and hearing of the word, joining thereunto conference and meditation. This is Salomous tower out of which this armor of proof is fet; and therefore the heathens had none of this, no more have our pictures of professors, make what shows they can: for where the power of the word worketh not, there can be no true patience. Whatsoever things were written before time, were written for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the scripture might have hope. So it is called the word of patience, not only so called because it doth exhibate to us the patience and long suffering of God; but also because it worketh patience in us as a friute offaith.

The last mean, is prayer by which we do entreat the God of patience to grant us patience. It is not natures gift; though men by nature will make a brave flourish; it is the gift of God; to you (saith the Apostle) it is not only given to believe, but to suffer. Affliction of itself worketh not patience but rather impatiency; yea, the word cannot work it without the working of the spirit, and therefore if any be afflicted, let him pray; namely, either for deliverance from the cross, or for patience under the cross: and let a man know this, that patience to bear the cross is a greater gift then deliverance from the cross.

The last thing of patience, is the true use of it, which in regard of the four-fold object is four-fold. First in respect of God: we must not so much as in thought, murmur against him; but approve of all he doth. The second in respect of the devil; if he by God's permission torture or tempt, we must be patient till the Lord rebuke him. Thirdly, in respect of our selves, if the prick of the flesh buffet us we must by patience bear it, if by prayer we cannot remove it. Lastly, in respect of others; if they be good we must have patience with their failings; if bad be patient though they prosper, and bear if they persecute. Two things especially do further the use of patience; removal of sin, and fixing of our eyes on Christ: both these, as useful to the third, are laid down in the Hebrews: Let us lay a side every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with patience the race that is set before us, looking unto Jesus the Author and finisher of our faith. And so I end the point, desiring the God of patience to grant you this patience, and give it to have a perfect work in you.

CHAP. XLVIII. Of the Hope of the Conquered.

FOurthly the conquered with this patience must join hope: for that is the sheet-Anchor by which a man may ride, be the storm never so great. Without this, patience is cold, almost in the fourth degree, and that is but a little from poison. The hopes of the godly indeed may be exceeding low, and their patience may be much weakened; yet on better resolution, they re enforce themselves to endure the worst and to hope the best. David said in his fear, every man is a lrar, even the Prophet that had promised the Kingdom; yea likewise, that he was cut down, or as the Greek transiateth it, cast a way; yea he said in his heart, one day he should perish by the hand of Saul: but this was his frail fear as he confesseth, and appeareth by the sequel of his flying to the Philistines, which he should not have done: but for all this, he reareth up his hope, and continueth his prayer; yet certainly thou heardest the voice of my supplication. You may see hope and patience commonly joined together; the one being the fruit of the other: patience bringeth experience, and experience hope. Jeremiah commending the carriage of a patient man, showeth us what is the stay of his patience, namely, Hope; he putteth his mouth in the dust if there may be hope. To sum up the common place of hope as I have done of patience, it shall not be so expedient: for he that hath patience shall know what hope is. I come therefore to ply it to the particular object, (for I desire to make an end.)

As hope is the anchor of the soul; so (distressed Princes) I desire you and yours to come to this Anchor, which in the greatest storm and tempest will never come home. By this you may all ride when winds blow and waves rage; if heaven and earth be shaken this will hold. But because groundless hope is no better then an Anchor without ground groundless hope, saith the Poet, for the most part deceiveth, ) I will point out the grounds of your hope in this great bufinesse, and but briefly point at them; because I may have occasion to handle them more at large. First consider the goodness of your cause, of which I need not much dispute, for it will maintain it self in the end. A better cause there cannot be then God's right, and man's right. All God's people (that have scanned it) are persuaded of the equity of it, which shall one day manifest it self as clear as the Sun shine at noon day. This was it that maintained David's hope; for as he often commends the goodness of his cause to God; so he bringeth in his hope much depending on the goodness thereof; Judge me o God, and plead my cause against an ungodly nation and unmerciful: In consideration whereof he checks his drooping soul, and awaketh it up to wait upon God; wait hopefully for God; for yet I shall confess him. Where observe, as he maketh hope his Anchor; so the goodness of his cause is the cable that he rideth by. Bernard hath a pretty saying to this effect; if the cause of the war be good (saith he) the end of the war can never be evil; howsoever for many causes it may be long first, and may be much at under in the mean time; neither can a good end (saith he) come of an evil cause.

A second ground may be taken from the nature of hope it self, which is to maintain a man when all other things fail; this sweeteneth and replenisheth the labor of the husbandman, it conforteth the marriner, when he seeth no land, releeveth the patient, when the physician hath given him over, and enlargeth the heart of the captive, in the darkest prison. This sustained David in all his troubles: David acknowledged that he had fainted if this had not been: I had fainted except I had believed to see the goodness of God in the land of the living. Where, by the land of the living, he meant even this world wherein men live, and in particular that land of Canaan, the seat of God's Church. This so supported Job, that he would trust in God though he would kill him. This was all that Alexander reserved to himself. This is pictured like a beautiful virgin, for the continual beauty and vigor that is in it. It is compared to brass by the learned, for the durable and impenetrable nature of it. This is it that carrieth us above hope; namely, of carnal reason; This is both staff & lantern, when all sight and sense of all secondary means fail; yea this is never higher elevated, then when our State in all men's eyes is at the lowest; yea so low that the blasphemous wicked will not stick to say, God cannot restore him; or at least God will not restore him. Ambrose giveth a good direction from the nature of hope manifesting it self in greatest extremity, we should most of all hope (saith he) in divine help, whē human and secondary means fail us: so long as there is life, there is hope; yea if it go so hard with us that, as Seneca saith; We can hope nothing, yet let us despair nothing.

The third ground is from the succefle of hope in most desperate cases; therefore it is said of hope, that hope maketh? not a shamed. Which phrase is a Hebraism, denoting unto us the certainty or things hoped for, to be accomplished. Where first he putteth a difference between hope in God, and hope in man, or human things; the latter proveth no better then a broken reed, by which when a man is deceived, he blusheth at the folly of his confidence: but it is not so with that hope that is in God. It likewise meeteth with the worlds misconstruction of God's cause in distress, and the miserable case of his people, when they see them deprived of their state, their lives hunted like a Partridg, how they are forsaken of their friends, and made the object of the enemies wrath; then the world flouts them, God's enemies whet their teeth on them, drunkards sing songs of them, vile Varlets bring them upon the Stage, exposing their names and persons to all manner of contumelies, and open mockery. Is not this shame enough? No, saith the Apostle, all this is nothing: where hope is, all the devils in hell cannot make a man ashamed: for the things hoped for shall not deceive him.

It is true, that in temporal deliverances, and vindicating his cause from the calumny of the enemy, he hath not promised by this or that particular man; yet it is enough to every particular man set a work, that he will do it by him or another: and why not by him as well as by another? Let him wait on therefore, it is enough that the Lord will do his work. Israel said to Joseph; Behold I die, but God shall be with you, and bring you again to the land of your fathers. Was not David's case desperate in all men's eyes, and in his own; his hope almost forlorn, his heart sunk in his belly? Yet the object of his hope was made good. Israel's hope was very low for coming into the promised land; and yet the Lord did not fail them in any good thing they hoped for. I might instance this in Joseph, Job, Mordecai, and others. But to be short, Let us come to our own times. How have many worthy men out of the sparks of hope raked up in the ashes, made a brave fire! how have they been lifted up out of the dust; and their horn exalted on a sudden! I will instance but in two or three. Antonius Grimanius, by noble prowess and virtue, rising from one degree to another till he came to be Procurator for S. Mark in Venice; but being defeated by the Turk in that Sea-fight at the Sporades, through the fault of the Gally-masters, that came not up to the fight: he was falsely accused to the Senate, brought in chains to his answer, condemned to banishment, and his greatest enemy Melchior Trivisan set up in his place: but having lived in banishment till envy was extinct, by the Senate he was called back with a public decree, intimating his integrity and virtue to be the cause of his restitution; and being made one of the Senate, and Procurator, as he was before, he went in a great Embassy to Francis of France; and lastly, after the death of Lauderanus the Prince, he was chosen by sway of consent, in his place.

One more of Matthias Hunniades, the thundering son of a lightening father against the Turk: who being cast in prison by Viadislaus King of Hungary and Bohemia, was sent into Bohemia to be executed: Vladislaus died of a poisoned apple (as it was thought) whereupon by the Hungarians, partly affected with the merit of his father, and hopes of his own valor against the Turk, and partly by the laborious soliciting of his friends, he was chosen King of Hungary; whereof to give notice they sent messengers with letters, to Pog • brachius, King of Bohemia, with whom Matthias was prisoner, which he receiving at supper, presently raised Matthias from below where he sat, and set him above himself; willing him not to be dismayed, for he had glad and happy tidings for him, which after supper he would reveal; and so he did, saluting him King of Hungary, and he gave him Katherine his daughter to wife.

Where first observe by the way, how absolutely free, an electiue power the Hungarians and Bohemians have in the choice of their King, which the said Matthias in a great battle, made Frederick the Emperor to know. Secondly, it showeth how strangely it pleaseth God to exalt from the very grave to the thron: for when he looked for nothing, but every hour when he should have lost his head, he was made head of the people, and had a Crown set on his head: so that the saying of the Wiseman is made good: out of the prison he cometh to reign; whereas also he that is born in his. Kingdom becometh poor.

If we look back upon the Romans, men without hope; yet under such hope as they had, did raise their states from hopeless ruins to the highest pitch of worldly glory. What strayt was Massinissa, King of Numidia put to? Who for his own right, with sore wounds upon him, was forced to swim a river, having no followers but four, whereof two were drowned. He lived in a Cave, till his wounds were healed by herbs; and setting to his work again, some forces being gathered to him, he was encountered again by Siphax; and by him overthrown, so that of 6000 there escaped but 70: but at length, by the help of the Romans, under the conduct of Scipio Africanus, he was not only restored to his own Kingdom, but possessed also the Kingdom of S • phax, for his fidelity to the Romans, who after, lived in great prosperity and Majesty; having 50 sons, he died of a good age, namely 100 years.

After the battle of Cannas, the hearts of the Romans were so shaken, that despairing of recovery, they consulted of the forsaking of Italy: whereupon Publius Scipio a brave young Noble, drew his sword, and sware he would kill the first man that refused to take the oath, which he himself would take; namely, not to forsake the Commonwealth: So that the rest for fear, and partly for shame, following him in the oath, stood to it, till they had raised their State to incomparable greatness. It was a desperate part in Lucius Paulus, the Consul, at the battle of Cannas, to reject a horse by Lentulus whereon he might have escaped; but he scorning to surviue victory, sat him down (being wounded) on a stone, till the enemy came upon him and slew him. But Varro his Colleague was of another heart, and shown greater constancy of hope, in reserving his life to further service for his Country, for which the Senate thanked him much, that he did not despair of the Commonwealth.

I will conclude the point with one instance not unworthy our memory; namely, of Robert le Bruise King of Scots, whose strayts were as many, and case as desperate, and calamities as great, as any I read of; his wife led captive; his four brothers, all worthy men, put to death; his whole friends and family partly slain, and partly spoiled of all they had; and made the subject of calamity; himself deprived of great inheritance; yea, of a Crown and Kingdom, and forced sometimes with one, and sometime by himself, to live like a wild man in the Mountains amongst the beasts; and whatsoever he attempted for a long time miscarried; yet in all his misery and penury he sustained himself with hope, and as he did not doubt but one day he should be King indeed: So in all his distress, he did or spake nothing unworthy of a King. He put not hand to himself with Marcus, Brutus, or Cato, he cried not with Caesar when his Companies, and dearest and nearest were lost. His happy success in the end did answer his noble and hopeful expectation: for he was not so low, but God exalted him as high. When once he rose all went with him, victory and glory did still attend him, he was happy in his Issue, in his friends, in his subjects, in the esteem of all Nations, and most of all in his temperance, equity, and freedom from revenge. In the time of his prosperity, for his providence and care, in peace; and valorous magnanimity in war, he might well be called the father of the country; yea I think verily and am able to maintain it, that if he be compared with the best Kings, that we read of in histories, he shall carry the laurell from them all. The illustrious Hamilton enjoyeth to this day the honor, and inheritance conferred upon his ancestor (being an Englishman) by that mirror of Princes; the glory of whose Majesty he maintained, both by word & sword in the court of Edward the 2, where he killd one of the Spencers for his contumelious opposing of King Robert his due deserved praise. As I desire of God that Kings now living would pick a pattern out of him; so my souls desire is, out of my love to that magnanimious Prince of the forefaid family, that he would remember whence he is fallen, and return to do his first works; yea, that he may never give his soul rest, till he wash out with tears the stain of his unadvised service against Zion.

If all these will not serve to establish; then take one for all from the book of God: when good Mordecai was upon the very pinnacle of Haman's contempt, just over the gulf of imminent and inevitable death; his hope maintained him still, and made him stay by it, at the Kings gate, in despite of Haman: the issue was answerable above expectation; for he was taken out of the lowest pit, & carried on the wings of the highest honor; but Haman his cruel enemy was thrown from the cloudy sphere of his swelling pride, into the bottomless pit of shame, and confusion: so let all the enemies of God secret, or open, perish, and let the horn of those that love Zion be exalted.

The fourth ground of your hope is from the enemy with whom you have to deal; namely, the beast, the Dragon, and the false Prophet, whose ruin the Lord of hosts hath vowed and determined. It is a great advantage to know our enemies, but a greater incouragment to know that our enemies are God's enemies, and God their enemy; so that they cannot stand. What your enemies are, and what attempts they shall make, and how certainly, and suddenly they shall fall, it is clear in the Revelations. It is true indeed, you have monstrous enemies unparaleld by any other; namely, the devil, the Imperial force, giving the devil or Dragon for his Arms, and the Pope or Anti-Christ, whom Origen termeth truly; the arrow of the devil, yea and worse, in a manner, then the devil himself; whose chief instruments be these hellsh furies the Jesuits, these shall gather together all the waters of the whore on which she sitteth: but the Sun-shine of the Lord's wrath shall dry them up: her flesh shall be given to be eaten, and she shall be made naked; her wound shall not be cured; she shall be burned with fire, she goeth to utter destruction. And for the more certainty hereof, it is set down as though it were already done; It is done, it is fallen, it is fallen, Babylon that great city. I might bring a world of proofs, both from the ancient fathers, from the Sybills, from their own Prophets, and others, that fearful and final shall be the fall of Rome. That Roma, as the Sybills say, shall be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a ruin indeed: but the thing is so clear to those that have read anything, whose eyes God hath not blinded, that to deny it, is both to contradict God and man.

It hath been often to me matter of wonder, above all all other their oppositions of the truth, how they could deny this: but I am persuaded the learned of them, withhold the truth of God in unrighteousness. Otto Frisingensis an ancient Author, who lived 1161, speaking of the ruin of Rome, as it hath been the head of all both for dominion and sin; so in God's just judgment it shall be measured to, as it hath measured to others. I could cite Hildegard, Abbas, Ioachimus, Chrysostom, Bernard, and others; but I rather reserve the larger handling of it to another treatise. Beda hath a pretty verse to his purpose:

Which to refer to the Goths and Vandalls were impudency, since that was long before.

To apply it; lovers of Rome, and lookers toward Rome, and all that love to be peddling with it, and under-propping it secretly, look to it: for the day shall come that they shall cry alas for it, and shall perish with it. As for those that set their heart and hand against it by prayer or sword, and hate all communion with it; yea, every patch of it, or garment spotted with the flesh, let them go on and prosper, howsoever it may be, (nay it must be, through fire and water;) yet the day shall be theirs.

There is a Spanishfied popish pamphleter, endeavoring to malign the State of the Vnited Provinces (erected & maintained by the finger of God) who dissuadeth all men from the maintenance, protection, and partaking of, and with the Hollanders, and that by sundry calumnious idlements, rather then arguments. He draweth one from the fatal end of all such as have undertaken that business, beginning with Monsieur de Lemmay, and ending with the late Queen Elizabeth of happy memory, aspersing like a black mouthed Cur, as much he can, the life and death of a famous nursing mother of virtue and religion; giving up also his virulent gorge upon that rightly renowned Prince of Orange. To which I answer; First, that as unnatural and violent death, doth not always argue an evil life; so it doth not prejudice the goodness of the action in hand, and therefore he is a greater calumniator then argumentator: again if this without further limitation be a good argument, then all men have reason to forsake the maintenance of Babel, whereof he is a brat: for who have led such monstrous lives, and made such prodigious ends, as the maintayners thereof? yea I shall be able to prove punctually, that never a man that hath put his hand to the maintenance of that Babylonish altar (carry it as cleanly as he could) but the Lord set Jereboam's mark upon him, in one kind or other: but that I refer to another treatise. To the party himself, I will say no more now, but that by way of retortion which he putteth upon Sir Ralfe Winwod; namely, if he had been as good an Englishman, as a Hollander; the Cautionarie Towns had not been released: so, had he been as good an Englishman, as he is an arrant traitor, and a spaniolized sycophant he had never profaned with aspertion the ashes of his native Sovereign; nor presumed to suggest false matter of jealousy against the King of Bohemia.

The last ground of hope (or rather the first, though I put it in the last place) is the love of God in Christ Jesus. This is the procatartick cause of hope; this is the ground whereon the Anchor is cast: where this is there must be hope, and where hope is, there is both help and assured good success. Hope maketh not ashamed, saith the Apostle: because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts. This is a good ground indeed, this will never let the Anchor come home: all the other grounds are made good to your Majesty's; your faith, and the spirit must make good this to your souls, which is the ground of grounds. Without this, all the other are nothing; as the Apostle saith; neither circumcision, nor uncircumcision prevaileth anything, but the new creature in Christ Jesus: so neither a good cause, nor the nature of hope, nor experience of help, nor the wickedness of their enemy, will do any good without this main good, the assurance of God's love.

So long as men walk (saith the Prophet Jeremiah ) after their own devices, and do the imagination of their evil hearts; so long they say, and can say no other, that there is no hope: What hope can these men have of good success to their courses, or to see the face of God with comfort, that crosseth God, and themselves, and his people, in all their courses: God shows what came of Zedekiah his hopes; Shall he scape (saith the Lord) that doth such things? Or shall he break the covenant and be delivered? All God's people this Summer have refreshed themselves with the hope of the English Parliament; but except they make sure God's favor by the zeal of his glory, the amendment of life, and the removing of the plagues of the Common wealth, and expulsion of the Canaanites: I fear our Parliamentary hopes prove the failing of our hearts, or at the best, they be but like

The last point of the conquereds carriage, consisteth in action: patience without hope is apoplectick, and hope without action paralitick. Charles the wise, came rather to the ruins of an estate, then to the state of a Kingdom; yet under hope he so labored, and that with good and happy success, that he repaired his ruins, beyond all expectation, so that for his wisdom and industry, he might well be called, the restorer of the Country. The like industry we may see in Francis: In his captivity he carried himself prince-like and patiently; yet he neglected not the working out of his deliverance, and that upon good terms, whereat that old Fox, the Chancellor of Spain, was much offended, insomuch that he would not seal to the conditions. The like I might instance in David, who in the very depth of his troubles, never ceased with prayer, to use the secondary means, until at last he saw, that which he hoped for; namely, the goodness of God in the land of the living. Nothing is too hard for labor; for it overcometh everything, and without it we have no promise of good success. One One saith well, God helpeth industry. That which the Heathens fondly said of fortune (because they knew no better) may fitly be said of God; when we pray to God, let us put to our hand. Socrates had wont to say; As a woman cannot conceive without a man; so the best hope can bring forth no good, without labor. It is true indeed that the Psalmist saith, If Jehovah build not the house, in vain do the builders thereof labor therein; if Jehovah keep not the City, in vain doth the keeper watch: But it is as true by the Text, that we must both watch, and build, else God will not watch over us, nor build for us. Democritus was asked by one, what an industrious man did differ from a sluggard; he answered, as much as the godly differ from the ungodly, (namely) in hope, intimating thereby that Sluggards can have no hope: because they will not labor.

All that loves Zion, would gladly see our Parliament in this predicament of action; all predicaments without this are no better then bare predicables, or secondary notions: if men must be doing, even when they are almost undone; it is supine negligence for men not to do, to keep themselves and theirs; yea, and the whole State from being undone: It is easier indeed (as a father saith) to say, then to do: but (as another saith) saying without doing is but a lame; yea, a lost labor; and therefore he commends highly Basil the Great, that he was ever as furtherly with his work, as with his word. This is Princely indeed; for as we are all born (as Tully saith) to do, so they especially who are of high place and authority. To say much and do nothing, doth not relish of the English wit nor worth; whose noble ancestors for doing, have been too plaguie fellows, and enemies of State, terrible as an Army of Banners: It hath often been to me a matter of wonder how our Ancestors, with so little or no light at all, dispatched more work in a week, then we in a year; of which I conceive (with submission of my judgment) these to be the reasons. They presumed of the work done; and made the honor of their house, and the glory of their name, the height of their ambition: but we in greater light, know that the work done will not serv; and as for the assurance of God's love (which should put confidence in our hearts, and courage in our actions ) but a few labor for it, and this is the death of action: and they with whom God's honor is not in the highest esteem, never make a true account of their own honor: Besides this, our ancestors had not such hellish pates, and hollow hearts to deal with, as our Senate hath. I wish they may work while they have light, for when the night cometh they cannot work if they would; as I have often shown occasion to be the soul of action, so when action looseth breath, the soul departs, and returns no more. They want no laws for their warrant, nor patterns for their practice, nor wit to apply them: Let them up then and do it, and God will be with them: Shall the fear of Forraigns freeze the waters of our counsel, and never a fire of zeal; nor even-down rain of courage, to thaw or dissolve them? Shall the profane oppose piety, and maintain ungodliness, and never a Nehemiah to take an order with them? Shall Snakes eat out the belly of the Common-wealth, and still be kept alive in our bosoms? Shall the eye of our high and honorable Senate be dimmed, or dazzled with a white Rochet? Shall, by him the Scepter of Christ be trampled underfoot, to the casting away of souls, and his soul not pay for it? Let me speak freely, let them take heed how they let Benhadad, (that is, men committed to their keeping ) go, lest the lives of them and us, go for their lives, whom the Lord hath appointed, either to destroy us, or to be destroyed. Shall a two faced Ianus, or a man with a heart and a heart, dance in a net, or go masked, and nobody see him, nor unmaske him. I hope they will pardon my freedom of speech; for my boldness is no more then my fidelity, love and service binds me to. The fire of sin flames through all the land; and the fire of judgment is kindled in every corner, except some bestir themselves to quench it, we shall all be consumed. The Lord give resolution and action, to those that are in place, to arise for Zion; for be they sure if they sit still, deliverance shall come to Zion another way, but they and theirs shall pay for it. As for the Hollander, I hope he will be still in action; but I would have him to do as much for God, as he doth for himself; and as much against sin, as he doth against the enemy, for that is the way to undo the enemy: It were better for them to be cast in the mould by a plain and round dealing ministry, then to be battered by the Popes four corned Canoniers; or the Arminians sacred minions, the Prelates: These be Hawkes of prey, wherewith the Princesse of Parma and Granvil, thought to have seized upon them in the beginning of their troubles; and they have ever and anon been threatened with them since: Let them leave off provoking God, lest they be plagued with them, as others of their neighbors be; and let them take heed of that Romish Dictatorship of constant Moderation; which is the next step to Imperious Hierarchy.

CHAP. XLIX. Of the end of War.

NOW I come to the very last point, concerning the end of war, which I have reserved to the end of the Treatise, and will shut it up in a word or two: For a great book is called, a great evil. The end of it is God's glory, peace and public good: Evil ends may undo good causes, annihilate good means, and frustrate the most probable expectations. Jehu had a good cause, and used lawful means, but his end was naught, and that marred all to him. It is true the work of the Lord was done; but no thanks to him, who in seeking of his own ends, made his own work the main work, and the Lord's the by-work. The end (as the Philosopher saith) is the special good of a thing: Private ends in war are the greatest enemies of the public good:

Salust hath a pretty rule for the ordering of men's affections in military courses: Thou mayest bring a great deal of good (saith he) to the Country, to the State, to thyself and family; to all those that have any correspondency with thee, if thou remove desire of money, or at least, let is not have dominion over thee.

I am here occasioned to direct my speech, once more, to the Lord's of the Vnited Provinces; that as public good is the end of their war maintained; so in raising means for the maintenance of war, they would prefer the public good to the private; which is not observed (as I think) in the still increasing of excize upon victuals; for this course injureth a many; as Commons, Tradesmen, Travelers, yea, and the soldiers, whose blood maintains the war, and the private profit redoundeth to a handful; so great ones saving their purses by this disproportionable dealing, they who have least, and labor most, they have often the most eaters, and pays most. Methinkes a Geometrical proportion were a great deal juster, then an Arithmetical; and that the strongest horse should carry the heaviest load. I speak plainly, and out of love to the State, which many ways may be hurt by this inequality. By-respect and sinister intent, is like a strange fire, which blows up the work, and brings vengeance on the Workman: it a close kind of hypocrisy, and therefore the Lord will certainly plague it: instance that requital of Jehu his pretended zeal in the destroying of the house of Ahab. First, it was the Lord's own work, and Jehu had his warrant for it in the 2 of the Kings; ch. 9. v. 7. Thou shalt smite the house of Ahab thy master, &c. In the second place observe his great show of zeal, and ostentation of uprightness of heart in the execution of it: Come see (saith he, to Iehonadab ) my zeal for the Lord: but self-respect marred all, for he wrought for himself, and not for God; he looked more at the Kingdom, then God's command; and therefore he who saw the thoughts, and hollowness of his heart, requites him in his kind, He avenged the blood of • ezrel upon the house of Jehu, Hos. 1.4. They who now and then can afford their hand and tongue, to lend God's cause a lift for their own advantage, will discover themselves when their own ends are served; yea, God will uncase them, walk as closely as they can. As I often cast mine eyes upon the over-clowded estate or defaced beauty of the Scottish Church, I was occasioned to call to mind, the prompt endeavor of the great Ones, to ruin Babel, and to rear up Jerusalem: It was a good work indeed, if it were well done; but as they made the Ministers coat too short, & their own too side; so I fear, that the sweetness that they found in God's bread, (as one called it) and Babels spoils, made them stand so stoutly to it; but these being raked out of their budgets by the long-necked-crains, that are come from the Egyptian-lake, the most of them, looks upon the cause now as though they had lost their purses. And last of all, to give a touch upon our English Plantators in Virginia, I advise them especially to examine the ends and the means; for all knows the issue is worse and worse, and like to prove stark naughts: therefore both the end and the means stands need of rectifying.

The Lord himself giveth a good direction to this same effect, that such as had planted vinyards and married wives, they should not go to War; the reason is given, because the thougths and cares of these things should not entangle them, and hinder them from fighting of the Lord's battles in the field, by leaving their hearts at home; No man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life, that he may please him who hath chosen him for a soldier.

As the special end of War is peace, (so as Tully saith) War must be so taken in hand, that it may appear that nothing is so much sought for as peace. It is true as the same Author hath it, when necessity requireth (as I said) that men must fight, and prefer death it self to slavery or baseness. And this was the end and aim I am persuaded of his Majesty, to preserve in peace, the people of God, and the practice of religion, as appeareth both by his declaration, and his omitting to take his enemies at advantage in the beginning, for which they have given him a cruel requital; yet as his ground was good, so his end was good. Let them talk of peace what they will, they have no such end, except they give all the conditions, and then that peace is no better then slavery. Look but to the Spanish practice: Is he not like a Moule once in, never out, if he can choose? And if the fox be unkennelled, he leaveth ever an evil smell behind him, yea, and litters of cobs that pesters the Nation: or he is like the winding-Ivye, which showeth a natural appetite to help it self by cleaving to other things, but it undoes all other things whereunto it cleaveth. Great Britain had best look to her Vine. Private gain and by-respect was one of the three Romish plagues, I pray God rid our land of it.

Thus far I have engaged my poor labors in the troublesome war of this present time: desiring God, who sitteth above as Judge and Moderator of all men's actions, and seeth and hears the tears and prayers of his distressed people, that he would awake us all to repentance; finish the afflictions of his children; and fling the rod in the fire: