Answer to a Jesuit in Ireland
The source for this document is https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A14227.0001.001
Project Note
This is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.
The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.
This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.
Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.
However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.
This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.
Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org
AN ANSWER TO A CHALLENGE MADE BY A IESUITE in JRELAND. WHEREIN THE IVDGEMENT OF ANTIQUITY in the points questioned is truly delivered, and the Noveltie of the now ROMISH doctrine plainly discovered
By JAMES VSSHER Bishop of Meath.
MATTH. 19.8.
From the beginning it was not so.
DUBLIN, Printed by the Society of Stationers. 1624.
TO HIS MOST SACRED MAIESTIE, JAMES BY THE GRACE OF God King of great BRITAINE, FRANCE, and IRELAND, Defender of the Faith, &c.
Most Gratious and Dread Sovereign.
W Ee find it recorded for the everlasting honor of Theodosius the younger, that it was his use to reason with his Bishops of the things contained in the holy Scriptures, as if he himself had been one of their order: and of the Emperor Alexius in latter days; that whatsoever time he could spare from the public cares of the Common-wealth, he did wholly employ in the diligent reading of God's book, and in conferring thereof with worthy men, of whom his Court was never empty. How little inferior, or how much superior rather, your Majesty is to either of these in this kind of praise, I need not speak: it is acknowledged even by such as differ from you in the point of Religion, as a matter that hath added more than ordinary luster of ornament to your Royal estate; that you do not forbear so much as at the time of your bodily repast, to have for the then like feeding of your intellectual part, your Highness table surrounded with the attendance and conference of your grave and learned Divines.
What inward joy my heart conceived, as oft as I have had the happiness to be present at such seasons, I forbear to utter: only I will say with Job ; that the ear which heard you blessed you, and the eye which saw you, gave witness to you. But of all other things which I observed, your singular dexterity in detecting the frauds of the Romish Church, and untying the most knotty arguments of the Sophisters of that side, was it (I confess) that I admired most. especially where occasion was offered you to utter your skill, not in the word of God alone, but also in the Antiquities of the Church: wherein you have attained such a measure of knowledge as (with honor to God, I trust I may speak it, & without flattery to you) in a well studied Divine we would account very commendable, but in such a Monarch as yourself almost incredible. And this is one cause (most Gratious Sovereign) beside my general duty, and the many special obligations whereby I am otherwise bound unto your Majesty, which hath emboldened me to entreat your patience at this time, in vouchsafing to be a spectator of this combat, which I am now entered into with a Jesuit, who chargeth us to disallow many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true ; and undertaketh to make good, that they of his side do not disagree from that holy Church, either in these, or in any other point of Religion.
Now true it is, if a man do only attend unto the bare sound of the word, (as in the question of Merit, for example) or to the thing in general, without descending into the particular consideration of the true ground thereof (as in the matter of Praying for the dead ) he may easily be induced to believe, that in divers of these controversies the Fathers speak clearly for them and against us: neither is there any one thing that hath won more credit to that religion, or more advanced it in the consciences of simple men, than the conformity that it retaineth in some words and outward observances with the ancient Church o • Christ. Whereas if the thing it self were narrowly looked into, it would be found that they have only the shell without the kernel, and we the kernel without the shell: they having retained certain words and rites of the ancient Church, but applied them to a new invented doctrine; and we on the other side having relinquished these words and observances, but retained nevertheless the same primitive doctrine, unto which by their first institution they had relation.
The more cause have I to count myself happy, that am to answer of these matters before a King that is able to discern betwixt things that differ, and hath knowledge of all these questions. before whom therefore I may speak boldly: because I am persuaded that none of these things are hid from him. For it is not of late days that your Majesty hath begun to take these things into your consideration: from a child have you been trained up to this warfare; yea before you were twenty years of age, the Lord had taught your hands to fight against the man of sin, and your fingers to make battle against his Babel. Whereof your Paraphrase upon the Revelation of S. John is a memorable monument left to all posterity: which I can never look upon, but those verses of the Pöet run always in my mind:
How constant you have been ever since in the profession and maintenance of the truth: your late protestation, made unto both the houses of your Parliament, giveth sufficient evidence. So much whereof as may serve for a present antidote against that false and scandalous Oration spread amongst foreigners under your Majesty's sacred name: I humbly make bold to insert in this place, as a perpetual testimony of your integrity in this behalf.
WHAT my religion is my books do declare, my profession and my behavior do show: and J hope in God, J shall never live to be thought otherwise; sure I am, J shall never deserve it. And for my part I wish that it might be written in Marble and remain to posterity, as a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my Religion. for he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be trusted by man. My Lord's, I protest before God, my heart hath bled, when I have heard of the increase of Popery: and God is my Judge it hath been so great a grief unto me, that it hath been like thorns in mine eyes and pricks in my sides; so far have I been and ever shall be, from turning any other way. And my Lord's and Gentlemen, you all shall be my Confessors; if J knew any way better than other to hinder the growth of Popery, I would take it: and he cannot be an honest man, who knowing as J do and being persuaded as I am, would do otherwise.
As you have so long since begun, and happily continued, so go on (most renowned King) and still show yourself to be a Defender of the faith. fight the Lord's battles courageously, honor him evermore, and advance his truth. that when you have fought this good fight, and finished your course, and kept the faith; you may receive the Crown of righteousness, reserved in heaven for you. for the obtaining of which double blessing, both of grace and of glory, together with all outward prosperity and happiness in this life; you shall never want the instant prayers of
Your Majesty's most faithful subject and humble servant, IA. MIDENSIS.
TO THE READER.
I T is now about six years (as I gather by the reckoning laid down in the 25 th page of this book) since this following Challenge was brought unto me from a Jesuit; and received that general Answer, which now serveth to make up the first chapter only of this present work. The particular points, which were by him but barely named, I meddled not withal at that time: conceiving it to be his part (as in the 34 th page is touched) who sustained the person of the Assailant, to bring forth his arms and give the first onset, and mine, as the Defendant, to repel his encounter afterwards. Only I then collected certain materials out of the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers, which I meant to make use of for a second conflict, whensoever this Challenger should be pleased to descend to the handling of the particular articles by him proposed; the truth of every of which he had taken upon him to prove, by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the primitive Church, as also by good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Fathers authority would not suffice.
Thus this matter lay dead for diverse years together: and so would still have done, but that some of high place in both Kingdoms, having been pleased to think far better of that little which I had done than the thing deserved, advised me to go forward, and to deliver the judgment of Antiquity touching those particular points in controversy, wherein the Challenger was so confident that the whole current of the Doctors, Pastors and Fathers of the Primitive Church did mainly run on his side. Hereupon I gathered my scattered notes together, and as the multitude of my employments would give me leave, now entered into the handling of one point and then of another: treating of each, either more briefly or more largely, as the opportunity of my present leisure would give me leave. And so at last, after many interruptions, I have made up in such manner as thou seest, a kind of a Doctrinal History of those several points, which the Jesuit culled out, as special instances of the consonancie of the doctrine now maintained in the Church of Rome, with the perpetual and constant judgment of all Antiquity.
The doctrine that here I take upon me to defend, (what different opinions soever I relate of others) is that which by public authority is professed in the Church of England, and comprised in the book of Articles agreed upon in the Synod held at LONDON in the year 1562. concerning which I dare be bold to challenge our Challenger and all his complices, that they shall never be able to prove, that there is either any one article of Religion disallowed therein, which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true, (I use the words of my challenging Jesuit) or any one point of doctrine allowed, which by those Saints and Fathers was generally held to be untrue. As for the testimonies of the Authors which I allege, I have been careful to set down in the margent their own words in their own language (such places of the Greek Doctors only excepted, whereof the original text could not be had) as well for the better satisfaction of the Readers (who either cannot come by that variety of books, whereof use is here made, or will not take the pains to enter into a curious search of every particular allegation) as for the preventing of those trifling quarrels that are commonly made against translations. for if it fall out, that word be not everywhere precisely rendered by word (as who would tie himself to such a pedanticall observation?) none but an idle caviller can object, that this was done with any purpose to corrupt the meaning of the Author; whose words he seeth laid down before his eyes, to the end he may the better judge of the translation and rectify it where there is cause.
Again, because it is a thing very material in the historical handling of controversies, both to understand the Times wherein the several Authors lived, and likewise what books be truly or falsely ascribed to each of them: for some direction of the Reader in the first, I have annexed at the end of this book, a Chronologicall Catalogue of the Authors cited therein (wherein such as have no number of years affixed unto them, are thereby signified to be Incerti temporis ; their age being not found by me, upon this sudden search, to be noted by any:) and for the second, I have seldom neglected in the work it self, whensoever a doubtful or supposititious writing was alleged, to give some intimation whereby it might be discerned that it was not esteemed to be the book of that Author, unto whom it was entitled. The exact discussion as well of the Authors Times, as of the Censures of their works, I refer to my Theological Bibliotheque: if God hereafter shall lend me life and leisure, to make up that work, for the use of those that mean to give themselves to that Noble study of the doctrine and rites of the ancient Church.
In the mean time I commit this book to thy favorable censure, and thyself to God's gracious direction: earnestly advising thee, that whatsoever other studies thou intermittest, the careful and conscionable reading of God's book may never be neglected by thee. for whatsoever becometh of our disputes touching other antiquities or novelties: thou mayest stand assured, that thou shalt there find so much by God's blessing, as shall be able to make thee wise unto salvation, and to build thee up, and to give thee an inheritance among all them that are sanctified. Which next under God's glory, is the utmost thing (I know) that thou aimest at: and for the attaining whereunto I heartily wish, that the word of Christ may dwell in thee richly, in all wisdom.
THE CONTENTS of the BOOKE.
- CHAP. I. A General answer to the Jesuits Challenge. pag. 1.
- CHAP. II. Of Traditions. pag. 35.
- CHAP. III. Of the Real presence. pag. 44.
- CHAP. IIII. Of Confession. pag. 81.
- CHAP. V. Of the Priests power to forgive sins. pag. 109.
- CHAP. VI. Of Purgatory. pag. 163.
- CHAP. VII. Of Prayer for the dead. pag. 182.
- CHAP. VIII. Of Limbus Patrum; and Christ's descent into Hell. pag. 252.
- CHAP. IX. Of Prayer to Saints. pag. 377.
- CHAP. X. Of Images. pag. 447.
- CHAP. XI. Of Free-will. pag. 464.
- CHAP. XII. Of Merits. pag. 492.
THE IESVITES CHALLENGE.
How shall I answer to a Papist, demanding this Question?
Y Our Doctors and Masters grant that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 years after Christ, did hold the true Religion. First then would I fain know, what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion, which you commend in them of the first 400 years? In what Pope his days was the true Religion overthrown in Rome?
Next, I would fain know, How can your Religion be true, which dissalloweth of many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true?
For they of your side, that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church, can well testify (and if any deny it, it shall be presently shown) that the Doctors, Pastors, and Fathers of that Church do allow of Traditions; that they acknowledge the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar: that they exhorted the people to confess their sins unto their ghostly Fathers: that they affirmed, that Priests have power to forgive sins: that they taught, that there is a Purgatory: that prayer for the dead is both commendable and godly: that there is Limbus Patrum, and that our Savior descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament; because before his Passion none ever entered into Heaven: that prayer to Saints, and use of holy Images was of great account amongst them: that man hath free-will, and that for his meritorious works he receiveth, through the assistance of God's grace, the bliss of everlasting happiness.
Now would I fain know whether of both have the true Religion, they that hold all these above said points, with the Primitive Church; or they that do most vehemently contradict, and gain-say them? They that do not disagree with that holy Church, in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all?
Will you say, that these Fathers maintained these opinions, contrary to the word of God? why you know that they were the pillars of Christianity, the champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholic Religion, which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies; and therefore spent all their time in a most serious study of the holy Scripture. Or will you say, that although they knew the Scriptures to repugn, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions? Why yourselves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and virtuous lives, free from all malicious corrupting, or perverting of God's holy word, and by their holy lives are now made worthy to reign with God in his glory. In so much as their admirable learning may sufficiently cross out all suspicion of ignorant error; and their innocent sanctity freeeth us from all mistrust of malicious corruption.
Now would I willingly see what reasonable answer may be made to this. For the Protestants grant, that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 years, held the true Religion of Christ: yet do they exclaim against the abovesaid Articles, which the same Church did maintain and uphold, as may be shown by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church; and shall be largely laid down, if any learned Protestant will deny it.
Yea, which is more, for the confirmation of all the above mentioned points of our Religion, we will produce good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Fathers authority will not suffice. And we do desire any Protestant to allege any one Text out of the said Scripture, which condemneth any of the above written points: which we hold for certain they shall never be able to do. For indeed they are neither more learned, more pious, nor more holy then the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome, which they allow and esteem of so much, and by which we most willingly will be tried, in any point which is in controversy betwixt the Protestants and the Catholics. Which we desire may be done with Christian charity and sincerity, to the glory of God, and instruction of them that are astray.
W. B.
AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER CHALLENGE.
T O uphold the Religion, which at this day is maintained in the Church of Rome, and to discredit the truth which we profess: three things are here urged, by one who hath undertaken to make good the Papists cause against all gainsayers. The first concerneth the original of the errors wherewith that part standeth charged: the Author and time whereof, he requireth us to show. The other two respect the testimony, both of the Primitive Church, & of the sacred Scriptures: which, in the points wherein we vary, if this man may be believed, maketh wholly for them, and against us.
First then would he fain know, what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion, which we commend in them of the first 400 years? In what Popes days was the true Religion overthrown in Rome? To which I answer, First, that we do not hold that Rome was built in a [ I] day; or that the great dung-hill of errors, which now we see in it, was raised in an age: and therefore it is a vain demand, to require from us the name of any one Bishop of Rome, by whom or under whom this Babylonish [ II] confusion was brought in. Secondly, that a great difference is to be put betwixt Heresies which openly oppose the foundations of our Faith; and that Apostasy which the Spirit hath evidently foretold should be brought in by such as speak lies in hypocrisy. (1. Tim. 4.1, 2.) The impiety of the one is so notorious, that at the very first appearance it is manifestly discerned: the other is a mystery of iniquity (as the Apostle termeth it, 2. Thes. 2.7.) iniquitas, sed mystica, id est, pietatis nomine palliata, (so the ordinary Gloss expoundeth the place) an iniquity indeed, but mystical, that is, cloaked with the name of piety. And therefore they who kept continual watch and ward against the one, might sleep while the seeds of the other were a sowing; yea peradventure might at unawares themselves have some hand in bringing in of this Trojan horse, commended thus unto them under the name of Religion, [ III] and semblance of devotion. Thirdly, that the original of errors is oftentimes so obscure, and their breed so base, that howsoever it might be easily observed by such as lived in the same age, yet no wise man will marvel, if in tract of time the beginnings of many of them should be forgotten, and no register of the time of their birth found extant. We read that the Sadducees taught, there were no Angels: is any man able to declare unto us, under what high Priest they first broached this error? The Grecians, Circassians, Georgians, Syrians, Egyptians, Habassines, Muscovites and Russians, dissent at this day from the Church of Rome in many particulars: will you take upon you to show in what Bishops days these several differences did first arise? When the point hath been well skanned, it will be found, that many errors have crept into their profession, the time of the entrance whereof you are not able to design: and some things also are maintained by you against them, which have not been delivered for Catholic doctrine in the primitive times, but brought in afterwards, yourselves know not when.
Such, for example, is that sacrilege of yours, whereby you withhold from the people the use of the Cup in the Lord's Supper; as also your doctrine of Indulgences and Purgatory: which they reject, and you defend. For touching the first, Gregorius de Valentia, one of your principal Champions, confesseth that the use of receiving the Sacrament in one kind, began first in some Churches, and grew to be a general custom in the Latin Church not much before the Council of Constance, in which at last (to wit, 200 years ago) this custom was made a law. But if you put the question to him, as you do to us, What Bishop of Rome did first bring in this custom? he giveth you this answer, that it began to be used, not by the decree of any Bishop, but by the very use of the Churches, and the consent of the faithful. If you further question with him, quando primum vigere coepit ea consuetudo in aliquibus Ecclesijs? When first did that custom get footing in some Churches? he returneth you for answer, Minime constat: it is more then he can tell.
The like doth Fisher Bishop of Rochester, & Cardinal Cajetan give us to understand of Indulgences ; that no certainty can be had, what their original was, or by whom they were first brought in. Fisher also further addeth concerning Purgatory: that in the ancient Fathers, there is either none at all, or very rare mention of it; that by the Grecians it is not believed even to this day; that the Latins also, not all at once, but by little and little received it: and that, Purgatory being so lately known, it is not to be marveled, that in the first times of the Church there was no use of Indulgences; seeing these had their beginning, after that men for a while had been affrighted with the torments of Purgatory. Out of which confession of the adverse part, you [ 1] may observe: 1. What little reason these men have, to require us to set down the precise time wherein all their profane novelties were first brought in: seeing that this [ 2] is more then they themselves are able to do. 2. That some of them may come in pedetentim (as Fisher acknowledgeth Purgatory did) by little and little, and by very slow steps, which are not so easy to be discerned, [ 3] as fools be borne in hand they are. 3. That it is a fond imagination, to suppose that all such changes must be made by some Bishop, or any one certain author: whereas it is confessed, that some may come in by the tacit consent of many, and grow after into a general custom, the beginning whereof is past man's memory.
And as some superstitious usages may draw their original from the undiscreet devotion of the multitude: so some also may be derived from want of devotion in the people; and some alterations likewise must be attributed to the very change of time it self. Of the one we cannot give a fitter instance, then in your private Mass, wherein the Priest receiveth the Sacrament alone: which Harding fetdheth from no other ground, then lack of devotion of the people's part. When you therefore can tell us, in what Popes days the people fell from their devotion; we may chance tell you, in what Popes days your private Mass began. An experiment of the other we may see in the use of the Latin Service, in the Churches of Italy, France, and Spain. For if we be questioned, When that use first began there? and further demanded, Whether the language formerly used in their Liturgy, was changed upon a sudden? our answer must be, That Latin Service was used in those countries from the beginning: but that the Latin tongue at that time was commonly understood of all, which afterward by little and little degenerated into those vulgar languages which now are used. When you therefore shall be pleased to certify us, in what Popes days the Latin tongue was changed into the Italian, French, and Spanish (which we pray you do for our learning:) we will then give you to understand, that from that time forward the language, not of the Service, but of the people, was altered. Nec enim lingua vulgaris populo subtracta est, sed populus ab eà recessit (saith Erasmus:) The vulgar tongue was not taken away from the people; but the people departed from it.
If this which I have said, will not satisfy you; I would wish you call unto your remembrance, the answer which Arnobius sometimes gave to a foolish question, propounded by the enemies of the Christian faith: Nec si nequivero causas vobis exponere, cur aliquid fiat illo, vel hoc modo, continuo sequitur, ut infecta fiant, quae facta sunt. And consider, whether I may not return the like answer unto you. If I be not able to declare unto you, by what Bishop of Rome, and in what Popes days, the simplicity of the ancient faith was first corrupted; it will not presently follow, that what was done, must needs by undone. Or rather, if you please, call to mind the Parable in the Gospel, where the kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man, which sowed good seed in his field; but while men slept, his enemy came and sowed Tares among the Wheat, and went his way. These that slept, took no notice, when or by whom the Tares were scattered among the Wheat; neither at the first rising, did they discern betwixt the one and the other, though they were awake. But when the blade was sprung up, and brought forth fruit, then appeared the Tares: and then they put the question unto their Master; Sir, didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? from whence then hath it tares? Their Master indeed telleth them, it was the enemies doing: but you could tell them otherwise, and come upon them thus.
To let pass the slumbrings of former times, we could tell you of an age, wherein men not only slept, but also snorted: it was (if you know it not) the tenth from Christ, the next neighbor to that wherein Hell broke loose. That Vnhappie age (as Genebrard, and other of your own Writers term it,) exhausted both of men of account for wit and learning, and of worthy Princes and Bishops: In which there were no famous Writers, nor Councils ; then which (if we will credit Bellarmine ) there was never age more unlearned and unhappy. If I be not able to discover what feats the Devil wrought in that time of darkness, wherein men were not so vigilant in marking his conveyances; and such as might see somewhat, were not so forward in writing books of their Observations: must the infelicity of that age, wherein there was little learning, and less writing, yea, which for want of Writers (as Cardinal Baronius acknowledgeth) hath been usually named the Obscure age ; must this (I say) enforce me to yield, that the Devil brought in no tares all that while, but let slip the opportunity of so dark a night, and slept himself for company? There are other means left unto us, whereby we may discern the Tares brought in by the instruments of Satan; from the good seed which was sown by the Apostles of Christ; beside this observation of times and seasons, which will often fail us. Ipsa doctrina eorum (saith Tertullian) cum Apostolicâ comparata, ex diversitate & contrarietate suâ pronuntiabit, neque Apostoti alicujus auctoris esse, ne{que} Apostolici. Their very doctrine it self, being compared with the Apostolic, by the diversity and contrariety thereof, will pronounce, that it had for author, neither any Apostle, nor any man Apostolical. For there cannot be a better prescription against Heretical novelties, then that which our Savior Christ useth against the Pharisees; From the beginning it was not so: nor a better preservative against the infection of seducers that are crept in unawares, then that which is prescribed by the Apostle Jude; earnestly to contend for the faith which was once delivered unto the Saints.
Now to the end we might know the certainty of those things, wherein the Saints were at the first instructed; God hath provided, that the memorial thereof should be recorded in his own Book, that it might remain for the time to come, forever and ever. He then who out of that Book is able to demonstrate, that the doctrine or practice now prevailing, swarveth from that which was at first established in the Church by the Apostles of Christ; doth as strongly prove, that a change hath been made in the middle times, as if he were able to nominate the place where, the time when, and the person by whom any such corruption was first brought in. In the Apostles days, when a man had examined himself, he was admitted unto the Lord's Table, there to eat of that bread, and drink of that cup : as appeareth plainly, 1. Cor. 11.28. In the Church of Rome at this day, the people are indeed permitted to eat of the bread (if bread they may call it) but not allowed to drink of the cup. Must all of us now shut our eyes, and sing, Sicut erat in principio, & nunc: unless we be able to tell by whom, and when this first institution was altered? By S. Paul's order, who would have all things done to edification, Christians should pray with understanding, and not in an unknown language: as may be seen in the fourteenth chapter of the same Epistle to the Corinthians. The case is now so altered, that the bringing in of a tongue not understood (which hindered the edifying of Babel it self, and scattered the builders thereof) is accounted a good means to further the edifying of your Babel, and to hold her followers together. Is not this then a good ground to resolve a man's judgment, that things are not now kept in that order, wherein they were set at first by the Apostles: although he be not able to point unto the first author of the disorder?
And as we may thus discover innovations, by having recourse unto the first and best times: so may we do the like, by comparing the state of things present with the middle times of the Church. Thus I find by the constant and approved practice of the ancient Church; that all sorts of people, men, women, and children, had free libertic to read the holy Scriptures. I find now the contrary among the Papists: and shall I say for all this, that they have not removed the bounds which were set by the Fathers, because perhaps I cannot name the Pope, that ventured to make the first inclosure of these commons of God's people? I hear S. Hier • me say: Judith, & Tobiae, & Macchabaeorum libros legit quidem Ecclesia, sed eos inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit. The Church doth read indeed the books of Judith, and Toby, and the Maccabees; but doth not receive them for Canonical Scripture. I see that at this day, the Church of Rome receiveth them for such. May not I then conclude, that betwixt S. Jerome's time and ours, there hath been a change; and that the Church of Rome now, is not of the same judgment with the Church of God the • : howsoever I cannot precisely lay down the time, wherein she first thought her self to be wiser herein then her Forefathers?
But here our Adversary closeth with us, and layeth down a number of points, held by them, and denied by us: which he undertaketh to make good, as well by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the Primitive Church of Rome; as also by good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Fathers authority will not suffice. Where if he would change his order, and give the sacred Scriptures the precedency; he should therein do more right to God the author of them, who well deserveth to have audience in the first place: and withal ease both himself and us of a needless labor, in seeking any further authority to compose our differences. For if he can produce (as he beareth us in hand he can) good and certain grounds o • t of the sacred Scriptures, for the points in controversy, the matter is at an end: he that will not rest satisfied with such evidences as these, may (if he please) travail further, and speed worse. Therefore as S. Augustine heretofore provoked the Donatists, so provoke I him: Auferantur chartae humanae, sonent voces divinae: ede mihi unam Scripturae vocem pro parte Donati. Let human writings be removed, let God's voice sound: bring me on • e voice of the Scripture for the part of Donatus. Produce but one clear testimony of the sacred Scripture, for the Popes part, and it shall suffice: allege what authority you list, without Scripture, and it cannot suffice. We reverence indeed the ancient Fathers, as it is fit we should; and hold it our duty to rise up before the hoary head, and to honor the person of the aged: but still with reservation of the respect we owe to their Father and ours, that Ancient of days, the hair of whose head is like the pure wool. We may not forget the lesson, which our great Master hath taught us: Call no man your Father upon the earth; for one is your Father which is in heaven. Him therefore alone do we acknowledge for the Father of our Faith: no other Father do we know; upon whose bare credit we may ground our consciences, in things that are to be believed.
And this we say, not as if we feared that these men were able to produce better proofs out of the writings of the Fathers, for the part of the Pope, then we can do for the Catholic cause (when we come to join in the particulars, they shall find it otherwise:) but partly to bring the matter unto a shorter trial, partly to give the word of God his due, and to declare what that rock is upon which alone we build our faith, even the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets ; from which no sleight that they can devise, shall ever draw us.
The same course did S. Augustine take with the Pelagians: against whom he wanted not the authority of the Fathers of the Church. Which if I would collect (saith he) and use their testimonies, it would be too long a work, and I might peradventure seem to have less confidence then I ought in the Canonical authorities, from which we ought not to be withdrawn. Yet was the Pelagian Heresy then but newly budded: which is the time wherein the pressing of the Fathers testimonies is thought to be best in season. With how much better warrant may we follow this president, having to deal with such as have had time and leisure enough to falsify the Fathers writings, and to teach them the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans? The method of confuting heresies by the consent of holy Fathers, is by none commended more then by Vincentius Lirinensis who is careful notwithstanding, herein to give us this caveat. But neither always, nor all kinds of heresies are to be impugned after this manner, but such only as are new, and lately sprung: namely, when they do first arise, while by the straitness of the time it self they be hindered from falsifying the rules of the ancient faith; and before the time that, their poison spreading farther, they attempt to corrupt the writings of the ancient. But far-spread and inveterate heresies are not to be dealt withal this way; for as much as by long continuance of time, a long occasion hath lain open unto them to steal away the truth. The heresies with which we have to deal, have spread so far, and continued so long, that the defenders of them are bold to make Universality and Duration the special marks of their Church: they had opportunity enough of time and place, to put in ure all deceiveableness of unrighteousness; neither will they have it to say, that in coining and clipping, and washing the monuments of Antiquity, they have been wanting to themselves.
Before the Council of Nice (as hath been observed by one, who sometime was Pope himself) little respect, to speak of, was had to the Church of Rome. If this may be thought to prejudice the dignity of that Church, which would be held, to have sat as Queen among the Nations, from the very beginning of Christianity: you shall have a crafty merchant ( Isidorus Mercator, I trow, they call him) that will help the matter, by counterfeiting Decretal Epistles in the name of the primitive Bishops of Rome, and bringing in thirty of them in a row, as so many Knights of the Poste, to bear witness of that great authority, which the Church of Rome enjoyed before the Nicene Fathers were assembled. If the Nicene Fathers have not amplified the bounds of her jurisdiction, in so large a manner as she desired: she hath had her well-willers, that have supplied the Councils negligence in that behalf, and made Canons for the purpose, in the name of the good Fathers, that never dreamed of such a business. If the power of judging all others will not content the Pope, unless he himself may be exempted from being judged by any other: another Council, as ancient at least as that of Nice, shall be suborned, wherein it shall be concluded, by the consent of 284 imaginary Bishops, that No man may judge the first seat. and for failing, in an elder Council then that, consisting of 300 buckram Bishops of the very self same making, the like note shall be sung: quoniam prima sedes non judicabitur à quoquam; The first seat must not be judged by any man. Lastly, if the Pope do not think that the fullness of spiritual power is sufficient for his greatness, unless he may be also Lord paramount in temporalibus: he hath his followers ready at hand, to frame a fair donation, in the name of Constantine the Emperor, whereby his Holiness shall be estated, not only in the City of Rome, but also in the seigniory of the whole West. It would require a Volume, to rehearse the names of those several Tractates, which have been basely bred in the former days of darkness, and fathered upon the ancient Doctors of the Church, who, if they were now alive, would be deposed that they were never privy to their begetting.
Neither hath this corrupting humor stayed it self in forging of whole Councils, and entire Treatises of the ancient writers: but hath, like a canker, fretted away diverse of their sound parts, and so altered their complexions, that they appear not to be the same men they were. To instance in the great question of Transubstantiation: we were wont to read in the books attributed unto S. Ambrose, De Sacramentis, libr. 4. cap. 4. Si ergo tanta vis est in sermon Domini Jesus, ut inciperent esse quae non erant: quanto magis operatorius est, ut sint quae erant, & in aliud commutentur? If therefore there be so great force in the speech of our Lord Jesus, that the things which were not begun to be (namely at the first creation:) how much more is the same powerful to make, that things may still be that which they were, and yet be changed into another thing? It is not unknown, how much those words, ut sint quae erant, have troubled their brains, who maintain, that after the words of consecration, the elements of bread and wine be not that thing which they were: and what devises they have found, to make the bread and wine in the Sacrament to be like unto the Beast in the Revelation, that was, and is not, and yet is. But that Gordian knot, which they with their skill could not so readily untie, their masters at Rome (Alexander -like) have now cut asunder; paring clean away in their Roman Edition (which is also followed in that set out at Paris, Anno 1603.) those words that so much troubled them, and letting the rest run smoothly after this manner: quanto magis operatorius est, ut quae erant, in aliud cōmutentur? how much more is the speech of our Lord powerful to make, that those things which were, should be changed into another thing?
The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew, homil. 11. writeth thus: Si ergo haec vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus transfer sic periculosum est, in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur: quanto magis vasa corporis nostri, quae sibi Deus ad habitaculum praeparavit, non debemus locum dare Diabolo agendi in eis quod vult? If therefore it be so dangerous a matter, to transfer unto private uses those holy vessels, in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mystery of his body is contained: how much more for the vessels of our body, which God hath prepared for himself to dwell in, ought not we to give way unto the Devil, to do in them what he pleaseth? Those words (in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur: in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mystery of his body is contained) did threaten to cut the very throat of the Papists real presence ; and therefore in good policy they thought it fit to cut their throat first, for doing any further hurt. Whereupon, in the Editions of this Work printed at Antwerpe, apud Ioannem Steelsium, anno 1537: at Paris, apud Ioannem Roigny, anno 1543: and at Paris again, apud Audoenum Parvum, anno 1557. not one syllable of them is to be seen; though extant in the ancienter editions, one whereof is as old as the yere 1487. And to the same purpose, in the 19 Homily, instead of Sacrificium panis & vini, the sacrifice of bread and wine, (which we find in the old impressions) these latter editions have chopped in, Sacrificium corporis & sanguinis Christi, the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ.
In the year 1608. there were published at Paris certain works of Fulbertus Bishop of Chartres, pertaining as well to the refuting of the heresies of this time, (for so saith the inscription) as to the clearing of the History of the French. Among those things that appertain to the confutation of the Heresies of this time, there is one especially, fol. 168. laid down in these words. Nisi manducaveritis, inquit, carnem filij hominis, & sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere. Figura ergo est, dicet haereticus, praecipiens Passioni Domini esse cōmunicandum tantùm, & suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria, quod pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa & vulnerata sit. Unless (saith Christ) ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall not have life in you. He seemeth to command an outrage or wickedness. It is therefore a figure, will the heretic say, requiring us only to communicate with the Lord's Passion, and sweetly and profitably to lay up in our memory, that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us. He that put in those words, ( dicet haereticus) thought he had notably met with the heretics of this time: but was not aware that thereby he made S. Augustine an Heretic for company. For the Heretic that speaketh thus, is even S. Augustine himself: whose very words these are, in his third book de Doctrinâ Christianâ, the 16. chapter. Which some belike having put the publisher in mind of: he was glad to put this among his Errata, and to confess that these two words were not to be found in the Manuscript copy which he had from Petavius ; but telleth us not what we are to think of him, that for the countenancing of the Popish cause, ventured so shamefully to abuse S. Augustine.
In the year 1616. a Tome of ancient Writers, that never saw the light before, was set forth at Ingolstad by Petrus Steuartius: where, among other Tractates, a certain Penitentiall, written by Rabanus that famous Archbishop of Mainz, is to be seen. In rhe 33. chapter of that book, Rabanus making answer unto an idle question moved by Bishop Heribaldus concerning the Eucharist, (what should become of it, after it was consumed, and sent into the draught, after the manner of other meats:) hath these words. (initio pag. 669.) Nam quidam nuper de ipso sacramento corporís & sanguinis Domini non rite sentientes dixerunt: hoc ipsum corpus, & sanguinem Domini, quod de Mariâ Virgin natum est, &, in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruce, & resurrexit de sepulcro*—cui errori quantum potuimus, ad Egilum Abbatem scribentes, de corpore ipso quid vere credendum sit aperuimus. For some of late, not holding rightly of the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord, have said; that the very body and blood of our Lord, which was borne of the Virgin Mary, and, in which our Lord himself suffered on the Cross, and rose again from the grave *— Against which error, writing unto Abbot Egilus, according to our ability, we have declared, what is truly to be believed concerning Christ's body. You see Rabanus tongue is clipt here for telling tales: but how this came to pass, were worth the learning. Steuartius freeth himself from the fact, telling us in his margent, that here there was a blank in the manuscript copy, and we do easily believe him: for Possevine the Jesuit hath given us to understand, that Manuscript books also are to be purged, as well as printed. But whence was this Manuscript fetched, think you? Out of the famous Monastery of Weingart ; saith Steuartius. The Monks of Weingart then belike must answer the matter: and they (I dare say) upon examination will take their oaths, that it was no part of their intention to give any furtherance unto the cause of the Protestants hereby. If hereunto we add, that Heribaldus and Rabanus both, are ranked among heretics by Thomas Walden, for holding the Eucharist to be subject to digestion and voidance, like other meats; the suspicion will be more vehement: whereunto yet I will adjoine one evidence more, that shall leave the matter past suspicion.
In the Libraries of my worthy friends, S r . Rob. Cotton, (that noble Baronett, so renowned for his great care in collecting & preserving all antiquities) & D r . Ward, the learned Mast r of Sidney College in Cambridge; I met with an ancient Treatise of the Sacrament (beginning thus: Sicut ante nos quidam sapiens dixit, cujus sententiam probamus, licet nomen ignoremus. ) which is the same with that in the Jesuits College at Lovaine, blindly fathered upon Berengarius. The author of this Treatise, having first twited Heribaldus for propounding, & Rabanus for resolving this question of the voidance of the Eucharist: layeth down afterward the opinion of Paschasius Ratbertus, (whose writing is yet extant) quod non alia plane sit caro quae sumitur de altari, quàm quae nata est de Mariâ Virgin, & passa in cruce, & quae resurrexit de sepulcro, quaeqúe & pro mundi vitâ adhuc hodie offeratur. That the flesh which is received at the altar, is no other then that which was borne of the Virgin Mary, suffered on the Cross, rose again from the grave, and as yet is daily offered for the life of the world. Contra quem (saith he) satis argumentatur, & Rabanus in Epistolâ ad Egilonem Abbatem, & Ratrannus quidam libro composito ad Karolum regem; dicentes aliam esse. Against whom both Rabanus in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo, and one Ratrannus in a book which he made to King Charles, argue largely; saying that it is another kind of flesh. Whereby, what Rabanus his opinion was of this point in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo or Egilus, & consequently what that was which the Monks of Weingart could not endure in his Penitentiall, I trust is plain enough.
I omit other corruptions of antiquity in this same question, which I have touched elsewhere: only that of Bertram I may not pass over, wherein the dishonesty of these men, in handling the writings of the ancient, is laid open, even by the confession of their own mouths. Thus the case standeth. That Ratrannus who joined with Rabanus in refuting the error of the carnal presence, at the first bringing in thereof by Paschasius Ratbertus ; is he who commonly is known by the name of Bertramus. The book which he wrote of this argument to Carolus Calvus the Emperor, was forbidden to be read, by order from the Roman Inquisition, confirmed afterwards by the Council of Trent. The Divines of Douay, perceiving that the forbidding of the book did not keep men from reading it, but gave them rather occasion to seek more earnestly after it: thought it better policy, that Bertram should be permitted to go abroad, but handled in such sort, as other ancient writers, that made against them, were wont to be. Seeing therefore (say they) we bear with very many errors in other of the old Catholic writers, and extenuate them, excuse them, by inventing some device oftentimes deny them, and fain some commodious sense for them, when they are objected in disputations or conflicts with our adversaries: we do not see, why Bertram may not deserve the same equity, and diligent reviseall. Least the heretics cry out, that we burn and forbid such antiquity as maketh for them. Mark this dealing well. The world must be borne in hand, that all the Fathers make for the Church of Rome against us, in all our controversies. When we bring forth express testimonies of the Fathers to the contrary; what must then be done? A good face must be put upō the matter, one device or other must be invented to elude the testimonies objected, and still it must be denied that the Fathers make against the doctrine of the Papists. Bertram, for example, writeth thus. The things which differ one from another, are not the same. The body of Christ which was dead and rose again, and being made immortal now dieth not, (death no more having dominion over it) is everlasting, and now not subject to suffering. But this which is celebrated in the Church, is temporal, not everlasting; it is corruptible, not free from corruption. What device must they find out here? They must say this is meant of the accidents or forms of the Sacrament, which are corruptible; or of the use of the Sacrament, which continueth only in this present world. But how will this shift serve the turn, when as the whole drift of the discourse tendeth to prove, that that which is received by the mouth of the faithful in the Sacrament, is not that very body of Christ which died upon the Cross, and rose again from death? Non male aut inconsulte omittantur igitur omnia haec; It were not amiss therefore (say our Popish Censurers) nor unadvisedly done, that all these things should be left out.
If this be your manner of dealing with antiquity, let all men judge whether it be not high time for us to listen unto the advice of Vincentius Lirinensis, and not be so forward to commit the trial of our controversies to the writings of the Fathers, who have had the ill hap to fall into such hucksters handling. Yet that you may see, how confident we are in the goodness of our cause: we will not now stand upon our right, nor refuse to enter with you into this field; but give you leave for this time both to be the Challenger, and the appointer of your own weapons. Let us then hear your challenge, wherein you would so fain be answered. I would fain know (say you) how can your Religion be true, which disalloweth of many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true? For they of your side, that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church, can well testify (and if any deny it, it shall be presently shown) that the Doctors, Pastors, and Fathers of that Church do allow of Traditions, &c. And again: Now would I fain know, whether of both have the true Religion; they that hold all these abovesaid points with the primitive Church, or they that do most vehemently contradict, and gainsay them? they that do not disagree with that holy Church, in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? And the third time too, for failing: Now would I willingly see, what reasonable answer may be made to this. For the Protestants grant that the Church of Rome, for 400 or 500 years, held the true Religion of Christ: yet do they exclaim against the abovesaid articles, which the same Church did maintain and uphold; as may be shown by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church, and shall be largely laid down, if any learned Protestant will deny it.
If Albertus Pighius had now been alive, as great a Scholar as he was, he might have learned that he never knew before. Who did ever yet (saith he) by the Church of Rome understand the Universal Church? That doth this man (say I) who styleth all the ancient Doctors and Martyrs of the Church Universal, with the name of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church of Rome. But it seemeth a small matter unto him, for the magnifying of that Church, to confound Vrbem & Orbem: unless he mingle also Heaven and Earth together, by giving the title of that unspotted Church, which is the special privilege of the Church triumphant in heaven, unto the Church of Rome here militant upon earth. S. Augustine surely would not have himself otherwise understood, whensoever he speaketh of the unspotted Church: and therefore, to prevent all mistaking, he thus expoundeth himself in his Retractations. Wheresoever in these books I have made mention of the Church not having spot or wrinkle; it is not so to be taken, as if she were so now, but that she is prepared to be so, when she shall appear glorious. For now, by reason of certain ignorances and infirmities of her members, the whole Church hath cause to say every day: Forgive us our trespasses. Now as long as the Church is subject to these ignorances and infirmities, it cannot be otherwise, but there must be differences betwixt the members thereof: one part may understand that whereof another is ignorant; and ignorance being the mother of error, one particular Church may wrongly conceive of some points, wherein others may be rightly informed. Neither will it follow thereupon, that these Churches must be of different Religions, because they fully agree not in all things: or that therefore the Reformed Churches in our days must disclaim all kindred with those in ancient times, because they have washed away some spots from themselves, which they discerned to have been in them.
It is not every spot that taketh away the beauty of a Church, not every sickness that taketh away the life thereof: and therefore though we should admit that the ancient Church of Rome was somewhat impaired both in beauty and in health too, (wherein we have no reason to be sorry, that we are unlike unto her) there is no necessity that hereupon presently she must cease to be our sister. S. Cyprian and the rest of the African Bishops that joined with him, held that such as were baptized by heretics, should be rebaptized: the African Bishops in the time of Aurelius were of another mind. Doth the diversity of their judgments in this point, make them to have been of a diverse Religion? It was the use of the ancient Church to minister the Communion unto Infants: which is yet also practiced by the Christians in Egypt and Ethiopia. The Church of Rome, upon better consideration, hath thought fit to do otherwise: and yet for all that will not yield, that either she her self hath forsaken the Religion of her ancestors, because she followeth them not in this; or that they were of the same religion with the Cophtites and Habassines, because they agree together in this particular. So put case the Church of Rome now did use prayer for the dead in the same manner that the ancient Church did: (which we will show to be otherwise:) the reformed Churches that upon better advice have altered that usage, need not therefore grant that either themselves hold a different Religion from that of the Fathers, because they do not precisely follow them in this, nor yet that the Fathers were therefore Papists, because in this point they thus concurred. For as two may be discerned to be sisters by the likeness of their faces, although the one have some spots or blemishes which the other hath not: so a third may be brought in, which may show like spots and blemishes, and yet have no such likeness of visage as may bewray her to be the others sister.
But our Challenger having first conceited in his mind an Idea of an unspotted Church upon earth; then being far in love with the painted face of the present Church of Rome, and out of love with us, because we like not as he liketh: he taketh a view of both our faces in the false glasses of affection, and findeth her on whom he doteth to answer his unspotted Church in all points, but us to agree with it in almost nothing. And thereupon he would fain know, whether of both have the true Religion? they that do not disagree with that holy Church in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? Indeed, if that which he assumeth for granted, could as easily be proved, as it is boldly avouched: the question would quickly be resolved, whether of us both have the true Religion? But he is to understand, that strong conceits are but weak proofs: and that the Jesuits have not been the first, from whom such brags as these have been heard. Dioscorus the heretic was as peart, when he uttered these speeches in the Council of Chalcedon: I am cast out with the Fathers. I defend the doctrines of the Fathers, I transgress them not in any point: and I have their testimonies, not barely, but in their very books. Neither need we wonder, that he should bear us down, that the Church of Rome at this day doth not disagree from the primitive Church in any point of Religion ; who sticketh not so confidently to affirm, that we agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all. For those few points, wherein he confesseth we do agree with the ancient Church, must either be meant of such articles only, wherein we disagree from the now Church of Rome; or else of the whole body of that Religion which we profess. If in the former he yield that we do agree with the primitive Church: what credit doth he leave unto himself, who with the same breath hath givē out, that the present Church of Rome doth not disagree with that holy Church in any point? If he meanethe latter: with what face can he say, that we agree with that holy Church but in very few points of religion, and disagree in almost all? Irenaeus, who was the Disciple of those which heard S. John the Apostle, layeth down the articles of that faith, in the unity whereof the Churches that were founded in Germany, Spain, France, the East, Egypt, Libya, and all the world, did sweetly accord: as if they had all dwelt in one house, all had but one soul, and one heart, and one mouth. Is he able to show one point, wherein we have broken that harmony, which Irenaeus commendeth in the Catholic Church of his time? But that Rule of faith so much commended by him and Tertullian, and the rest of the Fathers; and all the articles of the several Creedes that were ever received in the ancient Church, as badges of the Catholic profession (to which we willingly subscribe) is with this man almost nothing: none must now be counted a Catholic, but he that can conform his belief unto the Creed of the new fashion, compiled by Pope Pius the fourth some four and fifty years ago.
As for the particular differences, wherein he thinketh he hath the advantage of us; when we come unto the sifting of them, it shall appear how far he was deceived in his imagination. In the mean time, having as yet not stricken one stroke, but threatened only to do wonders, if any would be so hardy to accept his Challenge; he might have done very well, to have deferred his triumph, until such time as he had obtained the victory. For as if he had borne us down with the weight of the authority of the Fathers, and so astonished us therewith, that we could not tell what to say for ourselves; he thus bestirreth himself, in a most ridiculous manner, fighting with his own shadow. Will you say that these Fathers (saith he, who hath not hitherto laid down so much as the name of any one Father) maintained these opinions contrary to the word of God? Why you know that they were the pillars of Christianity, the champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholic Religion, which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies, and therefore spent all their time in a most serious study of the holy Scripture. Or will you say that, although they knew the Scriptures to repugn, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions? Why yourselves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and virtuous lives, free from all malicious corrupting or perverting of God's holy word, and by their holy lives are now made worthy to reign with God in his glory. Insomuch as their admirable learning may sufficiently cross out all suspicion of ignorant error; and their innocent sanctity freeth us from all mistrust of malicious corruption.
But, by his leave, he is a little too hasty. He were best to bethink himself more advisedly of that which he hath undertaken to perform: and to remember the saying of the King of Israel unto Benhadad ; Let not him that girdeth on his harness, boast himself, as he that putteth it off. He hath taken upon him to prove, that our Religon cannot be true, because it disalloweth of many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true. For performance hereof, it will not be sufficient for him to show that some of these Fathers maintained some of these opinions: he must prove (if he will be as good as his word, and deal anything to the purpose) that they held them generally, and held them too, not as opinions, but tanquam de fide, as appertaining to the substance of faith and religion. For (as Vincentius Lirinensis well observeth) the ancient consent of the holy Fathers is with great care to be sought and followed by us, not in every petty question belonging to the Law of God, but only, or at least principally, in the Rule of faith. But all the points propounded by our Challenger, be not chief articles: and therefore if in some of them the Fathers have held some opinions, that will not bear weight in the balance of the Sanctuary (as some conceits they had herein, which the Papists themselves must confess to be erroneous) their defects in that kind do abate nothing of that reverend estimation which we have them in, for their great pains taken in the defense of the true Catholic Religion, and the serious study of the holy Scripture. Neither do I think that he who thus commendeth them for the pillars of Christianity, and the champions of Christ's Church ; will therefore hold himself tied to stand unto everything that they have said: sure he will not, if he follow the steppes of the great ones of his own Society.
For what doth he think of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Epiphanius? Doth he not account them among those pillars and champions he speaketh of? Yet, saith Cardinal Bellarmine, I do not see, how we may defend their opinion from error. When others object, that they have two or three hundred testimonies of the Doctors to prove that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sin: Salmeron the Jesuit steps forth, and answereth them, first, out of the doctrine of Augustine and Thomas, that the argument drawn from authority is weak: then, out of the word of God, Exod. 23. In judicio, plurimorum non acquiesces sententiae, ut á vero devies. In judgment, thou shalt not be led with the sentence of the most, to decline from the truth. And lastly telleth them, that when the Donatists gloried in the multitude of authors, S. Augustine did answer them, that it was a sign their cause was destitute of the strength of truth, which was only supported by the authority of many, who were subject to error. And when his Adversaries press him, not only with the multitude, but also with the antiquity of the Doctors alleged, unto which more honor always hath been given, then unto novelties: he answereth, that indeed every age hath always attributed much unto antiquity; and every old man, as the Poët saith, is a commender of the time past: but this (saith he) we aver, that the younger the Doctors are, the more sharp-sighted they be. And therefore for his part he yieldeth rather to the judgment of the younger Doctors of Paris: among whom none is held worthy of the title of a Master in Divinity, who hath not first bound himself with a religious oath, to defend and maintain the privilege of the B. Virgin. Only he forgot to tell, how they which take that oath, might dispense with another oath which the Pope requireth them to take; that they will never understand and interpret the holy Scripture, but according to the uniform consent of the Fathers.
Pererius in his disputations upon the Epistle to the Romans, confesseth that the Greek Fathers, and not a few of the Latin Doctors too, have delivered in their writings, that the cause of the predestination of men unto everlasting life is the foreknowledge which God had from eternity, either of the good works which they were to do by cooperating with his grace, or of the faith whereby they were to believe the word of God, & to obey his calling. And yet he for his part notwithstanding thinketh, that this is contrary to the holy Scripture, but especially to the doctrine of S. Paul. If our Questionist had been by him, he would have plucked his fellow by the sleeve, and taken him up in this manner. Will you say that these Fathers maintained this opinion contrary to the word of God? Why you know that they were the pillars of Christianity, the Champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholic religion, which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies, and therefore spent all their time in a most serious study of the holy Scripture. He would also perhaps further challenge him, as he doth us: Will you say that, although they knew the Scriptures to repugn, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinion by malice & corrupt intentions? For sure he might have asked this wise question of any of his own fellows, as well as of us, who do allow and esteem so much of these blessed Doctors and Martyrs of the ancient Church (as he himself in the end of his Challenge doth acknowledge:) which verily we should have little reason to do, if we did imagine that they brought in opinions which they knew to be repugnant to the Scriptures, for any malice, or corrupt intentions. Indeed men they were, compassed with the common infirmities of our nature, and therefore subject unto error: but godly men, and therefore free from all malicious error.
Howsoever then we yield unto you, that their innocent sanctity freeth us from all mistrust of malicious corruption: yet you must pardon us if we make question, whether their admirable learning may sufficiently cross out all suspicion of error, which may arise either of affection, or want of due consideration, or such ignorance as the very best are subject unto in this life. For it is not admirable learning that is sufficient to cross out that suspicion: but such an immediate guidance of the holy Ghost, as the Prophets and Apostles were led by, who were the penners of the Canocicall Scripture. But this is your old wont, to blind the eyes of the simple with setting forth the sanctity and the learning of the Fathers: much after the manner of your grandfather Pelagius ; who in the third of his books which he writ in defense of Free-will, thought he had struck all dead by his commending of S. Ambrose. Blessed Ambrose the Bishop (saith he) in whose books the Roman faith doth especially appear, who like a beautiful flower shined among the Latin writers, whose faith and most pure understanding in the Scriptures the enemy himself durst not reprehend. Unto whom S. Augustine: Behold with what and how great praises he extolleth a man, though holy and learned, yet not to be compared unto the authority of the Canonical Scripture. And therefore advance the learning and holiness of these worthy men, as much as you list: other answer you are not like to have from us, then that which the same S. Augustine maketh unto S. Jerome. This reverence and honor have I learned to give to those books of Scripture only, which now are called Canonical, that I most firmly believe none of their authors could any whit err in writing. But others I so read, that with how great sanctity and learning soever they do excel, I therefore think not anything to be true, because they so thought it: but because they were able to persuade me, either by those Canonical authors, or by some probable reason, that it did not swerve from truth.
Yet even to this field also do our challengers provoke us; and if the Fathers authority will not suffice, they offer to produce good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, for confirmation of all the points of their religion which they have mentioned: yea, further, they challenge any Protestant to allege any one text out of the said Scripture which condemneth any of the above written points. At which boldness of theirs we should much wonder, but that we consider that Bankrupts commonly do then most brag of their ability, when their estate is at the lowest: perhaps also, that Ignorance might be it, that did beget in them this Boldness. For if they had been pleased to take the advice of their learned Counsel: their Canonists would have told them touching Confession, (which is one of their points;) that it were better to hold, that it was ordained by a certain tradition of the universal Church, then by the authority of the New or Old Testament. Melchior Cano could have put them in mind, that it is nowhere expressed in Scripture, that Christ descended into Hell, to deliver the souls of Adam, and the rest of the Fathers which were detained there. And Dominicus Banns, that the holy Scriptures teach, neither express, nor yet impress & involute, that prayers are to be made unto Saints, or that their Images are to be worshipped. Or, if the testimony of a lesuite will more prevail with them: that Images should be worshipped, Saints prayed unto, Auricular Confession frequented, Sacrifices celebrated both for the quick and the dead, and other things of this kind ; Fr. Coster would have to be reckoned among divine Traditions, which be not laid down in the Scriptures.
Howsoever yet the matter standeth, we have no reason but willingly to accept of their challenge: and to require them to bring forth those good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, for confirmation of all the articles by them propounded: as also to let them see, whether we be able to allege any Text of Scripture, which condemneth any of those points. Although I must confess it will be a hard matter, to make them see anything, which before hand have resolved to close their eyes; having their minds so preoccupied with prejudice, that they profess before ever we begin, they hold for certain that we shall never be able to produce any such Text. And why, think you? because, forsooth, we are neither more learned, more pious, nor more holy, then the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome. As who should say, we yielded at the first word, that all those blessed Doctors and Martyrs expounded the Scriptures everywhere to our disadvantage: or were so well persuaded of the tenderness of a Jesuits conscience, that because he hath taken an oath never to interpret the Scripture, but according to the uniform consent of the Fathers, he could not therefore have the forehead to say: I do not deny, that I have no author of this interpretation: yet do I so much the rather approve it, then that other of Augustine's, though the most probable of all the rest; because it is more contrary to the sense of the Calvinists: which to me is a great argument of probability. Or as if lastly a man might not dissent from the ancient Doctors, so much as in an exposition of a Text of Scripture, but he must presently make himself more learned, more pious, and more holy, then they were.
Yet their great Tostatus might have taught them, that this argument holdeth not: Such a one knoweth some conclusion, that Augustine did not know; therefore he is wiser then Augustine. Because, as a certain skillful Physician said, the men of our time being compared with the ancient, are like unto a little man set upon a Giants neck, compared with the Giant himself. For as that little man placed there, seeth whatsoever the Giant seeth, and somewhat more; and yet if he be taken down from the Giants neck, would see little or nothing in comparison of the Giant: even so we being settled upon the wits and works of the ancient, it were not to be wondered, nay it should be very agreeable unto reason, that we should see whatsoever they saw, and somewhat more. Though yet (saith he) we do not profess so much. And even to the same effect speaketh Friar Stella: that though it be far from him to condemn the common exposition given by the ancient holy Doctors; yet he knoweth full well, that Pygmeis being put upon Giants shoulders, do see further then the Giants themselves. Salmeron addeth, that by the increase of time, divine mysteries have been made known, which before were hid from many: so that to know them now, is to be attributed unto the benefit of the time, not that we are better then our Fathers were. Bishop Fisher, that it cannot be obscure unto any, that many things, as well in the Gospels as in the rest of the Scriptures, are now more exquisitely discussed by latter wits, and more clearly understood, then they have been heretofore. Either by reason that the ice was not as yet broken unto the ancient, neither did their age suffice to weigh exactly that whole sea of the Scriptures: or because in this most large field of the Scriptures, even after the most diligent reapers, some ears will remain to be gathered, as yet untouched. Hereupon Cardinal Cajetan, in the beginning of his Commentaries upon Moses, adviseth his Reader, not to loath the new sense of the holy Scripture for this, that it dissenteth from the ancient Doctors: but to search more exactly the text and context of the Scripture; and if he find it agree, to praise God, that hath not tied the exposition of the Scriptures to the senses of the ancient Doctors.
But leaving comparisons, which, you know, are odious (the envy whereof notwithstanding your own Doctors and Masters, you see, help us to bear off, and teach us how to decline:) I now come to the examination of the particular points by you propounded. It should indeed be your part by right, to be the Assailant, who first did make the Challenge: and I, who sustain the person of the Defendant, might here well stay, accepting only your challenge, & expecting your encounter. Yet do not I mean at this time to answer your Bill of Challenge as Bills are usually answered in the Chancery, with saving all advantages to the Defendant: I am content in this also to abridge myself of the liberty w ch I might lawfully take, & make a further demonstration of my forwardness in undertaking the maintenance of so good a cause, by giving the first onset myself.
OF TRADITIONS.
TO begin therefore with Traditions, which is your forlorn Hope that in the first place we are to set upon: this must I needs tell you before we begin, that you much mistake the matter, if you think that Traditions of all sorts promiscuously are struck at by our Religion. We willingly acknowledge, that the word of God which by some of the Apostles was set down in writing, was both by themselves, and others of their fellow-laborers, delivered by word of mouth: and that the Church in succeeding ages was bound not only to preserve those sacred writings committed to her trust, but also to deliver unto her children vivâ voice the form of wholesome words contained therein. Traditions therefore of this nature, come not within the compass of our controversy: the question being betwixt us de ipsâ doctrinâ traditâ, not de tradendi modo ; touching the substance of the doctrine delivered, not of the manner of delivering it. Again, it must be remembered that here we speak of doctrine delivered as the word of God, that is, of points of religion revealed unto the Prophets and Apostles, for the perpetual information of God's people: not of rites and ceremonies, and other ordinances which are left to the disposition of the Church, and consequently be not of divine but of positive and human right. Traditions therefore of this kind likewise are not properly brought within the circuit of this question.
But that Traditions of men should be obtruded unto us for articles of Religion, and admitted for parts of God's worship; or that any Traditions should be accepted for parcels of God's word, beside the holy Scriptures, and such doctrines as are either expressly therein contained, or by sound inference may be deduced from thence: I think we have reason to gainsay. As long as for the first we have this direct sentence from God himself; Matth. 15. In vain do they worship me, teaching for doctrines, the Commandments of men. And for the second, the express warrant of the Apostle, 2. Tim. 3. testifying of the holy Scriptures, not only that they are able to make us wise unto salvation (which they should not be able to do, if they did not contain all things necessary to salvation) but also that by them the man of God (that is, the minister of God's word, unto whom it appertaineth to declare all the counsel of God ) may be perfectly instructed to every good work: which could not be, if the Scriptures did not contain all the counsel of God which was fit for him to learn, or if there were any other word of God which he were bound to teach, that should not be contained within the limits of the Book of God.
Now whether herein we disagree from the doctrine generally received by the Fathers: we refer ourselves to their own sayings. For Ritual Traditions unwritten, and for doctrinal Traditions written indeed, but preserved also by the continual preaching of the Pastors of the Church successively; we find no man a more earnest advocate then Tertullian. Yet he, having to deal with Hermogenes the heretic in a question concerning the faith, (whether all things at the beginning were made of nothing?) presseth him in this manner, with the argument ab authoritate negative ; for avoiding whereof, the Papists are driven to fly for succor to their unwritten verities. Whether all things were made of any subject matter, I have as yet read nowhere. Let those of Hermogenes his shop show that it is written. If it be not written, let them fear that Woe which is allotted to such as add or take away.
In the two Testaments, saith Origen, every word that appertaineth to God may be required and discussed; and all knowledge of things out of them may be understood. But if anything do remain, which the holy Scripture doth not determine; no other third Scripture ought to be received for to authorize any knowledge: but that which remaineth we must commit to the fire, that is, we must reserve it to God. For in this present world God would not have us to know all things.
Hippolytus the Martyr, in his Homily against the Heresy of Noëtus. There is one God, whom we do not otherwise acknowledge (brethren) but out of the holy Scriptures. For as he that would profess the wisdom of this world, cannot otherwise attain hereunto, unless he read the doctrine of the Philosophers: so whosoever of us will exercise piety toward God, cannot learn this elsewhere, but out of the holy Scriptures. Whatsoever therefore the holy Scriptures do preach, that let us know; and whatsoever they teach, that let us understand.
Athanasius, in his Oration against the Gentiles, toward the beginning: The holy Scriptures given by inspiration of God, are of themselves sufficient to the discovery of truth.
S. Ambrose: The things which we find not in the Scriptures, how can we use them? And again: I read that he is the first, I read that he is not the second; they who say he is the second, let them show it by reading.
It is well, saith S. Hilary, that thou art content with those things which be written. And in another place, he commendeth Constantius the Emperor, for desiring the faith to be ordered only according to those things that be written.
S. Basil: Believe those things which are written; the things which are not written seek not. It is a manifest falling from the faith, and an argument of arrogancy, either to reject any point of those things that are written, or to bring in any of those things that are not written. He teacheth further, that every word and action ought to be confirmed by the testimony of the holy Scripture, for confirmation of the faith of the good, and the confusion of the evil ▪ and that it is the property of a faithful man, to be fully persuaded of the truth of those things that are delivered in the holy Scripture, and not to dare either to reject or to add anything thereunto. For if whatsoever is not of faith be sin, as the Apostle saith, and faith is by hearing, and hearing by the word of God: then whatsoever is without the holy Scripture, being not of faith, must needs be sin. Thus far S. Basil.
In like manner Gregory Nyssene, S. Basils brother, layeth this for a ground, which no man should contradict ; that in that only the truth must be acknowledged, wherein the seal of the Scripture testimony is to be seen. And accordingly in another book (attributed also unto him) we find this conclusion made: Forasmuch as this is upholden with no testimony of the Scripture, as false we will reject it.
Thus also S. Jerome disputeth against Helvidius · As we deny not those things that are written; so we refuse those things that are not written. That God was borne of a Virgin we believe, because we read it: that Mary did marry after she was delivered, we believe not, because we read it not.
In those things, saith S. Augustine, which are laid down plainly in the Scriptures, all those things are found which appertain to faith and direction of life. And again: Whatsoever ye hear from the holy Scriptures, let that savor well unto you; whatsoever is without them, refuse, lest you wander in a cloud. And in another place: All those things which in times past our ancestors have mentioned to be done toward mankind, and have delivered unto us; all those things also which we see, and do deliver unto our posterity, so far as they appertain to the seeking and maintaining of true Religion, the holy Scripture hath not passed in silence.
The holy Scripture, saith S. Cyril of Alexandria, is sufficient to make them which are brought up in it wise, and most approved, and furnished with most sufficient understanding. And again: That which the holy Scripture hath not said, by what means should we receive, and account it among those things that be true?
Lastly, in the writings of Theodoret we meet with these kind of speeches. By the holy Scripture alone am I persuaded. I am not so bold, as to affirm anything which the sacred Scripture passeth in silence. It is an idle and a senseless thing, to seek those things that are passed in silence. We ought not to seek those things which are passed in silence; but rest in the things that are written.
By the verdict of these twelve men, you may judge, what opinion was held in those ancient times of such Traditions as did cross, either the verity or the perfection of the sacred Scripture: which are the Traditions we set ourselves against. If now it be demanded, in what Popes days the contrary doctrine was brought in among Christians: I answer, that if S. Peter were ever Pope, in his days it was, that some seducers first labored to bring in Will-worship into the Church; against whom S. Paul opposing himself, Coloss. 2. counteth it a sufficient argument to condemn all such inventions, that they were the commandments and doctrines of men. Shortly after them, started up other Heretics, who taught, that the truth could not be found out of the Scriptures by those to whom Tradition was unknowen. forasmuch as it was not delivered by writing, but by word of mouth: for which cause S. Paul also should say; We speak wisdom among them that be perfect.
The very same Text do the Jesuits allege, to prove the dignity of many mysteries to be such, that they require silence; and that it is unmeet they should be opened in the Scriptures, which are read to the whole world, and therefore can only be learned by unwritten Traditions. Wherein they consider not, how they make so near an approach unto the confines of some of the ancientest Heretics, that they may well shake hands together. For howsoever some of them were so mad as to say, that they were wiser then the Apostles themselves; and therefore made light account of the doctrine which they delivered unto the Church, either by writing or by word of mouth: yet all of them broke not forth into that open impiety; the same mystery of iniquity wrought in some of Antichrists fore-runners then, which is discovered in his ministers now. They confessed indeed (as witnesseth Tertullian) that the Apostles were ignorant of nothing, and differed not among themselves in their preaching: but they say, they revealed not all things unto all men; some things they delivered openly and to all, some things secretly and to a few. because that Paul useth this speech unto Timothy: O Timothy, keep that which is committed to thy trust. And again; That good thing which was committed unto thee, keep. Which very Texts the Jesuits likewise bring in, to prove, that there are some Traditions, which are not contained in the Scripture.
In the days of S. Jerome also, this was wont to be the saying of Heretics: We are the sons of the wise men, which from the beginning have delivered the doctrine of the Apostles unto us. But those things (saith that Father) which they of themselves find out and fain to have received as it were by Tradition from the Apostles, without the authority and testimonies of the Scriptures, the sword of God doth smite. S. Chrysostom in like manner giveth this for a mark of Antichrist, and of all spiritual thieves: that they come not in by the door of the Scriptures. For the Scripture (saith he) like unto a sure door, doth bar an entrance unto Heretics, safeguarding us in all things that we will, and not suffering us to be deceived. Whereupon he concludeth, that who so useth not the Scriptures, but cometh in otherwise, that is, betaketh himself to another and an unlawful way, he is a thief.
How this mystery of iniquity wrought when Antichrist came unto his full growth, and what experiments his followers gave of their thievish entry in this kind, was well observed by the author of the book De unitate Ecclesiae (thought by some to be Waltram Bishop of Naumburg:) who speaking of the Monks that for the upholding of Pope Hildebrands faction, brought in schisms and heresies into the Church, noteth this specially of them; that despising the tradition of God, they desired other doctrines, and brought in maisteries of human institution. Against whom he alledgeth the authority of their own S. Benedict, the father of the Monks in the West; writing thus: The Abbot ought to teach, or ordain, or command nothing, which is without the precept of the Lord: but his commandment or instruction should be spread as the leaven of divine righteousness in the minds of his Disciples. Whereunto also he might have added the testimony of the two famous Fathers of Monastical discipline in the East: S. Antony I mean, who taught his Scholars that the Scriptures were sufficient for doctrine ; and S. Basil, who unto the question, Whether it were expedient that novices should presently learn those things that are in the Scripture? returneth this answer: It is fit and necessary, that everyone should learn out of the holy Scripture that which is for his use; both for his full settlement in godliness, and that he may not be accustomed unto human traditions.
Mark here the difference betwixt the Monks of Saint Basil, and Pope Hildebrands breeding. The Novices of the former were trained in the Scriptures, to the end they might not be accustomed unto human traditions: those of the latter, to the clean contrary intent, were kept back from the study of the Scriptures, that they might be accustomed unto human traditions. For this, by the foresaid author, is expressly noted of those Hildebrandine Monks, that they permitted not young men in their Monasteries to study this saving knowledge: to the end that their rude wit might be nourished with the husks of devils, which are the customs of human traditions; that being accustomed to such filth, they might not taste how sweet the Lord was. And even thus in the times following, from Monks to Friars, and from them to secular Priests and Prelates, as it were by tradition from hand to hand, the like ungodly policy was continued, of keeping the common people from the knowledge of the Scriptures; as for other reasons, so likewise that by this means they might be drawn to human traditions. Which was not only observed by Erasmus, before ever Luther stirred against the Pope: but openly in a manner confessed afterwards by a bitter adversary of his, Petrus Sutor, a Carthusian Monk; who, among other inconveniences for which he would have the people debarred from reading the Scripture, alledgeth this also for one. Whereas many things are openly taught to be observed, which are not to be expressly had in the holy Scriptures: will not the simple people, observing these things, quickly murmur, and complain that so great burdens should be imposed upon them, whereby the liberty of the Gospel is so greatly impaired? Will not they also easily be drawn away from the observation of the ordinances of the Church, when they shall observe that they are not contained in the Law of Christ?
Having thus therefore discovered unto these Deuterotae (for so S. Jerome useth to style such Tradition-mongers) both their grandfathers, and their more immediate progenitors: I pass now forward unto the second point.
OF THE REAL PRESENCE.
HOw far the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament, is allowed or disallowed by us, I have at large declared in an other place. The sum is this: That in the receiving of the blessed Sacrament, we are to distinguish between the outward and the inward action of the Communicant. In the outward, with our bodily mouth we receive really the visible elements of Bread and Wine: in the inward, we do by faith really receive the body and blood of our Lord, that is to say, we are truly and indeed made partakers of Christ crucified, to the spiritual strengthening of our inward man. They of the adverse part have made such a confusion of these things, that for the first, they do utterly deny, that after the words of consecration there remaineth any Bread or Wine at all to be received: and for the second, do affirm, that the body and blood of Christ is in such a manner present, under the outward shows of bread and wine, that whosoever receiveth the one (be he good or bad, believer or unbeliever) doth therewith really receive the other. We are therefore here put to prove, that Bread is bread, and Wine is wine: a matter (one would think) that easily might be determined by common sense. That which you see (saith S. Augustine) is the Bread and the Cup: which your very eyes do declare unto you. But because we have to deal with men, that will needs herein be senseless; we will for this time refer them to Tertullian's discourse of the five senses, (wishing they may be restored to the use of their five wits again:) and ponder the testimonies of our Savior Christ, in the sixth of John, and in the words of the Institution, which they oppose against all sense, but in the end shall find to be as opposit to this fantastical conceit of theirs, as anything can be.
Touching our Savior's speech, of the eating of his flesh, and the drinking of his blood, in the sixth of John ; these five things specially may be observed. First, that the question betwixt our Adversaries & us, being not, Whether Christ's body be turned into bread, but whether bread be turned into Christ's body; the words in S. John, if they be pressed literally, serve more strongly to prove the former, then the latter. Secondly, that this Sermon was uttered by our Savior, above a year before the celebration of his last Supper, wherein the Sacrament of his body and blood was instituted: at which time none of his hearers could possibly have understood him to have spoken of the external eating of him in the Sacrament. Thirdly, that by the eating of the flesh of Christ, and the drinking of his blood, there, is not here meant an external eating or drinking with the mouth and throat of the body, (as the Jews then, and the Romanists far more grossly then they, have since imagined:) but an internal and a spiritual, effected by a lively faith and the quickening spirit of Christ in the soul of the believer. For there is a spiritual mouth of the inner man, (as S. Basil noteth) wherewith he is nourished that is made partaker of the Word of life, which is the bread that cometh down from heaven. Fourthly, that this spiritual feeding upon the body and blood of Christ, is not to be found in the Sacrament only, but also out of the Sacrament. Fifthly, that the eating of the flesh, and the drinking of the b • ood here mentioned, is of such excellent virtue, that the receiver is thereby made to remain in Christ, and Christ in him, and by that means certainly freed from d • ath, and assured of everlasting life. Which seeing it cannot be verified of the eating of the Sacrament (whereof both the godly & the wicked are partakers:) it proveth, not only that our Savior did not here speak of the Sacramental eating; but further also, that the thing which is delivered in the external part of the Sacrament, cannot be conceived to be really, but sacramentally only, the flesh and blood of Christ.
The first of these may be plainly seen in the Text: where our Savior doth not only say, I am the bread of life, verse. 48. and, I am the living bread that came down from heaven, verse. 51. but addeth also in the 55. verse. For my flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink indeed. Which words being the most forcible of all the rest, & those wherewith the simpler sort are commonly most deluded, might carry some show of proof, that Christ's flesh & blood should be turned into bread & wine; but have no manner of color to prove, that bread and wine are turned into the flesh and blood of Christ. The truth of the second, appeareth by the four • h verse: in which we find, that this fell out not long before the Passover ; and consequently, a year at least before that last Passover, wherein our Savior instituted the Sacrament of his Supper. We willingly indeed do acknowledge, that that which is inwardly presented in the Lord's Supper, and spiritually received by the soul of the faithful, is that very thing which is treated of in the sixth of John: but we deny that it was our Savior's intention in this place, to speak of that which is externally delivered in the Sacrament, and orally received by the Communicant. And for our warrant herein, we need look no further then to that earnest asseveration of our Savior in the 53. verse: Verily, verily I say unto you; Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye have no life in you. Wherein there is not only an obligation laid upon them for doing of this, (which in no likelihood could be intended of the external eating of the Sacrament, that was not as yet in being:) but also an absolute necessity imposed, non praecepti solùm ration, sed etiā medij. Now to hold, that all they are excluded from life, which have not had the means to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper: is as untrue, as it is uncharitable. And therefore many of the Papists themselves, as Biel, Cusanus, Cajelan, Tapper, Hessels, Jansen, and others, confess, that our Savior in the sixth of John did not properly treat of the Sacrament.
The third of the points proposed, may be collected out of the first part of Christ's speech, in the 35. and 36. verses. I am the bread of life: he that cometh to me, shall never hunger; and he that believeth on me, shall never thirst. But I said unto you, that ye also have seen me, and believe not. But especially, out of the last, from the 61. verse forward. When Jesus knew in himself that his Disciples murmured at it, he said unto them; Doeth this offend you? What then if you should see the Son of man ascend up where he was before? It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing: the words that I speak unto you are spirit and life. But there are some of you that believe not. Which words Athanasius (or whosoever was the author of the Tractate upon that place; Quicunque dixerit verbum in filium homi • is ) noteth our Savior to have used; that his hearers might learn, that those things which he spake, were not carnal but spiritual. For how many could his body have sufficed for meat, that it should be made the food of the whole world? But therefore it was that he made mention of the Son of man's ascension into heaven, that he might draw them from this corporal conceit; and that hereafter they might learn, that the flesh which he spake of, was celestial meat from above, and spiritual nourishment to be given by him. For the words which I have spoken unto you (saith he) are spirit and life. So likewise Tertullian: Although he saith that the flesh profiteth nothing, the meaning of the speech must be directed according to the intent of the matter in hand. For, because they thought it to be a hard and an intolerable speech, as if he had determined that his flesh should be truly eaten by them: that he might dispose the state of salvation by the spirit, he premised; It is the spirit that quíckneth. and so subjoined; The flesh profiteth nothing, namely to quicken. &c. And because the Word was made flesh, it therefore was to be desired for causing of life, and to be devoured by hearing, and to be chewed by understanding, and to be digested by faith. For a little before he had also affirmed that his flesh was heavenly bread: urging still by the Allegory of necessary food, the remembrance of the fathers, who preferred the bread and the flesh of the Egyptians before God's calling. Add hereunto the sentence of Origen: There is in the New Testament also a letter which killeth him that doth not spiritually conceive the things that be spoken. For if according to the letter you do follow this same which is said; Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood: this letter killeth. And those sayings which everywhere occur in S. Augustine's Tractates upon John: How shall I send up my hand unto heaven, to take hold on Christ sitting there? Send thy faith, and thou hast hold of him! Why preparest thou thy teeth and thy belly? Bele • ve, and thou hast eaten. For this is to eat the living bread, to believe in him. He that believeth in him, eateth. He is invisibly fedd, because he is invisibly regenerated. He is inwardly a b • be, inwardly renewed: where he is renewed, there is he nourished.
The fourth proposition doth necessarily follow upon the third. For if the eating and drinking here spoken of, be not an external eating and drinking, but an inward participation of Christ, by the communion of his quickening spirit: it is evident, that this blessing is to be found in the soul, not only in the use of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, but at other times also. It is no ways to be doubted by any one (saith S. Augustine) that everyone of the faithful is made partaker of the body and blood of our Lord, when he is made a member of Christ in Baptism: and that he is not estranged from the communion of that bread and cup, although before he eat that bread, and drink that cup, he depart out of this world, being settled in the unity of the body of Christ. For he is not deprived of the participation and the benefit of that Sacrament, when he hath found that which this Sacrament doth signify. And hereupon we see, that diverse of the Fathers do apply the sixth of John, to the hearing of the Word also: as, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius Caesareensis, and others. We are said to drink the blood of Christ (saith Origen) not only by way of the Sacraments, but also when we receive his word, wherein consisteth life. even as he himself saith· The words which I have spoken, are spirit and life. Upon which words of Christ, Eusebius paraphraseth after this manner: Do not think that I speak of that flesh wherewith I am compassed, as if you must eat of that; neither imagine that I command you to drink my sensible and bodily blood: but understand well, that the words which I have spoken unto you, are spirit and life. So that those very words and speeches of his, are his flesh and blood; whereof who is partaker, being always therewith nourished as it were with heavenly bread, shall likewise be made partaker of heavenly life. Therefore let not that offend you, saith he, which I have spoken of the eating of my flesh and of the drinking of my blood; neither let the superficial hearing of those things which were said by me of flesh and blood, trouble you. For these things sensibly heard, profit nothing: but the spirit is it, which quickeneth them that are able to hear spiritually. Thus far Eusebius: whose words I have laid down the more largely, because they are not vulgar.
There remaineth the fifth and last point: which is oftentimes repeated by our Savior in this Sermon. as in the 50. verse: This is the bread which cometh down from heaven, that a man may eat thereof, and not die, and in the 51: If any man eat of this bread, he shall live forever. and in the 54: Who so eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath eternal life. and in the 56: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. and in the 58: This is that bread which came down from heaven: not as your fathers did eat Manna, and are dead: he that eateth of this bread, shall live forever. Whereupon Origen rightly observeth the difference that is betwixt the eating of the typical or symbolical (for so he calleth the Sacrament) and the true body of Christ. Of the former, thus he writeth: That which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, doth not of it own • nature, sanctify him that useth it. For if that were so, it would sanctify him also which doth eat unworthy of the Lord: neither should any one for this eating be weak, or sick, or dead. For such a thing doth Paul show, when he saith: For this cause many are weak and sickly among you, and many sleep. Of the latter, thus: Many things may be spoken of the Word it self, which was made flesh, and true meat; which whosoever eateth, shall certainly live forever: which no evil person can eat. For if it could be, that he who continueth evil, might eat the Word made flesh (seeing he is the word and the bread of life) it should not have been written: Whosoever eateth this bread, shall live forever. The like difference doth S. Augustine, also upon the same ground, make betwixt the eating of Christ's body sacramentally and really. For having affirmed, that wicked men may not be said to eat the body of Christ, because they are not to be counted among the members of Christ: he afterward addeth. Christ himself saying, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, remaineth in me, and I in him, showeth what it is, not sacramentally but indeed, to eat the flesh of Christ and drink his blood: for this is, to remain in Christ, that Christ likewise may remain in him. For he said this, as if he should have said: He that remaineth not in me, and in whom I do not remain; let not him say or think, that he eateth my flesh or drinketh my blood. And in another place, expounding those words of Christ here alleged; he thereupon inferreth thus: This is therefore to eat that meat, and drink that drink; to remain in Christ, and to have Christ remaining in him. And by this, he that remaineth not in Christ, and in whom Christ abideth not, without doubt doth neither spiritually eat his flesh, nor drink his blood: although he do carnally and visibly press with his teeth the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ; and so rather eateth and drinketh the Sacrament of so great a thing for judgment to himself, because that being unclean he did presume to come unto the Sacraments of Christ.
Hence it is that we find so often in him, and in other of the Fathers, that the body and blood of Christ is communicated only unto those that shall live, and not unto those that shall die forever. He is the bread of life. He therefore that eateth life, cannot die. For how should he die, whose meat is life? how should he fail, who hath a vital substance? saith S. Ambrose. And it is a good note of Macarius: that, as men use to give one kind of meat to their servants, and another to their children; so Christ who created all things, nourisheth indeed evil and ungrateful persons: but the sons which he begat of his own seed, and whom he made partakers of his grace, in whom the Lord is formed, he nourisheth with a peculiar refection and food, and meat and drink, beyond other men; giving himself unto them, that have their conversation with his Father. as the Lord himself saith: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, remaineth in me, and I in him, and shall not see death. Among the sentences collected by Prosper out of S. Augustine, this also is one. He receiveth the meat of life, and drinketh the cup of eternity, who remaineth in Christ, and whose inhabiter is Christ. For he that is at discord with Christ, doth neither eat his flesh nor drink his blood: although, to the judgment of his presumption, he indifferently doth receive every day the sacrament of so great a thing. Which distinction between the Sacrament and the thing whereof it is a sacrament, (and consequently between the sacramental and the real eating of the body of Christ,) is thus briefly and most excellently expressed by S. Augustine himself, in his exposition upon the sixth of John. The sacrament of this thing, is taken from the Lord's Table; by some unto life, by some unto destruction: but the thing it self whereof it is a sacrament, is received by every man unto life, and by none unto destruction, that is made partaker thereof. Our conclusion therefore is this:
The body and blood of Christ, is received by all unto life, and by none unto condemnation.
But that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament, is not received by all unto life, but by many unto condemnation.
Therefore that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament, is not really the body and blood of Christ.
The like are we now to show in the words of the Institution. For the better clearing whereof, the Reader may be pleased to consider, first, that the words are not; This shall be my body: nor, This is made, or, shall be changed into my body: but, This Is my body. Secondly, that the word THIS, can have relation to no other substance, but that which was then present, when our Savior spake that word; which (as we shall make it plainly appear) was Bread. Thirdly, that it being proved that the word This, doth demonstrate the Bread; it must of necessity follow, that Christ affirming that to be his BODY, cannot be conceived to have meant it so to be properly, but relatively and sacramentally.
The first of these, is by both sides yielded unto: so likewise is the third. For this is impossible, saith the Gloss upon Gratian, that bread should be the body of Christ. And it cannot be, saith Cardinal Bellarmine, that that proposition should be true, the former part whereof designeth Bread, the latter the Body of Christ: for as much as Bread and the Lord's Body be things most adverse. And therefore he confidently affirmeth, that if the words, This is my body, did make this sense, This bread is my body: this sentence must either be taken tropically, that bread may be the body of Christ significatively; or else it is plainly absurd & impossible for it cannot be, saith he, that bread should be the body of Christ. Doctor Kellison also in like manner doeth freely acknowledge, that If Christ had said, This bread is my body; we must have understood him figuratively and metaphorically. So that the whole matter of difference resteth now upon the second point: whether our Savior, when he said This is my body, meant anything to be his Body, but that Bread which was before him. A matter which easily might be determined, in any indifferent man's judgment, by the words immedia • lie going before. He took bread, and gave thanks, and brake, and gave it unto them, saying: This is my body which is given for you; this do in remembrance of me. (Luk. 22.19.) For what did he demonstrate here, and said was his Body, but that which he gave unto his Disciples? What did he give unto them, but what he brake? What brake he, but what he took? and doth not the Text expressly say, that he took bread? Was it not therefore of the Bread, he said; This is my Body? And could Bread possibly be otherwise understood to have been his Body, but as a Sacrament, and (as he himself with the same breath declared his own meaning) a memorial thereof?
If these words be not of themselves clear enough, but have need of further exposition: can we look for a better, then that which S. Paul giveth of them, 1. Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? Did not S. Paul therefore so understand Christ, as if he had said; This bread is my body? And if Christ had said so; doth not Kellison confess, and right reason evince, that he must have been understood figuratively? considering that it is simply impossible, that Bread should really be the Body of Christ. If it be said, that S. Paul by Bread, doth not here understand that which is properly Bread, but that which lately was bread (but now is become the body of Christ:) we must remember, that S. Paul doth not only say The bread, but The bread which we break. which breaking, being an accident properly belonging to the bread it self, and not to the body of Christ (which being in glory, cannot be subject to anymore breaking) doth evidently show, that the Apostle by Bread understandeth Bread indeed. Neither can the Romanists well deny this, unless they will deny themselves, and confess that they did but dream all this while they have imagined that the change of the bread into the body of Christ, is made by virtue of the sacramental words alone, which have not their effect until they have all been fully uttered. For the Pronoun THIS, which is the first of these words, doth point to something w ch was then present. But no substance was then present but bread: seeing by their own grounds, the body of Christ cometh not in, until the last word of that sentence, yea and the last syllable of that word, be completely pronounced. What other substance therefore can they make this to signify, but this bread only?
In the institution of the other part of the Sacrament, the words are yet more plain, Matth. 26. verse. 27.28. He took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, Drink ye all of it. For this is my blood of the New Testament: or, (as S. Paul and S. Luke relate it) This cup is the New Testament in my blood. That which he bidd them all drink of, is that which he said was his blood. But our Savior could mean nothing but the Wine, when he said, Drink ye all of it: because this sentence was uttered by him before the words of consecration, at which time our Adversaries themselves do confess, that there was nothing in the cup but wine, or wine and water at the most. It was wine therefore which he said was his blood: even the fruit of the Vine, as he himself termeth it. For as in the delivery of the other cup before the institution of the Sacrament, S. Luke (who alone maketh mention of that part of the history) telleth us, that he said unto his Disciples; I will not drink of the fruit of the Vine, until the kingdom of God shall come: so doth S Matthew and S. Mark likewise testify, that at the delivery of the Sacramental cup, when he had said, This is my blood of the New Testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins ; he also added: But I say unto you, I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the Vine, until that day that I drink it new with you in my Fathers kingdom. Now seeing it is contrary both to sense and saith, that Wine or the fruit of the Vine, should really be the blood of Christ; there being that formal difference in the nature of the things, that there is an utter impossibility that in true propriety of speech the one should be the other: nothing in this world is more plain, than when our Savior said it was his blood, he could not mean it to be so substantially, but sacramentally.
And what other interpretation can the Romanists themselves give of those words of the institution in S. Paul? This cup is the New Testament in my blood. How is the cup, or the thing contained in the cup, the New Testament, otherwise then as a Sacrament of it? Mark how in the like case the Lord himself, at the institution of the first Sacrament of the Old Testament, useth the same manner of speech, Genes. 17.10. This is my Covenant, or Testament (for the Greek word in both places is the same:) and in the words presently following, thus expoundeth his own meaning. It shall be a SIGNE of the Covenant betwixt me and you. And generally for all Sacraments, the rule is thus laid down by S. Augustine, in his Epistle to Boniface: If Sacraments did not some manner of way resemble the things whereof they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacraments at all. And for this resemblance they do of oftentimes also bear the names of the things themselves. As therefore the Sacrament of the body of Christ, is after a certain manner the body of Christ, and the sacrament of Christ's blood is the blood of Christ; so likewise the sacrament of faith, is faith. By the sacrament of faith he understandeth Baptism; of which he afterward alledgeth that saying of the Apostle, Rom. 6.4. We are buried with Christ by baptism into death: and then addeth. He saith not, We signify his burial; but he plainly saith, We are buried. Therefore the sacrament of so great a thing he would not otherwise call but by the name of the thing it self. And in his Questions upon Leviticus: The thing that signifieth (saith he) useth to be called by the name of that thing which it signifieth. as it is written: The seven ears of corn, are seven years; (for he said not; they signify seven years:) and the seven Kine are seven years: and many such like. Hence was that saying: The Rock was Christ. For he said not, The Rock did signify Christ; but as if it had been that very thing, which doubtless by substance it was not, but by signification. So also the blood, because for a certain vital corpulencie which it hath, it signifieth the soul; after the manner of Sacraments it is called the soul. Our argument therefore out of the words of the institution, standeth thus:
If it be true, that Christ called Bread his body, and Wine his blood: then must it be true also, that the things which be honored with those names, cannot be really his body & blood, but figuratively and sacramentally.
But the former is true. Therefore also the latter.
If I should now lay down here all the sentences of the Fathers, which teach that that which Christ called his Body, is Bread in substance, and the Body of the Lord in signification and sacramental relation: I should never make an end. Justin Martyr, in his second Apology to Antoninus the Emperor, telleth us, that the bread and the wine, even that sanctified food wherewith our blood and flesh by conversion are nourished, is that w ch we are taught to be the flesh and blood of Jesus incarnate. Irenaeus in his 4 th book against heresies, saith, that our Lord taking bread of that condition which is usual among us, confessed it to be his body: & the cup likewise containing that creature which is usual among us, his blood. And in his fifth book he addeth: That cup which is a creature, he confirmed to be his blood which was shed, whereby he increaseth our blood; and that bread which is of the creature, to be his body, whereby he increaseth our bodies. Therefore when the mixed cup and the broken bread doth receive the word of God, it is made the Eucharist of the blood and body of Christ, whereby the substance of our flesh is increased and doth consist. Our Lord, saith Clemens Alexandrinus, did bless wine, when he said; Take, drink, This is my blood, the blood of the Vine. Tertullian: Christ taking bread and distributing it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body. Origen: That meat which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as touching the material part thereof goeth into the belly, and is voided into the draught: but as touching the prayer which is added, according to the portion of faith it is made profitable; enlightening the mind, and making it to behold that which is profitable. Neither is it the matter of bread, but the word spoken over it, which profiteth him that doth not unworthily eat thereof. And these things I speak of the typical and symbolical body ; saith Origen. In the Dialogues against the Marcionites, collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus (who lived in the time of the Emperors Commodus and Severus) Origen, who is made the chief speaker therein, is brought in thus disputing against the Heretics: If Christ, as these men say, were without body and blood: of what kind of flesh, or of what body, or of what kind of blood did he give the bread and the cup to be Images of, when he commanded his Disciples by them to make a commemoration of him? S. Cyprian also noteth, that it was Wine, even the fruit of the Vine, which the Lord said was his blood: and that flour alone, or water alone, cannot be the body of our Lord, unless both be united and coupled together, and kneaded into the lump of one bread. And again; that the Lord calleth bread his body, which is made up by the uniting of many corns: and wine his blood, which is pressed out of many clusters of grapes, and gathered into one liquor. Which I find also word for word in a manner, transcribed in the Commentaries upon the Gospels, attributed unto Theophilus Bishop of Antioch. Whereby it appeareth, that in those elder times the words of the institution were no otherwise conceived, then as if Christ had plainly said; This bread is my body, and, This wine is my blood: which is the main thing that we strive for with our Adversaries; and for which the words themselves are plain enough. the substance whereof we find thus laid down in the Harmonie of the Gospels, gathered, as some say, by Tatianus, as others, by Ammonius, within the second or the third age after Christ. Having taken the bread, then afterward the cup of wine, and testified it to be his body and blood, he commanded them to eat and drink thereof; forasmuch as it was the memorial of his future passion and death.
To the Fathers of the first three hundred years, we will now adjoin the testimonies of those that flourished in the ages following. The first whereof shall be Eusebius: who saith that our Savior delivered to his Disciples the symbols of his divine dispensation, commanding them to make the Image of his own body ; and appointing them to use Bread for the symbol of his Body. and that we still celebrate upon the Lord's table, the memory of his sacrifice, by the symbols of his body and blood, according to the ordinances of the New Testament. Acacius, who succeeded him in his Bishopric, saith that the bread and wine sanctifieth them that feed upon that matter: acknowledging thereby, that the material part of those outward elements do still remain. In the Church, saith Macarius, is offered bread wine, the type of his flesh and blood: and they which are partakers of the visible bread, do spiritually eat the flesh of the Lord. Christ, saith S. Jerome, did not offer water, but wine, for the type of his blood. S. Augustine bringeth in our Savior thus speaking of this matter. You shall not eat this body which you see, nor drink that blood which they shall shed that will crucify me. I have commended a certain Sacrament unto you: that being spiritually understood will quicken you. The same Father in another place writeth, that Christ admitted Judas to that banquet, wherein he commended and delivered unto his Disciples the figure of his body and blood: but (as he elsewhere addeth) they did eat that bread which was the Lord himself; he the bread of the Lord against the Lord. Lastly: the Lord (saith he) did not doubt to say, This is my body; when he gave the sign of his body.
So the Author of the Homily upon the 22. Psalm, (among the works of Chrysostom:) This table he hath prepared for his servants and hand-maids in their sight: that he might every day, for a similitude of the body and blood of Christ, show unto us in a sacrament bread and wine after the order of Melchizedek. And S. Chrysostom himself, in his Epistle written to Caesarius, against the heresy of Apolinarius: As before the bread be sanctified, we call it bread; but when God's grace hath sanctified it by the means of the Priest, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is reputed worthy the name of the Lord's body, although the nature of the bread remain still in it; and it is not called two bodies, but one body of God's son: so likewise here, the divine nature residing in the body of Christ, these two make one son, and one person. In the self same manner also do Theodoret, Gelasius, and Ephraemius proceed against the Eutychian heretics. Theodoret for his part, layeth down these grounds. That our Savior in the delivery of the mysteries called bread his body, and that which was mixed (in the cup) his blood. That he changed the names; and gave to the body the name of the symbol or sign, and to the symbol the name of the body. That he honored the visible symbols with the name of his body and blood; not changing the nature, but adding grace to nature. And that this most holy food, is a symbol & type of those things whose names it beareth, to wit, of the body and blood of Christ. Gelasius writeth thus: The sacraments which we receive, of the body and blood of Christ, are a divine thing, by means whereof we are made partakers of the divine nature: and yet the substance or nature of bread and wine doth not cease to be. And indeed the image and the similitude of the body and blood of Christ are celebrated in the action of the mysteries. It appeareth therefore evidently enough unto us, that we are to hold the same opinion of the Lord Christ himself, which we profess, celebrate, and are, in his Image. that as (those Sacraments) by the operation of the holy Spirit, pass into this, that is, into the divine substance, and yet remain in the propriety of their own nature: so that principal mystery it self, whose force and virtue they truly represent, should be conceived to be. namely, to consist of two natures, divine and human; the one not abolishing the truth of the other. Lastly, Ephraemius the Patriarch of Antioch, having spoken of the distinction of these two natures in Christ, and said, that no man having understanding, could say, that there was the same nature of that which could be handled, and of that which could not be handled, of that which was visible, and of that which was invisible ; addeth. And even thus, the body of Christ which is received by the faithful, (the Sacrament he meaneth) doth neither depart from his sensible substance, and yet remaineth undivided from intelligible grace. and Baptism, being wholly made spiritual, and remaining one, doth both retain the property of his sensible substance, (of water, I mean) and yet looseth not that which it is made.
Thus have we produced evidences of all sorts, for confirmation of the doctrine by us professed touching the blessed Sacrament: which cannot but give sufficient satisfaction to all that with any indifferency will take the matter into their consideration. But the men with whom we have to deal, are so far fallen out with the truth; that neither sense nor reason, neither authority of Scriptures or of Fathers, can persuade them to be friends again with it: unless we show unto them, in what Popes days the contrary falsehood was first devised. If nothing else will give them content: we must put them in mind, that about the time wherein Soter was Bishop of Rome, there lived a cozening companion, called Marcus ; whose qualities are thus set out by an ancient Christian, who was famous in those days, though now his name be unknown unto us.
But there are three other tales of singular note; which though they may justly strive for winning of the Whetstone with any other, yet for their antiquity have gained credit above the rest: being devised, as it seemeth, much about the same time with that other of Plegilus, but having relation unto higher times. The first was had out of the English Legends too, as Johannes Diaconus reporteth it in the life of Gregory the first: of a Roman Matron, who found a piece of the sacramental bread turned into the fashion of a finger, all bloody, which afterwards, upon the prayers of S. Gregory, was converted to his former shape again. The other two were first coined by the Grecian liars, and from them conveyed unto the Latins, and registered in the book which they called Vitas patrum: which being commonly believed to have been collected by S. Jerome, and accustomed to be read ordinarily in every Monastery; gave occasion of further spread, and made much way for the progress of this mystery of iniquity. The former of these is not only related there, but also in the Legend of Simeon Metaphrastes, (which is such another author among the Grecians, as Jacobus de Voragine was among the Latins) in the life of Arsenius: how that a little child was seen upon the Altar, and an Angel cutting him into small piec • s with a knife, and receiving his blood into the Chalice, as long as the Priest was breaking the bread into little parts. The latter, is of a certain Jew, receiving the Sacrament at S. Basils hands, converted visibly into true flesh and blood: which is expressed by Cyrus Theodorus Prodromus, in this Tetrastich.
The thing which now I would have further observed, is only this; that, as that wretched heretic who first went about to persuade m • n by his lying wonders, that he really delivered wine unto them in the cup of the Eucharist, was censured for being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an Idol-maker · so in after ages, from the Idol-makers and Image-worshippers of the East it was, that this gross opinion of the oral eating and drinking of Christ in the Sacrament, drew it first breath; God having for their idolatry, justly given them up unto a reprobate mind, that they might receive that recompense of their error which was meet. The Popes name in whose days this fell out, was Gregory the second: the man's name who was the principal setter of it abroach, was John Damascene ; one that laid the foundation of School-divinity among the Greeks, as Peter Lombard afterwards did among the Latins. On the contrary side, they who opposed the Idolatry of those times, and more especially the CCCXXXVIII. Bishops assembled together at the Council of Constantinople, in the year 754. maintained, that Christ chose no other shape or type under heaven to represent his incarnation by, but the Sacrament; which he delivered to his ministers for a type and a most effectual commemoration thereof; commanding the substance of bread to be offered, which did not any way resemble the form of a man, that so no occasion might be given of bringing in Idolatry. which bread they affirmed to be the body of Christ, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, (as they themselves expound it) a holy and a true image of his natural flesh.
These assertions of theirs are to be found in the third Tome of the sixth Action of the second Council of Nice, assembled not long after for the reestablishing of Images in the Church. where a pratchant deacon, called Epiphanius, to cross that which those former Bishops had delivered, confidently avoucheth that none of the Apostles, nor of the Fathers, did ever call the Sacrament an image of the body of Christ. He confesseth indeed that some of the Fathers (as Eustathius expounding the Proverbs of Solomon, and S. Basil in his Liturgy) do call the bread and wine 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , correspondent types or figures, before they were consecrated: but after the consecration (saith he) they are called, and are, and believed to be the body and blood of Christ properly. where the Popes own followers, who of late published the Acts of the general Councils at Rome, were so far ashamed of the ignorance of this blind Bayard; that they correct his boldness with this marginal note. The holy gifts are oftentimes found to be called antitypes, or figures correspondent, after they be consecrated: as by Gregory Nazianz. in the funeral Oration upon his sister, and in his Apology; by Cyril of Jerusalem in his fifth Cateches. Mystagogic. and by others. And we have already heard, how the author of the Dialogues against the Marcionites, and after him Eusebius and Gelasius, expressly call the Sacrament an image of Christ's body: howsoever this peremptory Clerke denieth, that ever any did so. By all which it may easily appear, that, not the oppugners, but the defenders of Images, were the men who first went about herein to alter the language used by their forefathers.
Now as in the days of Gregory the third this matter was set afoot by Damascene in the East: so about a hundred years after, in the Papacie of Gregory the fourth, the same began to be propounded in the West, by means of one Amalarius, who was Bishop, not (as he is commonly taken to be) of Triers, but of Mets first, and afterwards of Lions. This man writing doubtfully of this point; otherwhiles followeth the doctrine of S. Augustine, that Sacraments were oftentimes called by the names of the things themselves, and so the Sacrament of Christ's body was secundùm quendam modum, after a certain manner the body of Christ: otherwhiles maketh it a part of his belief, that the simple nature of the bread and wine mixed, is turned into a reasonable nature, to wit, of the body and blood of Christ. But what should become of this body, after the eating thereof, was a matter that went beyond his little wit: and therefore, said he, when the body of Christ is taken with a good intention, it is not for me to dispute, whether it be invisibly taken up into heaven, or kept in our body until the day of our burial, or exhaled into the air, or whether it go out of the body with the blood, (at the opening of a vein) or be sent out by the mouth; our Lord saying, that everything which entereth into the mouth goeth into the belly, and is sent forth into the draught. For this, and another like foolerie de triformi & tripartito corpore Christi, of the three parts or kinds of Christ's body (which seem to be those ineptiae de tripartito Christi corpore, that Paschasius in the end of his Epistle entreateth Frudegardus not to follow:) he was censured in a Synod held at Carisiacum: wherein it was declared by the Bishops of France, that the bread and wine are spiritually made the body of Christ; which being a meat of the mind, and not of the belly, is not corrupted, but remaineth unto everlasting life.
These dotages of Amalarius, did not only give occasion to that question propounded by Heribaldus to Rabanus, whereof we have spoken heretofore; but also to that other of far greater consequence: Whether that which was externally delivered & received in the sacrament, were the very same body which was borne of the Virgin Mary, & suffered upon the Cr • sse, & rose again from the Grave. Paschasius Radbertus (a Deacon of those times, but somewhat of a better and more modest temper then the Greek Deacon shown himself to be of) held that it was the ve • ie same; and to that purpose wrote his book to Placidus, of the Body & Blood of our Lord: wherein (saith a Jesuit) he was the first that did so explicate the true sense of the Càtholick Church, (his own Roman he meaneth) that he opened the way to those many others, who wrote afterwards of the same argument. Rabanus on the other side, in a writing directed to Abbot Egilo, maintained the contrary doctrine: as hath before been noted. Then one Frudegardus, reading the third book of S. Augustine de doctrinâ Christianâ, and finding there, that the eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood of Christ was a figurative manner of speech, began somewhat to doubt of the truth of that which formerly he had read in that foresaid Treatise of Paschasius: which moved Paschasius to write again of the same argument, as of a question wherein he confesseth many were then doubtful. But neither by his first nor by his second writing was he able to take these doubts out of men's minds: and therefore Carolus Calvus the Emperor, being desirous to compose these differences, and to have unity settled among his subjects, required Ratrannus (a learned man of that time, who lived in the Monastery of Corbey, whereof Paschasius was Abbot) to deliver his judgment touching these points. Whether the body and blood of Christ which in the Church is received by the mouth of the faithful, be celebrated in a mystery or in the truth; and whether it be the same body, which was born of Mary, which did suffer, was dead and buried, & which rising again and ascending into heaven sitteth at the right hand of the Father? Whereunto he returneth this answer: that the bread and the wine are the body and blood of Christ figuratively ; that for the substance of the creatures, that which they were before consecration, the same are they also afterward ; that they are called the Lord's body and the Lord's blood, because they take the name of that thing, of which they are a sacrament ; & that there is a great difference betwixt the mystery of the blood and body of Christ, which is taken now by the faithful in the Church, and that which was borne of the Virgin Mary, which suffered, which was buried, which rose again, which sitteth at the right hand of the Father. All which he proveth at large, both by testimonies of the holy Scriptures, and by the sayings of the ancient Fathers. Wherupon Turrian the Jesuit is driven for pure need, to shift off the matter with this silly interrogation. To cite Bertram (so Ratrannus is more usually named) what is it else, but to say, that the heresy of Calvin is not new? As if these things were alleged by us for any other end, then to show, that this way which they call heresy is not new, but hath been trodden in long since, by such as in their times were accounted good and Catholic teachers in the Church. That since they have been esteemed otherwise, is an argument of the alteration of the times, and of the conversion of the state of things: which is the matter that now we are inquiring of, and which our Adversaries (in an evil hour to them) do so earnestly press us to discover.
The Emperor Charles, unto whom this answer of Ratrannus was directed, had then in his Court a famous country-man of ours, called Johannes Scotus: who wrote a book of the same argument, and to the same effect that the other had done. This man for his extraordinary learning, was in England (where he lived in great account with King Alfred ) surnamed John the wise: and had very lately a room in the Martyrologe of the Church of Rome, though now he be ejected thence. We find him indeed censured by the Church of Lions and others in that time, for certain opinions which he delivered touching God's foreknowledge and predestination before the beginning of the world, Mans freewill and the concurrence thereof with Grace in this present world, and the manner of the punishment of reprobate Men & Angels in the world to come: but we find not anywhere, that his book of the Sacrament was condemned, before the days of x Lanfranc ; who was the first that leavened that Church of England afterward with this corrupt doctrine of the carnal presence. Till then, this question of the real presence continued still in debate: and it was as free for any man to follow the doctrine of Ratrannus or Johannes Scotus therein, as that of Paschasius Radbertus, which since the time of Satan's loosing, obtained the upper hand. Men have often searched, and do yet often search, how bread that is gathered of corn; and through fires heat baked, may be turned to Christ's body; or how wine that is pressed out of many grapes is turned, through one blessing, to the Lord's blood: saith Aelfrick Abbot of Malmesburie, in his Saxon Homily, written about 650. years ago. His resolution is not only the same with that of Ratrannus, but also in many places directly translated out of him: as may appear by these passages following, compared with his Latin laid down in the margent.
The bread and the wine which by the Priests ministry is hallowed, show one thing without to men's senses, and another thing they call within to believing minds. Without they be seen bread & wine both in figure and in taste: and they be truly after their hallowing Christ's body and his blood by spiritual mystery. So the holy font water that is called the well-spring of life, is like in shape to other waters, and is subject to corruption: but the holy Ghosts might cometh to the corruptible water through the Priests blessing; and it may after wash the body and soul from all sin, by spiritual virtue. Behold now we see two things in this one creature: in true nature that water is corruptible moisture, and in spiritual mystery hath healing virtue. So also if we behold that holy housel after bodily sense, then see we that it is a creature corruptible and mutable. If we acknowledge therein spiritual virtue, then understand we that life is therein, and that it giveth immortality to them that eat it with belief. Much is betwixt the body Christ suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to housel. The body truly that Christ suffered in, was borne of the flesh of Mary, with blood and with bone, with skin and with sinews, in human limbs, with a reasonable soul living: and his spiritual body, which we call the housel, is gathered of many corns, without blood and bone, without lim, without soul; and therefore nothing is to be understood therein bodily, but spiri • ually. Whatsoever is in that housel, which giveth substance of life, that is spiritual virtue, and invisible doing. Certainly Christ's body which suffered death and rose from death, shall never die henceforth, but is eternal and unpassible. That housel is temporal, not eternal, corruptible & dealed into sundry parts, chewed between teeth and sent into the belly. This mystery is a pledge and a figure: Christ's body is truth it self. This pledge we do keep mystically, until that we be come to the truth it self; and then is this pledge ended. Christ hallowed bread and wine to housel before his suffering, and said: This is my body & my blood. Yet he had not then suffered: but so notwithstanding he turned through invisible virtue, the bread to his own body, and that wine to his blood: as he before did in the wilderness, before that he was borne to men, when he turned that heavenly meat to his flesh, and the flowing water from that stone to his own blood. Moses and Aaron, and many other of that people which pleased God, did eat that heavenly bread, and they died not the everlasting death, though they died the common. They saw that the heavenly meat was visible and corruptible: and they spiritually understood by that visible thing, and spiritually received it.
This Homily was appointed publicly to be read to the people in England, on Easter day, before they did receive the communion. The like matter also was delivered to the Clergy by the Bishops at their Synods; out of two other writings of the same Aelfrick: in the one whereof, directed to Wulfsine Bishop of Shyrburne, we read thus. That housel is Christ's body, not bodily but spiritually. Not the body which he suffered in, but the body of which he spake, when he blessed bread and wine to housel the night before his suffering; and said by the blessed bread, This is my body: and again by the holy wine, This is my blood which is shed for many in forgiveness of sins. In the other, written to Wulfstane Archbishop of York, thus. The Lord which hallowed housel before his suffering, and saith that the bread was his own body, and that the wine was truly his blood; halloweth daily by the hands of the Priest, bread to his body and wine to his blood in spiritual mystery, as we read in books. And yet notwithstanding that lively bread is not bodily so, nor the self same body that Christ suffered in: nor that holy wine is the Savior's blood which was shed for us, in bodily thing, but in spiritual understanding. Both be truly, that bread his body, and that wine also his blood, as was the heavenly bread, which we call Manna, that fed forty years God's people; and the clear water, which did then run from the stone in the wilderness, was truly his blood: as Paul wrote in one of his Epistles.
Thus was Priest and people taught to believe, in the Church of England, toward the end of the tenth, and the beginning of the eleventh age after the Incarnation of our Savior Christ. And therefore it is not to be wondered, that when Berengarius shortly after stood to maintain this doctrine, many both by word and writing disputed for him: and not only the English, but also all the French almost & the Italians (as Matthew of Westminster reporteth) were so ready to entertain that which he delivered. Who though they were so borne down by the power of the Pope (who now was grown to his height) that they durst not make open profession of that which they believed: yet many continued, even there where Satan had his throne, who privately employed both their tongues and their penns in defense of the truth; as out of Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, Rupertus Tuitiensis, and others I have elsewhere shown. Until at length, in the year 1215. Pope Innocent the third, in the Council of Lateran, published it to the Church for an oracle: that the body and blood of Jesus Christ are truly contained under the forms • f bread and wine; the bread being transubstantiated into the body, and the wine into the blood, by the power of God. And so are we now come to the end of this controversy: the original and progress whereof I have prosecuted the more at large, because it is of greatest importance, the very life of the Mass and all massing Priests depending thereupon. But this prolixity shall be some ways recompensed by the briefer handling of the points following: the next whereof is that
OF CONFESSION.
Our Challenger here telleth us, that the Doctors, Pastors and Fathers of the primitive Church, exhorted the people to confess their sins unto their ghostly fathers. And we tell him again, that by the public order prescribed in our Church, before the administration of the holy Communion, the Minister likewise doth exhort the people, that if there be any of them, which cannot quiet his own conscience, but requireth further comfort or counsel ; he should come to him, or some other discreet and learned Minister of God's word, and open his grief: that he may receive such ghostly counsel, advice and comfort, as his conscience may be relieved; and that by the ministry of God's word he may receive comfort, and the benefit of absolution, to the quieting of his conscience, and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness. Whereby it appeareth, that the exhorting of the people to confess their sins unto their ghostly fathers, maketh no such wall of separation betwixt the ancient Doctors and us, but we may well for all this be of the same religion that they were of: and consequently, that this doughtie Champion hath more will then skill to manage controversies, who could make no wiser choice of pointes of differences to be insisted upon.
Be it therefore known unto him, that no kind of Confession, either public or private, is disallowed by us, that is any way requisite for the due execution of that ancient power of the Keys which Christ bestowed upon his Church: the thing which we reject, is that new pick-lock of Sacramental Confession, obtruded upon men's consciences, as a matter necessary to salvation, by the Canons of the late Conventicle of Trent. where those good Fathers put their curse upon everyone, that either shall deny, that Sacramental confession was ordained by divine right, and is by the same right necessary to salvation: or shall affirm, that in the Sacrament of Penance it is not by the ordinance of God necessary for the obtaining of the remission of sins, to confess all and everyone of those mortal sins, the memory whereof by due and diligent premeditation may be had; even such as are hidden and be against the two last Commandments of the Decalogue, together with the circumstances which change the kind of the sin; but that this confession is only profitable to instruct and comfort the penitent, and was anciently observed only for the imposing of Canonical satisfaction. This doctrine, I say, we cannot but reject: as being repugnant to that which we have learned both from the Scriptures and from the Fathers.
For in the Scriptures we find, that the confession which the penitent sinner maketh to God alone, hath the promise of forgiveness annexed unto it: which no Priest upon earth hath power to make void, upon pretence that himself or some of his fellows were not first particularly acquainted with the business. I acknowledged my sin unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid: I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. And lest we should think that this was some peculiar privilege vouchsafed to the man who was raised upon high, the Anointed of the God of Jacob: the same sweet Psalmist of Israel doth presently enlarge his note, and inferreth this general conclusion thereupon. For this shall everyone that is godly pray unto thee, in a time when thou mayest be found. King Solomon, in his prayer for the people at the dedication of the Temple, treadeth just in his Fathers steps. If they turn (saith he) and pray unto thee in the land of their captivity, saying; We have sinned, we have done amiss, and have dealt wickedly: if they return to thee with all their heart, and with all their soul ; &c. forgive thy people, which have sinned against thee, all their transgressions wherein they have transgressed against thee. And the poor Publican putting up his supplication in the Temple accordingly [ God be merciful to me a sinner, ] went back to his house justified; without making confession to any other ghostly Father, but only the Father of Spirits. of whom S. John giveth us this assurance: that if we confess our sins, he is faithful and just, to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. Which promise, that it appertained to such as did confess their sins unto God, the ancient Fathers were so well assured of: that they cast in a manner all upon this Confession, and left little or nothing to that which was made unto man. Nay, they do not only leave it free for men, to confess or not confess their sins unto others (which is the most that we would have:) but some of them also seem, in words at least, to advise men not to do it at all; which is more then we seek for.
S. Chrysostom of all others is most copious in this argument: some of whose passages to this purpose, I will here lay down. It is not necessary (saith he) that thou shouldest confess in the presence of witnesses: let the inquiry of thy offenses be made in thy thought, let this judgment be without a witness; let God only see thee confessing. Therefore I entreat and beseech and pray you, that you would continually make your confession to God. For I do not bring thee into the theater of thy fellow servants, neither do I contstrain thee to discover thy sins unto men: unclaspe thy conscience before God, and show thy wounds unto him, and of him ask a medicine. Shew them to him that will not reproach, but heal thee. For although thou hold thy peace, he knoweth all. Let us not call ourselves sinners only, but let us recount our sins, and repeat everyone of them in special. I do not say unto thee, Bring thyself upon the stage, nor, Accuse thyself unto others: but I counsel thee to obey the Prophet, saying, Reveale thy way unto the Lord. Confess them before God, confess thy sins before the Judge; praying, if not with thy tongue, yet at least with thy memory: and so look to obtain mercy. But thou art ashamed to say, that thou hast sinned. Confess thy faults then daily in thy prayer. For do I say; Confess them to thy fellow-servant, who may reproach thee therewith? Confess them to God, who healeth them. For, although thou confess them not at all, God is not ignorant of them. Wherefore then, tell me, art thou ashamed & blushest to confess thy sins? For doest thou discover them to a man, that he may reproach thee? Doest thou confess them to thy fellow servant, that he may bring thee upon the stage? To him who is thy Lord, who hath care of thee, who is kind, who is thy phycisian, thou showest thy wound. I contstrain thee not, saith he, to go into the midst of the theater, and to make many witnesses of the matter. Confess thy sin to me alone in private, that I may heal thy sore, and free thee from grief. And this is not only wonderful, that he forgiveth us our sins, but that he neither discovereth them, nor maketh them open and manifest, nor constraineth us to come forth in public and disclose our misdemeanors; but commandeth us to give an account thereof unto him alone, and unto him to make confession of them.
Neither doth S. Chrysostom here walk alone. That saying of S. Augustine is to the same effect: What have I to do with men, that they should hear my confessions, as though they should heal all my diseases? and that • ollection of S. Hilary upon the two last verses of the 52 Psalm, that David there teacheth us to confess to no other but unto the Lord, who hath made the Olive fruitful with the mercy of hope (or, the hope of mercy) forever and ever. and that advise of Pinuphius the Egyptian Abbot (which I find also inserted amongst the Canons collected for the use of the Church of England, in the time of the Saxons; under the title, De poenitentiâ soli Deo cōfitendâ: ) Who is it that cannot humbly say? I made my sin known unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid. that by this confession he may confidently adjoin that which followeth: And thou forgavest the impiety of my heart. But if shamefastness do so draw thee back, that thou blushest to reveal them before men: cease not by continual supplication to confess them unto him from whom they cannot be hid, and to say [I know mine iniquity, and my sin is against me always; To thee only have I sinned, and done evil before thee] whose custom is, both to cure without the publishing of any shame, and to forgive sins without upbraiding. S. Augustine, Cassiodor, and Gregory make a further observation upon that place of the 32 Psalm: I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. that God upon the only promise and purpose of making this confession, did forgive the sin. Mark (saith Gregory) how great the swiftness is of this vital Indulgence, how great the commendation is of God's mercy; that pardon should accompany the very desire of him that is about to confess, before that repentance do come to afflict him; and remission should come to the heart, before that confession did break forth by the voice. So S. Basil, upon those other words of the Psalmist, I have roared by reason of the disquietness of my heart ; (Psalm. 38.8.) maketh this paraphrase. I do not confess with my lips, that I may manifest myself unto many. but inwardly in my very heart, shutting mine eyes, to thee alone who seest the things that are in secret, do I show my groans, roaring within myself. For the groans of my heart sufficed for a confession, and the lamentations sent to thee my God from the depth of my soul.
And as S. Basil maketh the groans of the heart to be a sufficient confession so doth S. Ambrose the tears of the penitent. Tears (saith he) do wash the sin, which the voice is ashamed to confess. Weeping doth provide both for pardon and for shamefastness: tears do speak our fault without horror, tears do confess our crime without offense of our shamefastness from whence, he that glosseth upon Gratian (who hath inserted these words of S. Ambrose into his collection of the Decrees) doth infer; that if for shame a man will not confess, tears alone do blot out his sin. Maximus Taurinensis followeth S. Ambrose herein almost verbatim. The tear (saith he) washeth the sin, which the voice is ashamed to confess. Tears therefore do equally provide both for our shamefastness and for our health: they neither blush in asking, and they obtain in requesting. Lastly Prosper, speaking of sins committed by such as are in the ministry, writeth thus They shall more easily appease God, who being not convicted by human judgment, do of their own accord acknowledge their offense: who either do discover it by their own confessions, or others not knowing what they are in secret, do themselves give sentence of voluntary excommunication upon themselves, and being separated (not in mind, but in office). from the Altar to which they did minister, do lament their life as dead; assuring themselves, that God being reconciled unto them by the fruits of effectual repentance, they shall not only receive what they have lost, but also being made citizens of that city which is above, they shall come to everlasting joys. By this it appeareth, that the ancient Fathers did not think, that the remission of sins was so tied unto external confession, that a man might not look for salvation from God, if he concealed his faults from Man: but that inward contrition, and confession made to God alone, was sufficient in this case. Otherwise, neither they nor we do debar men from opening their grievances unto the Physicians of their souls: either for their better information in the true state of their disease, or for the quieting of their troubled consciences, or for receiving further direction from them out of God's word, both for the recovery of their present sickness and for the prevention of the like danger in time to come.
If I shall sin, although it be in any small offense, and my thought do consume me, and accuse me, saying; Why hast thou sinned? what shall I do? said a brother once to Abbot Arsenius. The old man answered: Whatsoever hour a man shall fall into a fault, and shall say from his heart, Lord God I have sinned, grant me pardon; that consumption of thought or heaviness shall cease forthwith. And it was as good a remedy as could be prescribed for a green wound: to take it in hand presently, to present it to the view of our heavenly Physician, to prevent Satan by taking his office (as it were) out of his hand, and accusing ourselves first, that we may be justified. But when it is not taken in time, but suffered to fester and ranckle; the cure will not now prove to be so easy: it being found true by often experience, that the wounded conscience will still pinch grievously, notwithstanding the confession made unto God in secret. At such a time as this then, where the sinner can find no ease at home, what should he do but use the best means he can to find it abroad? Is there no balm in Gilead? is there no physician there? No doubt but God hath provided both the one and the other, for recovering of the health of the daughter of his people: and S. James hath herein given us this direction. Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another, that ye may be healed. According to which prescription, Gregory Nyssen, toward the end of his Sermon of Repentance, useth this exhortation to the sinner. Be sensible of the disease, wherewith thou art taken, afflict thyself as much as thou canst. Seek also the mourning of thy entirely affected brethren, to help thee unto liberty. Shew me thy bitter and abundant tears, that I may also mingle mine therewith. Take likewise the Priest for a partner of thine affliction, as thy Father. For who is it that so falsely obtayneth the name of a father, or hath so adamantine a soul, that he will not condole with his sons lamenting? Shew unto him without blushing the things that were kept close: discover the secrets of thy soul, as showing thy hidden disease unto thy physician. He will have care both of thy credit and of thy cure.
It was no part of his meaning to advise us, that we should open ourselves in this manner unto every hedge-priest; as if there were a virtue generally annexed to the order, that upon confession made and absolution received from any of that rank, all should be straight made up: but he would have us communicate our case both to such Christian brethren, and to such a ghostly father, as had skill in physic of this kind, and out of a fellow-feeling of our grief, would apply themselves to our recovery. Therefore, saith Origen, look about thee diligently, unto whom thou oughtest to confess thy sin. Try first the physician, unto whom thou oughtest to declare the cause of thy malady, who knoweth to be weak with him that is weak, to weep with him that weepeth, who understandeth the discipline of condoling and compassionating: that so at length, if he shall say anything, who hath first shown himself to be both a skillful physician and a merciful, or if he shall give any counsel, thou mayest do and follow it. For, as S. Basil well noteth, the very same course is to be held in the confession of sins, which is in the opening of the diseases of the body. As men therefore do not discover the diseases of their body to all, nor to every sort of people, but to those that are skillful in the cure thereof: even so ought the confession of our sins be made, unto such as are able to cure them; according to that which is written. Ye that are strong, bear the infirmities of the weak, that is, take them away by your diligence. He requireth care and diligence in performance of the cure: being ignorant (good man) of that new compendious method of healing, invented by our Roman Paracelsians, whereby a man in confession of attrite is made contrite by virtue of the keys ; that the sinner need put his ghostly father to no further trouble then this. Speak the word only, and I shall be healed. And this is that Sacramental confession, devised of late by the Priests of Rome: which they notwithstanding would fain father upon S. Peter, from whom the Church of Rome (as they would have us believe) received this instruction. that if envy, or infidelity, or any other evil did secretly creep into any man's heart, he who had care of his own soul should not be ashamed to confess those things unto him who had the oversight over him; that by God's word and wholesome counsel, he might be cured by him. And so indeed we read in the apocryphal epistle of Clement, pretended to be written unto S. James the brother of our Lord: where in the several editions of Crab, Sichardus, Venradius, Surius, Nicolinus, and Binius, we find this note also laid down in the margent; Nota de confession sacramentali, Mark this of sacramental confession. But their own Maldonado would have taught them, that this note was not worth the marking: forasmuch as the proper end of sacramental confession, is the obtaining of remission of sins, by virtue of the keys of the Church; whereas the end of the confession here said to be commended by S. Peter, was the obtaining of counsel out of God's word for the remedy of sins. which kind of medicinal confession we well approve of, and acknowledge to have been ordinarily prescribed by the ancient Fathers for the cure of secret sins.
For as for notorious offenses, which bred open scandal, private confession was not thought sufficient: but there was further required public acknowledgement of the fault, & the solemn use of the keys for the reconciliation of the penitent. If his sin do not only redound to his own evil, but also unto much scandal of others, and the Bishop thinketh it to be expedient for the profit of the Church, let him not refuse to perform his penance in the knowledge of many or of the whole people also, let him not resist, let him not by his shamefastness add swelling to his deadly and mortal wound: saith S. Augustine. and more largely in another place; where he meeteth with the objection, of the sufficiency of internal repentance, in this manner. Let no man say unto himself: I do it secretly, I do it before God; God who pardoneth me doth know, that I do it in my heart. Is it therefore said without cause; Whatsoever you shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven? Are the keys therefore without cause given unto the Church of God? Do we frustrate the Gospel of God? do we frustrate the words of Christ? Do we promise that to you which he denieth you? Do we not deceive you? Job saith: If I was abashed to confess my sins in the sight of the people. So just a man of God's rich threasure, who was tried in such a furnace, saith thus: and doth the child of pestilence withstand me, and is ashamed to bow his knee under th • blessing of God? That which the Emperor was not ashamed to do, is he ashamed of, who is not as much as a Senator, but only a simple Courtier? O proud neck, ó crooked mind! perhaps, nay it is not to be doubted, it was for this reason God would that Theodosius the Emperor should do public penance in the sight of the people, especially because his sin could not be concealed: and is a Senator ashamed of that, whereof the Emperor was not ashamed? is he ashamed of that who is no Senator, but a Courtier only, whereof the Emperor was not ashamed? Is one of the vulgar sort, or a trader ashamed of that, whereof the Emperor was not ashamed? What pride is this? Were not this alone sufficient to bring them to hell, although no adultery had been committed? Thus far S. Augustine, concerning the necessity of public Repentance for known offenses: which being in tract of time disused in some places, long after this, the Bishops of France, by the assistance of Charles the great, caused it to be brought in use again, according to the order of the old Canons.
Neither is it here to be omitted, that in the time of the more ancient Fathers this strict discipline was not so restrained to the censure of public crimes; but that private transgressions also were sometimes drawn within the compass of it. For whereas at first, public confession was enjoined only for public offenses: men afterwards, discerning what great benefit redounded to the penitents thereby, (as well for the subduing of the stubburnesse of their hard hearts, and the furthering of their deeper humiliation; as for their raising up again by those sensible comforts which they received by the public prayers of the Congregation, and the use of the keys) some men, I say, discerning this, and finding their own consciences burdened with the like sins, which being carried in secrecy, were not subject to the censures of the Church; to the end they might obtain the like consolation and quiet of mind, did voluntarily submit themselves to the Churches discipline herein, and undergo the burden of public Confession and Penance. This appeareth by Origen in his second Homily upon the 37 Psalm, Tertullian in his book de Poenitentiâ, chap. 9. S. Cyprian in his Treatise de Lapsis, sect. 23. (or 11. according to Pamelius his distinction) S. Ambrose in his first book de Poenitentiâ, chap. 16. and others. And to the end that this publication of secret faults might be performed in the best manner: some prudent Minister was first of all made acquainted therewith; by whose direction the delinquent might understand what sins were fit to be brought to the public notice of the Church, and in what manner the penance was to be performed for them. Therefore did Origen advise (as we heard) that one should use great care in making choice of a good and skillful physician, to whom he should disclose his grief in this kind. and if he understand (saith he) and foresee that thy disease is such as ought to be declared in the assembly of the whole Church, and cured there, whereby peradventure both others may be edified, and thou thyself more easily healed; with much deliberation, and by the very skillful counsel of that physician, must this be done.
But within a while (shortly after the persecution raised in the days of Decius the Emperor) it was no longer left free to the Penitent to make choice of his ghostly father: but by the general consent of the Bishops it was ordained, that in every Church one certain discreet Minister should be appointed to receive the confessions of such as relapsed into sin after Baptism. This is that addition, which Socrates in his Ecclesiastical history noteth to have been then made unto the Penitentiall Canon; and to have been observed by the governors of the Church for a long time: until at length in the time of Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople (which was about CXL. years after the persecution of Decius) upon occasion of an infamy drawn upon the Clergy by the confession of a Gentlewoman, defiled by a Deacon in that city, it was thought fit it should be abolished, and that liberty should be given unto everyone, upon the private examination of his own conscience, to resort to the holy Communion. Which was agreeable both to the rule of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11.28. (Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup:) and to the judgment of the more ancient Fathers, as appeareth by Clemens Alexandrinus, who accounteth a man's own conscience to be his best directer in this case. howsoever our new Masters of Trent have not only determined that sacramental confession must necessarily be premised before the receyving of the Eucharist; but also have pronounced them to be excommunicate ipso facto, that shall presume to teach the contrary.
The case then (if these men's censures were ought worth) would go hard with Nectarius, and all the Bishops that followed him; but especially with S. John Chrysostom, who was his immediate successor in the See of Constantinople. for thus doth he expound that place of the Apostle: Let everyone examine himself, and then let him come. He doth not bid one man to examine another, but everyone himself; making the judgment private, and the trial without witnesses. and in the end of his second homily of Fasting (which in others is the eighth de Poenitentiâ ) frameth his exhortation accordingly. Within thy conscience, none being present but God who seeth all things, enter thou into judgment and into a search of thy sins, and recounting thy whole life, bring thy sins unto judgment in thy mind: reform thy excesses, and so with a pure conscience draw near to that sacred Table, and partake of that holy sacrifice. Yet in another place he deeply chargeth Ministers, not to admit known offenders unto the Communion. But if one (saith he) be ignorant that he is an evil person, after that he hath used much diligence there • in, he is not to be blamed. for these things are spoken by me of such as are known. And we find both in him, and in the practice of the times following, that the order of public Penance was not wholly taken away; but according to the ancient discipline established by the Apostles in the Church, open offenders were openly censured and pressed to make public confession of their faults. Whereby it is manifest, that the liberty brought in by Nectarius, of not resorting to any Penitentiarie, respected the disclosing of secret sins only; such as that foul one was, from whence the public scandal arose, which gave occasion to the repeal of the former Constitution. For to suffer open and notorious crimes, committed in the Church, to pass without control, was not a mean to prevent but to augment scandals; nay the ready way, to make the house of God become a den of thieves.
Two observations more I will add upon this part of the history. The one: that the abrogation of this Canon showeth, that the form of Confession used by the ancient, was Canonical, that is, appertaining to that external discipline of the Church which upon just occasion might be altered; and not Sacramental, and of perpetual right, which is that our Jesuits stand for. The other: that the course taken herein by Nectarius, was not only approved by S. Chrysostom, who succeeded him at Constantinople; but generally in a manner by the Catholic Bishops of other places. howsoever the Arians, and the rest of the sectaries (the Novatians only excepted, who from the beginning would not admit the discipline used in the Church for the reconciliation of Penitents) retained still the former usage. as by the relation of Socrates and Sozomen more fully may appear. And therefore when within some XXI. years after the time wherein they finished their histories, and about LXX. after that the publication of secret offenses began to be abolished by Nectarius, certain in Italy did so do their penance, that they caused a writing to be publicly read, containing a profession of their several sins: Leo, who at that time was Bishop of Rome, gave order, that by all means that course should be broken off; forasmuch as it was sufficient, that the guilt of men's consciences should be declared in secret confession to the Priests alone. For although (saith he) the fullness of faith may seem to be laudable, which for the fear of God doth not fear to blush before men: yet because all men's sins are not of that kind, that they may not fear to publish such of them as require repentance, let so inconvenient a custom be removed; lest many be driven away from the remedies of repentance, while either they are ashamed, or afraid to disclose their deeds unto their enemies, whereby they may be drawn within the peril of the laws. For that confession is sufficient, which is offered first unto God, and then unto the Priest, who cometh as an intercessor for the sins of the penitent. For then at length more may be provoked to repentance, if that the conscience of him who confesseth be not published to the ears of the people.
By this place of Leo we may easily understand, how upon the removal of public Confession of secret faults (together with the private made unto the Penitentiarie, which was adjoined as a preparative thereunto) Auricular confession began to be substituted in the room thereof: to the end, that by this means more might be drawn on to this exercise of repentance; the impediments of shame and fear, which accompanied the former practice, being taken out of the way. for indeed the shame of this public Penance was such, that in the time of Tertullian (when this discipline was thought most needful for the Church) it was strongly presumed, that many did either shun this work as a publication of themselves, or deferred it from day today, being more mindful (as he saith) of their shame than of their salvation. Nay S. Ambrose observed that some, who for fear of the punishment in the other world, being conscious to themselves of their sins, did here desire their penance, were yet for shame of their public supplication drawn back, after they had received it. Therefore the conjecture of Rhenanus is not to be contemned, that from this public confession, the private took his original: which by Stapleton, (in his Fortress, part. 2. chap. 4.) is positively delivered in this manner. Afterward this open and sharp penance was brought to the private and particular confession now used; principally for the lewdness of the common lay Christians, which in this open confession began at length to mock and insult at their brethren's simplicity and devotion. although it may seem by that which is written by Origen, that the seeds of this lewdness began to sprout long before; howsoever Tertullian imagined, that no member of the Church would be so ungracious as to commit such folly.
The public confession therefore of secret sins being thus abolished, by Nectarius first (for the scandal that came thereby unto others) and by the rest of the Catholic Bishops after him (for the reproach and danger, whereunto the penitents by this means were laid open:) private Confession was so brought in to supply the defect thereof, that it was accounted no more sacramental, nor esteemed (at least generally) to be of more necessity for the obtaining of remission of sins, then that other. So that whatsoever order afterward was taken herein, may well be judged to have had the nature of a temporal law, which, according to the definition of S. Augustine, although it be just, yet in time may be justly also changed. Nay we find that Laurence Bishop of Novaria, in his homily de Poenitentiâ, doth resolutely determine, that for obtaining remission of sins, a man needeth not to resort unto any Priest, but that his own internal repentance is sufficient for that matter: God (saith he) after Baptism hath appointed thy remedy within thyself, he hath put remission in thine own power, that thou needest not seek a Priest when thy necessity requireth; but thou thyself now, as a skillful and plain master, mayest amend thine error within thyself, & wash away thy sin by repentance. He hath given unto thee (saith another, somewhat to the same purpose) the power of binding and loosing. Thou hast bound thyself with the chayn of the love of wealth; loose thyself with the injunction of the love of poverty. Thou hast bound thyself with the furious desire of pleasures; loose thyself with temperance. Thou hast bound thyself with the misbeleefe of Eunomius; loose thyself with the religious embracing of the right faith.
And, that we may see how variable men's judgments were touching the matter of Confession in the ages following: Bede would have us confess our daily & light sins one unto another, but open the uncleanness of the greater leprosy to the Priest. Alcuinus, not long after him, would have us confess all the sins that we can remember. Others were of another mind. For some (as it appeareth by the writings of the same Alcuinus and of Haymo ) would not confess their sins to the Priest; but said, it was sufficient for them that they did confess their sins to God alone, provided always that they ceased from those sins for the time to come. Others confessed their sins unto the Priests, but not fully : as may be seen in the Council of Cauailon, held in the days of Charles the great where, though the Fathers think that this had need to be amended: yet they freely acknowledge, that it remained still a question, whether men should only confess to God, or to the Priests also; and they themselves put this difference betwixt both those confessions, that the one did properly serve for the cure, the other for direction in what sort the repentance (and so the cure) should be performed. Their words are these. Some say, that they ought to confess their sins only unto God, and some think that they are to be confessed unto the Priests: both of which, not without great fruit, is practiced within the holy Church. namely thus, that we both confess our sins unto God, who is the forgiver of sins (saying with David: I acknowledged my sin unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid. I said, I will confess against myself my transgressions unto the Lord: and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin.) and according to the institution of the Apostle, confess our sins one unto another, and pray one for another, that we may be healed. The Confession therefore which is made unto God, purgeth sins: but that which is made unto the Priest, teacheth in what sort those sins should be purged. For God the author and bestower of salvation and health, giveth the same sometime by the invisible administration of his power, sometime by the operation of Physicians.
This Canon is cited by Gratian out of the Penitentiall of Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury: but clogged with some unnecessary additions. as when in the beginning thereof it is made the opinion of the Grecians, that sins should be confessed only unto God; and of the rest of the Church, that they should be confessed to Priests. where those words, ut Graeci, in Gratian seem unto Cardinal Bellarmine, to have crept out of the margent into the text; and to have been a marginal annotation of some unskillful man, who gathered by the fact of Nectarius, that Sacramental Confession was wholly taken away among the Grecians. For otherwise (saith he) in the Capitular it self of Theodorus, whence that Canon was transcribed, those two words [ut Graeci] are not to be had; nor are they also to be had in the second Council of Cauaillon, c. 33. whence Theodorus seemeth to have taken that chapter: neither yet doth the Master of the Sentences, in his 4. book and 17. distinction bringing in the same sentence, add those words [ut Graeci. ] But the Cardinals conjecture of the translating of these words out of the margent into the text of Gratian, is of little worth: seeing we find them expressly laid down in the elder collections of the Decrees, made by Burchardus and Ivo ; from whence it is evident that Gratian borrowed this whole chapter, as he hath done many a one beside. For as for the Capitular it self of Theodorus, whence the Cardinal too too boldly affirmeth that Canon was transcribed ; as if he had looked into the book himself: we are to know, that no such Capitular of Theodorus is to be found: only Burchardus and Ivo, (in whom, as we said, those controverted words are extant) setteth down this whole chapter as taken out of Theodors Penitentiall, & so misguided Gratian. for indeed in Theodorus his Penitentiall (which I did lately transcribe out of a most ancient copy kept in Sir Robert Cottons Threasurie) no part of that chapter can be seen: nor yet anything else tending to the matter now in hand, this short sentence only excepted. Confessionem suam Deo soli, si necesse est, licebit agere. It is lawful, that Confession be made unto God alone, if need require. And to suppose as the Cardinal doth that Theodorus should take this chapter out of the second Council of Cauaillon: were an idle imagination▪ seeing it is well known that Theodore died Archbishop of Canterbury in the year of our Lord 690: and the Council of Cauaillon was held in the year 813. that is, 123. years after the others death. The truth is; he who made the additions to the Capitularia of Charles the great and Ludovicus Pius, (gathered by Ansegisus and Benedict ) translated this Canon out of that Council into his Collection: which Bellarmine, as it seemeth, having someway heard of, knew not to distinguish between those Capitularia, and Theodors Penitentiall. being herein as negligent, as in his allegation of the fourth book of the Sentences: where the Master doth not bring in this sentence at all, but having among other questions propounded this also for one, Whether it be sufficient that a man confess his sins to God alone, or whether he must confess to a Priest ; doth thereupon set down the diversity of men's opinions touching that matter, and saith, that unto some it seemed to suffice, if confession were made to God only without the judgment of the Priest or the confession of the Church. because David said; I said, I will confess unto the Lord: he saith not, Unto the Priest; and yet he showeth that his sin was forgiven him. For in these points, as the same author had before noted, even the learned were found to hold diversely: because the Doctors seemed to deliver diverse and almost contrary judgment • therein.
The diverse sentences of the Doctors touching this question, whether external confession were necessary or not, are at large laid down by Gratian: who in the end, leaveth the matter in suspense, and concludeth in this manner. Upon what authorities, or upon what strength of reasons both these opinions are grounded, I have briefly laid open. But to whether of them we should rather cleave to, is reserved to the judgment of the reader. For both of them have for their favorers both wise and religious men. And so the matter rested undetermined 1150. years after Christ: howsoever the Roman Correctors of Gratian do tell us, that now the case is altered, and that it is most certain, and must be held for most certain, that the sacramental confession of mortal sins is necessary, used in that manner, and at such time, as in the Council of Trent after other Councils it is appointed. But the first Council, wherein we find anything determined touching this necessity, is that of Lateran under Innocent the III. wherein we heard that Transubstantiation was established▪ for there it was ordained, that Omnis utriusque sexus sidelis, every faithful one of either sex, being come to years of discretion, should by himself alone, once in the year at least, faithfully confess his sins unto his own Priest; and endeavor according to his strength to fulfill the penance enjoined unto him, receiving reverently at least at Easter the sacrament of the Eucharist: otherwise, that both being alive he should be kept from entering into the Church, and being dead should want Christian burial. Since which determination, Thomas Aquinas (in his exposition of the text of the fourth book of the Sentences, distinct. 17.) holdeth the denial of the necessity of Confession unto salvation to be heresy: which before that time (saith Bonaventure, in his disputations upon the same fourth book) was not heretical, forasmuch as many Catholic Doctors did hold contrary opinions therein, as appeareth by Gratian.
But Medina will not admit by any means, that it should be accounted strictly heresy: but would have it said, that it savors of heresy. and for this decree of Confession to be made once in the year, he saith that it doth not declare nor interpret any divine right of the thing, but rather appointeth the time of confessing. Durand thinketh that it may be said, that this statute containeth an holy and wholesome exhortation of making confession, and then adjoineth a precept of the receiving of the Eucharist backed with a penalty: or if both of them be precepts, that the penalty respecteth only the precept of communicating (of the transgression whereof knowledge may be taken) and not the precept of confession, of the transgression whereof the Church can take no certain notice, and therefore can appoint no certain penalty for it. But howsoever; this we are sure of, that the Canonists afterward held no absolute necessity of obedience to be required therein, as unto a Sacramental institution ordained by Christ for obtaining remission of sins; but a Canonical obedience only, as unto an useful constitution of the Church. And therefore where Gratian in his first distinction de Poenitentiâ, had in the 34. chapter and the three next following, propounded the allegations which made for them who held, that men might obtain pardon for their sins without any oral confession of them; and then proceeded to the authorities which might seem to make for the contrary opinion: Johannes Semeca at the beginning of that part, upon those words of Gratian, Alij e contrario tes • antur, putteth too this Gloss. From this place until the section His auctoritatib. he alledgeth for the other part, that sin is not forgiven unto such as are of years, without confession of the mouth which yet is false: saith he. But this free dealing of his did so displease Friar Manrique, who by the command of Pius Quintus, set out a censure upon the Glosses of the Canon law; that he gave direction these words, which yet is false, should be clean blotted out. which direction of his notwithstanding, the Roman Correctors under Gregory the XIII. did not follow: but letting the words still stand, give them a check only with this marginal annotation. Nay it is most true, that without confession, in desire at least, the sin is not forgiven.
In like manner, where the same Semeca holdeth it to be the better opinion, that Confession was ordained by a certain tradition of the universal Church, rather then by the authority of the new or Old Testament, and inferreth thereupon, that it is necessary among the Latins, but not among the Greeks, because that tradition did not spread to them: Friar Manrique commandeth all that passage to be blotted out, but the Roman Correctors clap this note upon the margent for an antidote. Nay confession was ordained by our Lord, and by God's Law is necessary to all that fall into mortal sin after Baptism, as well Greeks as Latins. and for this they quote only the 14. Session of the Council of Trent: where that opinion is accursed in us, which was held two or three hundred years ago by the men of their own religion. among whom, Michael of Bononia (who was Prior general of the order of the Carmelites in the days of Pope Urban the sixth) doth conclude strongly out of their own received grounds; that confession is not necessary for the obtaining of the pardon of our sin: and Panormitan the great Canonist, professeth that the opinion of Semeca doth much please him, which referreth the original of Confession to a general tradition of the Church: because (saith he) there is not any clear authority, which showeth that God or Christ did clearly ordain that Confession should be made unto a Priest. Yea, all the Canonists, following their first Interpreter, say that Confession was brought in only by the law of the Church, and not by any divine precept: if we will believe Maldonado. who addeth notwithstanding, that this opinion is either already sufficiently declared by the Church to be heresy, or that the Church should do well if it did declare it to be heresy.
And we find indeed, that in the year of our Lord 1479. (which was 34. years after the death of Panormitan) by a special commission directed from Pope Sixtus the fourth unto Alfonsus Carillus Archbishop of Toledo, one Petrus Oxomensis, professor of Divinity in the University of Salamanca, was driven to abjure this conclusion, which he had before delivered as agreeable to the common opinion of the Doctors; that confession of sins in particular was grounded upon some statute of the universal Church, and not upon divine right. and when learned men for all this would not take warning, but would needs be meddling again with that which the Popish Clergy could not endure should be touched, (as Johannes de Selva, among others, in the end of his treatise de Iurejurando; Erasmus in diverse of his works, and Beatus Rhenanus in his argument upon Tertullian's book de Poenitentiâ: ) the fathers of Trent within 72. years after that, conspired together to stop all men's mouths with an anathema, that should deny sacramental confession to be of divine institution or to be necessary unto salvation. And so we are come to an end of that point.
OF THE PRIESTS POWER TO FORGIVE SINNES.
FRom Confession we are now to proceed unto Absolution: which it were pity this man should receive, before he made confession of the open wrong he hath here done, in charging us to deny that Priests have power to forgive sins. whereas the very formal words, which our Church requireth to be used in the ordination of a Minister, are these: Whose sins thou doest forgive, they are forgiven; and whose sins thou doest retain, they are retained. And therefore if this be all the matter, the Fathers and we shall agree well enough: howsoever this make-bate would fain put friends together by the ears, where there is no occasion at all of quarrel. For we acknowledge most willingly, that the principal part of the Priests ministry is exercised in the matter of forgiveness of sins: the question only is of the manner how this part of their function is executed by them, and of the bounds and limits thereof, which the Pope and his Clergy for their own advantage have enlarged beyond all measure of truth and reason.
That we may therefore give unto the Priest the things that are the Priests, and to God the things that are God's; & not communicate unto any creature the power that properly belongeth to the Creator, who will not give his glory unto another: we must in the first place lay this down for a sure ground, that to forgive sins properly, directly, and absolutely, is a privilege only appertaining unto the most High. I, saith he of himself, even I am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake, and will not remember thy sins. (Isaiah. 43.25.) Who is a God like unto thee, that pardoneth iniquity? saith the Prophet, Micah 7.18. which in effect is the same with that of the Scribes: (Mark. 2.7. and Luk. 5.21.) Who can forgive sins, but God alone? And therefore when David saith unto God; Thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin: (Psalm. 32.5.) Gregory surnamed the great (the first Bishop of Rome of that name) thought this to be a sound paraphrase of his words. Thou, who alone sparest, who alone forgivest sins. For who can forgive sins but God alone? He did not imagine that he had committed any great error in subscribing thus simply unto that sentence of the Scribes: and little dreamed that any petty Doctors afterwards would arise in Rome or Reims, who would tell us a fair tale; that the faithless Jews thought, as Heretics nowadays, that to forgive sins was so proper to God, that it could not be communicated unto man ; and that true believers refer this to the increase of God's honor, which miscreant Jews and Heretics do accompt blasphemy against God, and injurious to his Majesty. whereas in truth the faithlesnesse of the Jews consisted in the application of this sentence unto our Savior Christ, whom they did not acknowledge to be God; as the senselessness of these Romanists, in denying of the axiom it self.
But the world is come unto a good pass, when we must be accounted heretics nowadays, and consorted with miscreant Jews, for holding the self same thing that the Fathers of the ancient Church delivered as a most certain truth, whensoever they had any occasion to treat of this part of the history of the Gospel. Old Irenaeus telleth us, that our Savior in this place forgiving sins, did both cure the man, and manifestly discover who he was. For if none (saith he) can forgive sins but God alone, and our Lord did forgive them, and cured men; it is manifest, that he was the Word of God, made the Son of man: and that as man he is touched with compassion of us, as God he hath mercy on us, and forgiveth us our debts which we do owe unto God our maker. Tertullian saith, that when the Jews beholding only his humanity, and not being yet certain of his Deity, did deservedly reason, that a man could not forgive sins, but God alone: he by answering of them, that the Son of man had authority to forgive sins, would by this remission of sins have them call to mind that he was that only son of man, prophesied of in Daniel, who received power of judging, and thereby also of forgiving sins. (Dan. 7.13, 14.) S. Hilary commenting upon the ninth of Matthew, writeth thus. It moveth the Scribes, that sin should be forgiven by a man. For they beheld a man only in Jesus Christ; and that to be forgiven by him, which the law could not release. For it is faith only that justifieth. Afterward the Lord looketh into their murmuring, and saith that it is an easy thing for the Son of man upon earth to forgive sins. For it is true, none can forgive sins but God alone: therefore he who remitteth is God, because none remitteth but God. God remaining in man, performed this cure upon man. S. Jerome thus: We read that God saith in the Prophet; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities. Consequently therefore the Scribes, because they thought him to be a man, and did not understand the words of God, accuse him of blasphemy. But the Lord seeing their thoughts, showeth himself to be God, who is able to know the secrets of the heart: and holding his peace after a sort speaketh; By the same majesty and power, wherewith I behold your thoughts, I am able also to forgive sins unto men. or, as Euthymius expresseth it in his commentaries upon the same place: In truth, none can forgive sins but one, who beholdeth the thoughts of men. S. Chrysostom likewise in his Sermons upon the same, showeth that Christ here declared himself to be God equal unto the Father: and that if he had not been equal unto the Father, he would have said; Why do you attribute unto me an unfitting opinion? I am far from that power. To the same effect also writeth Christianus Druthmarus, Paschasius Ratbertus, and Walafridus Strabus in the ordinary Gloss upon the same place of S. Matthew. Victor Antiochenus upon the second of Mark; Theophylact and Bede upon the second of Mark, and the fifth of Luke: S. Ambrose upon the fifth of Luke. who in another place also bringeth this sentence of the Scribes, as a ground to prove the deity of the holy Ghost withal: forasmuch as none forgiveth sins but one God; because it is written, Who can forgive sins but God alone? as S. Cyril doth to prove the deity of the Son. For this only, saith he, did the malice of the Jews say truly, that none can forgive sins, but God alone, who is the Lord of the law ▪ and thence he frameth this argument. If he alone who is the Lord of all doth free us from our sins, and this agreeth to no other, and Christ bestoweth this with a power befitting God; how should he not be God?
The same argument also is used by Novatianus and Athanasius to the self same purpose. For if, when it agreeth unto none but unto God to know the secrets of the heart, Christ doth behold the secrets of the heart; if, when it agreeth unto none but unto God to forgive sins, the same Christ doth forgive sins: then deservedly is Christ to be accounted God, saith Novatianus. So Athanasius demandeth of the Arians: if the Son were a creature, how was he able to forgive sins? it being written in the Prophets, that this is the work of God. For who is a God like unto thee, that taketh away sins and passeth over iniquities? But the son (saith he) said unto whom he would; Thy sins are forgiven thee: when the Jews murmuring also he demonstrated this forgiveness in deed, saying to the man that was sick of the palsy; Arise, take up thy bedd, and go unto thine house. And therefore Bede rightly inferreth, that the Arians do err here much more madly then the Jews: who when they dare not deny, being convicted by the words of the Gospel, that Jesus is both the Christ and hath power to forgive sins; yet fear not for all that to deny him to be God. and concludeth himself most soundly: that if he be God according to the Psalmist, who removeth our iniquities from us as far as the East is from the West, and the son of man hath power upon earth to forgive sins; therefore the same is both God and the son of man, that the man Christ by the power of his divinity might forgive sins, and the same Christ God by the frailty of his humanity might die for sinners. Whereunto we will add another sweet passage of his (borrowed from some ancienter author:) No man taketh away sins (which the Law, although holy and just and good, could not take away) but he in whom there is no sin. Now he taketh them away, both by pardoning those that are done, and by assisting us that they may not be done, & by bringing us to the life where they cannot at all be done.
Peter Lombard alledgeth this as the saying of S. Augustine: the former sentence only being thus changed. None taketh away sins, but Christ alone, who is the Lamb that taketh away the sins of the world. agreeable to that, which in the same place he citeth out of S. Ambrose: He alone forgiveth sins, who alone died for our sins. and to that of Clemens Alexandrinus: He alone can remit sins, who is appointed our Master by the father of all, who alone is able to discern disobedience from obedience. to which purpose also, S. Ambrose maketh this observation upon the history of the woman taken in adultery, John. 8.9. that Jesus being about to pardon sin, remained alone. For it is not the ambassador (saith he) nor the messenger, but the Lord himself that hath saved his people. He remaineth alone, because it cannot be common to any man with Christ to forgive sins. This is the office of Christ alone, who taketh away the sin of the world. Yea S. Chrysostom himself, who of all the Fathers giveth most in this point unto God's ambassadors and messengers, is yet careful withal to preserve God's privilege entire, by often interposing such sentences as these. None can forgive sins, but God alone. To forgive sins, belongeth to no other. To forgive sins, is possible to God only. God alone doth this: which also he worketh in the washing of the new birth. Wherein, that the work of cleansing the soul is wholly God's, and the minister hath no hand at all in effecting any part of it; Optatus proveth at large in his fifth book against the Donatists: showing that none can wash the filth and sports of the mind, but he who is the framer of the same mind ; and convincing the heretics, as by many other testimonies of holy Scripture • , so by that of Isaiah. 1.18. which he presseth in this manner. It belongeth unto God to cleanse, and not unto man: he hath promised by the Prophet Isaiah that he himself would wash, when he saith; If your sins were as scarlet, I will make them as white as snow. I will make them white, he said: he did not say, I will cause them to be made white. If God hath promised this, why will you give that, which is neither lawful for you to promise, nor to give, nor to have? Behold in Isaiah God hath promised that he himself will make white such as are defiled with sins; not by man.
Having thus therefore reserved unto God his prerogative royal in cleansing of the soul, we give unto his under-officers their due, when we account of them, as of the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God. not as Lord's, that have power to dispose of spiritual graces as they please: but as servants that are tied to follow their Masters prescriptions therein; & in following thereof do but bring their external ministry ( for which itself also they are beholding to God's mercy & goodness) God conferring the inward blessing of his spirit thereupon, when & where he will. Who then is Paul, (saith S. Paul himself) and who is Apollo? but Ministers by whom ye believed, even as the Lord gave to every man? Therefore, saith Optatus, in all the servants there is no dominion, but a ministry. Cui creditor, ipse dat quod creditor, non per quem creditor. It is he who is believed, that giveth the thing which is believed, not he by whom we do believe. Whereas our Savior then saith unto his Apostles, John. 20. Receive the holy Ghost, Whose sins you forgive shall be forgiven: S. Ambrose, S. Augustine, S. Chrysostom, and S. Cyril, make this observation thereupon; that this is not their work properly, but the work of the holy Ghost, who remitteth by them, and therein performeth the work of the true God. For indeed (saith S. Cyril) it belongeth to the true God alone, to be able to loose men from their sins. for who else can free the transgressors of the law from sin, but he who is the author of law it self? The Lord (saith S. Augustine) was to give unto men the holy Ghost, and he would have it to be understood, that by the holy Ghost himself sins should be forgiven to the faithful, and not that by the merits of men sins should be forgiven. For what art thou, ô man, but a sick-man that hast need to be healed? Wilt thou be a physician to me? Seek the physician together with me. So S. Ambrose: Behold, that by the holy Ghost sins are forgiven. But men to the remission of sins bring their ministry, they exercise not the authority of any power. S. Chrysostom, though he make this to be the exercise of a great power (which also he elsewhere amplifieth, after his manner, exceeding hyperbolically) yet in the main matter accordeth fully with S. Ambrose ; that it lieth in God alone to bestow the things wherein the Priests service is employed. And what speak I of Priests? saith he. Neither Angel nor Archangel can do ought in those things which are given by God: but the Father and the Son and the holy Ghost do dispense all. The Priest lendeth his tongue, and putteth too his hand. His part only is to open his mouth: but it is God that worketh all. And the reasons whereby both he, and Theophylact after him, do prove that the Priests of the law had no power to forgive sins; are of as great force to take the same power from the ministers of the Gospel. first, because it is God's part only to forgive sins. secondly, because the Priests were servants, yea servants of sin, and therefore had no power to forgive sins unto others: but the Son is the Lord of the house; who was manifested to take away our sins, and in him is no sin, saith S. John. upon which saying of his, S. Augustine giveth this good note: It is he in whom there is no sin, that came to take away sin. For if there had been sin in him too, it must have been taken away from him, he could not take it away himself.
To forgive sins therefore being thus proper to God only and to his Christ: his ministers must not be held to have this power communicated unto them, but in an improper sense; namely because God forgiveth by them; and hath appointed them both to apply those means by which he useth to forgive sins, and to give notice unto repentant sinners of that forgiveness. For who can forgive sins but God alone? yet doth he forgive by them also, unto whom he hath given power to forgive: saith S. Ambrose, and his followers. And though it be the proper work of God to remit sins, (saith Ferus:) yet are the Apostles (and their successors) said to remit also, not simply, but because they apply those means whereby God doth remit sins. Which means are, the Word of God and the Sacraments. Whereunto also we may add, the relaxation of the Censures of the Church, and Prayer ▪ for in thes • four the whole exercise of this ministry of reconciliation (as the Apostle calleth it) doth mainly consist. of each whereof it is needful that we should speak somewhat more particularly.
That Prayer is a means ordained by God for procuring remission of sins, is plain by that of S. James. The prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up: and if he have committed sins, they shall be forgiven him. Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another, that ye may be healed: for the fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much. The later of which sentences hath reference to the prayers of every good Christian, whereunto we find a gracious promise annexed, according to that of S. John. If any man see his brother sin a sin which is not unto death, he shall ask, and he shall give him life for them that sin not unto death. But the former, as the verse immediately going before doth manifestly prove, pertaineth to the prayers made by the ministers of the Church; who have a special charge to be the Lord's remembrancers for the good of his people. And therefore, as S. Augustine out the later proveth, that one brother by this means may cleanse another from the contagion of sin: so doth S. Chrysostom out of the former, that Priests do perform this, not by teaching only and admonishing, but by assisting us also with their prayers. and the faithful prayers, both of the one and of the other, are by S. Augustine made the especial means whereby the power of the keys is exercised in the remitting of sins: who thereupon exhorteth offenders to show their repentance publicly in the Church, that the Church might pray for them, and impart the benefit of absolution unto them.
In the life of S Basil, fathered upon Amphilochius, (of the credit whereof we have before spoken) a certain gentlewoman is brought in, coming unto S. Basil for obtaining remission of her sins: who is said there to have demanded this question of her. Hast thou heard, ô woman, that none can forgive sins but God alone? and she to have returned him this answer. I have heard it, Father: and therefore have I moved thee to make intercession unto our most merciful God for me. Which agreeth well with that which Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure do maintain: that the power of the keys extend to the remission of faults, by way of intercession only and deprecation, not by imparting any immediate absolution. And as in our private forgiving and praying one for another, S. Augustine well noteth, that it is our part, God giving us the grace, to use the ministry of charity and humility; but it is his, to hear us, and to cleanse us from all pollution of sins for Christ, and in Christ; that what we forgive unto others, that is to say, what we loose upon earth, may be loosed also in heaven: so doth S. Ambrose show that the case also standeth with the ministers of the Gospel, in the execution of that commission given unto them for the remitting of sins, John. 20.23. They make request, (saith he) the Godhead bestoweth the gift: for the service is done by man, but the bounty is from the power above. The reason which he rendereth thereof, is, because in their ministry it is the holy Ghost that forgiveth the sin; and it is God only that can give the holy Ghost. For this is not an human work (saith he in another place) neither is the holy Ghost given by man, but being called upon by the Priest, is bestowed by God: wherein the gift is God's, the ministry is the Priests. For if the Apostle Paul did judge, that he could not confer the h • lie Ghost by his authority; but believed himself to be so far unable for this office, that he wished we might be filled with the spirit from God: who is so great as dare arrogate unto himself the bestowing of this gift? Therefore the Apostle did intimate his desire by prayer, he challenged no right by any authority: he wished to obtain it, he presumed not to command it. Thus far S. Ambrose of whom Paulinus writeth, that whensoever any penitents came unto him, the crimes which they confessed unto him he spake of to none, but to God alone unto whom he made intercession; leaving a good example to the Priests of succeeding ages, that they be rather intercessors for them unto God, than accusers unto men. The same also, and in the self same words, doth Jonah write of Eustachius, the scholar of Columbanus our famous country-man.
Hitherto appertaineth that sentence cited by Thomas Waldensis out of S. Jerome's exposition upon the Psalms: that voice of God cutteth off daily in everyone of us the flame of lust by confession and the grace of the holy Ghost, that is to say, by the prayer of the Priest maketh it to cease in us and that which before hath been alleged out of Leo ; of the confession offered first to God, and then to the Priest, who cometh as an intreater for the sins of the penitent. which he more fully expresseth in another epistle, affirming it to be very profitable and necessary, that the guilt of sins (or sinners) be loosed by the supplication of the Priest before the last day. See S. Gregory, in his moral exposition upon 1. Sam. 2.25. Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus, in his answer to the 141. question (of Gretsers edition:) and Nicolaus Cabasilas, in the 29. chapter of his exposition of the Liturgy: where he directly affirmeth, that remission of sins is given to the penitents by the prayer of the Priests. And therefore by the Order used of old in the Church of Rome, the Priest before he began his work, was required to use this prayer. O Lord God almighty, be merciful unto me a sinner, that I may worthily give thanks unto thee, who hast made me an unworthy one, for thy mercies sake, a minister of the Priestly office; and hast appointed me a poor and humble mediator, to pray and make intercession unto our Lord Jesus Christ, for sinners that return unto repentance. And therefore, O Lord the ruler, who wouldest have all men to be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth, who doest not desire the death of a sinner, but that he may be reconciled and live: receive my prayer, which I pour forth before the face of thy mercy, for thy servants and handmaydes, who have fledd to repentance and to thy mercy.
Yea, in the days of Thomas Aquinas there arose a learned man among the Papists themselves, who found fault with that indicative form of absolution then used by the Priest, I absolve thee from all thy sins, and would have it delivered by way of deprecation. alleging, that this was not only the opinion of Gulielmus Altisiodorensis, Gulielmus Parisiensis, and Hugo Cardinalis ; but also that thirty years were scarce passed, since all did use this form only, Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi omnipotence Deus, Almighty God give unto thee absolution and forgiveness. What Thomas doth answer hereunto, may be seen in his little treatise of the form of absolution, which upon this occasion he wrote unto the General of his order. This only will I add, that as well in the ancient Ritualls and in the new Pontifical of the Church of Rome, as in the present practice of the Greek Church, I find the absolution expressed in the third person, as attributed wholly to God, and not in the first, as if it came from the Priest himself. One ancient form of Absolution used among the Latins, was this. Almighty God be merciful unto thee, and forgive thee all thy sins, past, present, and to come, visible and invisible, which thou hast committed before him and his Saints, which thou hast confessed or by some negligence or forgetfulness or evil will hast concealed: God deliver thee from all evil, here and hereafter, preserve and confirm thee always in every good work; and Christ the son of the living God bring thee unto the life which remaineth without end: And so among the Grecians: whatsoever sins the penitent for forgetfulness or shamefastness doth leave unconfessed, we pray the merciful and most pitiful God that those also may be pardoned unto him, and we are persuaded that he shall receive pardon of them from God ; saith Jeremiah the late Patriarch of Constantinople. Where by the way you may observe, no such necessity to be here held of confessing every known sin unto a Priest, that if either for shame or for some other respect the penitent do not make an entire confession, but conceal somewhat from the notice of his ghostly father; his confession should thereby be made void, and he excluded from all hope of forgiveness. which is that engine, whereby the Priests of Rome have lift up themselves into that height of domineering and tyrannizing over men's conscience, wherewith we see they now hold the poor people in most miserable awe.
Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure in the form of absolution used in their time, observe that prayer was premised in the optative, and absolution adjoined afterward in the indicative mood. whence they gather, that the Priests prayer obtayneth grace, his absolution presupposeth it: that by the former he ascendeth unto God and procureth pardon for the fault, by the later he descendeth to the sinner and reconcileth him to the Church. for although a man be loosed before God, (saith the Master of the Sentences) yet is he not held loosed in the face of the Church but by the judgment of the Priest. And this loosing of men by the judgment of the Priest, is by the Fathers generally accounted nothing else but a restoring of them to the peace of the Church, and an admitting of them to the Lord's table again: which therefore they usually express by the terms of bringing them to the communion, reconciling them to or with the communion, restoring the communion to them, admitting them to fellowship, granting them peace, &c. Neither do we find that they did ever use any such formal absolution as this, I absolve thee from all thy sins: wherein our Popish Priests notwithstanding do place the very form of their late devised sacrament of Penance, nay hold it to be so absolute a form, that (according to Thomas Aquinas his new divinity) it would not be sufficient to say, Almighty God have mercy upon thee, or, God grant unto thee absolution and forgiveness. because, forsooth, the Priest by these words doth not signify that the absolution is done, but entreateth that it may be done. which how it will accord with the Roman Pontifical, where the form of Absolution is laid down prayer-wise, the Jesuits who follow Thomas may do well to consider.
I pass this over, that in the days not only of S. Cyprian but of Alcuinus also (who lived 800. years after Christ) the reconciliation of Penitents was not held to be such a proper office of the Priest; but that a Deacon, in his absence, was allowed to perform the same. The ordinary course that was held herein, according to the form of the ancient Canons, is thus laid down by the fathers of the third Council of Toledo. that the Priest should first suspend him that repented of his fault from the communion, and make him to have often recourse unto imposition of hands among the rest of the penitents: then, when he had fulfilled the time of his satisfaction, as the consideration of the Priest did approve of it, he should restore him to the communion. And this was a Constitution of old fathered upon the Apostles: that Bishops should separate those who said they repented of their sins, for a time determined according to the proportion of their sin; and afterward receive them being penitent, as fathers would do their children. To this Penitential excommunication and absolution, belongeth that saying either of S. Ambrose or S. Augustine (for the same discourse is attributed to them both:) He who hath truly performed his repentance, and is loosed from that bond wherewith he was tied, and separated from the body of Christ, and doth live well after his repentance: whensoever after his reconciliation he shall depart this life, he goeth to the Lord, he goeth to rest, he shall not be deprived of the kingdom of God, and from the people of the Devil he shall be separated. and that which we read in Anastasius Sinaita: Bind him, and till thou hast appeased God, do not let him loose; that he be not more bound with the wrath of God. for if thou bindest him not; there remain bonds for him that cannot be broken. Neither do we inquire, whither the wound were often bound; but whither the binding hath profited. If it have profited, although in a short time, use it no longer. Let the measure of the loosing, be the profit of him that is bound. and that exhortation which another maketh unto the Pastors of the Church: Bind with separation such as have sinned after baptism; and loose them again when they have repented, receiving them as brethren. for the saying is true: Whatsoever you shall loose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven.
That this authority of loosing remaineth still in the Church, we constantly maintain against the heresy of the Montanists and Novatians, who (upon this pretence among others, that God only had power to remit sins) took away the ministerial power of reconciling such penitents as had committed heinous sins; denying that the Church had any warrant to receive them to her communion again, and to the participation of the holy mysteries, notwithstanding their repentance were ever so sound. Which is directly contrary to the doctrine delivered by S. Paul, both in the general; that if a man be overtaken in a fault, they who are spiritual should restore such a one in the spirit of meekness: and in the particular of the incestuous Corinthian, who though he had been excommunicated for such a crime as was not so much as named amongst the Gentiles ; yet upon his repentance the Apostle telleth the Church, that they ought to forgive him and comfort him, lest he should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow. Where that speech of his is specially noted and pressed against the heretics by S. Ambrose: To whom ye forgive anything, I forgive also: for if I forgave anything, to whom I forgave it, for your sakes I forgave it, in the person of Christ. For as in the name, and by the power of our Lord Jesus, such a one was delivered to Satan; so God having given unto him repentance, to recover himself out of the snare of the Devil, in the same name and in the same power was he to be restored again: the ministers of reconciliation standing in Christ's stead, and Christ himself being in the mids of them that are thus gathered together in his name, to bind or loose in heaven, whatsoever they according to his commission shall bind or loose on earth. And here it is to be noted, that Anastasius (by some called Nicaenus, by others Sinaita and Antiochenus) who is so eager against them which say that Confession made unto men profiteth nothing at all; confesseth yet, that the minister in hearing the confession and instructing and correcting the sinner, doth but give furtherance only thereby unto his repentance, but that the pardoning of the sin is the proper work of God. For man (saith he) cooperateth with man unto repentance, and ministereth, and buildeth, and instructeth, and reproveth, in things belonging unto salvation, (according to the Apostle, and the Prophet:) but God blotteth out the sins of those that have confessed, saying; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities for mine own sake, and thy sins, and will not remember them.
There followeth now another part of the ministry of reconciliation, consisting in the due administration of the Sacraments: which being the proper seals of the promises of the Gospel (as the Censures are of the threats) must therefore necessarily also have reference to the remission of sins. And so we see, the ancient Fathers do hold, that the commission, John. 20.23. Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them, &c. is executed by the ministers of Christ, as well in the conferring of Baptism, as in the reconciling of Penitents: yet so in both these, and in all the sacraments likewise of both the Testaments, that the ministry only is to be accounted man's, but the power God's. For, as S. Augustine well observeth, it is one thing to baptize by way of ministry, another thing to baptize by way of power: the power of baptizing the Lord retayneth to himself, the ministry he hath given to his servants: the power of the Lord's Baptism was to pass from the Lord to no man, but the ministry was; the power was to be transferred from the Lord unto none of his ministers, the ministry was both unto the good and unto the bad. And the reason which he assigneth hereof is very good: that the hope of the baptized might be in him, by whom they did acknowledge themselves to have been baptized. The Lord therefore would not have a servant to put his hope in a servant. And therefore those Schoolmen argued not much amiss, that gathered this conclusion thence. It is a matter of equal power to baptize inwardly, and to absolve from mortal sin. But it was not fit, that God should communicate the power of baptizing inwardly unto any; lest our hope should be reposed in man. Therefore by the same reason it was not fit, that he should communicate the power of absolving from actual sin unto any. So Bernard, or whosoever was the author of the book entitled Scala Paradisi: The office of baptizing the Lord granted unto many, but the power and authority of remitting sins in baptism he retained unto himself alone. whence John by way of singularity and differencing said of him; He it is which baptizeth with the holy Ghost. And the Baptist indeed doth make a singular difference betwixt the conferrer of the external and the internal baptism, in saying: I baptize with water, but it is he which baptizeth with the holy Ghost. While John did his service, God did give, who faileth not in giving: and now when all others do their service, the service is man's, but the gift is God's ; saith Optatus. and Arnaldus Bonaevallensis (the author of the twelve treatises de Cardinalibus operibus Christi, falsely ascribed to S. Cyprian: ) touching the Sacraments in general: Forgiveness of sins, whether it be given by Baptism or by other sacraments, is properly of the holy Ghost; and the privilege of effecting this remaineth to him alone.
But the word of reconciliation is it, wherein the Apostle doth especially place that ministry of reconciliation, which the Lord hath committed to his Ambassadors here upon earth. This is that key of knowledge: which doth both open the conscience to the confession of sin, and include therein the grace of the healthful mystery unto eternity ; as Maximus Taurinensis speaketh of it. This is that powerful means, which God hath sanctified for the washing away of the pollution of our souls. Now ye are clean (saith our Savior to his Apostles) through the word which I have spoken unto you. And whereas every transgressor is holden with the cords of his own sins: the Apostles, according to the commission given unto them by their Master, that whatsoever they should loose on earth should be loosed in heaven, did loose those cords by the word of God, and the testimonies of the Scriptures, and exhortation unto virtues. as saith S. Jerome: Thus likewise doth S. Ambrose note, that sins are remitted by the word of God, whereof the Levite was an interpreter and a kind of an executer: & in that respect concludeth, that the Levite was a minister of this remission. As the Jewish Scribes therefore, by taking away the key of knowledge, did shut up the kingdom of heaven against men: so every Scribe which is instructed unto the kingdom of heaven, by opening unto his hearers the door of faith, doth as it were unlock that kingdom unto them; being the instrument of God herein to open men's eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith in Christ. And here are we to understand, that the ministers of Christ, by applying the word of God unto the consciences of men both in public and in private, do discharge that part of their function which concerneth forgiveness of sins, partly operatively, partly declaratively. Operatively: inasmuch as God is pleased to use their preaching of the Gospel as a means of conferring his spirit upon the sons of men, of begetting them in Christ, and of working faith and repentance in them; whereby the remission of sins is obtained. Thus John preaching the Baptism of repentance for the remission of sins, and teaching the people, that they should believe on him which should come after him, that is, on Christ Jesus ; is said to turn many of the children of Israel to the Lord their God, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just, by giving knowledge of salvation to God's people, unto the remission of their sins. Not because he had properly any power given him to turn men's hearts, and to work faith and repentance for forgiveness of sins when and where he thought good: but because he was trusted with the ministry of the word of God's grace, which is able to convert and quicken men's souls, and to give them an inheritance among all them which are sanctified. by the powerful application of which word, he who converteth the sinner from the error of his way, is said to save a soul from death, and to hide a multitude of sins. For howsoever in true propriety, the covering of sins, the saving from death, and turning of men from their iniquities, is a privilege peculiar to the Lord our God; unto whom alone it appertaineth to reconcile the world to himself▪ by not imputing their sins unto them: yet inasmuch as he hath committed unto his ambassadors the word of reconciliation, they in performing that work of their ministry, may be as rightly said to be employed in reconciling men unto God, and procuring remission of their sins; as they are said to deliver a man from going down into the pit, when they declare unto him his righteousness, and to save their hearers, when they preach unto them the Gospel, by which they are saved.
For as the word it self which they speak, is said to be their word, which yet is in truth the word of God: so the work which is effectually wrought by that word in them that believe, is said to be their work, though in truth it be the proper work of God. And as they that believe by their word, are said to be their Epistle, 2. Cor. 3.2. that is to say, the Epistle of Christ ministered by them (as it is expounded in the verse following:) in like manner, forgiveness of sins and those other great graces that appertain to the believers, may be said to be their work, that is to say, the work of Christ ministered by them. For in very deed (as Optatus speaketh in the matter of Baptism) not the minister, but the faith of the believer and the Trinity do bring these things unto every man. And where the preaching of the Gospel doth prove the power of God unto salvation ; only the weakness of the external ministry must be ascribed to men, but the excellency of the power must ever be acknowledged to be of God, and not of them: neither he that planteth, being here anything, neither he that watereth, but God that giveth the increase. For howsoever in respect of the former, such as take pains in the Lord's husbandry may be accounted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the Apostle termeth them, laborers together with God (though that little piece of service it self also be not performed by their own strength, but according to the grace of God which is given unto them:) yet that which followeth, of giving the increase, God effecteth not by them, but by himself. This (saith S. Augustine) exceedeth the lowliness of man, this exceedeth the sublimity of Angels, neither appertaineth unto any but unto the husbandman the Trinity.
Now as the Spirit of God doth not only woe • ke diversities of graces in us, distributing to every man severally as he will ; but also maketh us to know the things that are freely given to us of God: so the ministers of the New Testament, being made able ministers of the same spirit, are not only ordained to be God's instruments to work faith and repentance in men, for the obtaining of remission of sins, but also to declare God's pleasure unto such as believe and repent, and in his name to certify them and give assurance to their consciences that their sins are forgiven. they having received this ministry of the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God ; and so by their function being appointed to be witnesses rather then conferrers of that grace. For it is here with them in the loosing part, as it is in the binding part of their ministry; where they are brought in, like unto those seven Angels in the book of the Revelation, which pour out the vials of the wrath of God upon the earth ; having vengeance ready against all disobedience, and a charge from God, to cast men out of his sig • t: not because they are properly the avengers (for that title God challengeth unto himself) or that vengeance did any way appertain unto them (for it is written: Vengeance is mine, I will repay; saith the Lord ) but because they were the denouncers, not the inflicters of this vengeance. So though it be the Lord that speaketh concerning a nation, to pluck up and to pull down and to destroy, or on the other side, to build and to plant it; yet he in whose mouth God put those words of his, is said to be set by him over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build and to plant: as if he himself were a doer of those great matters, who was only ordained to be a Prophet unto the nations, to speak the things unto them which God had commanded him. Thus likewise in the thirteenth of Leviticus, where the Laws are set down that concern the leprosy, which was a type of the pollution of sin, we meet often with these speeches, The Priest shall cleanse him, and, The Priest shall pollute him, and in the 44. verse, The Priest with pollution shall pollute him: not (saith S. Jerome) that he is the author of the pollution, but that he declareth him to be polluted, who before did seem unto many to have been clean. Whereupon the Master of the Sentences (following herein S. Jerome, and being afterwards therein followed himself by many others) observeth, that in remitting or retaining sins the Priests of the Gospel have that right and office, which the legal Priests had of old under the Law in curing of the lepers. These therefore (saith he) forgive sins or retain them, whiles they show and declare that they are forgiven or retained by God. For the Priests put the name of the Lord upon the children of Israel, but it was he himself that blessed them, as it is read in Numbers. The place that he hath referrence unto, is in the sixth chapter of that book, where the Priests are commanded to bless the people, by saying unto them, The Lord bless thee, &c. and then it followeth (in the last verse of that chapter:) So they shall put my Name upon the children of Israel, and I will bless them.
Neither do we grant hereupon, (as the Adversarie falsely chargeth us) that a lay-man, yea or a woman, or a child, or any infidel, or the Devil (the Father of all calumniators and liars) or a Parrot likewise, if he be taught the words, may as well absolve as the Priest as if the speech were all the thing that here were to be considered, and not the power: where we are taught, that the kingdom of God is not in word, but in power. Indeed if the Priests by their office brought nothing with them but the ministry of the bare letter, a Parrot peradventure might be taught to sound that letter as well as they: but we believe, that God hath made them able ministers of the New Testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit. and that the Gospel ministered by them cometh unto us not in word only, but also in power, and in the holy Ghost, and in much assurance. For God hath added a special beauty to the feet of them that preach the Gospel of peace, that howsoever others may bring glad tidings of good things to the penitent sinner as truly as they do; yet neither can they do it with the same authority, neither is it to be expected that they should do it with such power, such assurance, and such full satisfaction to the afflicted conscience. The speech of every Christian (we know) should be employed to the use of edifying, that it may minister grace unto the hearers ; and a private brother in his place may deliver found doctrine, reprehend vice, exhort to righteousness, very commendably: yet hath the Lord notwithstanding all this, for the necessary use of his Church, appointed public officers to do the same things, and hath given unto them a peculiar power for edification, wherein they may boast above others; and in the due execution whereof God is pleased to make them instruments of ministering a more plentiful measure of grace unto their hearers, then may be ordinarily looked for from others. These men are appointed to be of God's high commission, and therefore they may speak, and exhort, and rebuke with all authority · they are God's Angels and Ambassadors for Christ, and therefore in delivering their message are to be received as an Angel of God, yea as Christ Jesus. that look how the Prophet Isaiah was comforted, when the Angel said unto him, Thine iniquity is taken away, and thy sin purged ; and the poor woman in the Gospel, when Jesus said unto her, Thy sins are forgiven: the like consolation doth the distressed sinner receive from the mouth of the Minister, when he hath compared the truth of God's word faithfully delivered by him, with the work of God's grace in his own heart. according to that of Elihu: If there be an Angel or a messenger with him, an Interpreter, one of a thousand, to declare unto man his righteousness; then will God have mercy upon him and say, Deliver him from going down to the pit, I have received a reconciliation. For as it is the office of this messenger and interpreter, to pray us in Christ's stead, that we would be reconciled to God: so when we have listened unto this motion, and submitted ourselves to the Gospel of peace, it is a part of his office likewise to declare unto us in Christ's stead, that we are reconciled to God: and in him Christ himself must be acknowledged to speak, who to us ward by this means is not weak, but is mighty in us.
But our new Masters will not content themselves with such a ministerial power of forgiving sins as hath been spoken of; unless we yield that they have authority so to do properly, directly, and absolutely: that is, unless we acknowledge that their high Priest sitteth in the Temple of God as God, and all his creatures as so many demi-gods under him. For we must say (if we will be drunk with the drunken) that in this high Priest there is the fullness of all graces; because he alone giveth a full indulgence of all sins: that this may agree unto him, which we say of the chief prince our Lord, that of his fullness all we have received. Nay we must acknowledge, that the meanest in the whole army of Priests that followeth this king of pride, hath such fullness of power derived unto him for the opening and shutting of heaven before men: that forgiveness is denied to them, whom the Priest will not forgive ; and his Absolution on the other side is a sacramental act, which conferreth grace by the work wrought, that is, (as they expound it) actively, and immediately, and instrumentally effecteth the grace of justification in such as receive it. that as the wind doth extinguish the fire, and dispel the clouds; so doth the Priests absolution scatter sins, and make them to vanish away: the sinner being thereby immediately acquitted before God, howsoever that sound conversion of heart be wanting in him, which otherwise would be requisite. for a conditional Absolution, upon such terms as these, If thou doest believe and repent as thou oughtest to do, is (in these men's judgment) to no purpose, and can give no security to the penitent; seeing it dependeth upon an uncertain condition. Have we not then just cause to say unto them, as Optatus did unto the Donatists: Nolite vobis Majestatis dominium vendicare? Intrude not upon the royal prerogative of our Lord and Master. No man may challenge this absolute power of the keys, but he that hath the key of David, that openeth and no man shutteth, and shutteth and no man openeth ; he to whom the Father hath given power over all flesh, yea all power in heaven and in earth ; even the eternal Son of God, who hath in his hands the keys of death, and is able to quicken whom he will.
The Ministers of the Gospel may not meddle with the matter of soveraignetie, and think that they have power to proclaim war or conclude peace betwixt God and man, according to their own discretion: they must remember, that they are Ambassadors for Christ, and therefore in this treaty are to proceed according to the instructions which they have received from their sovereign; which if they do transgress, they go beyond their commission, therein they do not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and their authority for so much is plainly void. The Bishop (saith S. Gregory, and the Fathers in the Council of Aquisgran following him) in loosing and binding those that are under his charge, doth follow oftentimes the motions of his own will, and not the merit of the causes. Whence it cometh to pass, that he depriveth himself of this power of binding and loosing, who doth exercise the same according to his own will, and not according to the manners of them which be subject unto him. that is to say, he maketh himself worthy to be deprived of that power, which he hath thus abused; (as the Master of the Sentences and Semeca in his Gloss upon Gratian, would have S. Gregory's meaning to be expounded) and pro tanto (as hath been said) actually voideth himself of this power, this unrighteous judgment of his given upon earth, being no ways ratified, but absolutely disanulled in the court of heaven. For he who by his office is appointed to be a minister of the word of truth, hath no power given him to do anything against the truth, but for the truth: neither is it to be imagined, that the sentence of man, who is subject to deceive and be deceived, should any ways prejudice the sentence of God, whose judgment we know to be always according to the truth. Therefore doth Pacianus, in the end of his first epistle to Sympronianus the Novatian, show that at that time, absolution was not so easily given unto penitents, as now a days it is: but with great pondering of the matter and with great deliberation, after many sighs and shedding of tears, after the prayers of the whole Church, pardon was so not denied unto tr • e repentance, that Christ being to judge, no man should prejudge him. and a little before, speaking of the Bishop by whose ministry this was done: He shall give an account (saith he) if he have done anything amiss, or if he have judged corruptly and wickedly. Neither is there any prejudice done unto God, whereby he might not undo the works of this evil builder: but in the mean time, if that administration of his be godly, he continueth a helper of the works of God. Wherein he doth but tread in the steps of S. Cyprian, who at the first rising of the Novatian heresy, wrote in the same manner unto Antonianus. We do not prejudice the Lord that is to judge, but that he, if he find the repentance of the sinner to be full and just, he may then ratify that which shall be here ordained by us: but if any one do deceive us with the semblance of repentance, God (who is not mocked, and who beholdeth the heart of man) may judge of those things which we did not well discern, and the Lord may amend the sentence of the servants.
Hereupon S. Jerome, expounding those words, Daniel 4.24. It may be God will pardon thy sins ; reproveth those men of great rashness, that are so peremptory and absolute in their absolutions. When blessed Daniel (saith he) who knew things to come, doth doubt of the sentence of God: they do a rash deed, that boldly promise pardon unto sinners. S. Basil also resolveth us, that the power of forgiving is not given absolutely; but upon the obedience of the penitent, and his consent with him that hath the care of his soul. For it is in loosing, as it is in binding. Thou hast begun to esteem thy brother as a publican, (saith S. Augustine:) thou bindest him upon earth. But look that thou bindest him justly. For unjust bonds justice doth break. So when the Priest saith, I absolve thee: Maldonado confesseth, that he meaneth no more thereby but, As much as in me lieth, I absolve thee: and Suarez acknowledgeth, that it implicity includeth this condition, Unless the receiver put some impediment ; for which he alledgeth the authority of Hugo de S. Victore, lib. 2. de Sacramentis, pa. 14. s. 8. affirming, that this form doth rather signify the power and virtue, then the event of the absolution. And therefore doth the Master of the Sentences rightly observe, that God doth not evermore follow the judgment of the Church: which sometimes judgeth by surreption and ignorance; whereas God doth always judge according to the truth. So the Priests sometime declare men to be loosed or bound, who are not so before God: with the penalty of satisfaction or excommunication they sometime bind such as are unworthy, or loose them; they admit them that be unworthy to the Sacraments, and put back them that be worthy to be admitted. That saying therefore of Christ must be understood to be verified in them (saith he) whose merits do require that they should be loosed or bound. For then is the sentence of the Priest approved and confirmed by the judgment of God and the whole court of heaven, when it doth proceed with that discretion, that the merits of them who be dealt withal do not contradict the same. Whomsoever therefore they do loose or bind, using the key of discretion according to the parties merits, they are loosed or bound in heaven, that is to say, with God: because the sentence of the Priest proceeding in this manner, is approved and confirmed by divine judgment. Thus far the Master of the Sentences: who is followed herein by the rest of the Schoolmen; who generally agree, that the power of binding and loosing committed to the Ministers of the Church, is not absolute, but must be limited with Clave non errante, as being then only of force when matters are carried with right judgment, and no error is committed in the use of the keys.
Our Savior therefore must still have the privilege reserved unto him, of being the absolute Lord over his own house: it is sufficient for his officers, that they be esteemed as Moses was, faithful in all his house as servants. The place wherein they serve, is a Stewards place: and the Apostle telleth them, that it is required in Stewards, that the man be found faithful. They may not therefore carry themselves in their office, as the unjust steward did, and presume to strike out their Masters debt without his direction, and contrary to his liking. Now we know that our Lord hath given no authority unto his stewards, to grant an acquittance unto any of his debtors, that bring not unfayned faith and repentance with them. Neither Angel nor Archangel can, neither yet the Lord himself, (who alone can say; I am with you) when we have sinned, doth release us, unless we bring repentance with us: saith S. Ambrose. and Eligius Bishop of Noyon, in his Sermon unto the Penitents: Before all things it is necessary you should know, that howsoever you desire to receive the imposition of our hands; yet you cannot obtain the absolution of your sins, before the divine piety shall vouchsafe to absolve you by the grace of compunction. To think therefore that it lieth in the power of any Priest truly to absolve a man from his sins, without implying the condition of his believing and repenting as he ought to do ; is both presumption and madness in the highest degree. Neither dareth Cardinal Bellarmine, who censureth this conditional absolution in us for idle and superfluous, when he hath considered better of the matter, assume unto himself, or communicate unto his brethren, the power of giving an absolute one. For he is driven to confess with other of his fellows, that when the Priest saith, I absolve thee, he doth not affirm that he doth absolve absolutely; as not being ignorant, that it may many ways come to pass that he doth not absolve, although he pronounce those words: namely if he who seemeth to receive this Sacrament (for so they call it) peradventure hath no intention to receive it, or is not rightly disposed, or putteth some block in the way. Therefore the Minister (saith he) signifieth nothing else by those words, but that he, as much as in him lieth, conferreth the sacrament of reconciliation or absolution, which in a man rightly disposed hath virtue to forgive all his sins.
Now that Contrition is at all times necessarily required for obtaining remission of sins and justification, is a matter determined by the Fathers of Trent. But mark yet the mystery. They equivocate with us in the term of Contrition: and make a distinction thereof into perfect and imperfect. The former of these is Contrition properly: the latter they call Attrition. which howsoever in it self it be not true Contrition, yet when the Priest with his power of forgiving sins interposeth himself in the business, they tell us that attrition by virtue of the keys is made contrition: that is to say, that a sorrow arising from a servile fear of punishment, and such a fruitless repentance as the reprobate may carry with them to hell, by virtue of the Priests absolution is made so fruitful, that it shall serve the turn for obtaining forgiveness of sins; as if it had been that godly sorrow which worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of. By which spiritual coosenage, many poor souls are most miserably deluded, while they persuade themselves that upon the receipt of the Priests acquittance upon this carnal sorrow of theirs, all skores are cleared until that day: and then beginning upon a new reckoning, they sin and confess, confess and sin afresh, and tread this round so long till they put off all thought of saving repentance; and so the blind following the blind, both at last fall into the pit.
Evil and wicked, carnal, natural, and devilish men (saith S. Augustine) imagine those things to be given unto them by their seducers, which are only the gifts of God, whether sacraments, or any other spiritual works, concerning their present salvation. But such as are thus seduced, may do well to listen a little to this grave admonition of S. Cyprian. Let no man deceive, let no man beguile himself: it is the Lord alone that can show mercy. He alone can grant pardon to the sins committed against him, who did himself bear our sins, who suffered grief for us, whom God did deliver for our sins. Man cannot be greater then God; neither can the servant by his indulgence remit or pardon that which by heinous trespass is committed against the Lord: lest to him that is fallen this yet be added as a further crime, if he be ignorant of that which is said; Cursed is the man that putteth his trust in man. Whereupon S. Augustine sticketh not to say, that good ministers do consider that they are but ministers, they would not be held for Judges, they abhor that any trust should be put in them: and that the power of remitting and retaining sins is committed unto the Church, to be dispensed therein, not according to the arbitrement of man, but according to the arbitrement of God. Whereas our adversaries lay the foundation of their Babel upon another ground: that Christ hath appointed Priests to be Judges upon earth with such power, that none falling into sin after Baptism may be reconciled without their sentence ; and hath put the authority of binding and loosing, of forgiving and retaining the sins of men, in their arbitrement.
Whether the Ministers of the Gospel may be accounted Judges in some sort, we will not much contend: for we dislike neither that saying of S. Jerome, that having the keys of the kingdom of heaven, they judge after a sort before the day of judgment ; nor that other of S. Gregory, that the Apostles, & such as succeed them in the government of the Church, obtain a principality of judgment from above, that they may in God's stead retain the sins of some, and release the sins of others. All the question is, in what sort they do judge, and whether the validity of their judgment do depend upon the truth of the conversion of the penitent: wherein if our Romanists would stand to the judgment of S. Jerome or S. Gregory (one of whom they make a Cardinal, and the other a Pope of their own Church) the controversy betwixt us would quickly be at an end. For S. Jerome, expounding that speech of our Savior, touching the keys of the kingdom of heaven, in the sixteenth of S. Matthew; The Bishops and Priests, saith he, not understanding this place, assume to themselves somewhat of the Pharisees arrogancy: as imagining, that they may either condemn the innocent, or absolve the guilty; whereas it is not the sentence of the Priests, but the life of the parties that is inquired of with God. In the book of Leviticus we read of the Lepers, where they are commanded to show themselves to the Priests, and if they shall have the leprosy, that then they shall be made unclean by the Priest. not that the Priests should make them leprous and unclean, but that they should take notice who was a leper and who was not, and should discern who was clean and who unclean. Therefore as there the Priest doth make the leper clean or unclean; so here the Bishop or Priest doth bind or loose: not bind the innocent, or loose the guilty; but when according to his office he heareth the variety of sins, he knoweth who is to be bound and who to be loosed. Thus far S. Jerome.
S. Gregory likewise in the very same place from whence the Romanists fetch that former sentence, doth thus declare in what manner that principality of judgment, which he spake of, should be exercised: being therein also followed step by step, by the Fathers of the Council of Aquisgran. The causes ought to be weighed, and then the power of binding and loosing exercised. It is to be seen, what the fault is, and what the repentance is that hath followed after the fault: that such as almighty God doth visit with the grace of compunction, those the sentence of the Pastor may absolve. For the absolution of the Prelate is then true, when it followeth the arbitrement of the eternal Judge. And this do they illustrate by that which we read in the Gospel of the raising of Lazarus, John. 11.44. that Christ did first of all give life to him that was dead by himself, and then commanded others to loose him, and let him go. Behold (say they) the disciples do loose him being now alive; whom their Master had raised up being dead. For if the disciples had loosed Lazarus being dead: they should have discovered a stinche more then a virtue. By which consideration we may see: that by our Pastoral authority we ought to loose those, whom we know that our Author and Lord hath revived with his quickening grace. The same application also do we find made, not only by Peter Lombard, and other of the Schoolmen, but also by Iudocus Clichtoveus, not long before the time of the Council of Trent. Lazarus (saith Clichtoveus) first of all came forth alive out of the sepulcher, and then was commandment given by our Lord that he should be loosed by the disciples and suffered to go his way: because the Lord doth first inwardly by himself quicken the sinner, and afterwards absolveth him by the Priests ministry. For no sinner is to be absolved, before it appeareth that he be amended by due repentance, and be quickened inwardly. But inwardly to quicken the sinner, is the office of God alone, who saith by the Prophet: I am he that blotteth out your iniquities.
The truth therefore of the Priests absolution, dependeth upon the truth and sincerity of God's quickening grace in the heart of the Penitent: which if it be wanting, all the absolutions in the world will stand him in no stead. For example, our Savior saith: If ye forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father will also forgive you; but, if ye forgive not men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses. and in this respect (as is observed by Sedulius) in other men's persons we are either absolved or bound:
Suppose now, that a man who cannot find in his heart to forgive the wrong done unto him by another, is absolved here by the Priest from all his sins (according to the usual form of Absolution:) are we to think that what is thus loosed upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven? and that Christ, to make the Priests word true, will make his own false? And what we say of charity toward man, must much more be understood of the love of God and the love of righteousness: the defect whereof is not to be supplied by the absolution of any Priest. It hath been always observed for a special difference betwixt good and bad men, that the one hated sin for the love of virtue, the other only for the fear of punishment. The like difference do our Adve • saries make betwixt Contrition and Attrition: that the hatred of sin, in the one proceedeth from the love of God and of righteousness; in the other, from the fear of punishment. and yet teach for all this, that Attrition (which they confess would not otherwise suffice to justify a man) being joined with the Priests Absolution, is sufficient for that purpose: he that was attrite being by virtue of this Absolution made contrite, and justified, that is to say, he that was led only by a servile fear, and consequently was to be rancked among disordered and evil persons, being by this means put in as good case for the matter of the forgiveness of his sins, as he that loveth God sincerely. For they themselves do grant, that such as have this servile fear, from whence Attrition issueth, are to be accounted evil and disordered men, by reason of their want of charity: to which purpose also they allege that saying of Gregory, Recti diligunt te, non recti adhuc timent te. Such as be righteous love thee, such as be not right • ous as yet fear thee.But they have taken an order notwithstanding, that non recti shall stand recti in curiâ with them: by assuming a strange authority unto themselves of justifying the wicked (a thing, we know, that hath the curse of God and man threatened unto it) & making men friends with God, that have not the love of God dwelling in them. For although we be taught by the word of God, that perfect love casteth out fear ; that we have not received the spirit of bondage to fear again, but the spirit of adoption whereby we cry Abba, father ; that mount Sinai (which maketh those that come unto it to fear and quake ) engendereth to bondage, and is to be cast out with her children, from inheriting the promise; & that without love, both we ourselves are nothing, and all that we have doth profit us nothing: yet these wonderful men would have us believe, that by their word alone they are able to make something of this nothing; that fear without love shall make men capable of the benefit of their pardon, as well as love without fear; that whether men come by the way of mount Sinai or mount Zion, whether they have Legal or Evangelical repentance, they have authority to absolve them from all their sins. as if it did lie in their power, to confound God's Testaments at their pleasure, and to give unto a servile fear not the benefit of manumission only, but the privilege of adoption also; by making the children of the bondwoman children of the promise, and giving them a portion in that blessed inheritance together with the children of her that is free.
Repentance from dead works, is one of the foundations and principles of the doctrine of Christ. Nothing maketh repentance certain, but the hatred of sin, and the love of God. and without true repentance all the Priests under heaven are not able to give us a discharge from our sins, and deliver us from the wrath to come. Except ye be converted, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven. Except ye repent, ye shall all perish: is the Lord's saying in the New Testament. and in the old: Repent, and turn from all your transgressions: so iniquity shall not be your ruin. Cast away from you all your transgressions, whereby ye have transgressed, and make you a new heart and a new spirit: for why will ye die, O house of Israel? Now put case one cometh to his ghostly father, with such sorrow of mind as the terrors of a guilty conscience usually do produce, and with such a resolution to cast away his sins, as a man hath in a storm to cast away his goods, not because he doth not love them, but because he feareth to loose his life if he part not with them: doth not he betray this man's soul, who putteth into his head, that such an extorted repentance as this, which hath not one grain of love to season it withal, will qualify him sufficiently for the receiving of an absolution, by I know not what sacramental faculty that the Priest is furnished withal to that purpose? For all do confess with S. Augustine, that this fear which loveth not justice, but dreadeth punishment, is servile, because it is carnal, and therefore doth not crucify the flesh. For the willingness to sin liveth, which then appeareth in the work, when impunity is hoped for: but when it is believed that punishment will follow, it liveth closely, yet it liveth. For it would wish rather, that it were lawful to do that which the Law forbiddeth, and is sorry that it is not lawful: because it is not spiritually delighted with the good thereof, but carnally feareth the evil which it doth threaten. What man then, do we think, will take the pains to get him a new heart and a new spirit, and undertake the toilsome work of crucifying the flesh with the lusts thereof; if without all this ado, the Priests absolution can make that other imperfect or rather equivocal contrition, arising from a carnal and servile fear, to be sufficient for the blotting out of all his sins? Or are we not rather to think that this sacramental penance of the Papists is a device invented by the enemy to hoodwinke poor souls, and to divert them from seeking that true repentance which is only able to stand them instead? and that such as take upon them to help lame dogs over the style after this manner, by substituting quid pro quo, attrition instead of contrition, servile fear instead of filial love, carnal sorrow instead of godly repentance; are physicians of no value, nay such as minister poison unto men under color of providing a sovereign medicine for them? He therefore that will have care of his souls health, must consider, that much resteth here in the good choice of a skillful physician; but much more, in the pains that must be taken by the patient himself. For that everyone who beareth the name of a Priest, is not fit to be trusted with a matter of this moment; their own Decrees may give them fair warning, where this admonition is twice laid down, out of the author that wrote of true and false repentance. He who will confess his sins, that he may find grace, let him seek for a Priest that knoweth how to bind and loose: least, while he is negligent concerning himself, he be neglected by him who mercifully admonisheth and desireth him, that both fall not into the pit, which the fool would not avoid. And when the skillfullest Priest that is, hath done his best: S. Cyprian will tell them, that to him that repenteth, to him that worketh, to him that prayeth, the Lord of his mercy can grant a pardon; he can make good that which for such men either the Martyrs shall request or the Priest shall do.
If we inquire, who they were that first assumed unto themselves this exorbitant power of forgiving sins: we are like to find them in the Tents of the ancient heretics and schismatics; who promised unto others liberty, when they themselves were the servants of corruption. How many (saith S. Jerome) which have neither bread nor apparel, when they themselves are hungry and naked, and neither have spiritual meats, nor preserve the coat of Christ entire; yet promise unto others food and raiment, and being full of wounds themselves brag that they be physicians: and do not observe that of Moses, (Exod. 4.13.) Provide another whom thou mayest send; & that other commandment (Ecclesiastic. 7.6.) Do not seek to be made a Judge, lest peradventure thou be not able to take away iniquity. It is Jesus alone, who healeth all sicknesses and infirmities: of whom it is written, (Psalm. 147.4.) He healeth the contrite in heart, and bindeth up their soars. Thus far S. Jerome.
The Rhemists in their marginal note upon Luke 7.49. tell us, that as the Pharisees did always carp Christ for remission of sins in earth, so the Heretics reprehend his Church that remitteth sins by his authority. But S. Augustine treating upon the self same place, might have taught them, that hereby the bewrayed themselves to be the off spring of Heretics, rather then children of the Church. For whereas our Savior there had said unto the penitent woman, Thy sins are forgiven ; and they that sat at meat with him began to say within themselves, Who is this that forgiveth sins also? S. Augustine first compareth their knowledge and the knowledge of the woman thus together. She knew that he could forgive sins; but they knew that a man could not forgive sins. And we are to believe that all, that is, both they which sat at table, and the woman which came to our Lord's feet, they all knew that a man could not forgive sins. Seeing all therefore knew this, she who believed that he could forgive sins, understood him to be more then a man. and a little after: That do you know well, that do you hold well ; saith that learned Father. Hold, that a man cannot forgive sins. She who believed that her sins were forgiven her by Christ, believed that Christ was not only man, but God also. Then doth he proceed to compare the knowledge of the Jews then with the opinion of the Heretics in his days. Herein (saith he) the Pharisee was better then these men: for when he did think that Christ was a man, he did not believe that sins could be forgiven by a man. It appeared therefore that the Jews had better understanding then the Heretics. The Jews said; Who is this that forgiveth sins also? Dare a man challenge this to himself? What saith the Heretic on the other side? I do forgive, I do cleanse, I do sanctify. Let Christ answer him, not I: O man, when I was thought by the Jews to be a man, I ascribed the forgiveness of sins to faith. Not I, but Christ doth answer thee. O Heretic, Thou when thou art but a man sayest; Come woman, I do make the safe. I when I was thought to be but a man said; Go woman, thy faith hath made thee safe.
The Heretics at whom S. Augustine here aimeth, were the Donatists: whom Optatus also before him did thus roundly take up for the same presumption. Understand at length, that you are servants, and not Lord's. And if the Church be a vineyard, and men be appointed to be dressers of it: why do you rush into the dominion of the householder? Why do you challenge unto yourselves, that which is God's? Give leave unto God to perform the things that belong unto himself. For that gift cannot be given by man, which is divine. If you think so, you labor to frustrate the words of the Prophets, & the promises of God, by which it is proved that God washeth (away sin,) and not man. It is noted likewise by Theodoret, of the Audian heretics: that they bragged they did forgive sins. The manner of Confession which he saith was used among them, was not much unlike that which Alvarus Pelagius acknowledgeth to have been the usual practice of them that made greatest profession of religion and learning in his time. For scarce at all (saith he) or very seldom doth any of them confess otherwise then in general terms: scarce do they ever specify any grievous sin. What they say one day, that they say another, as if every day they did offend alike. The manner of Absolution was the same with that, which Theodoricus de Niem noteth to have been practiced by the pardoners sent abroad by Pope Boniface the ninth: who released all sins to them that confessed, without any penance (or repentance;) affirming that they had for their warrant in so doing, all that power which Christ gave unto Peter of binding and loosing upon earth. just as Theodoret reporteth the Audians were wont to do: who presently after confession granted remission; not prescribing a time for repentance, as the laws of the Church did require, but giving pardon by authority.
The laws of the Church prescribed a certain time unto Penitents, wherein they should give proof of the soundness of their repentance: and gave order that afterwards they should be forgiven and comforted, lest they should be swallowed up with overmuch heaviness. So that first their penance was enjoined unto them, and thereby they were held to be bound: after performance whereof they received their absolution, by which they were loosed again. But the Audian heretics, without any such trial taken of their repentance, did of their own heads give them absolution presently upon their confession: as the Popish Priests use to do now a days. Only the Audians had one ridiculous ceremony more then the Papists; that having placed the Canonical books of Scripture upon one side, and certain Apocryphal writings on the other, they caused their followers to pass betwixt them, and in their passing to make confession of their sins: as the Papists, another idle practice more then they; that after they have given absolution, they enjoin penance to the party absolved, that is to say, (as they of old would have interpreted it) they first loose him and presently after bind him. which howsoever they hold to be done in respect of the temporal punishment remaining due after the remission of the fault: yet it appeareth plainly, that the penitential works required in the ancient Church, had reference to the fault it self; and that no absolution was to be expected from the Minister for the one, before all reckonings were ended for the other. Only where the danger of death was imminent, the case admitted some exception: reconci • iation being not denied indeed unto them that desired it at such a time, yet so granted, that it was left very doubtful, whether it would stand the parties in any great stead or no. If any one being in the last extremity of his sickness, saith S. Augustine, is willing to receive penance, and • oth receive it, and is presently reconciled, and departeth hence: I confess unto you, we do not deny him that which he asketh, but we do not presume that he goeth well from hence. I do not presume, I deceive you not, I do not presume. He who putteth off his penance to the last, and is reconciled; whether he goeth secure from hence, I am not secure. Penance I can give him, security I cannot give him. Do I say, he shall be damned? I say not so. But do I say also, he shall be freed? No. What doest thou then say unto me? I know not: I presume not, I promise not, I know not. Wilt thou free thyself of the doubt? wilt thou escape that which is uncertain? Do thy penance while thou art in health. The penance which is asked for by the infirm man, is infirm. The penance which is asked for only by him that is a dying, I fear lest it also die.
But with the matter of penance we have not here to deal: those formal absolutions and pardons of course, immediately granted upon the hearing of men's confessions, is that which we charge the Romish Priests to have learned from the Audian heretics. Some require penance to this end, that they might presently have the communion restored unto them: these men desire, not so much to loose themselves, as to bind the Priest ; saith S. Ambrose. If this be true, that the Priest doth bind himself, by his hasty and unadvised loosing of others: the case is like to go hard with our Popish Priests, who ordinarily in bestowing their absolutions, use to make more hast then good speed. Wherein, with how little judgment they proceed, who thus take upon them the place of Judges in men's consciences, may sufficiently appear by this: that whereas the main ground, whereupon they would build the necessity of Auricular confession, and the particular enumeration of all known sins, is pretended to be this, that the ghostly Father having taken notice of the cause may judge righteous judgment, and discern who should be bound and who should be loosed, the matter yet is so carried in this court of theirs, that every man commonly goeth away with his absolution, and all sorts of people usually receive one and the self same judgment. If thou separate the precious from the vile, thou shalt be as my mouth: saith the Lord. Whose mouth then may we hold them to be, who seldom put any difference between these, and make it their ordinary practice to pronounce the same sentence of absolution as well upon the one as upon the other?
If we would know, how late it was before this trade of pardoning men's sins after this manner was established in the Church of Rome: we cannot discover this better, then by tracing out the doctrine publicly taught in that Church touching this matter, from the time of Satan's loosing until his binding again by the restoring of the purity of the Gospel in our days. And here Radulphus Ardens doth in the first place offer himself: who toward the beginning of that time preached this for sound divinity. The power of releasing sins, belongeth to God alone. But the ministry (which improperly also is called a power) he hath granted unto his substitutes; who after their manner do bind and absolve, that is to say, do declare that men are bound or absolved. For God doth first inwardly absolve the sinner by compunction: and then the Priest outwardly by giving the sentence doth declare that he is absolved. Which is well signified by that of Lazarus: who first in the grave was raised up by the Lord, and afterward by the ministry of the disciples was loosed from the bands wherewith he was tied. Then follow both the Anselm's, ours of Canterbury and the other of Laon in France: who in their expositions upon the ninth of S. Matthew, clearly teach, that none but God alone can forgive sins. Ivo Bishop of Chartres writeth, that by inward contrition the inward judge is satisfied, and therefore without delay forgiveness of the sin is granted by him, unto whom the inward conversion is manifest: but the Church, because it knoweth not the hidden things of the heart, doth not loose him that is bound, although he be raised up, until he be brought out of the tomb, that is to say, purged by public satisfaction. and if presently upon the inward conversion God be pleased to forgive the sin: the absolution of the Priest which followeth, cannot in any sort properly be accounted a remission of that sin, but a further manifestation only of the remission formerly granted by God himself.
The Master of the Sentences after him, having propounded the diverse opinions of the Doctors touching this point, demandeth at last, In this so great variety what is to be held? and returneth for answer. Surely this we may say and think: that God alone doth forgive and retain sins, and yet hath given power of binding and loosing unto the Church; but He bindeth and looseth one way, and the Church another. For he only by himself forgiveth sin, who both cleanseth the soul from inward blot, and looseth it from the debt of everlasting death. But this hath he not granted unto Priests: to whom notwithstanding he hath given the power of binding and loosing, that is to say, of declaring men to be bound or loosed. Wherupon the Lord did first by himself restore health unto the leper, and then sent him unto the Priests, by whose judgment he might be declared to be cleansed: so also he offered Lazarus to his disciples to be loosed, having first quickened him. In like manner Hugo Cardinalis showeth, that it is only God that forgiveth sins: and that the Priest cannot bind or loose the sinner, with or from the bond of the fault and the punishment due thereunto; but only declare him to be bound or loosed. as the Levitical Priest did not make nor cleanse the leper, but only declared him to be infected or clean. And a great number of the Schoolmen afterward shown themselves to be of the same judgment: that to pardon the fault and the eternal punishment due unto the same, was the proper work of God; that the Priests absolution hath no real operation that way, but presupposeth the party to be first justified and absolved by God. Of this mind were, Guilielmus Altissiodorensis, Alexander of Hales, Bonaventure, Ockam, Thomas de Argentinâ, Michael de Bononiâ, Gabriel Biel, Henricus de Huecta, Johannes Major, and others.
To lay down all their words at large would be too tedious. In general, Hadrian the sixth (one of their own Popes) acknowledgeth, that the most appr • ved Divines were of this mind, that the keys of the Priesthood do not extend themselves to the remission of the fault: and Major affirmeth, that this is the common Tenet of the Doctors. So likewise is it avouched by Gabriel Biel, that the old Doctors commonly follow the opinion of the Master of the Sentences; that Priests do forgive or retain sins, while they judge and declare that they are forgiven by God or retained. But all this notwithstanding, Suarez is bold to tell us, that this opinion of the Master is false, and now at this time erroneous. It was not held so the other day, when Ferus preached at Mainz, that man did not properly remit sin, but did declare and certify that it was remitted by God. so that the Absolution received from man, is nothing else then if he should say: Behold my son, I certify thee that thy sins are forgiven thee, I pronounce unto thee that thou hast God favorable unto thee; and whatsoever Christ in Baptism and in his Gospel hath promised unto us, he doth now declare and promise unto thee by me. Of this shalt thou have me to be a witness: go in peace, and in quiet of conscience. But jam hoc tempore the case is altered: these things must be purged out of Ferus as erroneous ; the opinion of the old Doctors must give place to the sentence of the new Fathers of Trent. And so we are come at length to the end of this long question: in the handling whereof I have spent more time, th • 〈◊〉 ani • of th • r • st, by reason our Priests do make this faculty of pardoning men's sins to be one of the most principal parts of their occupation, and the particular discovery thereof is not ordinarily by the writers of our side so much insisted upon. The performance therefore of my promise of brevity, is to be expected in the briefer treating upon those articles that remain: the fifth whereof we are now to take into our consideration, which is
OF PVRGATORIE.
FOr extinguishing the imaginary flames of Popish Purgatory, we need not go far to fetch water: seeing the whole current of God's word runneth mainly upon this; that the blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin ; that all God's children die in Christ, and that such as die in him, do rest from their labors ; that, as they be absent from the Lord while they are in the body, so when they be absent from the body they are present with the Lord ; and in a word, that they come not into judgment, but pass from death unto life. And if we need the assistance of the ancient Fathers in this business: behold they be here ready, with full buckets in their hands.
Tertullian, to begin withal, counteth it injurious unto Christ, to hold that such as be called from hence by him are in a state that should be pitied. whereas they have obtained their desire of being with Christ: according to that of the Apostle, Philip. 1.23. I desire to depart, and to be with Chrest. What pity was it, that the poor souls in Purgatory should find no 〈◊〉 in those days to inform men better of their ruefull condition; nor no Secretary to draw up such another supplication for them as this, which of late years Sir Thomas Moore presented in their name, To all good Christian people. In most piteous wise continually calleth and crieth upon your devoute charity and most tender pity, for help, comfort and relief, your late acquaintance, kindred, spouses, companions, playfellowes, and friends, and now your humble and unacquainted and half forgotten suppliants, poor prisoners of God, the seely souls in Purgatory, here abiding and enduring the grievous pains and hot cleansing fire, &c. If S. Cyprian had understood but half thus much: doubtless he would have stricken out the best part of that famous treatise which he wrote of Mortality (to comfort men against death, in the time of a great plague) especially such passages as these are, which by no means can be reconciled with Purgatory.
It is for him to fear death, that is not willing to go unto Christ: it is for him to be unwilling to go unto Christ, who doth not believe that he beginneth to reign with Christ. For it is written, that the just doth live by faith. If thou be just and livest by faith, if thou dost truly believe in God; why, being to be with Christ, and being secure of the Lord's promise, doest not thou embrace the message whereby thou art called unto Christ, and rejoicest that thou shalt be rid of the Devil? Simeon said; Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according to thy word: for mine eyes have seen thy salvation. proving thereby, and witnessing that the servants of God then have peace, then enjoy free and quiet rest; when being drawn from these storms of the world, we arrive at the haven of our everlasting habitation and security, when this death being ended we enter into immortality. The righteous are called to a refreshing, the unrighteous are hailed to torment: safety is quickly granted to the faithful, and punishment to the unfaithful. We are not to put on black mourning garments here, when our friends there have put on white. This is not a going out, but a passage, and, this temporal journey being finished, a going over to eternity. Let us therefore embrace the day that bringeth everyone to his own house; which having taken us away from hence, and loosed us from the snares of this world, returneth us to Paradise and to the kingdom of heaven.
The same holy Father in his Apology which he wrote for Christians unto Demetrian the proconsul of Africa, affirmeth in like manner; that the end of this temporal life being accomplished, we are divided into the habitations of everlasting either death or immortality. When we are once departed from hence, there is now no farther place for repentance, neither any effect of satisfaction. here life is either lost or obtained. But if thou (saith he) even at the very end and setting of thy temporal life, dost pray for thy sins, and call upon the only true God with confession and faith: pardon is given to thee confessing, and saving forgiveness is granted by the divine piety to thee believing; and at thy very death thou hast a passage unto immortality. This grace doth Christ impart, this gift of his mercy doth he bestow; by subduing death with the triumph of his cross, by redeeming the believer with the price of his blood, by reconciling man unto God the Father, by quickening him that is mortal with heavenly regeneration.
Where Solomon saith, Ecclesiast. 12.5. that man goeth to his everlasting house, and the mourners go about in the street: S. Gregory of Neocaesarea maketh this paraphrase upon those words; The good man shall go rejoicing unto his everlasting house, but the wicked shall fill all with lamentations. Therefore did the Fathers teach, that men should rejoice at their death: and the ancient Christians framed their practice accordingly; not celebrating the day of their nativity, which they accounted to be the entry of sorrows and temptations, but celebrating the day of death, as being the putting away of all sorrows, and the escaping of all temptations. And so being filled with a divine rejoicing they came to the extremity of death as unto the end of their holy combats: where they did more clearly behold the way that led unto their immortality, as being now made nearer; and did therefore praise the gifts of God, and were replenished with divine joy, as now not fearing any change to worse, but knowing well that the good things which they possessed shall be firmly and everlastingly enjoyed by them.
The author of the Questions and Answeres attributed to Justin Martyr, writeth thus of this matter. After the departure of the soul out of the body, there is presently made a distinction betwixt the just and the unjust. For they are brought by the Angels to places fit for them: the souls of the righteous to Paradise, where they have the commerce and sight of Angels and Archangels, &c. the souls of the unjust to the places in hell. That is not death (saith Athanasius ) that befalleth the righteous, but a translation: for they are translated out of this world into everlasting rest: and as a man would go out of a prison, so do the Saints go out of this troublesome life unto those good things that are prepared for them. S. Hilary out of that which is related in the Gospel of the rich man and Lazarus observeth; that as soon as this life is ended, everyone without delay is sent over either to Abraham's bosom, or to the place of torment, and in that state reserved until the day of judgment. S. Ambrose in his book of the good of Death, teacheth us, that death is a certain haven to them, who being tossed in the great Sea of this life, desire a rode of safe quietness: that it maketh not a man's state worse, but such as in findeth in everyone, such it reserveth unto the future judgment, and refresheth with rest. that thereby a passage is made from corruption to incorruption, from mortality to immortality, from trouble to tranquility. Therefore he saith, that where fools do fear death as the chief of evils, wise men do desire it, as a rest after labors and an end of their evils. and upon these grounds exhorteth us, that when that day cometh, we should go without fear to Jesus our redeemer, without fear to the Council of the Patriarchs, without fear to Abraham our father; that without fear we should address ourselves unto that assembly of Saints, and congregation of the righteous. forasmuch as we shall go to our fathers, we shall go to those schoolemasters of our faith; that albeit our works fail us, yet faith may succor us, and our title of inheritance defend us.
Macarius, writing of the double state of those that depart out of this life, affirmeth that when the soul goeth out of the body; if it be guilty of sin, the Devil carrieth it away with him unto his place: but when the holy servants of God remove out of their body, the quyers of Angels receive their souls unto their own side, unto the pure world, and so bring them unto the Lord. and in another place, moving the question concerning such as depart out of this world sustaining two persons in their soul, to wit, of sin and of grace; whither they shall go that are thus held by two parts? he maketh answer, that thither they shall go, where they have their mind and affection settled. For the Lord (saith he) beholding thy mind, that thou fightest, and lovest him with thy whole soul, separateth death from thy soul in one hour, (for this is not hard for him to do) and taketh thee into his own bosom, and unto light. For he plucketh thee away in the minute of an hour from the mouth of darkness, and presently translateth thee into his own kingdom. For God can easily do all these things in the minute of an hour; this provided only, that thou bearest love unto him. then which, what can be more direct against the dream of Popish Purgatory? This present world is the time of repentance, the other of retribution: this of working, that of rewarding: this of patient suffering, that of receiving comfort: saith S. Basil.
Gregory Nazianzen, in his funeral orations, hath many sayings to the same purpose: being so far from thinking of any Purgatory pains prepared for men in the other world, that he plainly denieth, that after the night of this present life there is any purging to be expected. and therefore he telleth us, that it is better to be corrected and purged now, than to be sent unto the torment there, where the time of punishing is, and not of purging. S. Jerome, comforteth Paula for the death of her daughter Blaesilla, in this mater. Let the dead be lamented; but such a one, whom Gehenna doth receive, whom Hell doth devour, for whose pain the everlasting fire doth burn. Let us, whose departure a troupe of Angels doth accompany, whom Christ cometh forth to meet, be more grieved, if we do longer dwell in this tabernacle of death. Because, as long as we remain here, we are pilgrims from God.
By all that hath been said, the indifferent Reader may easily discern, what may be thought of the craking Cardinal, who would face us down, that all the ancients, both Greek and Latin, from the very time of the Apostles, did constantly teach that there was a Purgatory. whereas his own partners could tell him in his ear, that in the ancient writers there is almost no mention of Purgatory, especially in the Greek writers; and therefore that by the Grecians it is not believed until this day. He alledgeth indeed a number of authorities to blear m • ns eyes withal: which being narrowly looked into, will be found either to be counterfeit stuff, or to make nothing at all to the purpose; as belonging either to the point of praying for the dead only, (which in those ancient times had no relation to Purgatory ; as in the handling of the next article we shall see) or unto the fire of affliction in this life, or to the fire that shall burn the world at the last day, or to the fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels, or to some other fire then that which he intended to kindle thereby. This benefit only have we here gotten by his labors: that he hath saved us the pains of seeking far for the forge, from whence the first sparkles of that purging fire of his brake forth. For the ancientest memorial that he bringeth thereof, (the places which he hath abused out of the Canonical and Apocryphal scriptures only excepted) is out of Plato in his Gorgias and Phaedo, Cicero in the end of his fiction of the dream of Scipio, and Virgil in the sixth book of his Aeneids: and next after the Apostles times, out of Tertullian in the seventeenth chapter of his book de Animâ, and Origen in diverse places. Only he must give us leave to put him in mind, with what spirit Tertullian was led, when he wrote that book de Animâ: and with what authority he strengtheneth that conceit of men's paying in hell for their small faults before the resurrection, namely of the Paraclete ; by whom if he mean Montanus the arch- heretic (as there is small cause to doubt that he doth) we need not much envy the Cardinal, for raising up so worshipful a patron of his Purgatory.
But if Montanus come short in his testimony, Origen I am sure pays it home with full measure, not pressed down only and shaken together, but also running over. For he was one of those (as the Cardinal knoweth full well) who approved of Purgatory so much, that he acknowledged no other pains after this life but purgatory penalties only: and therefore in his judgment Hell and Purgatory being the self same thing, such as blindly follow the Cardinal may do well to look, that they stumble not upon Hell, while they seek for Purgatory. The Grecians profess, that they are afraid to tell their people of any temporary fire after this life; lest it should breed in them a spice of Origen's disease, and put out of their memory the thought of eternal punishment, and by this means occasioning them to be more careless of their conversation, make them indeed fit fuel for those everlasting flames. Which fear of theirs, we may perceive not to have been altogether causeless; when the Purgatory of Origen resembleth the Purgatory of the Pope so nearly, that the wisest of his Cardinals is so ready to mistake the one for the other. And, to speak the truth, the one is but an unhappy sprigge cut off from the rotten trunck of the other: which sundry men long since endeavored to graff upon other stocks, but could not bring unto any great perfection; until the Popes followers tried their skill upon it, with that success which now we behold. Some of the ancient that put their hand to this work, extended the benefit of this fiery purge unto all men in general: others thought fit to restrain it unto such as some way or other bare the name of Christians, others to such Christians only as had one time or other made profession of the Catholic faith, and others to such alone as did continue in that profession until their dying day.
Against all these S. Augustine doth learnedly dispute; proving that wicked men, of what profession soever, shall be punished with everlasting perdition. And whereas the defenders of the last opinion did ground themselves upon that place in the third chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, which the Pope also doth make the principal foundation of his Purgatory (although it be a probatory, and not a purgatory fire that the Apostle there treateth of) S. Augustine maketh answer, that this sentence of the Apostle is very obscure, & to be reckoned among those things which S. Peter saith are hard to be understood in his writings, which men ought not to pervert unto their own destruction: and freely confesseth that in this matter he would rather hear more intelligent and more learned men then himself. Yet this he delivereth for his opinion: that by wood, hay, and stubble is understood that over-great love which the faithful bear to the things of this life; and by fire, that temporal tribulation which causeth grief unto them by the loss of those things upon which they had too much placed their affections. But whether in this life only (saith he) men suffer such things, or whether some such judgments also do follow after this life; the meaning which I have given of this sentence, as I suppose, abhorreth not from the truth. And again. Whether they find the fire of transitory tribulation (burning those secular affections, which are pardoned from damnation) in the other world only, or whether here and there, or whether therefore here that they may not find them there; I gainsay it not, because peradventure it is true. And in another place. That some such thing should be after this life, it is not incredible, and whether it be so it may be inquired, and either be found or remain hidden; that some of the faithful by a certain purgatory fire, by how much more or less they have loved these perishing goods, are so much the more slowly or sooner saved. Wherein the learned Father dealeth no otherwise, then when in disputing against the same men, he is content, if they would acknowledge that the wrath of God did remain everlastingly upon the damned, to give them leave to think that their pains might some way or other be lightened or mitigated. Which yet notwithstanding (saith he) I do not therefore affirm, because I oppose it not.
What the Doctors of the next succeeding ages taught herein, may appear by the writings of S. Cyril, Gennadius, Olympiodorus, and o • hers. S. Cyril from those last words of our Savior upon the Cross, Father into thy hands I commend my spirit, delivereth this as the certain ground and foundation of our hope. We ought to believe that the souls of the Saints, when they are departed out of their bodies, are commended unto God's goodness, as unto the hands of a most dear Father; and do not remain in the earth (as some of the unbelievers have imagined) until they have had the honor of burial; neither are carried, as the souls of the wicked be, unto a place of unmeasurable torment, that is, unto Hell: but rather fly to the hands of the Father, this way being first prepared for us by Christ. For he delivered up his soul into the hands of his Father, that from it, and by it a beginning being made, we might have certain hope of this thing: firmly believing, that after death we shall be in the hands of God, and shall live a far better life forever with Christ. for therefore Paul desired to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. Gennadius, in a book wherein he purposely taketh upon him to reckon up the particular points of doctrine received by the Church in his time, when he cometh to treat of the state of souls separated from the body, maketh no mention at all of Purgatory; but layeth down this for one of his positions. After the ascension of our Lord into heaven, the souls of all the Saints are with Christ, and departing out of the body go unto Christ, expecting the resurrection of their body, that together with it they may be changed unto perfect and perpetual blessedness: as the souls of the sinners also being placed in Hell under fear, expect the resurrection of their body, that with it they may be thrust unto everlasting pain. In like manner Olympiodorus, expounding that place of Ecclesiastes, If the tree fall toward the South or toward the North, in the place where the tree falleth, there it shall be ; maketh this inference thereupon. In whatsoever place therefore, either lightsome or dark, that is, either in the foul station of sins or in the honest of virtues, a man is taken when he dieth, in that degree and order he remaineth forever. For either he resteth in the light of eternal felicity with the just and with Christ our Lord, or is tormented in darkness with the wicked and with the Devil the prince of this world.
The first whom we find directly to have held, that for certain light faults there is a purgatory fire provided before the day of judgment; was Gregory the first, about the end of the sixth age after the birth of our Savior Christ. It was his imagination, that the end of the world was then at hand, and that as when the night beginneth to be ended and the day to spring, before the rising of the Sun the darkness is in some sort mingled together with the light, until the remains of the departing night be turned into the light of the following day; so the end of this world was then intermingled with the beginning of the world to come, and the very darkness of the remains thereof made transparent by a certain mixture of spiritual things. And this he assigneth for the reason, why in those last times so many things were made clear touching the souls, which before lay hid; so that by open revelations and apparitions the world to come might seem to bring in and open it self unto them. But as we see that he was plainly deceived in the one of his conceits; so have we just cause to call into question the verity of the other. the Scripture especially having informed us, that a people for enquiry of matters should not have recourse to the dead, but to their God, to the Law and to the Testimony: it being not God's manner, to send men from the dead to instruct the living, but to remit them unto Moses and the Prophets, that they may hear them. And the reason is well worth the observation which the author of the Questions to Antiochus rendereth, why God would not permit the soul of any of those that departed from hence to return back unto us again, and to declare the state of things in Hell unto us: least much error might arise from thence unto us in this life. For many of the Devils (saith he) might transform themselves into the shapes of those men that were deceased, and say that they were risen from the dead; and so might spread many false matters & doctrines of the things there, unto our seduction and destruction.
Neither is it to be passed over, that in those apparitions and revelations, related by Gregory, there is no mention made of any common lodge in Hell appointed for purging of the dead (which is that which the Church of Rome now striveth for) but of certain souls only that for their punishment were confined to bathes and other such places here upon earth; which our Romanists may believe if they list, but must seek for the Purgatory they look for somewhere else. And yet may they save themselves that labor, if they will be advised by the Bishops assembled in the Council of Aquisgran (240. years after these visions were published by Gregory) who will resolve them out of the word of God, how sins are punished in the world to come. The sins of men (say they) are punished three manner of ways: two in this life, and the third in the life to come. Of those two the Apostle saith: If we would judge ourselves, we should not be judged of the Lord. This is the punishment, wherewith (by the inspiration of God) every sinner, by repenting for his offenses, taketh revenge upon himself. But where the Apostle consequently adjoineth; When we are judged we are chastened of the Lord, that we should not be condemned with this world: this is the punishment, which almighty God doth mercifully inflict upon a sinner, according to that saying; Whom God loveth, he chasteneth, and he scourgeth every son that he receiveth. But the third is very fearful and terrible, which by the most just judgment of God shall be executed, not in this world but in that which is to come, when the just Judge shall say: Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the Devil and his angels. Add hereunto the saying of the author of the book De vanitate saeculi (wrongly ascribed to S. Augustine: ) Know, that when the soul is separated from the body, presently it is either placed in Paradise for his good merits, or cast headlong into the bottom of hell for his sins. and, that in the days of Otto Frisingensis himself (who wrote in the year of our Lord MCXLVI.) the doctrine of Purgatory was esteemed only a private assertion held by some, and not an article of faith generally received by the whole Church. (for why should he else write of it in this manner? That there is in Hell a place of Purgatory, wherein such as are to be saved are either only troubled with darkness, or decocted with the fire of expiation, SOM • do affirm.) and lastly, that the Purgatory wherewith the Romish clergy doth now delude the world, is a new devise, never heard of in the Church of God, for the space of a thousand years after the birth of our Savior Christ.
For the Gregorian Purgatory, which reached no further then to the expiation of small and very light faults, would not serve these men's turn; who very providently considered, that little use could be made of that fire, if it had no other fuel but this to maintain it. For such peccadilloes as these (they say) may be taken away in this life by knocking the breast, by receiving the Bishops blessing, by being sprinkled with holy water, and by such other easy remedies; that if this were all the matter to be cared for, men needed not greatly to stand in fear of Purgatory. Yea admit they should be so extremely negligent in their life time, that they forgot to use any of these helps: they might for all this at the time of their death be more afraid then hurt; yea this fear alone (if there were nothing else) might prove a means to purge their souls, at the very parting, from th • se faults of the lightest kind ; if Gregory may be credited Nay, which is more, diverse of their own elder Divines (to whom we may adjoin Cardinal Cajetan also in these later days) have taught; that all the remains of sin in God's children are quite abolished by final grace, at the very instant of their dissolution; so that the stain of the least sin is not left behind to be carried unto the other world.
Now Purgatory (as Bellarmine describeth it) is a certain place, in which as in a prison those souls are • urged after this life, which were not fully purged in this life; that being so purged they may be able to enter in to heaven, wherein to no unclean thing can enter. And of this, saith he, is all the controversy. If that be so: their own Doctors, you see, will quickly bring this controversy unto an end. For if the souls be fully purged here from all spot of sin: what need have they to be sent unto any other Purgatory after this life? Yes, say they, although the fault be quite remitted, and the soul clearly freed from the pollution thereof: yet may there remain a temporal punishment due for the very mortal sins that have been committed; which (if relief do not otherwise come, by the help of such as are alive) must be soundly laid on in Purgatory. But why in Purgatory, say we; seeing here there is no more purging work left? for the fault and the blot being taken away already; what remaineth yet to be purged? The punishment only they say is left behind: and punishment, I hope, they will not hold to be the thing that is purged away by punishment. Again we desire them to tell us, what Father or ancient Doctor did ever teach this strange divinity? that a man being clearly purged from the blott of his sin, and fully acquitted here from the fault thereof; should yet in the other world be punished for it with such grievous torments as the tongue of man is not able to express. And yet, as new and as absurd a doctrine as it is, the Pope and his adherents have built thereupon both their guileful Purgatory (with which it suiteth as evil-favouredly as may be) and their gainful Indulgences ; which, by their own doctrine, free not a man from the guilt of any fault, either mortal or venial, but only from the guilt of the temporal punishment, which remaineth after the fault hath been forgiven.
When Thomas Aquinas & other Friars had brought the frame of this new building unto some perfection, and fashioned all things therein unto their own best advantage: the Doctors of the Greek Church did publicly oppose themselves against it. Matthaeus Quaestor by name wrote against Thomas herein: whose book is still preserved in the Emperors Librarie at Vienna. So Athanasius his disputation against Purgatory is (or lately was) to be seen in the French Kings Librarie: and the like of Germanus (Patriarch of Constantinople ) and others, elsewhere. The Apology of the Grecians touching the same subject, is commonly to be had: which was penned by Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus, and presented to Cardinal Cusanus and the deputies of the Council of Basil, in the year MCCCCXXXVIII. the 14 of June; the very same day, wherein Bessarion Archbishop of Nice disputed with the Latins of the same matter in the Council assembled at Ferraria. In that Apology, the Grecians begin their disputation with this proposition. A purgatory fire, and a punishment by fire which is temporal and shall at last have an end; neither have we received from our Doctors, neither do we know that the Church of the East doth maintain. They add further. Neither have we received it from any of our Doctors, and moreover no small fear doth trouble us, least by admitting a temporary fire both penal and purgatory, we should destroy the full consent of the Church. And thereupon they conclude very peremptorily. For these reasons therefore, neither have we ever hitherto affirmed any such thing, neither will we at all affirm it.
Yet within a year after, the Pope and his ministers prevailed so far with them in the Council at Florence, that they were content for peace sake to yield, that the middle sort of souls were in a place of punishment; but whether that were fire, or darkness and tempest, or something else, they would not contend. And accordingly was the pretended Union betwixt them and the Latins drawn up: that, if such as be truly penitent die in God's favor, before they have satisfied for their sins of commission and omission by worthy fruits of penance, their souls are purged after death with purgatory punishments ; neither fire, nor any other kind of punishment being specified in particular. But neither would Marcus the Bishop of Ephesus (who was one of the Legates of the Patriarchs of Antioch and of Jerusalem ) consent to this union: neither could the Greek Church afterwards by any means be drawn to yield unto it. And so unto this day, the Romish Purgatory is rejected as well by the Grecians, as by the Muscovites and Russians, the Cophtites and Abbyssinians, the Georgians and Armenians, together with the Syrians and Chaldeans that are subject to the Patriarchs of Antioch and Babylon, from Cyprus and Palaestina unto the East Indies. And this may suffice for the discovery of this new-found creeke of Purgatory.
OF PRAYER FOR THE DEAD.
PRayer for the dead, as it is used in the Church of Rome, doth necessarily suppose Purgatory: and therefore whatsoever hath been alleged out of the Scriptures and Fathers against the one, doth stand in full force against the other. so that here we need not actum agere, and make a new work of overthrowing that, which hath been sufficiently beaten down already. But on the other side, the admittall of Purgatory doth not necessarily infer Prayer for the dead: nay, if we shall suppose (with our Adversaries) that Purgatory is the prison, from whence none shall come out, until they have paid the utmost farthing ; their own paying, and not other men's praying, must be the thing they are to trust unto, if ever they look to be delivered out of that jayle. Our Romanists indeed do commonly take it for granted, that Purgatory and prayer for the dead be so closely linked together, that the one doth necessarily follow the other: but in so doing, they reckon without their host, and greatly mistake the matter. For howsoever they may deal with their own devises as they please, and lincke their Prayers with their Purgatory as closely as they list: yet shall they never be able to show, that the commemoration and prayers for the dead, used by the ancient Church, had any relation unto their Purgatory; and therefore whatsoever they were, Popish prayers we are sure they were not. I easily foresee, that the full opening of the judgment of the Fathers in this point, will hardly stand with that brevity which I intended to use in treating of these latter questions: the particulars be so many, that necessarily do incur into the handling of this argument. But I suppose the Reader will be content rather to dispense with that promise, whereby I did abridge myself of the liberty which otherwise I might freely have taken: than be sent away unsatisfied in a matter, wherein the Adversarie beareth himself confident beyond measure, that the whole stream of antiquity runneth clearly upon his side.
That the truth then of things may the better appear: we are here prudently to distinguish the original institution of the Church, from the private opinions of particular Doctors which waded further herein then the general intendment of the Church did give them warrant; and diligently to consider, that the memorials, oblations and prayers made for the dead at the beginning, had reference to such as rested from their labors, and not unto any souls which were thought to be tormented in that Vtopian Purgatory, whereof there was no news stirring in those days. This may be gathered, first, by the practice of the ancient Christians, laid down by the author of the Commentaries upon Job, (which are wrongly ascribed unto Origen) in this manner. We observe the memorials of the Saints, and devoutly keep the remembrance of our parents or friends which die in the faith; as well rejoicing for their refreshing, as requesting also for ourselves a godly consummation in the faith. Thus therefore do we celebrate the death, not the day of the birth: because they which die, shall live forever. and we celebrate it, calling together religious persons with the Priests, the faithful with the Clergy; inviting moreover the needy and the poor, feeding the orphans and widows: that our festivity may be for a memorial of rest to the souls departed whose remembrance we celebrate, and to us may become a sweet savor in the sight of the eternal God. Secondly, by that which S. Cyprian writeth of Laurentinus and Ignatius: whom he acknowledgeth to have received of the Lord palms and crowns for their famous martyrdom, and yet presently addeth. We offer sacrifices always for them, when we celebrate the passions and days of the martyrs with an anniversary commemoration. Thirdly, by that which we read in the author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, set out under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite. For where the party deceased is described by him to have departed out of this life replenished with divine joy, as now not fearing any change to worse, being come unto the end of all his labors; and to have been both privately acknowledged by his friends, and publicly pronounced by the ministers of the Church to be a happy man, and to be verily admitted into the society of the Saints that have been from the beginning of the world : yet doth he declare, that the Bishop made prayer for him, (upon what ground we shall afterward hear) that God would forgive him all the sins that he had committed through human infirmity, and bring him into the light and the land of the living, into the bosoms of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, into the place from whence pain and sorrow and sighing flieth. Fourthly, by the funeral ordinances of the Church, related by S. Chrysostom: which were appointed to admonish the living, that the parties deceased were in a state of joy and not of grief. For tell me (saith he) what do the bright lamps mean? do we not accompany them therewith as champions? What mean the Hymns? Consider what thou dost sing at that time. Return my soul unto thy rest; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. and again: I will fear no evil, because thou art with me. and again: Thou art my refuge from the affliction that compasseth me. Consider what these Psalms mean.
Fifthly, by the forms of the prayers that are found in the ancient Liturgies. as in that of the Churches of Syria, attributed unto S. Basil: Be mindful, O Lord, of them which are dead, and are departed out of this life, and of the orthodox Bishops which from Peter and James the Apostles until this day have clearly professed the right word of Faith; and namely, of Ignatius, Dionysius, Julius, and the rest of the Saints of worthy memory. Be mindful, O Lord, of them also which have stood unto blood for Religion, and by righteousness and holiness have fedd thy holy Flock. and in the Liturgy fathered upon the Apostles: We offer unto thee for all the Saints which have pleased thee from the beginning of the world, Patriarchs, Prophets, Just men, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Bishops, Priests, Deacons, &c. and in the Liturgies of the Churches of Egypt, which carry the title of S. Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, and Cyril of Alexandria. Be mindful, O Lord, of thy Saints: vouchsafe to remember all thy Saints, which have pleased thee from the beginning, our holy Fathers, the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Preachers, Evangelists, and all the souls of the just, which have died in the faith: and especially, the holy, glorious, the evermore Virgin, Mary the mother of God; and S. John the forerunner, the Baptist and Martyr; S. Stephen the first Deacon and Martyr; S. Mark the Apostle, Evangelist and Martyr ; &c. and in the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople, ascribed to S. Chrysostom : We offer unto thee this reasonable service, for those who are at rest in the faith, our Forefathers, Fathers, Patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, religious persons, and every spirit perfected in the faith. but especially for our most holy, immaculate, most blessed Lady, the mother of God and aye-virgin Mary. which kind of oblation for the Saints sounding somewhat harshly in the ears of the Latins, Leo Thuscus in his translation thought best to express it to their better liking after this manner. We offer unto thee this reasonable service for the faithfully deceased, for our fathers and forefathers; the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and all the Saints interceding for them. As if the phrase of offering for the Martyrs, were not to be found in S. Chrysostom's own works: and more universally for the just, both the Fathers, and the Patriarchs, the Prophets and Apostles, and Evangelists and Martyrs and Confessors, the Bishops and such as led a solitary life, and the whole order ; in the suffrages of the Church, rehearsed by Epiphanius. yea and in the Western Church it self: for the spirits of those that are at rest, Hilary, Athanasius, Martin, Ambrose, Augustine, Fulgentius, Leander, Isidorus, &c. as may be seen in the Muzarabicall Office used in Spain.
Sixthly, this may be confirmed out of the funeral orations of S. Ambrose: in one whereof, touching the Emperor Valentinian and his brother Gratian, thus he speaketh. Let us believe that Valentinian is ascended from the desert, that is to say, from this dry and unmanured place unto those flowery delights; where being conjoined with his brother, he enjoyeth the pleasure of everlasting life. Blessed are you both: if my orizons shall prevail anything; no day shall overslip you in silence. no oration of mine shall pass you over unhonoured. no night shall run by, wherein I will not bestow upon you some portion of my prayers. With all oblations will I frequent you. In another, he prayeth thus unto God: Give rest unto thy perfect servant Theodosius, that rest which thou hast prepared for thy Saints. and yet he had said before of him: Theodosius of honorable memory being freed from doubtful fight, doth now enjoy everlasting light and continual tranquility; and for the things which he did in this body, he rejoiceth in the fruits of God's reward: because he loved the Lord his God, he hath obtained the society of the Saints. and afterward also. Theodosius remaineth in light, and glorieth in the company of the Saints. In a third, he prayeth thus for his brother Satyrus: Almighty God, I now commend unto thee his harmless soul, to thee do I make my oblation; accept mercifully and graciously the office of a brother, the sacrifice of a Priest. although he had directly pronounced of him before, that he had entered into the kingdom of heaven, because he believed the word of God, and excelled in many notable virtues. Lastly, in one of his Epistles he comforteth Faustinus for the death of his sister, after this manner. Do not the carcases of so many half-ruined cities, and the funerals of so much land exposed under one view, admonish thee; that the departure of one woman, although a holy and an admirable one, should be born with greater consolation? especially seeing they are cast down and overthrowen forever; but she, being taken from us but for a time, doth pass a better life there. I therefore think, that she is not so much to be lamented, as to be followed with prayers: and am of the mind, that she is not to be made sad with thy tears, but rather that her soul should be commended with oblations unto the Lord. Thus far S. Ambrose. Unto whom we may adjoin Gregory Nazianzen also: who in his funeral oration that he made upon his brother Caesarius, having acknowledged that he had received those honors that did befit a new created soul, which the Spirit had reformed by water (for he had been but lately baptized before his departure out of this life) doth notwithstanding pray, that the Lord would be pleased to receive him.
Diverse instances of the like practice in the ages following, I have produced in another place: to which I will add some few more, to the end that the Reader may from thence observe, how long the primitive institution of the Church did hold up head among the tares that grew up with it, and in the end did quite choke and extinguish it. Our English Saxons had learned of Gregory to pray for relief of those souls that were supposed to suffer pain in Purgatory: and yet the introducing of that novelty was not able to justle out the ancient usage of making prayers and oblations for them which were not doubted to have been at rest in God's kingdom. And therefore the brethren of the Church of Hexham, in the anniversary commemoration of the obite of Oswald King of Northumberland, used to keep their Vigiles for the health of his soul, and having spent the night in praising of God with psalms, to offer for him in the morning the sacrifice of the sacred oblation, as Beda writeth: who telleth us yet withal, that he reigned with God in heaven, and by his pray • s procured many miracles to be wrought on earth. So likewise doth the same Bede report, that when it was discovered by two several visions, that Hilda the Abbess of Streansheale (or Whitby in Yorkshire ) was carried up by the Angels into heaven; they which heard thereof presently caused prayers to be said for her soul. And Osberne relateth the like of Dunstan: that being at Bathe, and beholding in such another vision the soul of one that had been his scholar at Glastenbury, to be carried up into the palace of heaven ; he straightway commended the same into the hands of the divine pie • ie, and entreated the lords of the place where he was to do so likewise.
Other narrations of the same kind may be found among them that have written of Saints lives: & particularly in the Tome published by Mosander, pag. 69. touching the decease of Bathildis Queen of France; & pa. 25. concerning the departure of Godfry Earl of Cappenberg. who is said there to have appeared unto a certain Abbess, called Gerbergis, & to have acquainted her, that he was now without all delay, & without all danger of anymore severe trial, gone unto the palace of the highest King, and as the son of the immortal King was clothed with blessed immortality. & the Monk that writ the Legend addeth, that she presently thereupon caused the sacrifice of the Mass to be offered for him. which how fabulous soever it may be for the matter of the vision, yet doth it strongly prove, that within these 500. years (for no longer since it is, that this is accounted to have been done) the use of offering for the souls of those that were believed to be in heaven was still retained in the Church. The letters of Charles the great unto Offa King of Mercia are yet extant; wherein he wisheth that intercessions should be made for Pope Adrian then lately deceased: not having any doubt at all (saith he) but that his blessed soul is at rest; but that we may show our faithfulness and love unto our most dear friend. Lastly, Pope Innocent the third (or the second rather) being inquired of by the Bishop of Cremona, concerning the state of a certain Priest that died without Baptism: resolveth him out of S. Augustine and S. Ambrose, that because he continued in the faith of the holy mother the Church and the confession of the name of Christ; he was assoiled from original sin, and had attained the joy of the heavenly country. Upon which ground at last he maketh this conclusion: Ceasing therefore all questions, hold the sentences of the learned Fathers; and command continual prayers and sacrifices to be offered unto God in thy Church for the foresaid Priest.
Now having thus declared, unto what kind of persons the Commemorations ordained by the ancient Church did extend: the next thing that cometh to consideration is, what we are to conceive of the primary intention of those prayers that were appointed to be made therein. And here we are to understand, that first prayers of Praise and Thankesgiving were presented unto God for the blessed estate that the party deceased was now entered upon: whereunto were afterwards added prayers of Deprecation and Petition, that God would be pleased to forgive him his sins, to keep him from Hell, and to place him in the kingdom of Heaven. which kind of intercessions, howsoever at first they were well meant (as we shall hear) yet in process of time they proved an occasion of confirming men in diverse errors; especially when they began once to be applied not only to the good but to evil livers also, unto whom by the first institution they never were intended.
The term of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a thanksgiving prayer, I borrow from the writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy: who in the description of the funeral observances used of old in the Church, informeth us, first, that the friends of the dead accounted him to be (as he was) blessed, because that according to his wish he had obtained a victorious end: and thereupon sent forth Hymns of thanksgiving to the author of that victory; desiring withal, that they themselves might come unto the like end. and then that the Bishop likewise offered up a prayer of thanksgiving unto God; when the dead was afterward brought unto him, to receive as it were at his hands a sacred coronation. Thus at the funeral of Fabiola, the praising of God by singing of Psalms, and resounding of Alleluia, is specially mentioned by S. Jerome: and the general practice and intention of the Church therein is expressed and earnestly urged by S. Chrysostom in this manner. Do not we praise God, and give thanks unto him for that he hath now crowned him that is departed, for that he hath freed him from his labors, for that quitting him from fear he keepeth him with himself? Are not the Hymns for this end? Is not the singing of Psalms for this purpose? All these be tokens of rejoicing. Whereupon he thus presseth them that used immoderate mourning for their dead. Thou sayest; Return, O my soul, unto thy rest, for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee: and dost thou weep? Is not this a stage-play, is it not mere simulation? For if thou dost indeed believe the things that thou sayest, thou lamentest idly: but if thou playest, and dissemblest, and thinkest these things to be fables; why doest thou then sing? why doest thou suffer those things that are done? Wherefore doest thou not drive away them that sing? and in the end he concludeth somewhat prophetically; that he very much feared, lest by this means some grievous disease should creep in upon the Church.
Whether the doctrine now maintained in the Church of Rome, that the children of God presently after their departure out of this life, are cast into a lake that burneth with fire and brimstone, be not a spice of this disease, and whether their practice in chanting of Psalms (appointed for the expression of joy & thankfulness) over them whom they esteem to be torme • ted in so lamentable a fashion, be not a part of that scene and pageant at which S. Chrysostom doth so take on: I leave it unto others to judge. That his fear was not altogether vain, the event it self doth show. For howsoever in his days, the fire of the Romish Purgatory was not as yet kindled: yet were there certain sticks then a gathering, which ministered fuel afterwards unto that flame. Good S. Augustine, (who lived three and twenty years after S. Chrysostom's death) declared himself to be of this mind: that the oblations and alms usually offered in the Church for all the dead that received baptism, were thankesgivings for such as were very good, propitiations for such as were not very bad; but as for such as were very evil, although they were no helps of the dead, yet were they some kind of consolations of the living. And although this were but a private exposition of the Churches meaning in her prayers and oblations for the dead; and the opinion of a Doctor too, that did not hold Purgatory to be any article of his Creed: yet did the Romanists in times following greedily take hold of this, and make it the main foundation upon which they laid the hay and stubble of their devised Purgatory.
A private exposition I call this: not only because it is not to be found in the writings of the former Fathers, but also because it suiteth not well with the general practice of the Church which it intendeth to interpret. It may indeed fit in some sort that part of the Church-service, wherein there was made a several commemoration, first of the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs, after one manner; and then of the other dead, after another: which, together with the conceit that an injury was offered to a Martyr, by praying for him, was it that first occasioned S. Augustine to think of the former distinction. But in the supplications for the spirits of the dead, which the Church under a general commemoration was accustomed to make for all that we • e deceased in the Christian and Catholic communion: to imagine, that one and the same act of praying should be a petition for some, and for others a thanksgiving only, is somewhat too harsh an interpretation. especially where we find it propounded by way of petition, and the intention thereof directly expressed. as in the Greek Liturgy, attributed to S. James, the brother of our Lord: Be mindful (O Lord God of the spirits and of all flesh) of such as we have remembered and such as we have not remembered, being of right belief, from Abel the just until this present day. Do thou cause them to rest in the land of the living, in thy kingdom, in the delight of Paradise, in the bosoms of Abrahā and Isaac & Jacob, our holy fathers: whence grief & sorrow & sighing are fledd, where the light of thy countenance doth visit them and shine forever. and in the Offices compiled by Alcuinus: O Lord, holy Father, almighty and everlasting God, we humbly make request unto thee for the spirits of thy servants and handmaydes, which from the beginning of this world thou hast called unto thee: that thou wouldest vouchsafe, O Lord, to give unto them a lightsome place, a place of refreshing and ease; and that they may pass by the gates of hell, and the ways of darkness, and may abide in the mansions of the Saints, and in the holy light which thou didst promise of old unto Abraham and his seed.
So the Commemoration of the faithful departed, retained as yet in the Roman Missal, is begun with this orizon: Eternal rest grant unto them, O Lord: and let everlasting light shine unto them. Whereunto we may add these two prayers (to omit a great number more of the like kind) used of old in the same Church. Receive, O holy Trinity, this oblation, which we offer unto thee for all that are departed in the confession of thy name: that thou reaching unto them the right hand of thy help, they may have the rest of everlasting life; and being separated from the punishments of the wicked, they may always persevere in the joy of thy praise. and, This oblation, which we humbly offer unto thee for the commemoration of the souls that sleep in peace, we beseech thee, O Lord, receive graciously; and of thy goodness grant, that both the affection of this piety may profit us, and obtain for them everlasting bliss. Where you may observe, that the souls unto which everlasting bliss was wished for, were yet acknowledged to rest in peace, & consequently not to be disquieted with any Purgatory torment. even as in the Canon of the Mass it self, the Priest in the Commemoration for the dead prayeth thus: Remember, O Lord, thy servants and handmaydes, which have gone before us with the ensign of faith, and sleep in the sleep of peace. To them, O Lord, and to all that are at rest in Christ, we beseech thee that thou wouldest grant a place of refreshing, light, and peace.
Nay the Armenians in their Liturgy, entreat God to give eternal peace, not only in general unto all that have gone before us in the faith of Christ ; but also in particular to the Patriarchs, Apostles, Prophets, and Martyrs. which maketh directly for the opinion of those (against whom Nicolaus Cabasilas doth dispute) who held, that these Commemorations contained a supplication for the Saints unto God, and not a thanksgiving only. as also do those forms of prayer which were used in the Roman Liturgy in the days of Pope Innocent the third: Let such an oblation profit such or such a Saint unto glory. and especially that for S. Leo, which is found in the elder copies of the Gregorian Sacramentarie. Grant unto us, O Lord, that this oblation may profit the soul of thy servant Leo. for which the later books have chopped in this prayer: Grant unto us, O Lord, that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us. Concerning which alteration, when the archbishop of Lions propounded such another question unto Pope Innocent, as our Challenger at the beginning did unto us; who it was that did change it, or when it was changed, or why? the Pope returneth him for answer: that who did change it, or when it was changed, he was ignorant of; yet he knew, upon what occasion it was changed. because that, where the authority of the Holy Scripture doth say, that he doth injury unto a Martyr who prayeth for a Martyr, which is a new text of holy Scripture, of the Popes own canonization) the same by the like reason is to be held of other Saints. The Gloss upon this Decretal layeth down the reason of this mutation a little more roundly: Of old they prayed for him, now at this day he prayeth for us; and so was the change made. And Alphonsus Mendoza telleth us, that the old prayer was deservedly disused, and this other substituted in the room thereof: Grant unto us, we beseech thee O Lord, that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us. which prayer indeed was to be found heretofore in modernioribus Sacramentarijs (as Pope Innocent speaketh) and in the Roman Missalls that were published before the Council of Trent (as namely in that which was printed at Paris, an. 1529.) but in the new reformed Missal (wherewith, it seemeth, Mendoza was not so well acquainted as with his Scholastical controversies) it is put out again, and another prayer for Leo put in; that by the celebration of those offices of atonement, a blessed retribution might accompany him. Neither is there anymore wrong done unto S. Leo, in praying for him after this manner, then unto all the rest of his fellows in that other prayer of the Roman Liturgy: We have received, O Lord, the divine mysteries; which as they do profit thy Saints unto glory, so we do beseech thee that they may profit us for our healing, and nothing so much as is done unto all the faithful deceased, when in their Masses for the dead they say daily: Lord Jesus Christ, king of glory, deliver the souls of all the faithful that are departed, from the pains of Hell, and from the deep lake; deliver them from the mouth of the Lion, that Hell do not swallow them up, that they fall not into darkness. So that whatsoever commodious expositions our Adversaries can bring for the justifying of the Roman service: the same may we make use of, to show, that the ancient Church might pray for the dead, and yet in so doing have no relation at all unto Purgatory; yea and pray for the Martyrs and other Saints that were in the state of bliss, without offering unto them any injury thereby.
For the clearing of the meaning of those prayers which are made for Leo, and the other Saints, to the two expositions brought in by Pope Innocent, Cardinal Bellarmine addeth this for a third; that peradventure therein the glory of the body is petitioned for, which they shall have in the day of the Resurrectiō. For although (saith he) they shall certainly obtain that glory, & it be due unto their merits; yet it is not absurd to desire & ask this for them, that by more means it may be due unto them. Where, laying aside those unsavourie terms of debt and merits (whereof we shall have occasion to treat in their proper place) the answer is otherwise true in part, but not full enough to give satisfaction unto that which was objected. For the primary intention of the Church indeed, in her prayers for the dead, had reference unto the day of the Resurrection: which also in diverse places we find to have been expressly prayed for. as in the Egyptian Liturgy, attributed unto S. Cyril Bishop of Alexandria. Raise up their bodies, in the day which thou hast appointed, according to thy promises which are true and cannot lie: grant unto them, according to thy promises, that which eye hath not seen, and ear hath not heard, and which hath not ascended into the heart of man; which thou hast prepared, O Lord, for them that love thy holy name: that thy servants may not remain in death, but may get out from thence; although slouthfulnesse and negligence have followed them. and in that which is used by the Christians of S. Thomas (as they are commonly called) in the East Indies: Let the holy Gh • st give resurrection to your dead at the last day; and make them worthy of the incorruptible kingdom. Such is the prayer of S. Ambrose for Gratian and Valentinian the Emperors: I do beseech thee, most high God, that thou wouldest raise up again those dear young men with a speedy resurrection; that thou mayest recompense this untimely course of this present life with a timely resurrection. and that in Alcuinus: Let their souls sustain no hurt; but when that great day of the resurrection and remuneration shall come, vouchsafe to raise them up, O Lord, together with thy Saints and thine elect. and that in Grimoldus his Sacramentarie: Almighty and everlasting God, vouchsafe to place the body and the soul and the spirit of thy servant N. in the bosoms of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; that when the day of thy acknowledgement shall come, thou mayest command them to be raised up among thy Saints and thine elect.
But yet the Cardinals answer, that the glory of the body may be prayed for, which the Saints shall have at the day of the Resurrection, cometh somewhat short of that which the Church used to request in the behalf of S. Leo. For in that prayer express mention is made of his soul: and to it is wished that profit may redound by the present oblation. And therefore this defect must be supplied out of his answer unto that other prayer which is m • de for the souls of the faithful depa • ted, that they may be delivered out of the mouth of the Lion, and that Hell may not swallow them up. To this he saith; that the Church doth pray for these souls, that they may not be condemned unto the everlasting pains of Hell: not as if it were not certain, that they should not be condemned unto those pains, but because it is God's pleasure that we should pray, even for those things which we are certainly to receive. The same answer did Alphonsus de Castro give before him: that very often those things are prayed for, which are certainly known shall come to pass as they are prayed for; and that of this there be very many testimonies. and Johannes Medina: that God d • lighteth to be prayed unto, even for those things, which otherwise he purposed to do. For God had decreed (saith he) after the sin of Adam to take our flesh, and he decreed the time, wherein he meant to come: and yet the prayers of the Saints, that prayed for his Incarnation and for his coming, were acceptable unto him. God hath also decreed to grant pardon unto every repentant sinner: and yet the prayer is grateful unto him, wherein either the penitent doth pray for himself, or another for him, that God would be pleased to accept his repentance. God hath decreed also and promised, not to forsake his Church, and to be present with Councils lawfully assembled: yet the prayer notwithstanding is grateful unto God, and the hymns, whereby his presence, and favor, and grace, is implored both for the Council & the Church. And whereas it might be objected, that howsoever the Church may sometimes pray for those things which she shall certainly receive, yet she doth not pray for those things which she hath already received; and this she hath received, that those souls shall not be damned, seeing they have received their sentence, and are most secure from damnation: the Cardinal replieth, that this objection may easily be avoided. For although those souls (saith he) have received already their first sentence in the particular judgment, and by that sentence are freed from Hell: yet doth there yet remain the general judgment, in which they are to receive the second sentence. Wherefore the Church praying, that those souls in the last judgment may not fall into darkness, nor be swallowed up of Hel, doth not pray for the thing which the soul hath, but which it shall receive. Thus these men, laboring to show how the prayers for the dead used in their Church may stand with their conceits of Purgatory, do thereby inform us how the prayers for the dead, used by the ancient Church, may stand well enough without the supposal of any Purgatory at all. For if we may pray for those things which we are most sure shall come to pass; and the Church, by the Adversaries own confession, did pray accordingly, that the souls of the faithful might escape the pains of Hell at the general Judgment, notwithstanding they had certainly been freed from them already by the sentence of the particular Judgment: by the same reason, when the Church in times past besought God to remember all those that slept in the hope of the resurrection of everlasting life (which is the form of prayer used in the Greek Liturgies) and to give unto them rest, and to bring them unto the place where the light of his countenance should shine upon them for evermore; why should not we think, that it desired these things should be granted unto them by the last sentence at the day of the Resurrection, notwithstanding they were formerly adjudged unto them by the particular sentence at the time of their dissolution?
For as that which shall befall unto all at the day of judgment, is accomplished in everyone at the day of his death: so on the other side, whatsoever befalleth the soul of everyone at the day of his death, the same is fully accomplished upon the whole man at the day of the general judgment. Whereupon we find, that the Scriptures everywhere do point out that great day unto us, as the time wherein mercy and forgiveness, rest and refreshing, joy and gladness, redemption and salvation, rewards and crowns shall be bestowed upon all God's children, as in 2. Timoth. 1.16, 18. The Lord give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus: the Lord grant unto him, that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day. 1. Cor. 1.8. Who shall also confirm you unto the end, that ye may be blameless in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ. Act. 3.19. Repent ye therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out, when the times of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord. 2. Thessal. 1.6, 7. It is a righteous thing with God, to recompense unto you which are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty Angels. Philip. 2.16. That I may rejoice in the day of Christ, that I have not run in vain, neither labou • ed in vain. 1. Thessal. 2.19. For what is our hope, or joy, or crown of rejoicing? are not even ye in the presence of our Lord Jesus Christ at his coming? 1. Pet. 1. • . Who are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation, ready to be revealed in the last time. 1. Corinth. 5.5. That the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord I • sus. Ephes. 4.30. Grieve not the holy spirit of God, whereby ye are sealed unto the day of redemption. Luk. 21.28. When these things begin to come to pass, then look up, and lift up your heads, for your redemption draweth nigh. 2. Timoth. 4.8. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righ • eousnesse, which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day. and Luk. 14.14. Thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just.
And that the Church in her Offices for the dead had special respect unto this time of the Resurrection: appeareth plainly, both by the portions of Scripture appointed to be read therein, and by diverse particulars in the prayers themselves that manifestly discover this intention. For there the ministers (as the writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy reporteth) read those undoubted promises which are recorded in the divine Scriptures of our holy Resurrectiō: and then devoutly sang such of the sacred Psalms as were of the same subject and argument. And so accordingly in the Roman Missal, the lessons ordained to be read for that time, are taken from 1. Corinth. 15. Behold I tell you a mystery. We shall all rise again, &c. John. 5. The hour cometh wherein all that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and they that have done good shall come forth unto the resurrection of life, &c. 1. Thessal. 4. Brethren, we would not have you ignorant concerning them that sleep, that ye sorrow not, as others which have no hope. John. 11. I am the resurrection and the life: he that believeth in me, although he were dead, shall live. 2. Maccab. 12. Judas caused a sacrifice to be offered for the sins of the dead, justly and religiously thinking of the Resurrection. John. 6. This is the will of my Father that sent me; that everyone that seeth the Son, and believeth in him, may have life everlasting: and I will raise him up at the last day. and, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath life everlasting: and I will raise him up at the last day. and lastly, Apocal. 14. I heard a voice from heaven, saying unto me: Write, Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, from henceforth now, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labors; for their works follow them. Wherewith the Sequence also doth agree, beginning
and ending;Tertullian in his book de Monogamiâ (which he wrote after he had been infected with the heresy of the Montanists) speaking of the prayer of a widow for the soul of her deceased husband, saith that she requesteth refreshing for him, and a portion in the first resurrection. Which seemeth to have some tang of the error of the Millenaries (whereunto not Tertullian only with his Prophet Montanus, but Nepos also, and Lactantius, and diverse other Doctors of the Church did fall) who misunderstanding the prophecy in the 20. of the Revelation, imagined that there should be a first resurrection of the just that should reign here a thousand years upon earth, and after that a second resurrection of the wicked, at the day of the general judgment. Yet in a certain Gotthicke Missal I meet with two several exhortations made unto the people, to pray after the self same form. the one, that God would vouchsafe to place in the bosom of Abraham the souls of those that be at rest, and admit them unto the part of the first resurrectiō: the other (which I find elsewhere also repeated in particular) that he would place in rest, the spirits of their friends which were gone before them in the Lord's peace, and raise them up in the part of the first resurrection. Which how it may be excused otherwise then by saying, that at the general resurrection the dead in Christ shall rise fi • st, and then the wicked shall be raised after them; and by referring the first resurrection unto the resurrection of the just which shall be at that day: I cannot well resolve. For certain it is, that the first r • surrection spoken of in the 20. chapter of the Revelation of S. John, is the resu • rection of the soul from the death of sin and error in this world; as the second is the resurrection of the body, out of the dust of the earth, in the world to come. both whi • h be distinctly laid down by our Savior in the fifth chapter of the Gospel of S. John: the first in the 25. verse; The hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear shall live. the second in the 28. and 29. Marveile not at this: for the hour is coming, in which all that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, they that have done good unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil unto the resurrection of damnation :
And to this general resurrection and to the judgment of the last day, had the Church relation in her prayers: some patterns whereof it will not be amiss to exhibit here, in these examples following▪ Although the condition of death brought in upon mankind doth make our hearts and minds heavy: yet by the gift of thy clemency we are raised up with the hope of future immortality; and being mindful of eternal salvation, are not afraid to sustain the loss of this light. For by the benefit of thy grace life is not taken away to the faithful, but changed: and the souls being freed from the prison of the body, abhor things mortal, when they attain unto things eternal. Wherefore we beseech thee, that thy servant N. being placed in the tabernacles of the blessed, may rejoice that he hath escaped the straytes of the flesh, and in the desire of glorification expect with confidence the day of Judgment. Through Jesus Christ our Lord. whose holy passion we celebrate without doubt for immortal and well resting souls: for them especially, upon whom thou hast bestowed the grace of the second birth; who by the example of the same Jesus Christ our Lord have begun to be secure of the resurrection. For thou who hast made the things that were not, art able to repair the things that were: and hast given unto us evidences of the resurrection to come, not only by the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles, but also by the resurrection of the same thy only begotten Son our Redeemer. O God, who art the Creator and maker of all things, and who art the bliss of thy Saints; grant unto us who make request unto thee, that the spirit of our brother, who is loosed from the knott of his body, may be presented in the blessed resurrection of thy Saints. O almighty and merciful God, we do entreat thy clemency, forasmuch as by thy judgment we are borne and make an end; that thou wilt receive into everlasting rest the soul of our brother, whom thou of thy piety hast commanded to pass from the dwelling of this world, and permit him to be associated with the company of thine elect, that together with them he may remain in everlasting bliss without end. Eternal God, who in Christ thine only begotten son our Lord hast given unto us the hope of a blessed Resurrection; grant, we beseech thee, that the souls, for which we offer this sacrifice of our redemption unto thy Majesty, may of thy mercy attain unto the rest of a blessed resurrection with thy Saints. Let this communion, we beseech thee O Lord, purge us from sin; and give unto the soul of thy servant N. a portion in the heavenly joy, that being set apart before the throne of the glory of thy Christ with those that are upon the right hand, it may have nothing common with those that are upon the left. Through Christ our Lord. At whose coming, when thou shalt command both the people's to appear, command thy servant also to be severed from the number of the evil. and grant unto him, that he may both escape the flames of everlasting punishment, and obtain the rewards of a righteous life. &c.
In these, and other prayers of the like kind, we may descry evident footsteps of the primary intention of the Church in her supplications for the dead: which was, that the whole man (not the soul separated only) might receive public remission of sins, & a solemn acquitall in the judgment of that great day; and so obtain both a full escape from all the consequences of sin ( the last enemy being now destroyed, and death swallowed up in victory ) and a perfect consummation of bliss and happiness. all which are comprised in that short prayer of S. Paul for Onesiphorus (though made for him while he was alive:) The Lord grant unto him, that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day. Yea diverse prayers for the dead of this kind are still retained in the Roman Offices: of which the great Spanish Doctor Johannes Medina thus writeth. Although I have read many prayers for the faithful deceased, which are contained in the Roman Missal; yet have I read in none of them, that the Church doth petition, that they may more quickly be freed from pains: but I have read that in some of them petition is made, that they may be freed from everlasting pains. For beside the common prayer that is used in the Mass for the Commemoration of all the faithful deceased, that Christ would free them from the mouth of the Lion, that Hell may not swallow them up, and that they may not fall into the place of darkness: this prayer is prescribed for the day wherein the dead did depart out of this life. O God, whose property is always to have mercy and to spare; we most humbly beseech thee for the soul of thy servant N. which this day thou hast commanded to depart out of this world: that thou mayst not deliver it into the hands of the enemy, nor forget it finally; but command it to be received by the holy Angels, and brought unto the country of Paradise: that because he hath trusted and believed in thee, he may not sustain the pains of Hell, but possess joys everlasting. which is a direct prayer, that the soul of him which was then departed might immediately be received into Heaven, and escape not the temporary pains of Purgatory, but the everlasting pains of Hell. for howsoever the new reformers of the Roman Missal have put in here poenas inferni (under the generality peradventure of the term of the pains of hell intending to shroud their Purgatory, which they would have men believe to be one of the lodges of Hell) yet in the old Missal, which Medina had respect unto, we read expressly poenas aeternas, everlasting pains ; which by no construction can be referred unto the pains of Purgatory. and to the same purpose, in the book of the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, at the exequies of a Cardinal, a prayer is appointed to be read; that by the assistance of God's grace he might escape the judgment of everlasting revenge, who while he lived was marked with the seal of the holy Trinity.
Again, there be other prayers (saith Medina) wherein petition is made, that God would raise the souls of the dead in their bodies unto bliss at the day of judgment. Such, for example, is that which is found in the Roman Missal. Absolve, we beseech thee O Lord, the soul of thy servant from all the bond of his sins: that in the glory of the resurrection, being raised among thy saints and elect, he may breath again, or be refreshed. and that other in the Roman Pontifical. O God, unto whom all things do live, and unto whom our bodies in dying do not perish, but are changed for the better; we humbly pray thee, that thou wouldest command the soul of thy servant N. to be received by the hands of thy holy Angels, to be carried into the bosom of thy friend the Patriarch Abraham, and to be raised up at the last day of the great judgment: & whatsoever faults by the deceit of the Devil he hath incurred, do thou of thy pity and mercy wash away by forgiving them. Now forasmuch as it is most certain, that all such as depart in grace (as the Adversaries acknowledge that all in Purgatory do) are sure to escape Hell, and to be raised up unto glory at the last day: Medina perplexeth himself exceedingly in according these kind of prayers with the received grounds of Purgatory; and after much agitation of the business too and fro, at last resolveth upon one of these two desperate conclusions. that touching these prayers which are made in the Church for the dead, it may first of all be said, that it is not necessary to excuse them all from all unfitness. For many things are permitted to be read in the Church, which although they be not altogether true, nor altogether fit, yet serve for the stirring up and increasing the devotion of the faithful. Many such things (saith he) we believe are contained in the histories that be not sacred, and in the Legends of the Saints, and in the opinions and writings of the Doctors: all which are tolerated by the Church in the mean time, while there is no question moved of them, and no scandal ariseth from them. And therefore it is no marvel, that somewhat not so fit should be contained in the foresaid prayers, and be tolerated in the Church: seeing such prayers were made by private persons, not by Councils, neither were approved at all by Councils.
And we easily do believe indeed, that their Offices and Legends are fraught not only with untrue and unfit, but also with far worse stuff: neither is this any news unto us. Agobardus Bishop of Lions complained about 800. years ago, that the Antiphonary used in his Church had many ridiculous and fantastical things in it: and that he was fain to cut off from thence such things as seemed to be either superfluous, or light, or lying, or blasphemous. The like complaint was made not long since by Lindanus, of the Roman Antiphonaries and Missals: wherein not only apocryphal tales (saith he) out of the Gospel of Nicodemus and other toys are thrust in; but the very secret prayers themselves are defiled with most foul faults. But now that we have the Roman Missal restored according to the decree of the Council of Trent, set out by the command of Pius V. and revised again by the authority of Clemens VIII. I doubt much whether our Romanists will allow the Censure which their Medina hath given of the prayers contained therein. And therefore if this will not please them, he hath another answer in store: of which though his country man Mendoza hath given sentence, that it is indigna viro Theologo, unworthy of any man that beareth the name of a Divine; yet such as it is, you shall have it. Supposing then, that the Church hath no intention to pray for any other of the dead, but those that are detained in Purgatory: this he delivereth for his second resolution. The Church knowing that God hath power to punish everlastingly those souls, by which, when they lived, he was mortally offended; and that God hath not tied his power unto the Scriptures, and unto the promises that are contained in the Scripture (forasmuch as he is above all things, and a • omnipotent after his promises, as if he had promised nothing at all:) therefore the Church doth humbly pray God, that he would not use this his absolute omnipotency against the souls of the faithful, which are departed in grace; therefore she doth pray that he would vouchsafe to free them from everlasting pains, and from revenge and the judgment of condemnation, and that he would be pleased to raise them up again with his Elect. But leaving our Popish Doctors with their profound speculations of the not limiting of God's power by the Scriptures, and the promises which he hath made unto us therein: let us return to the ancient Fathers, and consider the differences that are to be found among them touching the place and condition of souls separated from their bodies. for according to the several apprehensions which they had thereof, they made different applications and interpretations of the use of praying for the dead: whose particular intentions and devotions in that kind, must of necessity therefore be distinguished from the general intention of the whole Church.
S. Augustine (that I may begin with him who was, as the most ingenious, so likewise the most ingenuous of all others in acknowledging his ignorance where he saw cause) being to treat of these matters, maketh this Preface before hand unto his hearers. Of Hell neither have I had any experience as yet, nor you: and peradventure it may be, that our passage may lie some other way, and not prove to be by Hell. For these things be uncertain. and having occasion to speak of the departure of Nebridius his dear friend: Now he liveth, saith he, in the bosom of Abraham, whatsoever the thing be that is signified by that bosom; there doth my Nebridius live. But elsewhere he directly distinguisheth this bosom from the place of bliss into which the. Saints shall be received after the last judgment. After this short life (saith he) thou shalt not as yet be where the Saints shall be unto whom it shall be said; Come ye blessed of my Father, receive the kingdom which was prepared for you from the beginning of the world. Thou shalt not as yet be there: who knoweth it not? But now thou mayest be there, where that proud and barren rich man in the midst of his torments saw a far off the poor man, sometime full of ulcers, resting. Being placed in that rest, thou dost securely expect the day of judgment; when thou mayest receive thy body, when thou mayest be changed to be equal unto an Angel. and for the state of souls, betwixt the time of the particular and general judgment, this is his conclusion in general. The time that is interposed betwixt the death of man and the last resurrection, containeth the souls in hidden receptacles; as everyone is worthy either of rest or of trouble, according unto that which it did purchase in the flesh when it lived. Into these hidden receptacles he thought the souls of God's children might carry some of their lighter faults with them: which being not removed, would hinder them from coming into the kingdom of heaven (whereinto no polluted thing can enter) and from which by the prayers and alms-deeds of the living he held they might be released. But of two things he professed himself here to be ignorant. First, What those sins were, which did so hinder the coming unto the kingdom of God, that yet by the care of good friends they might obtain pardon. Secondly, Whether those souls did endure any temporary pains in the Interim betwixt the time of Death and the Resurrection. For howsoever in his one and twentieth book of the City of God, and the thirteenth and sixteenth chapters (for the new patch which they have added to the four and twentieth chapter is not worthy of regard) he affirm, that some of them do suffer certain purgatory punishments before the last and dreadful judgment: yet by comparing these places with the five and twentieth chapter of the twentieth book, it will appear, that by those purgatory punishments he understandeth here the furnace of the fire of Conflagration, that shall immediately go before this last judgment, and (as he otherwhere describeth the effects thereof) separate some unto the left hand, and melt out others unto the right.
Neither was this opinion of the reservation of souls in secret places, and the purging of them in the fire of Conflagration at the day of judgment, entertained by this famous Doctor alone: diverse others there were that had touched upon the same string before him. Origen in his fourth book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as we have him translated by Ruffinus (for in the Extracts selected out of him by S. Basil and S. Gregory we find the place somewhat otherwise expressed) saith that such as depart out of this world after the common course of death, are disposed of according to their deeds and merits, as they shall be judged to be worthy; some into the place which is called Hell, others into Abraham's bosom, and through diverse either places or mansions. and in his Commentaries upon Leviticus, he addeth further. Neither have the Apostles themselves as yet received their joy; but even they do expect, that I also may be made partaker of their joy. For the Saints departing from hence do not presently obtain the full rewards of their labors; but they expect us likewise, howsoever staying, howsoever slacking. Then touching the purging of men after the Resurrection, he thus delivereth his mind in his Commentaries upon Luke. I think, that even after our resurrection from the dead we shall have need of a sacrament to wash and purge us: for none can rise without pollutions. and upon Jeremiah: If any one be saved in the second resurrection, he is that sinner which needeth the baptism of fire, which is purged with burning; that whatsoever he hath of wood, hay, and stubble, the fire may consume it. Neither doth Lactantius show himself to vary much from him, in either of those points; for thus he writeth. When God shall judge the righteous, he will examine them by fire. Then they whose sins shall prevail either in weight or number, shall be touched with the fire and burned: but they whom perfect righteousness and the ripeness of virtue hath thoroughly seasoned, shall not feel that fire. for from thence have they something in them, that will repel & put back the force of the flame: so great is the force of innocence, that that fire shall fly back from it without doing any harm, which hath received this power from God, that it may burn the wicked and do service to the righteous. Yet notwithstanding let no man think, that the souls are presently judged after death. All of them are detained in one common custody, until the time come, wherein the great Judge doth make trial of their doings. In like manner doth S. Hilary write of the one part. All the faithful, when they are gone out of the body, shall be reserved by the Lord's custody for that entry into the heavenly kingdom, being in the mean time placed in the bosom of Abraham; whither the wicked are hindered from coming, by the gulf interposed betwixt them, until the time of entering into the kingdom of heaven do come. and thus of the other. Being to render an account of every idle word, shall we desire the day of judgment, wherein that unwearied fire must be passed by us, in which those grievous punishments for expiating the soul from sins must be endured? for to such as have been baptized with the holy Ghost, it remaineth that they should be consummated with the fire of judgment.
In S. Ambrose also there are some passages to be found which seem to make directly for either of these points: as these for the former. The soul is loosed from the body, and yet after the end of this life it is held as yet in suspense with the uncertainty of the future judgment: so that there is no end, where there is thought to be an end. We read in the books of Esdras; that when the day of judgment shall come, the earth shall restore the bodies of the deceased, and the dust shall restore the relics of the dead which do rest in the graves: and the habitacles shall restore the souls which were committed to them; and the most high shall be revealed upon the seat of judgment. Also that scripture nameth those habitacles of the souls, Promptuaries (or secret receptacles:) and meeting with the complaint of man, that the just which have gone before may seem to be defrauded (until the day of judgment, which is a very long time) of the reward due unto them; saith wonderfully, that the day of judgment is like unto a crown, wherein as there is no slackenesse of the last, so is there no swiftness of the first. For the day of crowning is expected by all; that within that day both they who are overcome may be ashamed, and they who do overcome may obtain the palm of victory. Therefore while the fullness of time is expected, the souls expect their due reward. Paine is provided for some of them, for some glory: and yet in the mean time neither are those without trouble, nor these without fruit. and these for the latter. With fire shall the sons of Levi be purged, with fire Ezekiel, with fire Daniel. But these, although they shall be tried with fire, yet shall say: We have passed through fire and water. Others shall remain in the fire. And if the Lord shall save his servants, we shall be saved by faith, yet saved as it were by fire. Although we shall not be burned up, yet shall we be burned. After the end of the world, when the Angels shall be sent to separate the good and the bad, this baptism shall be; when iniquity shall be burnt up by the furnace of fire, that in the kingdom of God the righteous may shine as the Sun in the kingdom of their Father. And if any one be as Peter, or as John, he is baptized with this fire. Seeing therefore he that is purged here, hath need to be purged again there: let him purge us there also, when the Lord may say; Enter into my rest. that every one of us being burned with that flaming sword, not burned up, when he is entered into that pleasure of Paradise may give thanks unto his Lord, saying: Thou hast brought us into a place of refreshment.
Hereunto we may adjoine that observation of Suarez the Jesuit. They who think, that the souls of men are not judged at their death, nor do receive reward or punishment, but are reserved in hidden receptacles until the general judgment; do consequently say, that as men do not receive their last reward or punishment, so neither are they also purged, until the general Resurrection and Judgment do come: from whence they might say with reasonable good consequence, that men are to be purged with the fire of Conflagration. and with as good consequence also (may we further add) that prayers were not to be made for the delivery of the souls of the dead from any purgatory pains, supposed to be suffered by them betwixt the time of their death and their resurrection; which be the only prayers which are now in question. In the Resurrection, when our works, like unto clusters of grapes, shall be cast into the probatory fire as it were into the wine-press; every man's husbandry shall be made manifest: saith Gregorius Cerameus, sometime archbishop of Tauromenium in Sicilia. and, No man as yet is entered either into the torments of Hell or into the kingdom of Heaven, until the time of the resurrection of the bodies: saith Anastasius Sinaita upon whom Gretser bestoweth this marginal annotation: that this is the Error of certain of the ancient, & of latter Greece. And we find it to be held indeed both by some of the ancient (as namely in Gaius, who lived at Rome when Zephyrinus was Bishop there, and is accounted to be the author of the treatise falsely fathered upon Josephus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a large fragment whereof hath been lately published by Hoeschelius in his notes upon Photios his Bibliotheke: ) and by the latter Grecians ; in whose name, Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus, doth make this protestation against such of his countrymen as yielded to the definition of the Florentine Council. We say, that neither the Saints do receive the kingdom prepared for them and those secret good things, neither the sinners do as yet fall into Hell: but that either of them do remain in expectation of their proper lott; and that this appertaineth unto the time that is to come after the Resurrection and the Judgment. But these men, with the Latins, would have these to receive presently after death the things they have deserved: but unto those of the middle sort, that is, to such as die in penance, they assign a purgatory fire (which they fain to be distinct from that of Hell) that thereby, say they, being purged in their souls after death, they likewise may be received into the kingdom of heaven together with the righteous.
That barbarous impostor (as Molanus rightly styleth him) who counterfeited a letter, as written by S. Cyril Bishop of Jerusalem unto S. Augustine, touching the miracles of S. Jerome, taketh upon him to lay down the precise time of the first arising of this sect among the Grecians in this manner. After the death of most glorious Jerome, a certain heresy or sect arose amongst the Grecians, and came to the Latins also, which went about with their wicked reasons to prove: that the souls of the blessed until the day of the general Judgment, wherein they were to be joined again unto their bodies, are deprived of the sight and knowledge of God, in which the whole blessedness of the Saints doth consist; and that the souls of the damned in like manner until that day are tormented with no pains. Whose reason was this: that as the soul did merit or sin with the body; so with the body was it to receive rewards or pains. Those wicked sectaries also did maintain, that there was no place of Purgatory wherein the souls, which had not done full penance for their sins in this world, might be purged. Which pestilent sect getting head, so great sorrow fell upon us, that we were even weary of our life. Then he telleth a wise tale, how S. Jerome, being at that time with God, for the confutation of this new-sprong heresy, raised up three men from the dead (after that he had first led their souls into Paradise, Purgatory, and Hell; to the end they might make known unto all men the things that were done there: ) but had not the wit to consider, that S. Cyril himself had need to be raised up, to make the fourth man among them. for how otherwise should he, who died thirty years before S. Jerome (as is known to everyone that knoweth the history of those times) have heard and written the news which those three good fellows, that were raised by S. Jerome after his death, did relate concerning Heaven, Hell, and Purgatory? Yet is it nothing so strange to me (I confess) that such idle dreams as these should be devised in the times of darkness, to delude the world withal: as that now in the broad day light, Binsfeldius and Suarez, and other Romish merchants should adventure to bring forth such rotten stuff as this, with hope to gain any credit of antiquity thereby unto the new erected staple of Popish Purgatory.
The Dominican Friars, in a certain treatise written by them at Constantinople in the year 1252. assign somewhat a lower beginning unto this error of the Grecians: affirming that they followed therein a certain inventer of this heresy named Andrew, Archbishop sometime of Cesarea in Cappadocia; who said, that the souls did wait for their bodies, that together with them, with which they had committed good or evil, they might likewise receive the recompense of their deeds. But that which Andrew saith herein, he saith not out of his own head; (and therefore is wrongfully charged to be the first inventer of it:) but out of the judgment of many godly fathers that went before him. It hath been said (saith he) by many of the Saints, that all virtuous men (after this life) do receive places fit for them; whence they may certainly make conjecture of the glory that shall befall unto them. Where Peltanus bestoweth such another marginal note upon him, as Gretser his fellow-Jesuit did upon Anastasius. This opinion is now expressly condemned, and rejected by the Church. And yet doth Alphonsus de Castro acknowledge, that the Patrons thereof were famous men, renowned as well for holiness as for knowledge: but telleth us withal, that no man ought to marvel, that such great men should fall into so pestilent an error; because (as the Apostle S. James saith) he that offendeth not in word, is a perfect man.
Another particular opinion, which we must sever from the general intention of the Church in her oblations and prayers for the dead, is that which is noted by Theophylact upon the speech of our Savior, Luk. 12.5. in which he wisheth us to observe, that he did not say, Fear him who after he hath killed casteth into hell ; but, hath power to cast into hell. For the sinners which die (saith he) are not always cast into hell: but it remaineth in the power of God, to pardon them also. And this I say for the oblations and doales which are made for the dead, which do not a little avayle even them that die in grievous sins. He doth not therefore generally, after he hath killed, cast into hell; but hath power to cast. Wherefore let us not cease by alms and intercession to appease him, who hath power to cast, but doth not always use this power, but is able to pardon also. Thus far Theophylact: whom our Adversaries do blindly bring in for the countenancing of their use of praying and offering for the dead; not considering, that the prayers and oblations which he would uphold, do reach even unto such as die in grievous sins (which the Romanists acknowledge to receive no relief at all by anything that they can do) and are intended for the keeping of souls from being cast into Hell, and not for fetching them out when they have been cast into Purgatory; a place that never came within the compass of Theophylacts belief. His testimony will fit a great deal better the prayer of S. Dunstan ; who (as the tale goeth) having understood that the soul of King Edwin was to be carried into Hell, never gave over praying until he had gotten him rid of that danger, and transferred unto the coast of penitent souls: where he well deserved, doubtless, to undergo that penance which Hugh Bishop of Coventry and Chester on his death-bed imposed upon himself; even to lie in the dungeon of Purgatory, without bail or mainprise, until the general jail • -delivery of the last day.
Another private conceit, entertained by diverse (as well of the elder as of middle times) in their devotions for the dead, was; that an augmentation of glory might thereby be procured for the Saints, and either a total deliverance, or a diminution of torment at least wise, obtained for the wicked. If the Barbarians (saith S. Chrysostom) do bury with their dead the things that belong unto them: it is much more reason, that thou shouldest send with the deceased the things that are his; not that they may be made ashes, as they were, but that they may add greater glory unto him. and, if he be departed hence a sinner, that they may loose his sins; but if righteous, that an addition may be made to his reward and retribution. Yea in the very latter days, Iuo Carnotensis writing unto Mawd Queen of England, concerning the prayers that were to be made for the King her brother his soul; saith, that it doth not seem idle, if we make intercessions for those who already enjoy rest, that their rest may be increased. Whereupon Pope Innocent the third doth bring this for one of the answers, wherewith he laboreth to salve the prayers which were used in the Church of Rome, that such or such an oblation might profit such or such a Saint unto glory: that many repute it no indignity, that the glory of the Saints should be augmented until the day of judgment; and therefore that in the mean time the Church may wish the increase of their glorification. So likewise for the mitigation of the pains of them, whose souls were doubted to be in torment; this form of prayer was of old used in the same Church (as in Grimoldus his Sacramentary may be seen) and retained in the Roman Missal it self, until in the late reformation thereof it was removed. O almighty and merciful God, incline (we beseech thee) thy holy ears unto our poor prayers, which we do humbly pour forth before the sight of thy Majesty for the soul of thy servant N. that forasmuch as we are distrustful of the quality of his life, by the abundance of thy pity we may be comforted; and if his soul cannot obtain full pardon, yet at least in the midst of the torments themselves, which peradventure it suffereth, out of the abundance of thy compassion it may feel refreshment. which prayer whither it tended, may appear partly by that which Prudentius writeth of the play-days, which he supposeth the souls in Hell sometime do obtain;
This man hath spent his whole life in vain, neither hath lived one day to himself, but to voluptuousness, to luxury, to covetousness, to sin, to the Devil. Tell me therefore; shall we not mourn for him? shall we not endeavor to pull him out of these dangers? For there be means, if we will, whereby his punishment may be made light unto him. If then we do make continual prayers for him, if we besto • alms; although he be unworthy, God will respect us. For many have received benefit by the alms that have been given by others for them: and found thereby, although not a perfect, yet some consolation. This therefore is done, that although we ourselves be not virtuous, we may be careful to get virtuous companions and friends, and wife and son; as looking to reap some fruit even by them also: reaping indeed but little, yet reaping some fruit notwithstanding. Let us not therefore simply • eepe for the dead, but for such as are dead in their sins: these be worthy of lamentations and bewaylings and tears. For what hope is there (tell me) for men to depart with their sins, where they cannot put off their sins? for as long as they were here, there was peradventure great expectation, that they would be altered, that they would be bettered. but being gone unto Hell, where there is no gaining of anything by repentance (for in hell, saith he, who shall confess unto thee?) how are they not worthy of lamentations? Let us therefore weep for such, let us succor them to our power, let us find out some help for them, little indeed, but yet such as may relieve them. How and after what manner? both praying ourselves, and entreating others to make prayers for them, and giving continually unto the poor for them. for this thing bringeth some consolation.
The like doctrine is delivered by Andrew archbishop of Crete, in his Sermon of the life of man, and of the dead ; and by John Damascene, or whosoever else was author of the book ascribed unto him, concerning them that are departed in the faith: where three notable tales are told, of the benefit that even Infidels and Idolaters themselves should receive by such prayers as these. One touching the soul of the Emperor Trajan, delivered from Hell by the prayers of Pope Gregory: of the truth whereof least any man should make question, he affirmeth very roundly, that no less then the whole East and West will witness that this is true and uncontrollable. And indeed in the East this fable seemeth first to have risen: where it obtained such credit, that the Grecians to this day do still use this form of prayer; As thou didst loose Trajan from punishment by the earnest intercession of thy servant Gregory the Dialogue-writer, hear us likewise who pray unto thee. And therefore to them doth Hugo Etherianus thus appeal, for justifying the truth of this narration: Do not, I pray you, say in your hearts, that this is false or feigned. Inquire, if you please, of the Grecians: the whole Greek Church surely doth testify these things. He might, if he had pleased, being an Italian himself, have inquired nearer home of the Romans, among whom this seat was reported to have been acted; rather then among the Grecians, who were strangers to the business. But the Romans, as we understand by Johannes Diaconus in the life of S. Gregory, found no such matter among their records; and when they had notice given them thereof out of the Legends of the Church of England (for from thence received they the news of this and some other such strange acts reported to have been done by S. Gregory among themselves) they were not very hasty to believe it: because they could hardly be persuaded, that S. Gregory who had taught them, that Infidels and wicked men departed out of this life, were no more to be prayed for then the Devil and his angels which were appointed unto everlasting punishment ; should in his practice be found to be so much different from his judgment. The second tale toucheth upon the very times of the Apostles: wherein the Apostolesse Thecla is said to have prayed for Falconilla (the daughter of Tryphaena, whom S. Paul saluteth, Rom. 16.12.) a gentile and an Idolatresse, altogether profane and a servitour of another God, to this effect. O God, Son of the true God, grant unto Tryphaena according to thy will, that her daughter may live with thee time without end. or as Basil Bishop of Seleucia doth express it. Grant unto thy servant Tryphaena, that her desire may be fulfilled concerning her daughter: her desire therein being this, that her soul may be numbered among the souls of those that have already believed in thee, and may enjoy the life and pleasure that is in Paradise.
The third tale he produceth out of Palladius his historical book written unto Lausus (although neither in the Greek set out by Meursius, nor in the three several Latin editions of that history published before, the • e be any such thing to be found): touching a dead man's skull, that should have uttered this speech unto Macarius the great Egyptian anchorer. When thou dost offer up thy prayers for the dead, then do we feel some little cons • lation. A brainlesse answer you may well conceive it to be, that must be thought to have proceeded from a dry skull lying by the highway side: but as brainl • sse as it is, it hath not a little troubled the quick heads of our Romish Divines, and put m • ny an odd cratchet into their nimble brains. Renatus Laurentius telleth us, that without all doubt it was an Angel that did speak in this skull. And I say (quoth Alphonsus Mendoza) that this head which lay in the way, was not the head of one that was damned, but of a just man remaining in Purgatory: for Damascene doth not say in that sermon, that i • was the head of a Gentile, as it may there be seen. And true it is indeed, he neither saith that it was so, neither yet that it was not so: but the Grecians generally relate the matter thus; that Macarius did hear this, from the skull of one that had been a Priest of Idols, which he found lying in the wilderness; that by his prayers such as were with him in punishment received a little ease of their torment, whensoever it fell out that he made the same for them. and among the Latins, Thomas Aquinas, and other of the Schoolmen take this for granted: because they found in the Lives of the Fathers, that the speech which the dead skull used was this. I was a Priest of the Gentiles (so John the Roman subdeaco • translateth it) or, as Rufinus is supposed to have rendered it, I was the chief of the Priests of the Idols, which dwelt in this place: and thou art abbot Macarius, that art filled with the spirit of God. At whatsoever hour therefore thou takest pity of them that are in torments, and prayest for them; they then feel some consolation. Well, saith Mendoza then, if S. Thomas relating this history out of the Lives of the Fathers, doth say that this was the head of a Gentile; he himself is bound to untie this knot. And so he doth: resolving the matter thus; that the damned get no true ease by the prayers made for them, but such a fantastical kind of joy only, as the Devils are said to have, when they have seduced and deceived any man. But peradventure, saith Cardinal Bellarmine for the upshott, the things which are brought touching that skull, might better be rejected as false and apocryphal. and Stephen Durant, more peremptorily: The things which are told of Trajan and Falconilla, delivered out of hell by the prayers of S Gregory and Thecla, and of the dry skull spoken too by Macarius, be feigned and commentitious.
Which last answer, though it be the truest of all the rest; yet is it not to be doubted for all that, but that the general credit which these fables obtained, together with the countenance which the opinion of the Origenists did receive from Didymus, Euagrius, Gregory Nyssen, (if he be not corrupted) and other Doctors, inclined the minds of men very much, to apply the common use of praying for the dead unto this wrong end of hoping to relieve the damned thereby. S. Augustine doth show, that in his time not only some, but exceeding many also, did out of an human affection take compassion of the eternal pains of the damned, and would not believe that they should never have an end. And notwithstanding this error was publicly condemned afterwards in the Origenists, by the fifth general Council held at Constantinople: yet by idle and voluptuous persons was it still greedily embraced (as Climacus complaineth) and even now also, saith S. Gregory, there be some, who therefore neglect to put an end unto their sins, because they imagine that the judgments which are to come upon them shall sometimes have an end. Yea of late days this opinion was maintained by the Porretanians (as Thomas calleth them) and some of the Canonists (the one following therein Gilbert Porreta Bishop of Poitiers, in his book of Theological Questions; the other John Semeca, in his Gloss upon Gratian ) that by the prayers and suffrages of the living the pains of some of the damned were continually diminished; in such manner as infinite proportionable parts may be taken from a line, without ever coming unto an end of the division: which was in effect to take from them at the last all pain of sense or sense of pain. For (as Thomas observeth it rightly, and Durand after him) in the division of a Line, at last we must come unto that which is not sensible: considering that a sensible body cannot be divided infinitely. and so it would follo • , that after many suffrages that pain remaining should not be sensible; and consequently should be no pain at all.
Neither is it to be forgotten that the invention of All Souls day (of which you may read, if you please, Polydore Vergil in his sixth book of the Inventers of things, and the ninth chapter) that solemn day, I say, wherein our Romanists most devoutly perform all their superstitious observances for the dead; was occasioned at the first by the apprehension of this same erroneous conceit, that the souls of the damned might not only be eased, but fully also delivered by the alms & prayers of the living. The whole narration of the business is thus laid down by Sigebertus Gemblacensis in his Chronic • e, at the year of our Lord 998. This time, saith he, a certain religious man returning from Jerusalem, being entertained for a while in Sicily by the courtesy of a certain anchoret, learned from him among other matters, that there were places near unto them that used to cast up burning flames, which by the inhabitants were called the Potts of Vulcan, wherein the souls of the reprobate according to the quality of their deserts did suffer diverse punishments; the Devils being there deputed for the execution thereof whose voices, angers and terrors, and sometimes howlings also he said he often heard, as lamenting that the souls of the damned were taken out of their hands by the alms and prayers of the faithful; and more at this time by the prayers of the monks of Cluny, who prayed without ceasing for the rest of those that were deceased. The abbot Odilo having understood this by him, appointed throughout all the monasteries under his subjection, that as upon the first day of November the solemnity of all the Saints is observed, so upon the day following, the memorial of all that rested in Christ should be celebrated. Which rite passing into many other Churches, made the memory of the faithful deceased to be solemnized.
For the elect, this form of prayer was wont to be used in the Roman Church. O God, unto whom alone is known the number of the elect that are to be placed in the supernal bliss: grant, we beseech thee, that the book of blessed predestination may retain the names of all those whom we have undertaken to recommend in our prayer, or of all the faithful, that are written therein. And to pray, that the names of all those that are written in the book of God's election, should still be retained therein, may be somewhat tolerable: considering (as the Divines of that side have informed us) that those things may be prayed for, which we know most certainly wilcome to pass. But hardly, I think, shall you find in any Ritual a form of prayer answerable to this of the monks of Cluny for the reprobate: unless it be that, whereby S. Francis is said to have obtained, that friat Elias should be made ex praescito praedestinatus, an elect of a reprobare. Yet it seemeth, that some were not very well pleased, that what was done so seldom by S. Francis the Angel of the Friars, (& that for a reprobate yet living) should be so usually practiced by the followers of S. Odilo the Archangel of the Monks for reprobates that were dead: & therefore in the common editions of Sigeberts Chronicle they have clean struck out the word damnatorū, & instead of reproborū chopped in defunctorū. which depravatiō may be detected, as well by the sincere edition of Sigebert published by Aubertus Miraeus out of the Manuscript of Gemblac abbay (w ch is thought to be the original copy of Sigebert himself) as by the comparing of him with Petrus Damiani in the life of Odilo, whence this whole narration was by him borrowed. For there also do we read, that in those flaming places the souls of the reprobate according to the quality of their deserts did suffer diverse torments: and that the Devils did complain, that by the alms and prayers of Odilo and others, the souls of the damned were taken out of their hands.
By these things we may see, what we are to judge of that which our Adversaries press so much against us out of Epiphanius: that he nameth an obscure fellow one Aërius to be the first author of this heresy; that prayers and sacrifice profiteth not the departed in Christ. For neither doth Epiphanius name this to be an heresy: neither doth it appear that himself did hold, that prayers and oblations bring such profit to the dead as these men dream they do. He is much deceived, who thinketh everything that Epiphanius findeth fault withal in heretics, is esteemed by him to be an heresy: seeing heresy cannot be but in matters of faith, and the course which Epiphanius taketh in that work is not only to declare, in what special points of faith heretics did dissent from the Catholic doctrine, but in what particular observances also they refused to follow the received customs and ordinances of the Church. Therefore at the end of the whole work he setteth down a Brief, first of the faith, and then of the ordinances and observances of the Church: and among the particulars of the latter kind, he rehearseth this: For the dead, they make commemorations by name, performing (or, when they do perform) their prayers and divine service and dispensation of the mysteries, and disputing against Aërius touching the point it self, he doth not at all charge him with forsaking the doctrine of the Scriptures, or the faith of the Catholic Church concerning the state of those that are departed out of this life: but with rejecting the order observed by the Church in her Commemorations of the dead; which being an ancient institution, brought in upon wonderful good considerations, should not by this humorous heretic have been thus condemned. The Church, saith he, doth necessarily perform this, having received it by tradition from the Fathers: and who may dissolve the ordinance of his mother, or the law of his Father? and again. Our mother the Church hath ordinances settled in her, which are inviolable and may not be broken. Seeing then there are ordinances established in the Church, and they are well and all things are admirably done: this seducer is again refuted.
For the further opening hereof, it will not be amiss to consider both of the objection of Aërius, and of the answer of Epiphanius. Thus did Aërius argue against the practice of the Church. For what reason do you commemorate after death the names of those that are departed? He that is alive prayeth, or maketh dispensation (of the mysteries:) what shall the dead be profited hereby? And if the prayer of those here do altogether profit them that be there: then let nobody be godly, let no man do good, but let him procure some friends by what means it pleaseth him, either persuading them by money, or entreating friends at his death; and let them pray for him, that he may suffer nothing there, and that those inexpiable sins which he hath committed may not be required at his hands. This was Aërius his argumentation: which would have been of force indeed, if the whole Church had held, as many did; that the judgment after death was suspended until the general Resurrection, and that in the mean time the sins of the dead might be taken away by the suffrages of the living. But he should have considered, as Stephanus Gobarus (who was as great an heretic as himself) did, that the Doctors were not agreed upon the point; some of them maintaining, the soul of everyone that departed out of this life received very great profit by the prayers and oblations and alms that were performed for him, and others on the contrary side, that it was not so: and that it was a foolish part of him, to confound the private opinion of some, with the common faith of the universal Church. That he reproved this particular error, (which seemeth to have gotten head in his time, as being most plausible to the multitude, and very pleasing unto the looser sort of Christians) therein he did well: but that thereupon he condemned the general practice of the Church, which had no dependence upon that erroneous conceit, therein he did like unto himself, headily and perversely. For the Church in her Commemorations and prayers for the dead had no relation at all unto those that had led their lives lewdly and dissolutely (as appeareth plainly, both by the author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, and by diverse other evidences before alleged) but unto those that did end their lives in such a godly manner, as gave pregnant hope unto the living, that their souls were at rest with God: and to such as these alone did it wish the accomplishment of that which remained of their redemption; to wit, their public justification and solemn acquitall at the last day, and their perfect consummation of bliss, both in body and soul, in the kingdom of heaven forever after. not that the event of these things was conceived to be any ways doubtful (for we have been told, that things may be prayed for, the event whereof is known to be most certain) but because the commemoration thereof was thought to serve for special use, not only in regard of the manifestation of the affection of the living toward the dead (he that prayed, as Dionysius noteth, desiring other men's gifts as if they were his own graces ) but also in respect of the consolation and instruction which the living might receive thereby; as Epiphanius in his answer to Aërius doth more particularly declare.
The objection of Aërius was this. The Commemorations and prayers used in the Church bring no profit to the dead: therefore as an unprofitable thing they are to be rejected. To this doth Epiphanius thus frame his answer. As for the reciting of the names of those that are deceased; what can be better then this? what more commodious, and more admirable? that such as are present do believe, that they who are departed do live, and are not extinguished, but are still being and living with the Lord: and that this most pious preaching might be declared; that they who pray for their brethren have hope of them as being in a peregrination. Which is as much in effect, as if he had denied Aërius his consequence: and answered him, that although the dead were not profited by this action, yet it did not therefore follow that it should be condemned as altogether unprofitable. because it had a singular use otherwise: namely to testify the faith and the hope of the living, concerning the dead. the faith: in declaring them to be alive, (for so doth Dionysius also expound the Churches intention in her public nomination of the dead) and as Divinity teacheth, not mortified but translated from death unto a most divine life. the hope: in that they signified hereby, that they accounted their brethren to have departed from them no otherwise than as if they had been in a journey, with expectation to meet them afterward; and by this means made a difference betwixt themselves, and others which had no hope. Then doth Epiphanius proceed further in answering the same objection, after this manner. The prayer also which is made for them doth profit, although it do not cut off all their sins: yet forasmuch as whilst we are in the world, we oftentimes slip both unwillingly and with our will; it serveth to signify that which is more perfect. For we make a memorial, both for the just and for sinners: for sinners, entreating the mercy of God; for the just, (both the Fathers and Patriarchs, the Prophets, and Apostles, and Evangelists, and Martyrs and Confessors, Bish • ps also and Anchorites, and the whole order) that we may sever our Lord Jesus Christ from the rank of all other men by the honor that we do unto him, and that we may yield worship unto him. Which, as far as I apprehend him, is no more then if he had thus replied unto Aërius. Although the prayer that is made for the dead do not cut off all their sins (which is the only thing that thou goest about to prove) yet doth it profit notwithstanding for another purpose: namely to signify the supereminent perfection of our Savior Christ above the rest of the sons of men, who are subject to manifold slipps and falls as long as they live in this world.
For as well the righteous, with their involuntarie slipps, as sinners, with their voluntary falls, do come within the compass of these Commemorations: wherein prayers are made, both for sinners that repent, and for righteous persons that have no such need of repentance. For sinners ; that being by their repentance recovered out of the snare of the Devil, they may find mercy of the Lord at the last day, and be freed from the fire prepared for the Devil and his angels: For the righteous ; that they may be recompensed in the resurrection of the just, and received into the kingdom prepared for them from the foundation of the world. Which kind of prayer being made for the best men that ever lived (even the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, and Martyrs themselves) Christ only excepted; showeth that the profit which the Church intended should be reaped therefrom, was not the taking away of the sins of the parties that were prayed for, but the honoring of their Lord above them: it being hereby declared, that our Lord is not to be compared unto any man; though a man live in righteousness a thousand times and more. for how should that be possible? considering that the one is God, the other man, (as the praying to the one, and for the other, doth discover) and the one is in heaven, the other in earth by reason of the remains of the body yet resting in the earth, until the day of the Resurrection, unto which all these prayers had special reference. This do I conceive to be the right meaning of Epiphanius his answer: as suiting best both with the general intention of the Church, which he taketh upon him to vindicate from the misconstruction of Aërius, & with the application thereof unto his objection, & with the known doctrine of Epiphanius, delivered by him elsewhere in these terms. After death there is no help to be gotten, either by godliness, or by repentance. For Lazarus doth not go there unto the rich man, nor the rich man unto Lazarus: neither doth Abraham send any of his spoils, that the poor may be afterward made rich thereby; neither doth the rich man obtain that which he asketh, although he entreat merciful Abraham • ith instant supplication. For the Garners are sealed up, and the time is fulfilled, and the combat is finished, and the lists are voided, and the Garlands are given, and such as have fought are at rest, and such as have not obtained are gone forth, and such as have not fought cannot now be present in time, and such as have been overthrown in the lists are cast out, and all things are clearly finished, after that we are once departed from hence.
We are to consider then, that the prayers and oblations, for rejecting whereof Aërius was reproved, were not such as are used in the Church of Rome at this day, but such as were used by the ancient Church at that time: and therefore as we in condemning of the one, have nothing to do with Aërius or his cause; so the Romanists, who dislike the other as much as ever Aërius did, must be content to let us alone, and take the charge of Aërianisme home unto themselves. Popish prayers and oblations for the dead, we know, do wholly depend upon the belief of Purgatory: if those of the ancient Church did so too; how cometh it to pass that Epiphanius doth not directly answer Aërius, as a Papist would do now, that they brought singular profit to the dead, by delivering their tormented souls out of the flames of Purgatory? but forgetting as much as once to make mention of Purgatory (the sole foundation of these suffrages for the dead, in our Adversaries judgment) doth trouble himself and his cause, with bringing in such far fett reasons as these: that they who performed this duty, did intend to signify thereby that their brethren departed were not perished, but remained still alive with the Lord; and to put a difference betwixt the high perfection of our Savior Christ, and the general frailty of the best of all his servants. Take away Popish Purgatory on the other side, (which in the days of Aërius and Epiphanius needed not to be taken away, because it was not as yet hatched) and all the reasons produced by Epiphanius will not withhold our Romanists from absolutely subscribing to the opinion of Aërius: this being a case with them resolved; that if Purgatory be not admitted after death, prayer for the dead must be unprofitable. But though Thomas Aquinas and his abettors determine so, we must not therefore think that Epiphanius was of the same mind; who lived in a time wherein prayers were usually made for them that never were dreamed to have been in Purgatory, and yieldeth those reasons of that usage, which overthrow the former consequence of Thomas every whit as much, as the supposition of Aërius.
For Aërius and Thomas both agree in this: that prayer for the dead would be altogether unprofitable, if the dead themselves received no special benefit thereby. This doth Epiphanius (defending the ancient use of these prayers in the Church) show to be untrue; by producing other profits that redounded from thence unto the living: partly by the public signification of their faith, hope, & charity toward the deceased; partly by the honor that they did unto the Lord Jesus, in exempting him from the common condition of the rest of mankind. And to make it appear, that these things were mainly intended by the Church in her Memorialls for the dead, and not the cutting off of the sins which they carried with them out of this life, or the releasing of them out of any torment: he alledgeth (as we have heard) that not only the meaner sort of Christians, but also the best of them without exception, even the Prophets and Apostles & Martyrs themselves, were comprehended therein. from whence, by our Adversaries good leave, we will make bold to frame this syllogism.
They who reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practiced by the Church in the days of Aërius, are in that point flatt Aërians.
But the Romanists do reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practiced by the Church in the days of Aërius.
Therefore the Romanists are in this point flatt Aërians.
They who are of the judgment, that prayers and oblations should not be made for such as are believed to be in bliss; do reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practiced by the ancient Church.
But the Romanists are of this judgment.
Therefore they reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practiced by the ancient Church.
In the mean time, the Reader who desireth to be rightly informed in the judgment of Antiquity touching this point, is to remember; that these two questions must necessarily be distinguished in this inquiry. Whether prayers and oblations were to be made for the dead? and, Whether the dead did receive any peculiar profit thereby? In the latter of these, he shall find great difference among the Doctors: in the former, very little, or none at all. For howsoever all did not agree about the state of the souls (saith Cassander, an indifferent Papist) which might receive profit by these things: yet all did judge this duty, as a testimony of their love toward the dead, and a profession of their faith touching the souls immortality and the future resurrection, to be acceptable unto God and profitable to the Church. Therefore for condemning the general practice of the Church herein, which aimed at those good ends before expressed, Aë • ius was condemned: but for denying that the dead received profit thereby, either for the pardon of the sins which before were unremitted, or for the cutting off or mitigation of any torments that they did endure in the other world, the Church did never condemn him. For that was no new thing invented by him: diverse worthy men before and after him declared themselves to be of the same mind, and were never for all that charged with the least suspicion of heresy. The narration of Lazarus and the rich man (saith the author of the Questions and Answers in the works of Justin Martyr) presenteth this doctrine unto us: that after the departure of the soul out of the body, men cannot by any providence or care obtain any profit. Then (saith Gregory Nazianzen) in vain shall any one go about to relieve those that lament. Here men may have a remedy, but afterwards there is nothing but bonds, or, all things are fast bound. For after death the punishment of sin is remediless: saith Theodoret. and therefore S. Jerome doth conclude: that while we are in this present world, we may be able to help one another, either by our prayers or by our counsels; but when we shall come before the judgment seat of Christ, neither Job, nor Daniel, nor Noah can entreat for any one, but everyone must bear his own burden.
Other Doctors were of another judgment: that the dead received special profit by the prayers and oblations of the living; either for the remission of their sins, or the easing of their punishment. but whether this were restrained to smaller offenses only, or such as lived and died in great sins might be made partakers of the same benefit, and whether these men's torments might be lessened only thereby, or in tract of time quite extinguished; they did not agree upon. That Stephanus Gobarus, whom before I alleged, made a collection of the different sentences of the Fathers: whereof some contained the received doctrine of the Church, others the unallowable opinions of certain of the ancient that varied therefrom. Of this latter kind he maketh this sentence to be one: that such sinners as be delivered unto punishment, are purged therein from their sins, and after their purging are freed from their punishment; albeit not all who are delivered unto punishment, be thus purged and freed, but some only. whereas the true sentence of the Church was; that none at all was freed from punishment. If that were the true sentence of the Church, that none of those who suffered punishment in the other world were ever freed from the same: then the applying of prayers to the helping of men's souls out of any such punishments, must be referred to the erroneous apprehension of some particular men, and not to the general intention of the ancient Church; from which in this point, as in many others beside, the latter Church of Rome hath swerved and quite gone astray. The ancient writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, handling this matter of praying for the dead professedly, doth by way of objection move this doubt: to what purpose should the Bishop entreat the divine goodness to grant remission of sins unto the dead, and a like glorious inheritance with those that have followed God? seeing by such prayers he can be brought to no other rest, but that which is fitting for him and answerable unto the life which he hath here led. If our Romish divinity had been then acknowledged by the Church; there had been no place left to such questions and doubts as these. The matter might easily have been answered, that though a man did die in the state of grace, yet was he not presently to be admitted unto the place of rest, but must first be reckoned withal; both for the committall of those smaller faults, unto which through human frailty he was daily subject, and for the not performance of full penance and satisfaction for the greater sins into which in this life he had fallen: and Purgatory being the place wherein he must be cleansed from the one, and make up the just payment for the other; these prayers were directed unto God for the delivery of the poor soul, which was not now in case to help it self, out of that place of torment.
But this author, taking upon him the person of S. Paul's scholar, and professing to deliver herein that tradition which he had received from his divine Masters ; saith no such thing, but giveth in this for his answer. The divine Bishop, as the Scriptures witness, is the interpreter of the divine judgments: for he is the Angel of the Lord God almighty. He hath learned therefore out of the oracles delivered by God, that a most glorious and divine life is by his just judgment worthily adwarded to them that have lived holily; his divine goodness and kindness passing over those blots which by human frailty he had contracted: forasmuch as no man, as the Scriptures speak, is free from pollution. The Bishop therefore knowing these things to be promised by the true oracles; prayeth that they may accordingly come to pass, and those sacred rewards may be bestowed upon them that have lived holily. The Bishop at that time belike did not know so much as our Popish Bishops do now; that God's servants must dearly smart in Purgatory for the sins wherewith they were overtaken through human infirmity: he believed that God of his merciful goodness would pass by those slipps, and that such after-reckonings as these should give no stoppage to the present bestowing of those holy rewards upon the children of the promise. Ther • fore the divine Bishop (saith our author) asketh those things which were promised by God and are grateful to him and without doubt will be granted: the • eby as well manifesting his own good disposition, unto God who is a lover of the good; as declaring like an interpreter unto them that be present, the gifts that shall befall to such as are holy. He further also addeth, that the Bishops have a separating power, as the interpreters of God's judgments: according to that commission of Christ; Whose sins ye remitt, they are remitted unto them, and whose you shall retain, they are retained. and, Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose upon earth shall be loosed in heaven. And as in the use of the keys, the Schoolmen following S Jerome do account the minister to be the interpreter only of God's judgment, by declaring what is done by him in the binding or loosing of men's sins: so doth this author he • e give them power only to separate those that are all • eady judged of God, and by way of declaration, and convoy, to bring in those that are beloved of God, and to exclude such as are ungodly. And if the power which the Ministers have received by the foresaid commission do extend it self to any further real operation upon the living: Pope Gelasius will deny that it may be stretched in like manner unto the dead; because that Ch • ist saith, Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth. He saith upon earth: for he that dieth bound, is nowhere said to be loosed. and, that which a man remaining in his body hath not received, being unclothed of his flesh he cannot obtain: saith Leo.
Whether the dead received profit by the prayers of the living, was still a question in the Church. Maximus in his Greek scholies upon the writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, wisheth us to mark, that even before his time that doubt was questioned. Among the questions wherein Dulcitius desired to be resolved by S. Augustine, we find this to be one; Whether the offering that is made for the dead, did avayle their souls anything? and that MANY did say to this, that if herein any good were to be done after death; how much rather should the soul it self obtain ease for it self, by it own confessing of her sins there, than that for the ease thereof an oblation should be procured by other men. The like also is noted by Cyril or rather John Bishop of Jerusalem ; that he knew MANY who said thus. What profit doth the soul get that goeth out of this world (either with sins, or not with sins) if you make mention of it in prayer? and by Anastasius Sinaita (or Nicaenus: ) Some do doubt; saying that the dead are not profited by the oblations that are made for them. and (long after them) by Petrus Cluniacensis in his treatise against the followers of Peter Bruse in France : That the good deeds of the living may profit the dead, both these heretics do deny, and some Catholics also do seem to doubt. Nay in the West, not the profit only, but the lawfulness also of these doings for the dead was called in question: as partly may be collected by Boniface archbishop of Mainz his consulting with Pope Gregory, about 730. years after the birth of our Savior; Whether it were lawful to offer oblations for the dead (which he should have no reason to do, if no question had been made thereof among the Germans ) and is plainly delivered by Hugo Etherianus, about 1170. years after Christ, in these words. I know that many are deformed with vain opinions, thinking that the dead are not to be prayed for: because that neither Christ, nor the Apostles that succeeded him have intimated these things in the Scriptures. But they are ignorant that there be many things, and those exceeding necessary, frequented by the holy Church, the tradition whereof is not had in the Scriptures: and yet they pertain nevertheless to the worship of God, and obtain great strength. Whereby it may appear, that this practice wanted not opposition even then, when in the Papacie it was advanced unto his greatest height. And now is it high time, that I should pass from this article, unto the next following
OF LIMBVS PATRVM ; And CHRIST'S DESCENT INTO HELL.
HEre doth our Challenger undertake to prove against us; not only that there is Limbus Patrum, but that our Savior also descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament; because before his Passion none ever entered into Heaven. That there was such a thing as Limbus Patrum, I have heard it said: but what it is now, the Doctors vary, yet agree all in this; that Limbus it may well be, but Limbus Patrum sure it is not. Whether it were distinct from that place, in which the infants that depart out of this life without baptism are now believed to be received, the Divines do doubt; neither is there anything to be rashly pronounced of so doubtful a matter: saith Maldonado the Jesuit. The Dominican Friars, that wrote against the Grecians at Constantinople in the year 1252 resolve, that into this Limbus the holy Fathers before the coming of Christ did descend; but now the children that depart without baptism, are detained there: so that in their judgment, that which was the Limbus of Fathers, is now become the Limbus of Children. The more common opinion is, that these be two distinct places: and that the one is appointed for unbaptized infants, but the other now remaineth void, and so shall remain, that it may bear witness as well of the justice as of the mercy of God. If you demand, how it came to be thus void, & emptied of the old inhabitants: the answer is here given; that our Savior descended into Hell purposely • o deliver from hence the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament. But Hell is one thing, I ween, saith Tertullian, and Abraham's b • some (where the Fathers of the Old Testament rested) another: neither is it to be believed, that the bosom of Abraham, being the habitation of a secret kind of rest, was any part of Hell ; saith S. Augustine. To say then, that our Savior descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament out of Limbus Patrum: would by this construction prove as strange a tale, as if it had been reported, that Caesar made a voyage into Britain, to set his friends at liberty in Greece.
Yea, but before Christ's Passion none ever entered into Heaven: saith our Challenger. The proposition that Cardinal Bellarmine taketh upon him to prove, where he handleth this controversy, is: that the souls of the godly were not in Heaven before the As • ension of Christ. Our Jesuit, it seemeth, considered here with himself, that Christ had promised unto the penitent thief upon the cross; that not before his ascension only, but also before his resurrection, even that day he should be with him in Paradise: that is to say, in the kingdom of heaven ; as the Cardina • l himself doth prove, both by the authority of S. Paul, making Paradise and the third heaven to be the self same thing, and by the testimony of the ancient expositors of the place. This, belike, stuck somewhat in our Jesuits stomach: who being loath to interpret this of his Limbus Patrum (as others of that side had done) and to maintain that Paradise, instead of the third Heaven, should signify the third or the fourth Hell; thought it best to shift the matter handsomely away, by taking upon him to defend, that, not before Christ's ascension (least that of the Thief should cross him) but before his passion none ever entered into Heaven. But if none before our Savior's Passion did ever enter into Heaven: whither shall we say that Elias did enter? The Scripture assureth us, that he went up into heaven: (2. Kings, 2.11▪) & of this Mattathias put his sons in mind upon his death-bedd; that Elias being zealous and fervent for the law, was taken up into heaven. Elias and Moses both, before the passion of Christ are described to be in glory: Lazarus is carried by the Angels into a place of comfort, and not of imprisonment: in a word, all the Fathers accounted themselves to be strangers and pilgrims in this earth, seeking for a better country, that is, an heavenly, as well as we do; and therefore having ended their pilgrimage, they arrived at the country they sought for, as well as we. They believed to be saved through the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, as well as we; they lived by that faith, as well as we; they died in Christ, as well as we; they received remission of sins, imputation of righteousness, and the blessedness arising therefrom, as well as we: and the mediation of our Savior being of that present efficacy, that it took away sin and brought in righteousness from the very beginning of the world, it had virtue sufficient to free men from the penalty of loss as well as from the penalty of sense, and to bring them unto him in whose presence is fullness of joy, as to deliver them from the place of torment where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth.
The first that ever assigned a resting place in Hell to the Fathers of the Old Testament, was (as far as we can find) Marcion the heretic: who determined that both kind of rewards, whether of torment or of refreshing, was appointed in Hell for them that did obey the Law and the Prophets. Wherein he was gainsayd by such as wrote against him, not only for making that the place of their eternal rest; but also for lodging them there at all, and imagining that Abraham's bosom was any part of Hell. This appeareth plainly by the disputation, set out among the works of Origen, betwixt Marcus the Marcionite, & Adamantius the defender of the Catholic cause: who touching the parabolical history of the rich man & Lazarus in the sixteenth of S. Luke, are brought in reasoning after this manner. MARCUS. He saith that A • raham is in hell, and not in the kingdom of heaven. ADAMANTIUS. Read whether he sayt • that Abraham was in Hell. MARC. In that the rich man and he talked one to the other, it appeareth that they were together. ADAMANT. That they talked one with another, thou hearest; but the great gulf spoken of, that thou hearest not. For the middle space betwixt heaven and earth he calleth a gulf. MARC. Can a man therefore see from earth unto heaven? it is impossible. Can any man lifting up his eyes behold from the earth, or from hell rather see into heaven? If not; it is plain, that a valley only was set betwixt them. ADAMANT. Bodily eyes use to see those things only that are near: but spiritual eyes reach far. and it is manifest, that they who have here put off their body, do see one another with the eyes of their soul. For mark how the Gospel doth say, that he lifted up his eyes. toward heaven one useth to lift them up, and not toward the earth. In like manner doth Tertullian also retort the same place of Scripture against Marcion, and prove that it maketh a plain difference between Hell and the bosom of Abraham. For it affirmeth (saith he) both that a great deep is interposed betwixt those regions, and that it suffereth no passage from either side. Neither could the rich man have lifted up his eyes, and that afar off, unless it had been unto places above him, and very far above him, by reason of the mighty distance betwixt that height and that depth. Thus far Tertullian: who though he come short of Adamantius, in making Abraham's bosom not to be any part of Heaven, although no member at all of Hell ; yet doth he concur with him in this, that it is a place of bliss, and a common receptacle wherein the souls of all the faithful as well of the new as of the Old Testament do still remain, in expectation of the general resurrection▪ which quite marteth the Limbus Patrum of our Romanists, and the journey which they fancy our Savior to have taken for the fetching of the Fathers from thence.
With these two doth S. Augustine also join, in his 99. epistle to Euodius: concerning whose judgment herein, I will not say the deceitful, but the exceeding partial dealing of Cardinal Bellarmine can very hardly be excused. Although Augustine (saith he) in his 99. epistle do seem to doubt, whether the bosom of Abraham, where the souls of the Fathers were in times past, should be in Hell or somewhere else: yet in the 20. book of the City of God, the 15. chapter, he affirmeth that it was in Hell; as all the rest of the Fathers have always taught. If S. Augustine in that epistle were of the mind (as he was indeed) that Abraham's bosom was no part of Hell: he was not the first inventer of that doctrine; others taught it before him, and opposed Marcion for teaching otherwise. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : alone he went not, two there were at least (as we have seen) that walked along with him in the same way. But for that which he is said to have doubted off in one place, and to have affirmed in another: if the indifferent Reader will be pleased but to view both the places, he shall easily discern that the Cardinal looked not into these things with a single eye. In his 99. epistle, from that speech of Abraham; Between you and us there is a great gulf fixed: he maketh this inference. In these words it appeareth sufficiently, as I think, that the bosom of so great happiness is not any part and member of Hell. These seem unto the Cardinal to be the words of a doubtful man: with what words then, when he is better resolved, doth he affirm the matter ? With these forsooth. If it do seem no absurdity to believe, that the old Saints which held the faith of Christ to come, were in places most remote from the torments of the wicked, but yet in Hell; until the blood of Christ, and his descent into those places, did deliver them: truly from henceforth the good and faithful, who are redeemed with that price already shed, know not Hell at all. If, satis ut opinor apparet, [it appeareth sufficiently, as I think, ] must import doubting; and, si non absurd credi videtur, [if it do seem no absurdity to believe, ] affirming: I know not, I must confess, what to make of men's speeches.
The truth is: S. Augustine in handling this question discovereth himself to be neither of the Jesuits temper nor belief. He esteemed not this to be such an article of faith, that they who agreed not therein must needs be held to be of different religions: as he doth modestly propound the reasons which induced him to think that Abraham's bosom was no member of Hell; so doth he not lightly reject the opinion of those that thought otherwise, but leaveth it still as a disputable point. Whether that bosom of Abraham where the wicked rich man, when he was in the torments of Hell, did behold the poor man resting, were either to be accounted by the name of Paradise, or esteemed to appertain unto Hell, I cannot readily affirm: saith he in one place. and in another: Whether Abraham were then at any certain place in Hell, we cannot certainly define. and in his 12. book de Genesi ad literam: I have not hitherto found, and I do yet inquire, neither do I remember that the canonical Scripture doth anywhere put Hell in the good part. Now that the bosom of Abraham and that rest, unto which the godly poor man was carried by the Angel, should not be taken in the good part, I know not whether any good man can endure to hear: and therefore how we may believe that it is in Hell I do not see. Where it may further also be observed, that S. Augustine doth here assign no other place to this godly poor man, then he doth unto the souls of all the faithful that have departed since the coming of our Savior Christ: the question with him being alike of them both, whether the place of their rest be designed by the name of Hell or Paradise. Therefore he saith: I confess, I have not yet found, that it is called Hell, where the souls of just men do rest. and again: How much more after this life may that bosom of Abraham be called Paradise; where now there is no temptation, where there is so great rest after all the griefs of this life? For neither is there wanting there a proper kind of light and of it own kind, a • d doubtless great; which that rich man out of the torments and darkness of Hell, (even from so remote a place, where a great gulf was placed in the midst) did so behold, that he might there take notice of the poor man whom sometime he had despised. and elsewhere, expounding that place in the 16. of S. Luke: The bosom of Abraham, saith he, is the rest of the blessed poor, whose is the kingdom of heaven, in which after this life they are received.
Bede in his Commentaries upon the same place, and Strabus in the ordinary Gloss do directly follow S. Augustine in this exposition: and the Greek interpreter of S Luke (who wrongly beareth the name of Titus Bostrensis, and Chrysos • om) for proof thereof produceth the testimony of Di • nysius Areopagita, affirming that by the bosom of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, those most divine and blessed seats are designed, w • ich do receive within them all just men after their most happy consummation. The words that he hath relation unto, be these, in the 7. chapter of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy. The bosoms of the blessed Pa • riarches and of all the rest of the Saints are, as I think, the most divine and blessed resting places, which do recei • e all such as are like unto God, into that never-fading and most blessed perfection that is therein. Hitherto appertain those passages in S. Ambrose. Come into the bosom of Jacob: that as poor Lazarus did in the bosom of Abraham, so thou also mayst rest in the tranquility of the patriarch Jacob. For the bosom of the Patriarchs is a certain retiring place of everlasting rest. We shall go where holy Abraham openeth his bosom, to receive the poor, as he did receive Lazarus: in which bosom they do rest, who in this world have endured grievous and sharp things. Into Paradise is a ascent, into Hell a descent. Let them descend, saith he, quick into Hell. And therefore poor Lazarus was by the Angels lifted up into Abraham's bosom. Behold that poor man abounding with all good things, whom the blessed rest of the holy Patriarch did compass about. Lazarus lying in Abraham's bosom, enjoyed everlasting life.
S. Chrysostom, or whosoever else was the author of that homily touching the Rich man and Lazarus, upon those words of the text, that the rich man lifting up his eyes beheld Lazarus in Abraham's bosom, moveth this question: Why Lazarus did not see the rich man, as well as the rich man is said to see Lazarus? and giveth this answer thereunto: because he that is in the light doth not see him that standeth in the dark, but he that is in the dark beholdeth him that is in the light ; taking it for granted, that Abraham's bosom was a place of light and not of darkness. He that wrote the Homily upon that sentence of the Psalm, What man is he that would have life and desireth to see good days? who is commonly also, though not rightly, accounted to be Chrysostom ; goeth further and saith, that the rich man lifted up his eyes unto Heaven out of the place of torments, and cried unto father Abraham: yea he expressly affirmeth there, that the blessed poor man did go unto Heaven, and the rich man covered with purple did remain in Hell. which agreeth well with that undoubted saying of S. Chrysostom himself: Lazarus, who was worthy of Heaven and the kingdom that is there, being full of sores was exposed to the tongues of dogs, and strove with perpetual hunger. and with that which he writeth elsewhere: that after famine, and soars, and lying in the porch, he enjoyed that refreshing which is impossible to be expressed by speech, even unspeakable good things. Whereunto may be added that collection of his out of the words of our Savior: Many shall come from the East and West, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven, Matth. 8.11. that this kingdom is designed here by a new term of the bosom of Abraham ; and the consummation of all good called by the name of the bosoms of the Patriarchs.
S. Basil in his sermon of Fasting, placeth Lazarus in Paradise. Dost not thou see Lazarus (saith he) how he entered by fasting into Paradise? and the ancient compiler of the Latin sermon translated from thence, frameth his exhortation accordingly, Let us therefore use this way, whereby we may return unto Paradise. Thither is Lazarus gone before us. Asterius Bishop of Amasea placeth him in a sweet and joyous state: Cyril Bishop of Alexandria, in unexpected delights: Salvianus, in bliss and everlasting wealth. The poor man (saith he) bought bliss with beggary; the rich man punishment with wealth. The poor man, when he had just nothing, bought everlasting riches with penury. Gregory Nazianzen saith, he was enriched with refreshment in the bosoms of Abraham, that are so much to be desired. Prudentius, in his poetical vain, describeth him to be there hedged about with flowers, as being in the garden of Paradise, even in the same paradise wherein pure souls do now rest since the ascension of Christ. for thus he writeth:
Of Abraham's bosom Gregory Nyssen writeth after this manner. As by a certain abuse of speech we call a baye of the sea an arm or bosom: so it seemeth to me that the word doth signify the exhibitiō of those unmeasurable good things by the name of a bosom; into which good bosom, or baye, all men that sail by a virtuous course through this present life, when they loose from hence, put in their souls as it were into a haven free from danger of waves and tempests. and in another place. If one hearing of a bosom, as it were a certain large baye of the sea; should conceive the fullness of good things to be meant thereby where the Patriarch is named, and that Lazarus is therein: he should not think amiss. True it is indeed, that diverse of the Doctors who make Abraham's bosom to be a place of glory, do yet distinguish it from Heaven : but it is to be considered withal that they hold the same opinion indifferently, of the place whereunto the souls of all godly men are received, as well under the state of the New as of the Old Testament. For they did not hold (as our Romanists do now) that Christ by his descension emptied Limbus, & removed the bosom of Abraham from Hell into Heaven: their Limbus is now as full of Fathers as ever it was, and is the common receptacle wherein they suppose all good souls to remain until the general resurrection; before which time they admit neither the Fathers nor us unto the possession of the kingdom of Heaven. For Abraham (saith Gregory Nyssen) and the other Patriarchs, although they had a desire to see those good things, and never left seeking that heavenly country, as the Apostle saith: yet are they notwithstanding that, even yet in expectancie of this favor; God having provided some better thing for us, according to the saying of S. Paul, that they without us should not be made perfect. So Tertullian: It appeareth to every wise man, that hath ever heard of the Elysian fields, that there is some local determination, which is called Ab • ahams bosom, to receive the souls of his sons, even of the Gentiles; he being the Father of many nations that were to be accounted of Abraham's family, and of the same faith wherewith Abraham believed God, under no yoke of the law, nor in t • e sign of Circumcision. That region t • erefore do I call the bosom of Abraham, although not heavenly yet higher than hell, which shall give rest in the mean season to the souls of the righteous, until the consummation of thin • s do finish the resurrection of all, with the fullness of reward. And we have heard S. Hilary say before, that all the faithful, when they are gone out of the body, shall be reserved by the Lord's custody for that entry into the heavenly kingdom; being in the mean time placed in the bosom of Abraham, whither the wicked are hindered from coming by the gulf interposed betwixt them, until the time of entering into the kingdom of heaven do come. and again. The rich and the poor man in the Gospel do serve us for witnesses: one of whom the Angels did place in the seats of the Blessed and in Abraham's bosom; the other the region of punishment did presently receive. For the day of judgment is the everlasting retribution either of bliss or pain: but the time of death hath everyone under his laws, while either Abraham or punishment reserveth everyone unto judgment.
The difference betwixt the Doctors in their judgment concerning the bosom of Abraham, and the resting of the ancient Fathers therein, we find noted in part in those expositions upon the Gospel, which go under the name of Theophilus Bishop of Antioch and Eucherius Bishop of Lions. In that the rich man (say they) did in Hell behold Abraham, this by some is thought to be the reason: because all the Saints before the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, are said to have descended into Hell, although into a place of refreshment. Others think, that the place wherein Abraham was, did lie apart from those places of Hell, situated in places above: for which the Lord should say of that rich man, that lifting up his eyes when he was in torments, he saw Abraham a far off. The former of these opinions is delivered by some of the Doctors doubtfully, by others more resolutely. Primasius setteth it down with S. Augustine's qualification: It s • em • th that without absurdity it may be believed. The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew saith, that peradventure the just did ascend into heave • before the coming of Christ: yet that he doth think, • hat no soul before Christ did ascend into heaven, since Adam sinned and the heavens were shut against him; but all were detained in Hell. and, as I do think, saith the Greek expositor of Zacharias' Hymn likewise, even our fathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and the whole queere of the holy Prophets and just men, did enjoy the coming of Christ. Of which coming to visit the Fathers in Hell, S. Jerome, Ruffinus, Venantius Fortunatus, Gregory, Julianus Toletanus, and Eusebius Emissenus (as he is commonly called) interpret that question propounded by the Baptist unto our Savior. Art thou he that should come, or look we for another? which exposition is by S. Chrysostom justly rejected, as utterly impertinent and ridiculous. Anastasius Sinaita affirmeth very boldly, that all the souls as well of the just as the unjust were under the hand of the Devil, until Christ descending into Hell said unto those that were in bonds, Come forth, and to those that were indurance, Be at liberty. For he did not only (saith he in another place) dissolve the corruption of the bodies in the grave: but also delivered the captive souls out of Hell, wherein they were by tyranny detained, and peradventure not by tyranny neither, but for many debts. which being paid, he that descended for their delivery, brought back with him a great company of captives. and thus was Hell spoiled, and Adam delivered from his griefs. Which is agreeable to that which we read in the works of Athanasius: that the soul of Adam was detained in the condemnation of death, and cried continually unto the Lord; such as had pleased God, and were justified in the law of nature, being detained together with Adam, and lamenting and crying out with him. and that the Devil, beholding himself spoiled, did bemoan himself; and beholding those that sometime were weeping under him, now singing in the Lord, did rent himself.
Others are more favorable to the souls of the Fathers, though they place them in Hell: for they hold them to have been there in a state of bliss, and not of misery. Thus the author of the Latin homily concerning the Rich man and Lazarus, which is commonly fathered upon Chrysostom, notwithstanding he affirmeth that Abraham was in Hell, and that before the coming of Christ, none ever entered into Paradise: yet doth he acknowledge in the mean time that Lazarus did remain there in a kind of Paradise. For the bosom of Abraham, saith he, was the poor man's Paradise. and again. Some man may say unto me: Is there a Paradise in Hell? I say this, that the bosom of Abraham is the truth of Paradise: Yea and I confess it to be a most holy Paradise. So Tertullian in the fourth book of his Verses against Marcion, placeth Abraham's bosom under the earth, but in an open and lightsome seat, far removed from the fire and from the darkness of Hell:
S. Jerome saith, that our Lord Jesus Christ descended into the furnace of Hell, wherein the souls both of sinners and of just men were held shut; that without any burning or hurt unto himself, he might free from the bonds of death those that were held shut up in that place: and that he called upon the name of the Lord out of the lowermost lake, when by the power of his divinity he descended into Hell, and having destroyed the bars of Tartarus, (or the dungeon of Hell) bringing from thence such of his as he found there, ascended conqueror up again. He saith further, that Hell is the place of punishments and tortures, in which the rich man that was clothed in pu • ple is see • e: unto which also the Lord did descend, that he might let forth those that were bound out of prison. Lastly, t • e Son of God (saith he, following Origen, as it seemeth, too unaduisedly here) descended into the lowermost parts of the earth, and ascended above all heavens: that he might not only fulfill the law and the prophets, but certain other hidden dispensations also, which he alone doth know with the Father. For we cannot understand, how the blood of Christ did profit both the Angels and those that were in Hell; and yet that it did profit them, we cannot be ignorant. Thus far S. Jerome ; touching Christ's descent into the lowermost Hell: which Thomas and the other Schoolmen will not admit that he ever came unto. Yet this must they of force grant, if they will stand to the authority of the Fathers. It remained, saith Fulgentius, for the full effecting of our redemption, that man assumed by God without sin, should thither descend, whither man separated from God should have fallen by the desert of sin; that is, unto Hell, where the soul of the sinner was wont to be tormented, and to the Grave, where the flesh of the sinner was accustomed to be corrupted: yet so, that neither the flesh of Christ should be corrupted in the Grave nor his soul be tormented with the pains of Hell. Because the soul free from sin, was not to be subjected to such punishment: neither ought corruption to tainte the flesh without sin. And this he saith was done for this end: that by the flesh of the just dying temporally, everlasting life might be given to our flesh; and by the soul of the just descending into Hell, the pains of hell might be loosed.
It is the saying of S. Ambrose, that Christ being void of sin, when he did descend into the lowermost parts of Tartarus, breaking the bars & gates of Hell, called back unto life out of the jaws of the Devil the souls that were bound with sin, having destroyed the dominion of death : and of Eusebius Emissenus or Gallicanus (or whoever was the author of the sixth Paschal homily attributed to him) that the son of man laying aside his body, pierced the lowest & hidden seats of Tartarus: but where he was thought to have been detained among the dead, there binding death; did he loose the bonds of the dead. Presently therefore, saith Caesarius (in his third Paschal homily; w ch is the same with the first of those that go under the name of the former Eusebius) the everlasting night of Hell at Christ's descending shined bright: the gnashing of the mourners ceased, the burdens of the chains were loosed, the bursted bands of the damned fell from them. The tormentors astonished in mind were amazed: the whole jmpious shoppe trembled together, when they beheld Christ suddenly in their dwellings: So Arnoldus Bonaevallensis in his book de Cardinalibus operibus Christi (commonly attributed to S. Cyprian) noteth, that at that time there was a cessation from infernal torments: which by Arator is thus more amply expressed in verse.
S. Augustine doth thus deliver his opinion touching this matter. That Christ's soul came unto those places wherein sinners are punished, that he might loose them from torments, whom by his hidden justice he judged fit to be loosed; is not without cause believed. Neither did our Savior being dead for us, scorn to visit those parts: that he might loose from thence such as he could not be ignorant, according to his divine and secret justice, were not to be loosed. But whether he loosed all that he found in those pains, or some whom he thought worthy of that benefit, I yet inquire. For that he was in hell, and bestowed this benefit upon some that did lie in the pains thereof, I do not doubt. Thus did S. Augustine write unto Euodias, who inquired of him; whether our Savior loosed all from thence, and emptied Hell? which was in those days a great question: and gave occasion to that speech of Gregory Nazianzen. If he descend into Hell, go thou down with him (namely in contemplation and meditation) learn the mysteries of Christ's doings there, what the dispensation and what the reason was of his double descent (to wit, from heaven unto earth, & from earth unto hell:) whether at his appearing he simply saved all, or there also such only as did believe. What Clemēs Alexandrinus his opinion was herein, everyone knoweth, that our Lord descended for no other cause into Hell, but to preach the Gospel ; and that such as lived a good life before the time of the Gospel, whether Jews or Grecians, although they were in hell and in durance, yet hearing the voice of our Lord (either from himself immediately or by the working of his Apostles) were presently converted and did believe: in a word, that in Hell things were so ordered, that evē there all the souls, having heard this preaching might either show their repentance, or acknowledge their punishment to be just, because they did not believe. Hereupon, when Celsus the Philosopher made this objection concerning our Savior: Surely you will not say of him, that when he could not persuade those that were here, he went unto Hell to persuade those that were there. Origen, the scholar of Clemens, sticketh not to return unto him this answer. Whether he will or no, we say this, that both being in the body he did persuade, not a few, but so many that for the multitude of those that were persuaded by him he was laid in wait for: and after his soul was separated from his body, he had conference with souls separated from their bodies; converting of them unto himself such as would, or such as he discerned to be more fit for reasons best known unto himself.
The like effect of Christ's preaching in Hell, is delivered by Anastasius Sinaita, Iobius or Iovius, Damascene, Oecumenius, Michael Glycas, and his transcriber Theodorus Metochites. Procopius saith; that he preached to the spirits that were in Hell, restrained in the prison house, releasing them all from the bonds of necessity. wherein he followeth S. Cyril of Alexandria, writing upon the same place, that Christ went to preach to the spirits in Hell, and appeared to them that were detained in the prison house; and freed them all f • om bonds and necessity, and pain, and punishment. The same S. Cyril in his Paschal homilies affirmeth more directly, that our Savior entering into the lowermost dens of Hell, and preaching to the spirits that were there ; emptied that insatiable den of death, spoiled Hell of spirits, and having thus spoiled all Hell, left the Devil there solitary and alone. For when Christ descended into Hell, saith Andronicus, not only the souls of the Saints were delivered from thence; but all those that before did serve in the error of the Devil and the worship of idols, being enriched with the knowledge of God, obtained salvation: for which also they gave thanks, praising God. Whereupon the author of one of the sermons upon the Ascension, fathered upon S. Chrysostom, bringeth in the Devil complaing, that the son of Mary, having taken away from him all those that were with him from the very beginning, had left him desolate. whereas the true Chrysostom doth at large confute this fond opinion: censuring the maintayners thereof, as the bringers in of old wives conceytes and Jewish fables. Yea Philastrius, & S. Augustine out of him, doth brand such for heretics: whose testimony also is urged by S. Gregory against George and Theodore, two of the clergy of Constantinople ; who held in his time (as many others did before and after them) that our omnipotent Lord and Savior Jesus Christ descending into Hell, did save all those who there confessed him to be God, and did deliver them from the pains that were due unto them. and when Clement our countryman, about 150. years after, did renew that old error in Germany, that the son of God descending into Hell delivered from thence all such as that infernal prison did detayne, believers and unbelievers, praysers of God and worshippers of idols: the Roman Synod held by Pope Zechariah condemned him and his followers for it.
But to leave Clemens Scotus, and to return unto Clemens Alexandrinus, at whom Philastrius may seem to have aimed specially: it is confessed by our Adversaries, that he fell into this error, partly being deceived with the superficial consideration of the words of S. Pet • r, touching Christ's preaching to the spirits in prison, 1. Pet. 3.19. partly being deluded with the authority of Hermes, the supposed scholar of S. Paul ; by whose dreams he was persuaded to believe, that not only Christ himself, but his Apostles also did descend into Hell, to preach there unto the dead & to baptize them. But touching the words of S. Peter is the main doubt: whether they are to be referred unto Christ's preaching by the ministry of Noë unto the world of the ungodly; or unto his own immediate preaching to the spirits in Hell after his death upon the Cross. For seeing it was the spirit of Christ which spake in the Prophets, (as S. Peter showeth in this same Epistle) and among them was Noë a preacher of righteousness (as he declareth in the next:) even as in S. Paul, Christ is said to have come and preached to the Ephesians, namely by his spirit in the mouth of his Apostles; so likewise in S. Peter may he be said to have gone and preached to the old world, by his spirit in the mouth of his Prophets (and of Noë in particular) when God having said that his Spirit should not always strive with man, because he was flesh, did in his long suffering wait the expiration of the time which he then did set for his amendment, even an hundred and twenty years. For which exposition the Ethiopian Translation maketh something: where the Spirit, by which Christ is said to have been quickened and to have preached, is by the Interpreter termed Manphes Kades, that is, the Holy Spirit. the addition of which epithet we may observe also to be used by S. Paul in the mention of the resurrection, and by S. Luke in the matter of the preaching of our Savior Christ. for of the one we read, Rom. 1.4. that he was declared to be the Son of God, with power, according to the Spirit of Holiness, (or, the most holy Spirit) by the Resurrection from the dead. and of the other, Act. 1.2. that he gave commandments to the Apostles by the holy Spirit.
Thus doth S. Jerome relate, that a most prudent man (for so he termeth him) did understand this place: He preached to the spirits put in prison; when the patience of God did wait in the days of Noë, bringing in the flood upon the wicked. as if this preaching were then performed, when the patience of God did expect the conversion of those wicked men in the days of Noë. S. Augustine more directly, wisheth us to consider, least happily all that which the Apostle Peter speaketh of the spirits shut up in prison, which believed not in the days of Noë, pertain nothing at all unto Hell, but rather to those times which he compareth as a pattern with our times. For Christ (saith he) before ever he came in the flesh to die for us, which once he did, came often before in the spirit to such as he pleased, admonishing them by visions in the spirit as he pleased: by which spirit he was also quickened, when in his passion he was mortified in the flesh. Venerable Bede, and Walafridus Strabus in the Ordinary Gloss after him, set down their minds herein yet more resolutely. He who in our times coming in the flesh, preached the way of life unto the world, even he himself also before the flood, coming in the spirit preached unto them, which then were unbelievers and lived carnally. For by his holy spirit he was in Noë, and the rest of the holy men which were at that time; and by their good conve • sation, preached to the wicked men of that age, that they might be converted to a better course of life. The same exposition is followed by Anselmus Laudunensis in the Interlineary Gloss, Thomas Aquinas in his Sum, and diverse others in their Commentaries upon this place. Yea since the Council of Trent, and in a book written in defense of the faith of Trent, Doctor Andradius professeth that he thinketh this to be the plain meaning of the place. In which spirit he himself long since coming (that we may not imagine, that he now first undertook the care of his Church) did preach unto those spirits, which now in prison do suffer the d • served pains of their infidelity; forasmuch as they would not believe Noë giving them good counsel, and building the Ark by God's appointment, notwi • hstanding the patience of God did wait for them very long, to wit, a hundred years or more. which accordeth fully with that interpretation of S. Peters words, which is delivered by the learned of our side. In which spirit he had gone and preached • o them that now are spirits in prison: because they disobeyed when the time was: when the patience of God once waited in the days of Noë, while the Ark was a preparing. (1. Pet. 3.19, 20.)
But there were diverse apocryphal scriptures and traditions afoot in the ancient Church, which did so possess men's minds with the conceit of Christ's preaching in Hell, that they never sought for any further meaning in S. Peters words. as that sentence especially, which was fathered upon the Prophet Isaiah or Jeremiah ; and from whence, if Cardinal Bellarmine's wisdom may be heard, it is credible that S. Peter took his words. namely: The Lord the holy one of Israel remembered his dead, which slept in the earth of their graves; and descended to them, to preach unto them his salvation. and that blind tradition, which Anastasius Sindita doth thus lay down, immediately after his citation of S. Peters text. It is now related among the old traditions, that a certain Scholar using many opprobrious speeches against Plato the philosopher; Plato appeared unto him in his sleep, and said. Man, forbear to use opprobrious speeches against me: for thereby thou hurtest thyself. That I was a sinful man I do not deny: but when Christ descended into Hell, in very deed none did believe in him before myself. Nicetas Serronius reciteth this out of the histories of the Fathers: which whether it be to be believed or no, I leave (saith he) to be judged by the hearers. as if any great matter of judgment should be requisite, for the discerning of this to be ( as Bellarmine doth censure it) a fable, or (as Dionysius Carthusianus before him) an apocryphal dream. The like stuff is that also which was vented heretofore unto the world in the apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus. to say nothing of that sentence which is read in the old Latin edition of the book of Ecclesiasticus ; I will pierce all the lower-most parts of the earth, and behold all that are asleep, and enlighten all them that hope in the Lord. which although it be not now to be found in the Greek original, and hath perhaps another meaning then that to which it is applied; yet is it made by the author of the imperfect work upon Matthew one of the chief inducements, which led him to think that our Savior descended into Hell, to visit there the souls of the righteous.
The tradition that of all others deserveth greatest consideration, is the article of the Creed touching Christ's descent into Hell: which Genebrard affirmeth to have been so hateful to the Arians, that, as Ambrose reporteth upon the fifth Chapter of the epistle to the Romans, they struck it quite out of the very Creed. But neither is there the least footstep of any such matter to be seen in S. Ambrose: and it sufficiently appeareth otherwise, that the Arians did not only add this article unto their Creedes, but also set it forth and amplified it with many words; so far off were they, from being guilty of suppressing it. For as the Fathers of the first general Council, held in the year of our Lord CCCXXV. at Nice in Bithynia, did publish a Creed against the Arians: so the Arians on the other side, in the year CCCLIX. set out a Creed of their own making, in a Synod purposely kept by them at Nice in Thracia, that by the ambiguity of the Councils name, the simpler sort might be more easily induced, to mistake this Nicene for that other Catholic Nicene Creed. And whereas the true Nicene fathers had in their Creed omitted the article of the descent into Hell (which, as we shall afterwards hear out of Ruffinus, was not to be had in the Symbols of the Eastern Churches:) these bastard fatherlings in their Nicene Creed, did not only insert this clause, He descended to the places under the earth ; but added also for further amplification, Whom Hell it self trembled at. The like did they (with the words a little altered) in another Creed set out in a Conventicle gathered at Constantinople : and in a third Creed likewise (framed by them at Sirmium and confirmed the same year in their great Council at Ariminum ) they put it in with a more large augmentation, after this manner. He descended to the places under the earth, and disposed things there; whom the keepers of Hell gates seeing, shook for fear. If therefore any fault were committed in the omission of this article; it should touch the Orthodox Fathers of Nice and Constantinople rather: whom the Latins, disputing with the Grecians in the Council of Ferrara, do directly charge with subtracting this article from the Apostles Creed; although they free them from blame in so doing, because they that took it away (say they) did not deny it, nor fight against the truth.
But first they should have shown, that the Fathers of Nice and Constantinople did find this article of Christ's descent into Hell in the Apostles Creed: before they excused them from taking it away from thence. For the Creed of the Council of Constantinople (which commonly goeth under the name of the Nicene Creed) being nothing else but an explanation & a more ample enlargement of the Creed Apostolical; yea and so fully expressing the same, that it self hath been heretofore accounted and named the Apostles Creed: it is not to be thought that it would leave out any article either unexplained or altogether unnamed, which was then commonly believed to have been any parcel of the Creed received from the Apostles. Add hereunto the ingenuous confession of Busaeus the Jesuit, in his positions touching Christ's descent into Hell. S. Cyprian, or Ruffinus rather, in his exposition of the Creed denieth that this article is read in the Creed of the Church of Rome, or the Churches of the East: and some of the most ancient Fathers, while either they gather up the sum of the Christian faith, or expound the Creed of the Apostles, have omitted this point of doctrine. But at what time it was inserted in the Creed, it cannot certainly be determined. The first particular Church that is known to have inserted this article into her Creeed, is that of Aquileia: which added also the attributes of invisible and impassible, unto God the Father almighty in the beginning of the Creed; as appeareth by Ruffinus, who framed his exposition of the Creed according to the order used in that Church. But whether any other Church in the world for 500. years after Christ, did follow the Aquileians in putting the one of these additions to the Apostolical Creed, more then the other; can hardly, I suppose, be shown by any approved testimony of antiquity. Cardinal Bellarmine noteth, that S. Augustine in his book de Fide & Symbolo, and in his four books de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, maketh no mention of this part, when he doth expound the whole Creed five several times. Nay Petrus Chrysologus, who was archbishop of Ravenna 450. years after Christ, doth six several times go over the exposition of the Creed: and yet never meddleth with this article. The like also may be observed in Maximus Taurinensis his exposition of the Creed. For as for the two Latin expositions thereof that go under the name of S. Chrysostom (the latter whereof hath it, the former hath it not) and the o • hers that are found in the tenth Tome of S Augustine's works among the Sermons de Tempore ( four of which do repeat it, & two do omit it:) because the authors of them, together with the time wherein they were written, be altogether unknown; they can bring us little light in this inquiry.
Neither is there hereby any whit more derogated from the credit of this article, then there is from others, whose authority is acknowledged to be undoubted and • eyond all exception: as namely that of our Savior's death, and the Communion of Saints. the one whereof as sufficiently implied in the article of the Crucifixion as a consequent, or the burial as a necessary antecedent thereof, the other as virtually contained in the article of the Church ; we find omitted not in the Constantinopolitan Symbol alone, and in the ancient Apostolical Creeds expounded by Ruffinus, Maximus, and Chrysologus, but also in those that are extant in Venantius Fortunatus 580. and in Etherius and Beatus, 785. years after Christ. In all which likewise may be noted, that the title of Maker of heaven and earth is not given to the Father in the beginning of the Creed: which out of the Creed of Constantinople we see is now everywhere added thereunto. Of which additions as there is now no question anywhere made: so by the consent of both sides, this of the descent into Hell also, is now numbered among the articles of the Apostles Creed. For the Scripture having expressly testified, that the prophecy of the Psalmist, Thou shalt not leave my soul in Hell, was verified in Christ ; S. Augustine's conclusion must necessarily be inferred thereupon. Who therefore but an Infidel will deny that Christ was in Hell? Thus all agree, that Christ did some manner of way descend into Hell: saith Cardinal Bellarmine. But the whole question is touching the exposition of this article. The common exposition which the Romish Divines give thereof, is this: that by Hell is here understood, not that place wherein the wicked are tormented, but the bosom of Abraham, wherein the godly Fathers of the Old Testament rested; for whose delivery from thence they say our Savior took his journey thither. But S. Augustine in that same place, wherein he counteth it a point of infidelity to deny the going of Christ into Hell, gain saith this exposition thereof: professing that he could find the name of Hell nowhere given unto that place wherein the souls of the righteous did rest. Wherefore (saith he) if the holy Scripture had said, that Christ being dead did come unto the bosom of Abraham, not having named Hell and the pains thereof: I marvayle whether any would have been so bold, as to have avouched that Christ descended into Hell. But because evident testimonies do make mention both of Hell and pains: I see no cause, why our Savior should be believed to have come thither, but that he should deliver men from the pains thereof. And therefore, what benefit he brought unto those just men that were in the bosom of Abraham, when he did descend into Hell, I have not yet found. Thus far S. Augustine.
For the better understanding of this, we are to call unto mind that saying of the Philosophers: that they who do not learn rightly to understand words, use to be deceived in the things themselves. It will not be amiss therefore, to consider somewhat of the name of Hell: that the nature of the word being rightly understood, we may the better conceive the truth of the thing that is signified thereby. We are to know then first of our English word Hell, that the original thereof is by diverse men delivered diversely. Some derive it from the Hebrew word Sheol: either subtracting the first letter, or including it in the aspiration. For this letter S (saith Priscian) hath such an affinity with the aspiration; that the Boeotians in some words were wont to write H for S, saying Muha for Musa. Others bring it from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which signifieth a lake : others from the English hole, as signifying a pit-hole ; others from hale, as noting the place that haleth or draweth men unto it. Some say, that in the old Saxon or German, Hel signifieth deep ; whether it be high or low. But the derivation given by Verstegan is the most probable; from being helled over, that is to say, hidden or covered. For in the old German tongue (from whence our English was extracted) Hill signifieth to hide : and Hiluh in Otfridus Wissenburgensis ; is hidden. And in this country, with them that retain the ancient language which their forefathers brought with them out of England, to hell the head, is as much as to cover the head: and he that covereth the house with tile or slate, is from thence commonly called a hellier. So that in the original propriety of the word, our Hell doth exactly answer the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which denoteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the place which is unseen or removed from the sight of man.
We are in the second place therefore to observe, that the term of Hell, beside the vulgar acception, wherein it signifieth that which Luke 16.28. is called the place of torment ; is, in the Ecclesiastical use of the word, extended more largely to express the Greek word Hades and the Latin Inferi, & whatsoever is contained under them. Concerning which S. Augustine giveth this note: The name of Hell is variously put in Scriptures, and in many meanings, according as the sense of the things which are entreated of doth require. and Master Casaubon (who understood the property of Greek and Latin words as well as any) this other. They who think that HADES is properly the seat of the damned, be no less deceived, then they who, when they read INFEROS in Latin writers, do interpret it of the same place. The less cause have we to wonder, that Hell in the Scripture should be made the place of all the dead in common, and not of the wicked only. as in Psalm. 89.47, 48. Remember how short my time is: wherefore hast thou made all men in vain? What man is he that liveth, and shall not see death? shall he deliver his soul from the hand of HELL? and Isaiah. 38.18, 19. HELL cannot praise thee, death cannot celebrate thee: they that go down into the pit cannot hope for thy truth. The LIVING, the LIVING, he shall praise thee, as I do this day. Where the opposition betwixt Hell and the state of life in this world is to be observed. Now as the common condition of the dead is considerable three manner of ways, either in respect of the body separated from the soul, or of the soul separated from the body, or of the whole man indefinitely considered in this state of separation: so do we find the word Hades (which by the Latins is rendered Infernus or Inferi, and by the English, Hell ) to be applied by the ancient Greek interpreters of the Old Testament to the common state and place of the body severed from the soul, by the heathen Greeks to the common state and place of the soul severed from the body, and by both of them to the common state of the dead, and the place proportionably correspondent to that state of dissolution. And so the Doctors of the Church, speaking in the same language which they learned both from the sacred and the foreign writers, are accordingly found to take the word in these three several significations.
Touching the first we are to note, that both the Septuagint in the Old Testament, and the Apostles in the New, do use the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 HADES (and answerably thereunto the Latin Interpreters the word Infernus or Inferi, and the English the word Hell) for that which in the Hebrew text is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 SHEÓL: on the other side, where in the New Testament the word HADES is used, there the ancient Syriac translator doth put 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shejul in steed thereof. Now the Hebrew Sheol (and so the Chaldee, Syriac and Ethiopian words which draw their original from thence) doth properly denote the interior parts of the earth, that lie hidden from our sight; namely whatsoever tendeth downward from the surface of the earth unto the center thereof. In which respect we see that the Scripture describeth Sheol to be a deep place; and opposeth the depth thereof unto the heighth of Heaven. (Job. 11.8. Psalm. 139.8. Amos 9.2.) Again, because the bodies that live upon the surface of the earth, are corrupted within the bowels thereof; the dust returning to the earth as it was: therefore is this word commonly put for the state and the place wherein dead bodies do rest, and are disposed for corruption. And in this respect we find that the Scripture doth oppose Sheol not only unto Heaven, but also unto this land of the living wherein we now breathe. (Isaiah. 38.10, 11. Ezech. 32.27.) the surface of the earth being the place appointed for the habitation of the living; the other parts ordained to be the chambers of death. Thus they that are in the graves (John. 5.28.) are said to sleep in the dust of the earth (Dan. 12.2.) The Psalmist, in his prophesy of our Savior's humiliation, termeth it the dust of death: (Psal. 22.15.) which the Chaldee Paraphrast expoundeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the house of the grave ; interpreting Sheol after the self same manner, in Psa. 31.18. & 89.49. R. Mordecai Nathan in his Hebrew Concordance, giveth no other interpretation of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sheol, but only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or, the grave. R. Abraham Ibn-Ezra in his commentary upon those words, Genes. 37.35. I will go down into Sheól unto my son mourning ; writeth thus. Here the Translator of the erring persons (he meaneth the Vulgar Latin translation used by the Christians) erreth, in translating Sheól Hell or Gehenna: for behold, the signification of the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the grave. for proof whereof he alledgeth divers place of Scripture. Where by the way you may note, that in the last edition of the Masoriticall and Rabbinical Bible, printed by Bombergius, both this and diverse other passages elsewhere have been cut out by the Romish Correctors: which I wish our Buxtorfius had understood, when he followed that mangled and corrupted copy in his late renewed edition of that great work. R. Salomo Rashi, writing upon the same words, Gen. 37.35. saith, that according to the literal sense, the interpretation thereof is the Grave: (In my mourning I will be buried, and I will not be comforted all my days:) but after the Midrash or Allegorical interpretation, it is Gehenna. In like manner, R. David Kimchi expounding that place, Psal. 9.17. The wicked shall turn into Hell, and all the nations that forget God ; acknowledgeth, that by the Derash or Allegorical exposition, into Hell is as much to say, as into Gehenna: but according to the literal meaning he expoundeth it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into the grave ; intimating withal, that the Prophet useth here the term of turning or returning, with reference to that sentence, Gen. 3.19. Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return.
Out of which observation of Kimchi we may further note, that the Hebrews, when they expound Sheol to be the grave, do not mean so much thereby an artificial grave (to wit, a pit digged in the earth, or a tomb raised above ground) as a natural sepulcher: such as the Poët speaketh of in that verse;
This is that common sepulcher, non factum sed natum, not made by the hand of man, but provided by nature it self: betwixt which natural and artificial grave these differences may be observed. The artificial may be appropriated to this man or that man. The Patriarch David is both dead and buried, and his sepulcher is with us unto this day: saith S. Peter, Act. 2.29. and, Ye build the tombs of the Prophets, and garnish the sepulchers of the righteous: saith our Savior Matth. 23.29. But in the natural there is no such distinction. It cannot be said, that this is such or such a man's Sheol: it is considered as the common receptacle of all the dead. as we read in Job : I know that thou wilt bring me to death, and to the house appointed for all living. For to every man (as Olympiodorus writeth upon that place) the earth it self is appointed as a house for his grave. There the prisoners rest together (saith Job) they hear not the voice of the oppressor. The small and great are there; and the servant, free from his master. Again, into a made grave a man may enter in alive and come out alive again (as Peter and John did into the sepulcher of Christ :) but Sheol either findeth men dead when they come into it (which is the ordinary course) or if they come into it alive (which is a new and unwonted thing) it bringeth death upon them; as we see it fell out in Korah and his complices, who are said to have gone down alive into Sheol, when the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed them up. (Numb. 16.30.33.) Lastly, as many living men do go into the grave made with hands, and yet in so doing they cannot be said to go into Sheol (beacuse they come from thence alive again:) so some dead men also want the honor of such a grave (as it was the case of God's servants whose bodies were kept from burial) and yet thereby are not kept from Sheol ; which is the way that all flesh must go to. For all go unto one place; all are of the dust, and all turn to dust again. (Ecclesiast. 3.20.) We conclude therefore, that when Sheol is said to signify the grave ; the term of grave must be taken in as large a sense, as it is in that speech of our Savior, John. 5.28. All that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth; they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of damnation. and in Isaiah. 26.19. according to the Greek reading: The dead shall rise, and they that are in the graves shall be raised up. upon which place Origen writeth thus. In this place and in many others likewise, the graves of the dead are to be understood according to the more certain meaning of the Scripture, not such only as we see are built for the receiving of men's bodies, either cut out in stones or digged down in the earth: but every place wherein a man's body lieth, either entire or in any part, albeit it fell out that one body should be dispersed through many places; it being no absurdity at all, that all those places in which any part of the body lieth, should be called the sepulchers of that body. For if we do not thus understand the dead to be raised by the power of God out of their graves: they which are not committed to burial, nor laid in graves, but have ended their life either in shipwrackes or in some desert places, so as they could not be committed to burial, should not seem to be recokoned among them who are said should be raised up out of their graves. which would be a very great absurdity. Thus Origen.
Now you shall hear, if you please, what our Romish Doctors do deliver touching this point. There be two opinions, saith Pererius upon Genes. 37.35. concerning this question. The one of the Hebrews, and of many of the Christians in this our age, but especially of the Heretics, affirming that the word Sheol signifieth nothing else in the Scripture, but the pit or the grave, and from thence reasoning falsely, that our Lord did not descend into Hell. The other opinion is of undoubted and certain truth: that the Hebrew word Sheol, and the Latin Infernus answering to it, both in this place of Scripture and elsewhere oftentimes doth signify, not the pit or the grave, but the place of Hell, and the places under the earth wherein the souls are after death. Wheresoever Hi • rome (saith Augustinus Steuchus upon the same place) and the S • ptuagint have translated Hell, it is in the Hebrew, Sheol, that is, the pit or the grave. For it doth not signify that place, wherein Antiquity hath thought that the souls of the wicked are received. The Hebrew word properly signifieth the grave: saith Jansen upon Proverb. 15.12. the Grave properly, and Hell only metaphorically ▪ saith Arias Montanus, in his answer unto Leo á Castro. and, in the Old Testament, the name of Hell doth always almost import the Grave: saith Alphonsus Mendoza. The Jesuit Pineda commendeth one Cyprian a Cistercian monk, as a man famous for learning and piety: yet holdeth him worthy to be censured, for affirming that Sheol or Hell is in all the Old Testament taken for the Grave. Another croaking monk ( Crocquet they call him) crieth out on the other side, that we shall never be able to prove by the producing of as much as one place of Scripture, that Sheol doth signify the Grave. Cardinal Bellarmine is a little (and but a very little) more modest herein. The Hebrew Sheol, he saith, is ordinarily taken for the place of souls under the earth; and either rarely or never, for the grave: but the Greek word Hades always signifieth Hell, never the grave. But Stapleton will stand to it stoutly, that neither Hades nor Sheol is in the Scriptures ever taken for the grave, but always for Hell. The word Infernus, Hades, Sheol, saith he, is never taken for the grave. The grave is called in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Wherefore all the Paraphrastes of the Hebrews also do expound that word Sheol by the word Gehenna; as Genebrard doth show at large in his third Book of the Trinity. Where yet he might have learned some more moderation from Genebrard himself, unto whom he referreth us: who thus layeth down his judgment of the matter in the place by him alleged. As they be in an error who contend that Sheol doth never design the grave: so have they a shameless forehead, who deny that it doth anywhere signify the region of the damned or Gehenna.
It is an error therefore in Stapleton (by his own authors confession) to maintain that Sheol is never taken for the grave ; and in so doing, he doth but bewray his old wrangling disposition. But least any other should take the shameless forehead from him, he faceth it down, that all the paraphrastes of the Hebrews, do interpret Sheol by the word Gehenna. Whereas it is well known, that the two Paraphrastes that are of greatest antiquity and credit with the Hebrews, Onkelos the interpreter of Moses, and Jonathan ben Vzziel of the Prophets, never translate it so. Beside that of Onkelos, we have two other Chaldee Paraphrases which expound the harder places of Moses ; the one called the Targum of Jerusalem, the other attributed, unto Jonathan: in neither of of these can we find, that Sheol is expounded by Gehenna ; but in the latter of them we see it twice expounded by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the house of the grave. In the Arabic interpretations of Moses, where the translator out of the Greek hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all-gehim, Hell; there the translator out of the Hebrew putteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all-tharai, which signifieth earth or clay. Jacobus Tawosius in his Persian translation of the Pentateuch, for Sheol doth always put Gor, that is, the grave. The Chaldee Paraphrase upon the Proverbs keepeth still the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 deflected a little from the Hebrew: the Paraphrast upon Job useth that word thrice, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which signify the grave ) in steed thereof five several times. In Ecclesiastes the word cometh but once: & there the Chaldee Paraphrast rendereth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the house of the grave. R. Joseph Coecus doth the like in his paraphrase upon Psalm. 31.17. and 89.48. In Psalm. 141.7. he rendereth it by the simple 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the grave: but in the 15. and 16. verses of the 49. Psalm, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Gehenna. And only there, and in Cantic 8.6. is Sheol in the Chaldee paraphrases expounded by Gehenna: whereby if we shall understand the place not of dead bodies (as in that place of the Psalm the Paraphrast maketh express mention of the bodies waxing old or consuming in Gehenna ) but of tormented souls (as the Rabbin's more commonly do take it) yet do our Romanists get little advantage thereby, who would fain have the Sheól into which our Savior went, be conceived to have been a place of rest and not of torment, the bosom of Abraham and not Gehenna the seat of the damned.
As for the Greek word Hades: it is used by Hippocrates to express the first matter of things, from which they have their beginning, and into which afterwards being dissolved they make their ending. For having said, that in nature nothing properly may be held to be newly made, or to perish: he addeth this. But men do think, that what doth grow from Hades into light, is newly made; and what is diminished from the light into Hades, is perished. by light understanding nothing else but the visible structure and existence of things: and by Hades, that invisible and insensible thing which other Philosophers commonly call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Chalcidius the Platonic translateth Sylvam, the Aristotelians more fitly Materiam primam. whence also it is supposed by Master Casaubon, that those passages were borrowed, which we meet withal in the books that bear the name of Hermes Trismegistus. In the dissolution of a material body, the body it self is brought to alteration, and the form which it had is made invisible: and so there is a privation of the sense made, not a destruction of the bodies. I say then that the world is changed, in as much as every day a part thereof is made invisible, but never utterly dissolved. wherewith we may compare likewise that place of Plutarch in his book of living privately. Generation doth not make any of the things that be, but manifesteth them: neither is corruption a translation of a thing from being to not being, but rather a bringing of the thing that is dissolved unto that which is unseen. Whereupon men, according to the ancient traditions of their fathers, thinking the sun to be Apollo, called him Delius and Pythius: (namely from manifesting of things:) and the ruler of the contrary destiny (whether he be a God, or an Angel) they named Hades; by reason that we, when we are dissolved, do go unto an unseen and invisible place. By the Latins this Hades is termed Dispiter or Diespiter: which name they gave unto this lower air that is joined to the earth, where all things have their beginning and ending; quorum quod finis ortus, Orcus dictus, saith Varro. All this earthly power and nature, saith Julius Firmicus, they named Ditem patrem; because this is the nature of the earth, that all things do both fall into it, and taking their original from thence do again proceed out of it. Whence the Earth is brought in, using this speech unto God, in Hermes. I do receive the nature of all things. For I, according as thou hast commanded, do both bear all things, and receive such as are deprived of life. The use which we make of the testimony of Hippocrates, & those other authorities of the heathen, is to show, that the Greek Interpreters of the old Testament did most aptly assume the word Hades, to express that common state & place of corruption which was signified by the Hebrew Sheol. & therefore in the last verse of the 17. of Job, where the Greek maketh mention of descending into Hades ; Comitolus the Jesuit noteth that S. Ambrose rendereth it, in sepulchrum, into the grave. which agreeth well with the paraphrase that the Greek Scholiasts make upon that place. Is it not a thing common unto all mortal men, to die? is not Hell (or Hades) the house of all? do not all find there an end of their labors? Yea some do think, that Homer himself doth take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 either for the earth or the grave, in those verses of the eighth of his Iliads.
In the book of Tobi, chap. 3.10. I shall bring my fathers old age with sorrow 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unto Hell : what can it import else, but that which is in other words expressed, chap. 6.14. I shall bring my fathers life with sorrow 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unto the grave? In the 93. and 113. Psalm. according to the Greek division, or the 94. and 115. according to the Hebrew; where the Hebrew hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the place of silence (meaning the grave, as our adversaries themselves do grant) there the Greek hath Hades or Hell. In Isaiah. 14.19. where the vulgar • atin translateth out of the Hebrew; Descenderunt ad fundamenta laci, quasi cadaver putridum, They descended unto the foundations of the lake or pit, as a rotten carkeis: in steed of the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifieth the lake or pit, the Greek both there and in Isaiah. 38.18. putteth in Hades or Hell. and on the other side Ezech. 32.21. where the Hebrew saith, The strong among the mighty shall speak to him out of the midst of Sheol or Hell ; there the Greek readeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the depth of the lake or pit : by Hell, lake and pit nothing but the grave being understood; as appeareth by comparing this verse with the five that come after it. So in these places following, where in the Hebrew is Sheol, in the Greek Hades, in the Latin Infernus or Inferi, in the English Hell: the place of dead bodies, & not of souls is to be understood. Gen. 44.31. We shall bring down the gray hairs of our father with sorrow unto Hell. where no lower Hell can be conceited, into which gray hairs may be brought, then the Grave. So 1. King. 2.6. David giveth this charge unto Solomon concerning Joab: Let not his hoary head go down to Hell in peace. and in the ninth verse concerning Shimei: His hoary head bring thou down to Hell with blood. Psalm. 141.7. Our bones are scattered at the mouth of Hell. Isaiah. 14.11. Thy pomp is brought down to Hell: the worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee. Psal. 6.5. In death there is no remembrance of thee: in Hell who shall give thee thanks? of which there can be no better paraphrase, then that which is given in Psalm. 88.11, 12. Shall thy loving kindness be declared in the grave? or thy faithfulness in destruction? Shall thy wonders be known in the dark? and thy righteousness in the land of forgetfulness?
Andradius in his defense of the faith of the Council of Trent, speaking of the difference of reading which is found in the sermon of S. Peter, Act. 2.24. (where God is said to have raised up our Savior, loosing the sorrows of death, as the Greek books commonly read, or the sorrows of Hell, as the Latin) saith for reconciliation thereof, that there will be no disagreement betwixt the Latin and Greek copies, if we do mark that Hell in this place is used for Death and the Grave, according to the Hebrews manner of speaking: as in the 15 th Psalm, which Peter presently after citeth; Because thou wilt not leave my soul in Hell. and Isaiah. 38. For Hell cannot confess unto thee. For when he disputeth (saith he) of the resurrection of Christ; he confirmeth by many and most evident testimonies of David, that Christ did suffer death for mankind in such sort, that he could not be overwhelmed with death nor long lie hidden among the dead. And it seemeth to me, that by the sorrows of Hell or Death, a death full of sorrow and miseries is signified, according to the Hebrews manner of speaking: as in Matthew. 24. the abomination of desolation is taken for an abominable desolation. Thus far Andradius: clearly forsaking herein his fellow-defenders of the Tridentine faith, who by the one text of loosing the sorrows of death, would fain prove Christ's descending to free the souls that were tormented in Purgatory; and by the other of not leaving his soul in Hell, his descending into Limbus to deliver the souls of the fathers that were at rest in Abraham's bosom.
The former of these texts, Act. 2.24. is thus expounded by Ribera the Jesuit. God raised him up loosing and making void the sorrows of death, that is to say, that which death by so many sorrows had effected; namely that the soul should be separated from the body. His fellow Sà interpreteth the loosing of the sorrows of death to be the delivering of him from the troubles of death: although sorrow (saith he) may be the epithet of death. because it useth to be joined with death. The Apostles speech hath manifest reference to the words of David, 2. Sam. 22.5, 6. and Psalm. 18. (all. 17.) 4, 5. where in the former verse mention is made of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the sorrows of death, in the latter of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which by the Septuagint is in the place of the Psalms translated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the sorrows of Hell, in 2. Sam 22.6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the sorrows of Death ; according to the explication following in the end of the self same verse. The sorrows of Hell compassed me about; the snares of Death prevented me. and in Psalm. 116.3. The sorrows of Death compassed me, & the pains of Hell found me, or, gate hold upon me. where Lyranus hath this note. In the Hebrew for Hell is put Sheol: which doth not signify only Hell, but signifieth also the pit, or the grave; and so it is taken here, by reason it followeth upon Death. The like explicatorie repetition is noted also by the interpreters to have been used by the Prophet, in that other text alleged out of Psalm. 16.10. as in Psalm. 30. (all. 29.) 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thou hast brought up my soul from Hell; thou hast kept me safe (or alive) from those that go down to the pit. and Job. 33.22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . His soul drew near unto death, and his life unto Hell. whence that in the prayer of Jesus the son of Sirach is taken, Ecclesiastic 51. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . My soul drew near unto death, & my life was near to Hell beneath. And therefore for Hell doth Pagnin in his translation of the sixteenth Psalm put the Grave (being therein also followed in the Interlineary Bible approved by the Censure of the University of Lovaine ) & in the notes upon the same, that go under the name of Vatablus, the word Soul is (by comparing of this with Levitic. 21.1.) expounded to be the Body. So doth Arias Montanus directly interpret this text of the Psalm: Thou shalt not leave my soul in the grave, that is to say, my body. and Isidorus Clarius in his annotations upon the second of the Acts, saith that, [ My soul in hell, ] in that place is according to the manner of speech used by the Hebrews, put for [ My body in the grave or tomb. ] least any man should think that Master Beza was the first deviser or principal author of this interpretation.
Yet him alone doth Cardinal Bellarmine single out here, to try his manhood upon: but doth so miserably acquit himself in the encounter, that it may well be doubted whether he labored therein more to cross Beza, then to strive with himself in the willful suppressing of the light of his own knowledge. For whereas Beza in his notes upon Act. 2.27. had shown out of the 1. and 11. verses of the 21. Chapter of Leviticus, and other places of Scripture, that the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which we translate Soul, is put for a dead body: the Cardinal, to rid himself handsomely of this which pinched him very shrewdly, telleth us in sober sadness, that there is a very great difference betwixt the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) is a most general word, and signifieth without any trope as well the soul as the living creature it self, yea and the body it self also; as by very many places of Scripture it doth appear. And therefore in Leviticus, where that name is given unto dead bodies, one part is not put for another, to wit, the soul for the body; but a word, which doth usually signify the body it self: or the whole at leastwise is put for the part, namely the living creature for the body thereof. But in the second of the Acts 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is put, which signifieth the soul alone. Now did not the Cardinal know (think you) in his own conscience, that as in the second of the Acts 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is put, where the original text of the Psalm there alleged hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , so on the other side, in those places of Leviticus (which he would fain make to be so different from this) where the original text readeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , there the Greek also putteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ? Do we not there read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Levite. 21.1. and in the 11. verse: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , He shall not go in to any dead soul, that is, to any dead body? The Cardinal himself bringeth in Num. 23.10. & 31.35. & Gen. 37.21. and Num. 19.13. to prove that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth signify either the whole man, or his very body: and must not the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which the Greek Bible useth in all those places, of necessity also be expounded after the same manner? Take, for example, that last place, (which is most pertinent to the purpose) Numb. 19.13. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which the vulgar Latin rendereth, Omnis qui tetigerit humanae animae morticinum: and compare it with the 11. verse; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , He that toucheth any soul of a dead man (that is, as the vulgar Latin rightly expoundeth the meaning of it, Qui tetigerit cadaver hominis, He that toucheth the dead body of any man) shall be unclean seven days. and we shall need no other proof, that the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , being put for the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , may signify the dead body of a man: even as the Latin Anima also doth, in that place of the heathen Poët,— animamque sepulchro Condimus. We buried his soul in the grave. The argument therefore drawn from the nature of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , doth no way hinder, that in Act 2.27. Thou wilt not leave my soul, should be interpreted, either Thou wilt not leave me (as in the 31. verse following, where the Greek text saith that his soul was not left, the old Latin hath, He was not left ) or, Thou wilt not leave my body. as the Interpreters, writing upon that place, Genes. 46.26. All the souls that came with Jacob into Egypt which came out of his loins, do generally expound it, either by a Synecdoche, whereby the one part of the man is put for the whole person (as we may see in the commentaries upon Genesis attributed to Eucherius, lib. 3. cap. 31. Alcuinus in Genes. interrog. 269. Anselmus Laudunensis in the interlineary Gloss, Lyranus and others) or by a Metonymy, whereby that which is contained is put for that which doth contain it; for illustration whereof, S. Augustine very aptly bringeth in this example. As we give the name of a Church unto the material building, wherein the people are contained, unto whom the name of the Church doth properly appertain; by the name of the Church, that is, of of the people which are contained, signifying the place which doth contain them: so because the souls are contained in the bodies, by the souls here named the bodies of the sons (of Jacob) may be understood. For so may that also be taken, where the Law saith that he is defiled, who shall go in to a dead soul (Levite. 21.11.) that is, to the carcass of a dead man; that by the name of a dead soul, the dead body may be understood which did contain the soul: even as when the people are absent, which be the Church, yet the place nevertheless is still termed the Church.
Yea but the word Hades (saith Bellarmine) as we have shown, doth always signify Hell, and never the Grave. But the bo • y of Christ was not in Hell: therefore his soul was there. If he had said, that the word Hades did either rarely or never signify the Grave, although he had not therein spoken truly, yet it might have argued a little more modesty in him, and that he had taken some care also, that his latter conceits should hold some better correspondency with his former. For he m • ght have remembered, how in the place unto which he doth refer us, he had said, that the LXXII. Seniors did everywhere in their translation put Hades instead of Sheol: which (as he the • e hath told us) is ordinarily taken for the place of souls under the earth, and either rarely or never for the grave. But we have shown not only out of those Dictionaries, unto which the Cardinal doth refer us (having forgotten first to look into them himself) but by allegation of diverse particular instances likewise (unto none of which he hath made any answer) that Hades in the translation of t • e LXXII. Seniors is not rarely, but very usu • lly taken for the place of dead bodies. So for the use of the word Infernus in the Latin translation; Lyranus noteth, that it is taken in the Scripture, not for the place of the damned only, but also for the pit wherein dead • ens carcases were laid. And among the Jesuits, Gaspar Sanctius yieldeth for the general, that Infernus or Hell is frequently in the Scripture taken for burial: and in particular, Emmanuel Sà confesseth it to be so taken, in Gen. 42.38. 1. Sam. 2.6. Job. 7.9. and 21.13. Psalm. 29.4. and 87.4. and 93.17. and 113.17. and 114.3. and 140.7. (according to the Greek division) Prov. 1.12. and 23.14. Ecclesiast. 9.10. Cantic. 8.6. Ecclesiastic. 51.7. Isaiah. 28.15. and 38.10. Baruch. 2.17. Dan. 3.88. (in the Hymn of the three children) and 2. Maccab. 6.23. in all which places, Hades being used in the Greek, and Inferi or Infernus in the Latin, it is acknowledged by the Jesuit, that the Grave is meant: which by Bede also is termed Infernus exterior, the exterior Hell. So Alcuinus, moving the question, how that speech of Jacob should be understood, Genes. 37.35. I will go down to my son mourning into Hell. maketh answer: that these be the words of a troubled and grieving man, amplifying his evils even from hence. Or else (saith he) by the name of Hell he signified the Grave: as if he should have said. I remain in sorrow, until the earth do receive me, as the grave hath done him.
So Primasius, expounding the place, Hebr. 13.20. God the father (saith he) brought his son from the dead, that is to say, from Hell; or from the Grave: according to that which the Psalmiste had foretold; Thou wilt not suffer thine holy one to see corruption. And Maximus Taurinensis saith, that Mary Magdalene received a reproof, because after the resurrection she sought our Lord in the grave, and not remembering his words, whereby he had said that the third day he would return from hell, she thought him still to be detained by the laws of hell. And therefore (saith he) while she did seek the Lord in the grave among the rest of the dead, she is reprehended, and it is said umto her: Why seekest thou him that liveth, among the dead? that is to say, Why seekest thou him among them that are in the infernal parts, who is now known to have returned unto the supernal? For he that seeketh for him either in the infernal places, or in the graves, to him it is said; Why seekest thou him that liveth among the dead? and to the same purpose he applieth those other words of our Savior unto Mary; Touch me not, for I am not yet ascended unto my Father as if he had said. Why dost thou desire to touch me, who while thou seekest me among the graves, dost not as yet believe that I am ascended to my Father: who while thou searchest for me among the infernalls, dost distrust that I am returned to the celestials; while thou seekest me among the dead, dost not hope that I do live with my father? Where his Inferi and Inferna, do plainly import no more but tumulos and sepulchra.
Hereupon Ruffinus in his exposition of the Creed, having given notice, that in the Symbol of the Church of Rome there is not added, He descended into hell, nor in the Churches of the East neither ; adjoineth presently: Yet the force or meaning of the word seemeth to be the same, in that he is said to have been buried. For the terms of burial and descending into hell in the Scripture phrase tend much to the expressing of the self same thing: but that the bare naming of the one doth lead us only to the consideration of the honor of burial, the addition of the other intimateth unto us that which is more dishonorable in it. Thus under the burial of our Savior may be comprehended his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , his funeration and his interring: which are both of them set down in the end of the 19. chapter of the Gospel according to S. John. the latter in the two last verses, where Joseph and Nicodemus are said to have laid him in a new Sepulcher, wherein was never man yet laid: the former in the two verses going before, where it is recorded that they wound his body in linen clothes, with spices, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as it is the manner of the Jews to bury. for to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or funeratiō belongeth the imbalming of the dead body, & all other offices that are performed unto it while it remains above ground. So Gen. 50.2. where the Physiciās are said to have imbalmed Israel ; the Greek translators render it: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . and when Mary poured the precious ointment upon our Savior; himself interpreteth this to have been done for his funeration or burial. For it was a custom in times past (saith Eusebius, commonly called Emissenus) that the bodies of noble men being to be buried, should first be anointed with precious ointments, and buried with spices. And who knoweth not (saith Stapleton) that a sepulcher is an honor to the dead, and not a disgrace? But the mention of Sheol (which hath special relation, as hath been shown, to the disposing of the dead body unto corruption ) and so of Hades, Infernus, or Hell, answering thereunto, carrieth us further to the consideration of that which the Apostle calleth the sowing of the body in corruption and dishonor. (1. Corinth. 15.42, 43.) For which, that place in S. Augustine is worth the consideration. Did not the Hells (or, the Grave) give testimony unto Christ, when loosing their power, they reserved Lazarus (whom they had received to dissolve) for four days together; that they might restore him safe again, when they did hear the voice of their Lord commanding it? where you may observe an H • ll appointed for the dissolution of dead men's bodies: the descending into which (according to Ruffinus his note) differeth little or nothing from the descending into the Grave.
In the thirteenth of the Acts S. Paul preacheth unto the Jews, that God raised up his Son from the dead, not to return now anymore unto corruption: and yet presently addeth, that therein was verified that prophecy in the Psalm; Thou wilt not suffer thy Holy one to see corruption. implying thereby, that he descended in some sort for a time into corruption, although in that time he did not suffer corruption. And do not wonder (saith S. Ambrose) how he should descend into corruption, whose flesh did not see corruption. He did descend indeed into the place of corruption, who pierced the Hells; but being uncorrupted he shut out corruption. For as the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which the Prophet useth in the Psalm, doth signify as well the pit or place of corruption, as the corruption it self: so also the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whereby S. Luke doth express the same, is used by the Greek Interpreters of the Old Testament to signify not the corruption it self alone, but the very place of it likewise. as where we read in Psalm. 7.15. He is fallen into the pit which he made. and, Psalm. 9.16. The heathen are sunk down in the pit that they made. and, Proverb. 26.27. Who so diggeth a pit, shall fall therein. Aquila in the first place, the Septuagint in the second, Aquila and Symmachus in the third, retain the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , So that our Savior, descending into Sheol, Hades or Hell, may thus be understood to have descended into corruption, that is to say, into the pit or place of corruption, (as S. Ambrose interpreteth it) although he were free in the mean time from the passion of corruption. And because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Hell and Corruption, have reference to the self same thing: therefore doth the Arabic interpreter, translated by Junius, in Act. 2.31. (or, as the Arabian divideth the book, Act. 4.10.) confound them together, and retain the same word in both the parts of the sentence, after this manner. He was not left in perdition, neither did his flesh see perdition. even as in the 29. Psalm (or the 30. according to the division of the Hebrews) the Arabic readeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all-gehim, or Hell, where the Greek hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & the Chaldee paraphrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, the house of the grave.
Athanasius in his book of the Incarnation of the Word, written against the Gentiles, observeth that when God threatened our first parents, that whatsoever day they did eat of the forbidden fruit they should die the death ; by dying the death he signified, that they should not only die, but also remain in the corruption of death : & that our Savior coming to free us from this corruption, kept his own body uncorrupted, as a pledge and an evidence of the future resurrection of us all. which hath wrought such a contempt of death in his disciples, that (as he addeth afterwards) we may see men which are by nature weak, leaping or dancing unto death, being not agaste at the corruption thereof, nor fearing the descents into Hell. So the Grecians sing in their Liturgy at this day: The corruption-working palace of Hell was dissolved, when thou didst arise out of the Grave, O Lord ▪ and again. The stone is rolled away, the grave is emptied. Behold corruption is troaden under by life. That which was mortal is saved by the flesh of God. Hell mourneth. For God (saith Origen) will neither leave our souls in hell, nor suffer us to remain forever in corruption: but he that recalled him after the third day from hell, will recall us also in fit time; and he who granted unto him, that his flesh should not see corruption, will grant also unto us, that our flesh shall not see corruption, but that in fit time it shall be freed from corruption. Neither is it any whit strange unto them that are conversant in the writings of the ancient Doctors, to hear that our Savior by his burial descended into Hell, spoiled Hell, and brought away both his own body and the bodies of the Saints from Hell. We find the question moved by Gregory Nyssen, in his sermon upon the Resurrection of Christ ; how our Lord did dispose himself at the same time three manner of ways? both in the heart of the earth, (Matth. 12.40.) and in Paradise with the thief, (Luk. 23.43.) and in the hands of his Father. (Luk. 23.46.) For neither will any man say, (quoth he) that Paradise is in the places under the earth, or the places under the earth in Paradise, that at the same time he might be in both; or that those (infernal) places are called the hand of the Father. Now for the last of these, he saith the case is plain, that being in Paradise he must needs be in his Fathers hands also: but the greatest doubt he maketh to be, how he should at the same time be both in Hades and in Paradise. for with him, the heart of the earth, the places under the earth, and Hades or Hell, are in this question one and the same thing. And his final resolution is, that in this Hell Christ remained with his dead body, when with his soul he brought the thief into the possession of Paradise. For by his body (saith he) wherein he sustained not the corruption that followeth upon death, he destroyed him that had the power of death: but by his soul he led the thief into the entrance of Paradise. And these two did work at the self same time, the Godhead accomplishing the good by them both: namely, by the incorruption of the body, the dissolution of death, and by the placing of the soul in his proper seat, the bringing back of men unto Paradise again.
The like sentence do we meet withal in the same Fathers epistle unto Eustathia, Ambrosia, and Basilissa. His body he caused by dispensation to be separated from his soul: but the indivisible deity being once knit with that subject, was neither dis-joined from the body, nor the soul. but was with the soul in Paradise, making way by the thief for an entrance unto mankind thither; and with the body in the heart of the earth, destroying him that had the power of death. Wherewith we may compare that place, which we meet withal in the works of S. Gregory Bishop of Neocaesarea: wherein our Savior is brought in speaking after this manner. I must descend into the very bottom of Hell, for the dead that are detay-there. I must by the three days death of my flesh overthrow the power of long continuing death. I must light the lamp of my BODY unto them which sit in darkness and in the shadow of death. and that of S. Chrysostom (who is accounted also to be the author of that other sermon attributed unto S. Gregory:) How were the brazen gates broken, and the iron bars burst? By his BODY. For then appeared first a body immortal, and dissolving the tyranny of death it self: whereby was shown, that the force of death was taken away, not that the sins of those who died before his coming were dissolved. and that which we read in another place of his works: He spoiled Hell, descending into Hell: he made it bitter, when it tasted of his flesh. Which Isaiah understanding before hand, cried out, saying: Hell was made bitter, meeting thee below. (so the Septuagint render the words, Isaiah. 14.19.) It was made bitter: for it was destroyed. It was made bitter: for it was mocked. It received a BODY, and light upon God: it received Earth, and met with Heaven: it received that which it saw, and fell from that which it did not see. Thus Caesarius expounding the parable, Luk. 13.21. wherein the kingdom of God is likened unto leaven, which a woman took, and hid in three pecks of flour, till all was leavened: saith that the three pecks of flour are first the whole nature of mankind, then death, and lastly Hell; wherein the divine BODY being hidden by BURIALL, did leaven all unto resurrection and life. Whereupon he bringeth in our Savior in another place speaking thus. I will therefore be buried, for their sakes that be in Hell: I will therefore as it were a stone strike the gates thereof, bringing forth the prisoners in strength, as my servant David hath said. So S. Basil asketh, How we do accomplish the descent into Hell? and answereth, that we do it in imitating the BURIALL of Christ, in Baptism. For the bodies of those that be baptized, are as it were buried in the water: saith he. S. Hilary maketh mention of Christ's flesh quickened out of Hell by himself. and Arator in like manner:
When the Lord went to Hell to destroy it, He brought from THENCE his own flesh, sp • yling the grave.Philo Carpathius addeth, that in his grave he spoiled Hell. Whereupon the Emperor Leo in his oration upon the burial of our Savior, wisheth us to honor it, by adorning ourselves with virtues, and not by putting him in the grave again. For it behooved (saith he) that this should be once done, to the end that Hell might be spoiled: and it was done. And the Grecians retain the commemoration hereof in their Liturgies unto this day: as their Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion do testify; wherein such hymns and prayers as these are frequent. Thou didst receive death in thy flesh, working thereby immortality for us, O Savior: and didst dwell in the grave, that thou mightest free us from Hell, raising us up together with thyself. When thou wast put in the tomb as a mortal man, the keepers of Hell gates shook for fear: for, having overthrown the strength of Death, thou diddest exhibit incorruption to all the dead by thy Resurrection. Although thou didst descend into the grave as a mortal man, ô giver of life, yet didst thou dissolve the strength of hell, ô Christ, raising up the dead together with thyself, whom it had also swallowed; and didst exhibit the resurrection, as God, unto all that in faith and desire do magnify thee. Thou who by thy three-days burial didst spoil Death, and by thy life-bringing resurrectiō didst raise up corrupted man (ô Christ our God) as a lover of mankind: to thee be glory. Thou who by thy three-days burial didst spoil Hell, and by thy resurrection didst save man; have mercy upon me. By thy three-days burial the enemy was spoiled, the dead loosed from the bands of Hell, death deadened, the palaces of hell voided. Therefore in hymns do we honor and magnify thee, ô giver of life. Thou wast put in the tomb, being voluntarily made dead; and didst empty all the palaces of hell (ô immortal King) raising up the dead with thy Resurrectiō. Thou who spoyledst hell by thy burial, be mindful of me.
Hitherto also belongeth that of Prudentius, in his Apotheosis:
And hitherto also may be refer • ed that famous saying, of Christ's descending alone & ascending with a multitude: which we meet withal in four several places of antiquity. First, in the h • ads of the sermon of Thaddaeus, as they are reported by Eusebius out of the Syriac records of the city of Edessa. He was crucified, and descended into Hades or Hell, and brake the rampiere never broken before since the beginning; and rose again, and raised up with him those dead, that had slept from the beginning: and descended alone, but ascended to his Father with a great multitude. Secondly, in the epistle of Ignatius unto the Trallians. He was truly, and not in opinion, crucified, and died; those that were in heaven, and in earth, and under the earth, beholding him. those in heaven, as the incorporeal natures. those in earth, to wit the Jews and the Romans, and such men as were present at that time, when the Lord was crucified. those under the earth, as the multitude that rose up together with the Lord: for many bodies (saith he) of the Saints which slept arose, the graves being opened. And he descended into Hades or Hell alone, but returned with a multitude, and brake the rampiere that had stood from the beginning, and overthrew the partition thereof. Thirdly, in the disputation of Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem, in the first general Council of Nice. After death we were carried into Hades or Hell. Christ took upon him this also, and descended voluntarily into it; he was not detained as we, but descended only. For he was not subjected unto death, but was the Lord of death. And descending alone, he returned with a multitude. For he was that spiritual grain of wheat, falling for us into the earth, and dying in the flesh; who by the power of his godhead raised up the temple of his body, according to the Scriptures, which brought forth for fruit the Resurrection of all mankind. Fourthly, in the Catechises of Cyril Bishop of Jerusalem : whose words are these. I believe that Christ was raised from the dead. For of this I have many witnesses, both out of the divine scriptures, & from the witness and operation even unto this day of him that rose again: of him (I say) that descended into Hades or Hell alone, but ascended with many. For he did descend unto death; & many bodies of the Saints that slept were raised by him. which resurrection he seemeth afterward to make common unto all the Saints that died before our Savior. All the righteous men (saith he) were delivered, whom death had devoured. For it became the proclaimed King, to be the deliverer of those good proclaymers of him. Then did everyone of the righteous say: O death where is thy victory? ô Hell, where is thy sting? for the conqueror hath delivered us. wherewith we may compare that saying of S. Chrysostom. If it were a great matter, that Lazarus being four days dead should come forth: much more, that all they who were dead of old should appear together alive. which was a sign of the future resurrection. For many bodies of the Saints which slept arose; saith the text. and these articles of the Confession of the Armenians. According to his body, which was dead, he descended into the grave: but according to his divinity, which did live, he over came Hell in the mean time. The third day he rose again: but withal rays • d up the souls (or persons) of the faithful together with him; and gave hope thereby, that our bodies also should rise again like unto him at his second coming.
Of those who arose with our Savior from the Grave, or (as anciently they used to speak) from Hell ; two there be whom the Fathers nominate in particular: Adam and Job. Of Job, S. Ambrose writeth in this manner. Having heard what God had spoken in him, and having understood by the holy Ghost, that the Son of God was not only to come into the earth, but that he was also to descend into Hell to that he might raise up the dead, (which was then done, for a testimony of the present, and an example of the future:) he turned himself unto the Lord and said: O that thou wouldest keep me in Hell, that thou wouldest hide me until thy wrath be past, and that thou wouldest appoint me a time in which thou wouldest remember me. (Job. 14.13.) in which words he affirmeth that Job did prophecy, that he should be raised up at the passion of our Lord; as in the end of this book, saith he, he doth testify. meaning the apocryphal Appendix, which is annexed to the end of the Greek edition of Job : wherein we read thus. It is written, that he should rise again, with those whom the Lord was to raise. which although it be accounted to have proceeded from the Septuagint ; yet the thing it self showeth, that it was added by some that lived after the coming of our Savior Christ. Touching Adam, S. Augustine affirmeth that the whole Church almost did consent, that Christ loosed him in Hell. which we are to believe (saith he) that she did not vainly believe, whencesoever this tradition came; although no express authority of the Canonical Scriptures be produced for it. The only place which he could think off that seemed to look this way, was that in the beginning of the tenth Chapter of the book of Wisdom: She kept him who was the first formed father of the world, when he was created alone, and brought him out of his sin. which would be much more pertinent to the purpose, if that were added, which presently followeth in the Latin text (I mean in the old edition: for the new corrected ones have left it out) Et eduxit illum de limo terrae, and brought him out of the claye of the earth. which being placed after the bringing of him out of his sin, may seem to have reference unto some deliverance (like that of David's, Psalm. 40 2. He brought me up out of the horrible pit, out of the mirye claye ) rather then unto his first creation out of the dust of the earth. So limus terrae may here answer well unto the Arabians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all-tharai: which properly signifying moist earth or slime or claye, is by the Arabic interpreter of Moses used to express the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which we translate Hell or Grave. And as this place in the book of Wisdom may be thus applied unto the raising of Adams body out of the ear • h wh • rein he lay buried: so may that other tradition also, which was so currant in the Church, be referred unto the self same thing; even to the bringing of Adam out of the Hell of the Grave.
The very Liturgies of the Church do lead us unto this interpretation of the tradition of the Church: beside the testimony of the Fathers, which discover unto us the first ground and foundation of this tradition. In the Liturgy of the Church of Alexandria, ascribed to S. Mark, our Savior Christ is thus called upon. O most great King, and coëternall to the Father, who by thy might didst spoil Hell, and tread down death, and bind the strong one, and raise Adam out of the grave by thy divine power and the bright splendor of thine unspeakable Godhead. In the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople translated into Latin by Leo Thus • us, the like speech is used of him. He did voluntarily undergo the Cross for us, by which he raised up the first formed man, and saved our souls from death. And in the Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion of the Grecians at this day, such sayings as these are very usual. Thou didst undergo burial, and rise in glory, and raise up Adam together with thee, by thy almighty hand. Rising out of thy tomb, thou didst raise up the dead, and break the po • er of death, and raise up Adam. Having slept in the flesh as a mortal man, ô King and Lord, the third day thou didst arise again; raising Adam from corruption, and abolishing death. Jesus the deliverer, who raised up Adam of his compassion, &c. Therefore doth Theodorus Prodromus begin his Tetrastich upon our Saviors Resurrection with
S. Ambrose pointeth to the ground of the tradition, when he intimateth that Christ suffered in Golgotha, where Adams sepulcher was, that by his Cross he might raise him that was dead; that where in Adam the death of all men lay, therein Christ might be the resurrection of all. Which he received (as he did many other things besides) from Origen : who writeth thus of the matter. There came unto me some such tradition as this, that the body of Adam the first man mas buried there, where Christ was crucified: that as in Adam all do die, so in Christ all might be made alive; that in the place which is called the place of Calvarie, that is, the place of the head, the head of mankind might find resurrection with all the rest of the people, by the resurrection of our Lord and Savior, who suffered there and rose again. For it was unfit, that when many which were borne of him did receive forgiveness of their sins and obtain the benefit of Resurrection, he who was the father of all men should not much more obtain the like grace. Athanasius, (or whoever else was author of the Discourse upon the Passion of our Lord, which beareth his name) referreth this tradition of Adams burial place unto the report of the Doctors of the Hebrews (from whom belike he thought that Origen had received it) and addeth withal, that it was very fit, that where it was said to Adam, Earth thou art and to earth thou shalt return ; our Savior finding him there, should say unto him again. Arise thou that sleepest, and stand up from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light. Epiphanius goeth a little furthet, and findeth out a mystery in the water and blood that fell from the Cross upon the relics of our first father lying buried under it: applying thereunto both that in the Gospel, of the arising of many of the Saints, Matth. 27.52. and that other place in S. Paul, Arise thou that sleepest, &c. Ephes. 5.14. which strange speculation, with what great applause it was received by the multitude at the first delivery of it, and for how little reason: he that list may read in the fourth book of S. Jerome's commentaries, upon the 27. of S. Matthew, & in his third upon the fifth to the Ephesians, for upon this first point, of Christ's descent into the Hell of the grave, and the bringing of Adam and his children with him from thence, we have dwelt too long already.
In the second place therefore we are now to consider, that as Hades and Inferi, (which we call Hell ) are applied by rhe Interpreters of the holy Scripture, to denote the place of bodies separated from their souls: so with foreign authors (in whose language, as being that wherewith the common people was acquainted, the Church also did use to speak) the same terms do signify ordinarily the common lodge of souls separated from their bodies, whether the particular place assigned unto each of them be conceived to be an habitation of bliss or of misery. For as when the Grave is said to be the common receptacle of dead bodies, it is not meant thereby that all dead carcasses are heaped together promiscuously in one certain pit: so when the Heathen write that all the souls of the dead go to Hades, their meaning is not, that they are all shut up together in one and the self same room: but in general only they understand thereby the translation of them into the other world, the extreme parts whereof the Poëts place as far asunder as we do Heaven and Hell. And this opinion of theirs S. Ambrose doth well like off ( wishing that they had not mingled other superfluous and unprofitable conceits therewith) that souls departed from their bodies did go to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, to a place which is not seen: which place (saith he) we in Latin call Infernus. So likewise saith S. Chrysostom. The Grecians, and Barbarians, and Poëts, and Philosophers, and all mankind do herein consent with us, although not all alike; and say that there be certain seats of judgment in Hades: so manifest and so confessed a thing is this. and again. The Grecians were foolish in many things; yet did they not resist the truth of this doctrine. If therefore thou wilt follow them, they have granted that there is a certain life after this, & accounts, and seats of judgment in Hades, and punishments, and honors, and sentences, judgments. And if thou shalt ask the Jews, or heretics, or any man; he will reverence the truth of this doctrine: & although they differ in other things, yet in this do they all agree and say, that there are accounts to be made there of the things that be done here. Only among the Iwes, the Sadducees, w ch say that there is no resurrection, neither Angel, nor Spirit; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , take away the punishments, and honors that are in Hades: as is noted by Josephus. For which wicked doctrine they were condemned by the other sects of the Jews: who generally acknowledged, that there was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Olam hanneshamoth (for so do they in their language until this day call that, which Josephus in Greek termeth Hades ) that is to say, the world of spirits ; into which they held that the souls were translated presently after death, and there received their several judgments.
The same thing doth Theodoret suppose to be signified by that phrase of being gathered to ones people, which is so usual in the word of God. For it being said of Jacob, before he was buried, that he gave up the ghost, and was gathered unto his people, Genes. 49.33. Theodoret observeth, that Moses by these words did closely intimate the hope of the resurrection. For if men (saith he) had been wholly extinguished, and did not pass unto another life; he would not have said, He was gathered to his people. So likewise where it is distinctly noted of Abraham, Genes. 25.8, 9. first, that he gave up the ghost and died, then, that he was gathered to his people, and lastly, that his sons buried him: Cardinal Cajetan and the Jesuit Lorinus interpret the first de compositi totius dissolutione, of the dissolution of the parts of the whole-man, consisting of body and soul; the second of the state of the soul separated from the body, and the third of the disposing of the body parted from the soul. Thus the Scriptures speech of being gathered to our people should be answerable in meaning to the phrase used by the heathen of descending into Hell or going to Hades: which, as Synesius noteth out of Homer, was by them opposed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to a most absolute extinguishment as well of the soul as of the body. And forasmuch as by that term, the immortality of the soul was commonly signified: therefore doth Plato in his Phaedo disputing of that argument, make this the state of his question; Whether the souls of men deceased be in Hades or no? and our Ecc • esiasticall writers also do from thence sometimes fetch a difference betwixt Death and Hades. You shall find, saith Theophylact, that there is some difference betwixt Hades and Death: namely that Hades containeth the souls, but Death the bodies. For the souls are immo • tall. The same we read in Nicetas Serronius his exposition of Gregory Nazianzens second Paschal oration. Andreas Caesareensis doth thus express the difference. Death is the separation of the soul and the body. But Hades. is a place to us invisible or unseen and unknown, which receiveth our souls when they depart from hence. The ordinary Gloss, following S. Jerome upon the thirteenth of Hosea, thus. Death is that, whereby the soul is separated from the body. Hell is that place, wherein the souls are included, either for comfort or for pain.
The soul goeth to Hades, saith Nicetas Choniates in the Prooeme of his History: but the body returneth again into those things, of which it was composed. Gaius, (or who ever else was the author of that ancient fragment, which we formerly signified to have been falsely fathered upon Josephus ) holdeth that in Hades, the souls both of the righteous and unrighteous are contained: but that the righteous are led to the right hand by the Angels that awayte them there, and brought unto a lightsome region, wherein the righteous men that have been from the beginning do dwell (and this we call Abraham's b • some: saith he) whereas the wicked are drawn toward the left hand by the punishing Angels, not going willingly, but drawn as prisoners by violence. Where you may observe how he frameth his description of Hades, according to that model wherewith the Poets had before possessed men's minds.
To heap up many testimonies out of the Heathen authors, to prove that in their understanding all souls went to Hades, and received there either punishment or reward according to the life that they led in this world; would be but a needless work: seeing none that hath read anything in their writings can be ignorant thereof. If any man desire to inform himself herein, he may repair to Plutarches consolatory discourse written to Apollonius: where he shall find the testimonies of Pindarus and many others alleged, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , touching the state of the godly in Hades. Their common opinion is sufficiently expressed in that sentence of Diphilus, the old Comicall Poet. In Hades we resolve there are two paths: the one whereof is the way of the righteous, the other of the wicked. But as in this general they agreed together both among themselves and with the truth: so touching the particular situation of this Hades, and the special places whereunto these two sorts of souls were disposed, and the state of things there, a number of ridiculous fictions and fond conceits are to be found among them; wherein they dissented as much from one another, as they did from the truth it self. So we see, for example, that the best souls are placed by some of them in the company of their God's in heaven, by others in the Galaxias or milky circle, by others beyond the Ocean, and by others under the earth:
yet one Hades notwithstanding was commonly thought to have received them all.Plato relateth this, as a sentence delivered by them who were the first ordayners of the Grecian Mysteries: Whosoever goeth to Hades not initiated and not cleansed, shall lie in the mire; but he that cometh thither, purged and initiated, shall dwell with the God's. So Zoroaster the great father of the Magi in the East, is said to have used this entrance into his discourse touching the things of the other world. These things wrote Zoroaster, the son of Armenius, by race a Pamphylian, having been dead in the war, which I learned of the God's, being in Hades. as Clemens Alexandrinus relateth in the fifth book of his Stromata : where he also noteth, that this Zoroaster is that Er the son of Armenius, a Pamphylian, of whom Plato writeth in the tenth book of his Common-wealth ; that being slain in the war he revived the twelfth day after, and was sent back as a messenger to report unto men here the things which he had heard and seen in the other world one part of whose relation was this: that he saw certain gulfs beneath in the earth, and above in the heaven, opposite one to the other; and that the just were commanded by the Judges that sat betwixt those gulfs, to go to the right hand up toward Heaven, but the wicked to the left hand and downward. which testimony Eusebius bringeth in, among many others, to show the consent that is betwixt Plato and the Hebrews in matters that concern the state of the world to come. Next to Zoroaster cometh Pythagoras : whose golden verses are concluded with this distich.
When thou shalt leave the body, and come unto a free heaven; thou shalt be an immortal God, incorruptible, and not subject to mortality anymore. So Epicharmus the scholar of Pythagoras: If thou be godly in mind, thou shalt suffer no evil when thou art dead; thy spirit shall remain above in heaven. and Pindarus: The souls of the ungodly fly under the heaven (or under the earth) in cruel torments, under the unavoidable yokes of evils. but the souls of the godly, dwelling in heaven, do praise that great blessed one with songs and hymns.Ci • ero in his Tusculan questions alledgeth the testimony of Ennius, approving the common fame, that Romulus did lead his life in heaven with the God's. and in the sixth book of his Common-wealth, he bringeth in Scipio teaching that unto all them which preserve, assist, and enlarge their country, there is a certain place appointed in heav • n, where they shall live blessed world without end. Such a life (saith he) is the way to heaven, and into the company of these, who having lived and are now loosed from their body, do inhabit that place which thou seest, p • inting to the Galaxiaes or milky circle. whereof we read thus also in Manilius:
Such another tale doth the same philosoper relate in the Dialogue which he intituleth Gorgias: showing, that among men he that leadeth his life righteously and holily, shall when he is dead go unto the Fortunate Islands, and dwell in all happiness, free from evils. but he that leadeth it unrighteously and impiously, shall go unto the prison of punishment and just revenge, which they call Tartarus. which Theodoret bringeth in, to prove that Plato did exactly believe that there were judgments to pass upon men in Hades. For being conversant with the Hebrews (saith he) in Egypt, he heard without doubt the oracles of the Prophets: and taking some things from thence, and mingling other things therewith out of the fables of the Greeks, made up his discourses of these things. Among which mixtures, that which he hath of the Fortunate Islands, is reckoned by Theodoret for one: whereof you may read in Hesiod, Pindarus, Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, and Josephus also; who treating of the diverse sects that were among the Jews, showeth that the Essenes borrowed this opinion (of the placing of good men's souls in a certain pleasant habitation beyond the Ocean) from the Grecians. But the Pharisees (as he noteth elsewhere) held that the place, wherein both rewards were given to the good and punishments to the wicked, was under the earth : which as Origen doth declare to have been the common opinion of the Jews, so doth Lucian show that it was the more vulgar opinion among the Grecians. For among them the common multitude, whom wise men (saith he) call simple people, being persuaded of these things by Homer and Hesiod and such other fabulous authors, and receiving their Poëms for a law; took HADES to be a certain deep place under the earth. The first original of which conceit is by Cicero derived from hence. The bodies falling into the ground, and being covered with earth, (whence they are said to be interred) men thought that the rest of the life of the dead was led under the earth, upon which opinion of theirs (saith he) great errors did ensue: which were increased by the Poës. Others do imagine, that the Poets herein had some relation to the sphericall situation of the world: for the better understanding whereof, these particulars following would be considered by them that have some knowledge in this kind of learning.
First, the material Spheres in ancient time were not made moveable in their sockets, as they are now, that they might be set to any elevation of the Pole: but were fixed to the elevation of XXXVI. degrees; which was the height of the Rhodian climat. Secondly, the Horizon which divided this Sphere through the middle, and separated the visible part of the world from the invisible, was commonly esteemed the utmost bound of the earth: so that whatsoever was under that horizon, was accounted to be under the earth. for neither the common people, nor yet some of the learned Doctros uf the Church (as Lactantius, S. Augustine, Procopius, and others) could be induced to believe that which our daily navigations find now to be most certain; that there should be another southern hemisphere of the earth, inhabited by any Antipodes, that did walk with their feet just opposite unto ours. Thirdly, the great Ocean was supposed to be the thing in nature which was answerable to this horizon in the Sphere. Therefore it is observed by Strabo that Homer, and by Theon, Achilles Statius, and others that Aratus and the rest of the Poets do put the Ocean for the Horizon: and thereupon where the astronomers say that the Sun or the stars at their setting, go under the horizon the common phrase of the Poets is, that they do tingere se Oceano, dive themselves into the Ocean. for as they took the Earth to be but half a globe, and not a whole one: so they imagined that demye globe to be as it were a great mountain or Island seated in, and environed round about with the Ocean. Thus the author of the book de Mundo, affirmeth that the whole world is one Island, compassed about with the Atlanticke sea: and Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the beginning of his Geography,
And this opinion of theirs the Fathers of the Church did the more readily entertain: because they thought it had ground from Psalm. 24.2. and 136.6. and such other testimonies of holy Scripture. That the whole earth (saith Procopius Gazaeus) doth subsist in the waters, and that there is no part of it which is situated under us void and cleared of waters; I suppose it be known unto all. For so doth the Scripture teach: Who stretcheth out the earth upon the waters. and again: He hath founded it upon the seas, and prepared it upon the floods. Neither is it fit we should believe, that any earth under us is inhabited, opposite unto our part of the world. The same collection is made by S. Hilary, Chrysostom, Caesarius, and others. Fourthly, it was thought by the ancient heathen, that the Ocean (supplying the place of the Horizon ) did separate the visible world from the kingdom of Hades: and therefore that such as went to Hades (or the world invisible to us) must first pass the Ocean. and that the pole Antarctick was seen by them there, as the Arctick or North pole is by us here: according to that of Virgil in his Georgicks,
These observations, I doubt not, will be censured by many to savor of a needless and fruitless curiosity: but the intelligent reader for all that will easily disc • rne, how hereby he may be led to understand, in what sense the ancient both heathen and Christian writers did hold Hades to be under the earth; and upon what ground. For they did not mean thereby (as the Schoolmen generally do, and as Tertullian sometime seemeth to imagine) that it was contained within the bowels of the earth: but that it lay under the whole bulk thereof, and occupied that whole space, which we now find to be taken up with the earth, air and firmament of the southern hemisphere. the inhabitants of which infernal region and vast depth are thereupon affirmed by S. Hilary to be non intra terram sed infra terram, not within the earth but beneath the earth. And this proceeded from no other ground, but the vulgar opinion, that the southern hemisphere of the earth was not inhabited by living men, as our north • rne is insomuch that some of the heathen atheists, finding the contrary to be true by the discourse of right reason; endeavored to persuade themselves from thence, that there was no such place as Hades at all. Lucretius for the greater part, (saith Servius) and others fully teach, tha • the kingdoms of Hell cannot as much as have a being. For what place can we say they have; when under the earth our Antipodes are said to be? and that they should be in the midst of the earth, neither will the solidity permit, nor the center of the earth. which earth if it be in the middle of the world, the profundity thereof can not be so great, that it may have those Inferos within it, in which is Tartarus: whereof we read,
In the Dialogue betwixt Gregory Nyssen and that admirable woman Macrina, S. Basils sister, touching the Soul and the Resurrection, this point is stood upon at large: the question being first proposed by Gregory in this manner. Where is that name of Hades so much spoken of? which is so much treated of in our common conversation, so much in the writings both of the heathen and our own. into which all men think that the souls are translated from hence as into a certain receptacle. For you will not say that the elements ar • this Hades. whereunto Macrina thus replieth. It appeareth that thou didst not give much heed to my speech. for when I spake of the translation of the soul from that which is seen unto that which is invisible; I thought I had left nothing behind to be inquired of Had • s. Neither doth that name, wherein souls are said to be, seem to me to signify any other thing either in profane writers or in the holy scripture, save only a removing unto that which is invisible and unseen. Thereupon it being further demanded: how then do some think that a certain subterraneall place should be so called, and that the souls do lodge therein? for answer thereunto it is said, that there is no manner of difference betwixt the lower hemisphere of the earth, and that wherein we live: that as long as the principal doctrine of the immortality of the soul is yielded unto, no controversy should be moved touching the place thereof; that local position is proper to bodies, and the soul being incorporeal hath no need to be detained in certain places. then the place objected from Philip. 2.10. of those under the earth that should bow at the name of Jesus, being largely skanned: this in the end is laid down for the conclusion. These things being thus, no man can contstrain us by the name of things under the earth to understand any subterraneall place: forasmuch as the air do • h so equally compass the earth round about, that there is no part thereof found naked from the covering of the air. Both these opinions are thus propounded by Theophylact, and by Hugo Etherianus after him. What is Hades or Hell? Some say that it is a dark place under the earth. Others say, that it is the translation of the soul from that which is visible unto that which is unseen and invisible. For while the soul is in the body, it is seen by the proper operations thereof: but being translated out of the body, it is invisible; and this did they say was Hades.
So where the author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy defineth death to be a separation of the united parts, and the bringing to them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unto that which is invisible to us: his scholiast Maximus noteth thereupon, that this invisible thing some do affirm to be Hades; that is to say, an unseen and invisible departure of the soul unto places not to be seen by the sense of man. Hitherto also may be referred the place cited before out of Origen in his fourth book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : which by S. Jerome is thus delivered. They who die in this world by the separation of the flesh and the soul, according to the difference of their works obtain diverse places in Hell. Where by Hades, Inferi, or Hell he meaneth indefinitely the other world: in which how the souls of the godly were disposed, he thus declareth in another place. The soul leaveth the darkness of this world, and the blindness of this bodily nature, and is translated unto another world: which is either the bosom of Abraham, as it is shown in Lazarus, or Paradise, as in the thief that believed upon the cross; or yet if God know that there be any other places, or other mansions, by which the soul that believeth in God passing, and coming unto that river which maketh glad the city of God, may receive within it the lott of the inheritance promised unto the Fathers. For touching the determinate state of the faithful souls departed this life, the ancient Doctors (as we have shown) were not so thoroughly resolved.
Now, all the question betwixt us and the Romanists is, whether the faithful be received into their everlasting tabernacles presently upon their removal out of the body, or after they have been first purified to the point (as Allen speaketh) in the furnace of Purgatory: but in the time of the Fathers, as S. Augustine noteth, the great question was, whether the receiving of them into those everlasting tabernacles were performed presently after this life; or in the end of the world, at the resurrection of the dead, and the last retribution of judgment. And so concerning Hell the question was as great among them, whether all, good and bad, went thither or no? whereof the same S. Augustine is a witness also; who upon that speech of Jacob, Gen. 37.35. I will go down to my son mourning into Hell, writeth thus. It useth to be a great question, in what manner Hell should be understood: whether evil men only, or good men also when they are dead do use to go down thither. And if evil men only do; how doth he say that he would go down unto his son mourning? for he did not believe that he was in the pains of Hell. Or be these the words of a troubled & grieving man, amplifying his evils frō hence? and upon that other speech of his, Genes. 42.38. You shall bring down mine old age with sorrow unto Hell. Whether therefore unto Hell, because with sorrow? Or although sorrow were away, speaketh he these things as if he were t • go down into hell by dying? For of Hell there is a great question: and what the Scripture delivereth thereof, in all the places where it hath occasion to make mention of it, is to be observed. Hitherto S. Augustine: who had reference to this great question, when he said as hath been before alleged. Of Hell neither have I had any experience as yet, nor you: and peradventure there shall be another way, and by Hell it shall not be. For these things are uncertain. Neither is there greater question among the Doctors of the Church concerning the Hell of the Fathers of the Old Testament, then there is of the Hell of the faithful now in the time of the New: neither are there greater differences betwixt them touching the Hell into which our Savior went (whether it were under the earth or above, whether a darksom place or a lightsome, whether a prison or a paradise) then there are of the mansions wherein the souls of the blessed do now continue.
S. Jerome, interpreting those words of King Hezekiah, Isaiah. 38.10. I shall go to the gates of Hell : saith that this is meant, either of the common law of nature, or else of those gates, from which that he was delivered, the Psalmist singeth; Thou that liftest me up from the gates of death, that I may show forth all thy praises in the gates of the daughter of Zion. (Psalm. 9.13, 14.) Now as some of the Fathers do expound our Savior's going to Hell, of his descending into Gehenna : so others expound it of his going to Hell according to the common law of nature ; the common law of nature (I say) which extendeth it self indifferently unto all the dead, whether they belong to the state of the New Testament or of the Old. For as Christ's soul was in all points made like unto ours (sin only excepted) while it was joined with his body here in the land of the living: so when he had humbled himself unto the death, it became him in all things to be made like unto his brethren, even in that state of dissolution. And so indeed the soul of Jesus had experience of both. For it was in the place of human souls, and being out of the flesh did live and subsist. It was a reasonable soul therefore and of the same substance with the souls of men; even as his flesh is of the same substance with the flesh of men, proceeding from Mary : saith Eustathius the Patriarch of Antioch in his exposition of that text of the Psalm; Thou wilt not leave my soul in Hell, Where by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Hell, you see, he understandeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the place of human souls (which is the Hebrews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or world of spirits ) and by the disposing of Christ's soul there after the manner of other souls, concludeth it to be of the same nature with other men's souls. So S Hilary in his exposition of the 138. Psalm. This is the law of human necessity, saith he, that the bodies being buried, the souls should go to Hell. Which descent the Lord did not refuse for the accomplishment of a true man. and a little after he repeateth it, that de supernis ad inferos mortis lege descendit, he descended from the supernal to the infernal parts by the law of death. and upon the 53. Psalm more fully. To fulfill the nature of man he subjected himself to death, that is, to a departure as it were of the soul and body; and pierced into the infernal seats, which was a thing that seemed to be du • unto man.
So Leo, in one of his Sermons upon our Lord's passion. He did undergo the laws of Hell by dying, but did dissolve them by rising again: and so did cut off the perpetuity of death, that of eternal he might make it temporal. So Irenaeus, having said, that our Lord conversed three days where the dead were, addeth that therein he observed the law of the dead, that he might be made the first begotten from the dead; staying until the third day in the lower parts of the earth, and afterward rising in his flesh. Then he draweth from thence this general conclusion. Seeing our Lord went in the midst of the shadow of death, where the souls of the dead were, then afterward rose again corporally, and after his resurrection was assumed: it is manifest that the souls of his disciples also, for whose sake the Lord wrought these things, shall go to an invisible place appointed unto them by God, and there shall abide until the resurrection, waiting for the resurrection; and afterwards receiving their bodies, and rising again perfectly, that is to say corporally, even as our Lord did rise again, they shall so come unto the presence of God. For there is no disciple above his master: but everyone shall be perfect, if he be as his master. The like collection doth Tertullian make in his book of the Soul. If Christ being God, because he was also man, dying according to the Scriptures, and being buried according to the same, did here also satisfy the law, by performing the course of an human death in Hell; neither did ascend into the higher parts of the heavens, before he descended into the lower parts of the earth, that he might there make the Patriarchs and Prophets partakers of himself: thou hast, both to believe that there is a region of Hell under the earth, and to push them with the elbowe, who proudly enough do not think the souls of the faithful to be fit for Hell; servants above their Lord, and disciples above their Master, scorning perhaps to take the comfort of expecting the resurrection in Abraham's bosom. And in the same book, speaking of the soul: What is that, saith he, which is translated unto the infernal parts (or Hell) after the separation of the body? which is detained there, which is reserved unto the day of judgment, unto which Christ by dying did descend, to the souls of the Patriarchs, I think. Where he maketh the Hell unto which our Savior did descend, to be the common receptacle not of the souls of the Patriarchs alone, but also of the souls that are now still separated from their bodies: as being the place quo universa humanitas trahitur (as he speaketh elsewhere in that book) unto which all mankind is drawn.
So Novatianus after him, affirmeth that the very places which lie under the earth be not void of distinguished and ordered powers. For that is the place (saith he) whither the souls both of the godly and ungodly are led, receiving the fore-judgments of their future d • ome. Lactantius saith that our Savior rose again ab inferis, from Hell : but so he saith also that the dead Saints shall be raised up ab inferis at the time of the Resurrection. S. Cyril of Alexandria saith that the Jews killed Christ, and cast him into the deep and dark dungeon of death, that is, into Hades: adding afterward, that Hades may rightly be esteemed to be the house and mansion of such as are deprived of life. Nicephorus Gregoras in his funeral Oration upon Theodorus Metochites, putteth in this for one strayne of his lamentation. Who hath brought down that heavenly man unto the bottom of Hades? and Andrew archbishop of Crete, touching the descent both of Christ and all Christians after him even unto the dark and comfortless Hades writeth in this manner. If he, who was the Lord and master of all, and the light of them that are in darkness, and the life of all men, would taste death, and undergo the descent into Hell, that he might be made like unto us in all things, sin excepted; and for three days went thorough the sad, obscure and dark region of Hell: what strange thing is it, that we who are sinners, and dead in trespasses (according to the great Apostle) who are subject to generation and corruption; should meet with death, and go with our soul into the dark chambers of Hell, where we cannot see light, nor behold the life of mortal men? For are we above our Master, or better then the Saints, who underwent these things of ours after the like manner that we must do?
Iuvencus intimateth, that our Savior giving up the ghost sent his soul unto heaven, in those verses of his:
Eusebius Emesenus collecteth so much from the last words which our Lord uttered at the same time; Father, into thine hands I commend my spirit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . His spirit was above, and his body remained upon the cross for us. In the Greek exposition of the Canticles, collected out of Eusebius, Philo Carpathius and others, that sentence in the beginning of the sixth chapter, My beloved is gone down into his garden, is interpreted of Christ's going to the souls of the Saints in Hades. which in the Latin collections that bear the name of Philo Carpathius is thus more largely expressed. By this descending of the Bridegroom, we may understand the descending of our Lord Jesus Christ into Hell as I suppose: for that which followeth proveth this, when he saith; To the beds of spices. For those ancient holy men are not unfi • lie signified by the beds of spices; such as were, Noë, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Job, David, Samuel, Elisaeus, Daniel, and very many others before the Law & in the Law: who all of them, like unto beds of spices, gave a most sweet smell of the odors and fruits of holy righteousness. For then as a triumpher did he enter into PARADISE, when he pierced into Hell. God himself is present with us for a witness in this matter, when he answered most graciously to the Thief upon the Cross, commending himself unto him most religiously; To day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. Lastly touching this Paradise, the various opinions of the ancient are thus laid down by Olympiodorus ; to seek no farther. It is a thing worthy of inquiry, in what place under the Sun the righteous are placed which have left this life. Certain it is, that in Paradise: forasmuch as Christ said unto the Thief; This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. And it is to be known, that the literal Tradition teacheth Paradise to be in earth. But some have said that Paradise also is in Hell, that is, in a place under the earth: unto which opinion of theirs they apply that of the Gospel; where the rich man saw Lazarus, being yet himself sunk down in a lower place, when Lazarus was in a place more eminent, where Abraham was. But howsoever the matter goeth; this without doubt is manifest, as well out of Ecclesiastes as out of all the sacred Scripture, that the godly shall be in prosperity and peace, and the ungodly in punishments and torments. And others are of the mind, that Paradise is in the Heavens, &c. Hitherto Olympiodorus.That Christ's soul went into Paradise, Doctor Bishop saith, being well understood, is true. For his soul in hell, had the joys of Paradise: but to make that an exposition of Christ's descending into hell, is to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it. Yet this ridiculous exposition, he affirmeth to be received of most Protestants. Which is even as true, as that which he avoucheth in the same place; that this article of the descent into Hell is to be found in the old Roman Creed expounded by Ruffinus: where Ruffinus (as we have heard) expounding that article, delivereth the flat contrary, that it is not found added in the Creed of the Church of Rome. It is true indeed, that more than most Protestants do interpret the words of Christ uttered unto the Thief upon the Cross, Luk. 23.43. of the going of his soul into Paradise : where our Savior meaning simply and plainly, that he would be that day in Heaven ; M. Bishop would have him so to be understood, as if he had meant that that day he would be in Hell. And must it be now held more ridiculous in Protestants, to take Hell for Paradise ; then in M. Bishop, to take Paradise for Hell? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , be the words of the Apostles Creed in the Greek: and, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the Symbol of Athanasius. Some learned Protestants do observe, that in these words there is no determinate mention made, either of ascending or descending, either of Heaven or Hell (taking Hell according to the vulgar acception) but of the general only, under which these contraries are indifferently comprehended: and that the words literally interpreted, import no more but this; HEE WENT UNTO THE OTHER WORLD. Which is not to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it, as M. Bishop fancieth: who may quickly make himself ridiculous, in taking upon him thus to censure the interpretations of our learned linguistes; unless his own skill in the languages were greater, then as yet he hath given proof of.
Master Broughton (with whose authority he elsewhere presseth us, as of a man esteemed to be singularly seen in the Hebrew and Greek tongue ) hath been but too forward in maintaining that exposition, which by D. Bishop is accounted so ridiculous. In one place, touching the term Hell, as it doth answer the Hebrew Sheol and the Greek Hades, he writeth thus. He that thinketh it ever used for Tartaro or Gehenna, otherwise then the term Death may by Synecdoche import so: hath not skill in Hebrew or that Greek, which breathing and live Greece spake, if God hath lent me any judgment that way. In another place he alledgeth out of Portus his Dictionary, that the Macedonians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Heaven. And one of his acquaintance beyond the Sea, reporteth that he should deliver, that in many most ancient Manuscript copies the Lord's prayer is found with this beginning: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Our Fat • er which art in Hades. which I for my part will then believe to be true, when I shall see one of those old copies with mine own eyes. But in the mean time for Hades, it hath been sufficiently declared before out of▪ good authors, that it signifieth the place of souls departed in general; and so is of extent large enough to comprehend under it, as well 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as Damascius speaketh) that part of Hades (or the unseen world) which is in heaven, as that which by Josephus is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the darker Hades, and in the Gospel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 outer darkness. And as for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the other word; in the Acts of the Apostles it is used ten times: and in none of all those places signifieth any descending from a higher place unto a lower, but a removing simply from one place unto another. Whereupon the Vulgar Latin edition (which none of the Romanists upon any pretense may presume to reject) doth render it there by the general terms of abeo, venio, devenio, supervenio. and where it retayneth the word descendo, it intendeth nothing less, then to signify thereby the lower situation of the place unto which the removal is noted to be made. If descending therefore in the Acts of the Apostles imply no such kind of thing: what necessity is there; that thus of force it must be interpreted in the Creed of the Apostles? Menelaus declared unto us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : saith King Antiochus, in his epistle unto the Jews, 2. Maccab. 11.29. Velle vos descendere ad vestros, it is in the Latin edition: whereby what else is meant, but that they had a desire to go unto their own?
I omit the phrases of descending in praelium, in forum, in campum, in amicitiam, in caussam, &c. which are so usual in good Latin authors: yea and of descending into heaven it self; if that be not a jest which the Poet breaketh upon Claudius.
Others add unto this, that the phrase of descending ad inferos, is a popular kind of speech, which sprung from the opinion that was vulgarly conceived of the situation of the recept • cle of the souls under the earth: and that according to the rule of Aristo • le in his Top • cks, we must speak as the vulgar, but think as wise men do. Even as we use to say commonly, that the Sun is under a cloud, because it is a vulgar form of speech: and yet it is far enough from our meaning for all that, to imagine the cloud to be indeed higher then the Sun. So Cicero, they say, where ever he hath occasion to mention anything that concerneth the dead, speaketh still of Inferi according to the vulgar phrase: although he misliked the vulgar opinion, which bred that manner of speaking; and professed it to be his judgment, that the souls when they depart out of the body are carried up on high, & not downward unto any habitations under the earth. So Chrysostom and Theophylact think that the Apostle termed the Death and Hell unto which our Savior did descend, the lower parts of the earth, Ephes. 4.9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from the common opinion of men. So in the translation of the holy Scripture, S. Jerome showeth that we use the names of Arcturus and Orion, not approving thereby the ridiculous and monstrous figments of the Poets in this matter, but expressing the Hebrew names of these constellations by the words of heathenish fables ; because we cannot understand that which is said, but by those words, which we have learned by use, and drunk in by error.And just so standeth the case with this word Hades : which with the G • eeke Poets is the name of Pluto, whom they feigned to be the God of the dead under the earth, & gave a denomination unto 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from riches; because that all things coming to their dissolution, there is nothing which is not at last brought unto him, and made his possession. Thus Homer and Hesiod, with Plato and others after them, say that Rhea brought forth three sons, to Saturn; Jupiter, Neptune,
and mighty Hades, who inhabiteth the houses under the earth, having a merciless heart: for that attribute doth Hesiod give unto him, because Death spareth no man. So Homer: which is also the description that Hesiod maketh of him in that verse: Hades was afraid, who reigneth over them that lie dead in the earth. Now that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Creed is a phrase taken from the heathen, and applied to express a Christian truth; the very Grammatica • l construction may seem to intimate: where the noun is not put in the accusative case (as otherwise it should) but after the manner of the Greeks in the genitive case, implying the defect of another word necessarily to be understood; as if it had been said, He went unto the place or house of Hades. as the Poets use to express it, sometimes defectively 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and sometimes more fully 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , into the house or chambers of Hades. Thus then, they that take Hades for the common receptacle of souls, do interpret the context of the Creed, as Cardinal Cajetan before did the narration of Moses touching Abraham's giving up the ghost, being gathered to his people, and being buried, Genes. 25.8, 9. that the article of the death is to be r • ferred to the whole manhood, and the dissolution of the parts thereof; that of the burial, to the body s • parated from the soul, and this of the descending into Hades, to the soul separated f • om the body as if he had said. He suffered death truly, by a real separation of his soul from his body: and after this dissolution, the same did befall him that useth to betide all other dead men; his lifeless body was sent unto the place which is appointed to receive dead bodies, and his immortal soul went unto the other world, as the souls of other men use to do.Having now declared, how the Greek Hades (and so the Latin Inferi, and our English Hell) is taken for the place of the bodies and of the souls of dead men, severally: it followeth that we show, how the common state of the dead is signified thereby, and the place in general which is answerable unto the parts of the whole man thus indefinitely considered in the state of separation. Concerning which, that place of Dionysius, wherein he setteth forth the signification of our being dead and buried with Christ by Baptism, is to be considered. Forasmuch as death is in us, not an utter extinguishment of our being, as others have thought, but a separation of the united parts, bringing them unto that which is to us invisible; the soul as being by the deprivation of the body made unseen, and the body as either being covered in the earth, or by some other of the alterations that are incident unto bodies, being taken away from the sight of man: the whole covering of the man in water is fitly assumed for an image of the death and burial which is not seen. Thus Dionysius, concerning the separation of the united parts by Death, and the bringing of them unto that which is invisible: according whereunto, as his paraphrast Pachymeres noteth, it is called Hades, that is to say, an invisible separation of the soul from the body. And so indeed we find as well in foreign authors, as in the Scriptures & the writings of the Greek and Latin Fathers, that Hades and Inferi are not only taken in as large a sense as Death (and so extended unto all men indifferently, whether good or bad) but are likewise oftentimes indifferently used for it. For proof whereof, out of heathen authors these testimonies following may suffice.
saith Pindarus. The man that doeth things befitting him, forgetteth Hades: meaning, that the remembrance of death doth no whit trouble him. and again:Sophocles in the beginning of his Trachiniae, bringeth in D • ianira affirming that, howsoever it were an old saying among men, that none could know whether a man, life were happy or unhappy before he were dead ; yet she knew her own to be heavy and unfortunate before she went to Hades.
Touching the use of the word Hell in the Scriptures, thus writeth Jansen, expounding those words, Proverb. 15.11. Hell and destruction are before the Lord: how much more then, the hearts of the children of men? It is to be known, that by Hell and destruction (which two in the Scriptures are often joined together) the state of the dead is signified; and not of the damned only, as we commonly do conceive when we hear these words, but the state of the deceased in general. So Sanctius the Jesuit, with Sà his fellow, acknowledgeth, that Hell in the Scripture is frequently taken for Death. Therefore are these two joined together, Revel. 1.18. I have the keys of Hell and of Death, or (as other Greek copies read; agreeably to the old Latin and Ethiopian translation) of Death and of Hell. and Isaiah. 28.15. We have made a covenant with Death, and with Hell we are at agreement. where the Septuagint, to show that the same thing is meant by both the words, do place the one in the room of the other, after this manner: We have made a covenant with Hell, and with Death an agreement. The same things likewise are indifferently attributed unto them both: as that they are insatiable, and never full; spoken of Hell, Proverb. 27.20. and of Death, Haback. 2.5. So the gates of Hell, Isaiah. 38:10. are the gates of Death, Psalm. 9.13. and 107.18. and therefore where we read in the book of Wisdom; Thou leadest to the gates of Hell, and bringest back again: the Vulgar Latin translateth it; Thou leadest to the gates of Death, and bringest back again. So the sorrows of Death, Psal. 18.4. are in the verse following termed, the sorrows of Hell: and therefore the LXX. (as hath been shown) translating the self same words of David, do in the Psalm render them the sorrows of Hell, and in the history 2. Sam. 22.6. (where the same Psalm is repeated) the sorrows of Death. Whence also that difference of reading came, Act. 2.24. as well in the copies of the text as in the citations of the ancient Fathers: which was the less regarded, because that variety in the words bredd little or no difference at all in the sense. Therefore Epiphanius in one place, having respect to the beginning of the verse, saith that Christ loosed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the sorrows of Death: and yet in another, citing the later end of the verse, because it was not possible he should be holden by it, addeth this explication thereunto, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is to say, by Hell. And the author of the Sermon upon Christ's passion, among the works of Athanasius, one where saith that he loosed the sorrows of Hell, and otherwhere that he loosed the sorrows of Death. unto whom we may adjoin Bede, who is in like manner indifferent for either reading.
In the Proverbs, where it is said; There is a way which seemeth right unto a man, but the end thereof are the ways of Death: Proverb. 14.12. and 16.25. the LXX. in both places for Death put 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the bottom of Hell. and on the other side, where it is said; Thou shalt beat him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from Hell: Proverb. 23.14. they read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Thou shalt deliver his soul from Death. So in Hose. 13.14. where the Hebrew and Greek both read: I will deliver them from the hand of Hell: the Vulgar Latin hath; De manu mortis liberabo eos, I will deliver them from the hand of Death. which S. Cyril of Alexandria showeth to be the same in effect. for he hath redeemed us (saith he) from the hand of Hell, that is to say, from the power of Death. So out of the text, Matth. 16.18. Eusebius noteth, that the Church doth not give place to the gates of DEATH, for that one saying which Christ did utter: Upon the rock I will build my Church, and the gates of HELL shall not prevail against it. S. Ambrose also from the same text collecteth thus, that faith is the foundation of the Church. For it was not said of the flesh of Peter, but of the faith, that the gates of DEATH should not prevail against it: but the confession (of the faith) overcame HELL. So Theodoret noteth, that the name of Hell is given unto Death, in that place, Cantic. 8.6. Love is strong as death, jealousy is hard or cruel as Hell. which in the writings of the Fathers is a thing very usual. Take the Poems of Theodorus Prodromus for an instance: where delivering an history out of the life of S. Chrysostom, of a woman that had lost four of her sons; he saith that they four were gone unto Hades,
Gregory himself likewise in his Poems, setting out the dangers of a sea-faring life, saith that the greater part of them that sails the seas is in Hades. Baesil of Seleucia, speaking of the translation of Enoch and Elias, saith in one place, that Enoch remained out of Deaths net, Elias obeyed not the laws of nature ; and in another, that Elias remained superior to death, Enoch by translation declined Hades: making Death and Hades to be one and the same thing. So he maketh Elias to pray thus, at the raising of the widows son. Shew, ô Lord, that Death is made gentle towards men, let it learn the evidences of thy humanity; let the documents of thy goodness come even to Hades. And as he there noteth that Death received an overthrow from Elias: so in another place he noteth that Hades received a like overthrow, by Christ's raising of the dead. whereupon he bringeth in S. Peter, using this speech unto our Savior: Shall Death make any youthful attempt against thee, whose voice Hades could not endure? The other day thou didst call the widows son that was dead; and Death fled, not being able to accompany him unto the grave whom he had overcome: how shall Death therefore lay hold on him, whom it feareth? and our Savior himself speaking thus unto his Disciples. I will arise out of the grave, renewing the Resurrection: I will teach Hades that it must expect the Resurrection to succeed it. For in me both Death ceaseth, and immortality is planted. So saith S. Cyril of Alexandria : Christ was raised up for us. for he could not be detained by the gates of Hades, nor taken at all by the bonds of Death. And therefore Cyril of Jerusalem having said that our Savior did descend into Hades, doth presently add as an explication thereof. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . for he did descend into Death. He descended into Death as a man: saith Athanasius. The divine nature (saith Ruffinus, meaning the divine person) by his flesh descended into Death; not that according to the law of mortal men he should be detained of death, but that rising again by himself he might open the gates of death. When thou didst descend into Death, ô immortal Life, (say the Grecians in their Liturgy) thou didst then mortify Hades or Hell with the brightness of thy divinity.
And thus, if my memory do not fail me, (for at this present I have not the book lying by me) is the article expressed in the Hebrew Creed, which is printed with Potkens Ethiopian Syllabarie. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He descended into the shadow of death. where the Hebrew Interpreter doth render Hades by the shadow of death : as the Greek Interpreters, in that text (which by the Fathers is applied to our Savior's descent into Hell) Job. 38.17. do render the shadow of death by Hades. for where the Hebrew hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the gates of the shadow of death, they • eade; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the keepers of the gates of Hades seeing thee, shrank for fear. The resurrection from the dead therefore being the end of our Savior's s • ffering (as Eusebius notes) and so the beginning of his glorifying: the first degree of his exaltation would thus very aptly answer • unto the last degree of his humiliation that as his Resurrection is an arising from the dead, so his descending unto Hades or ad inferos should be no other thing but a going to the dead. For further confirmation whereof, let it be considered, that S. Jerome in the vulgar Latin translation of the Bible, hath ad inferos deducentur, Ecclesia •• is 9.3. where the Hebrew and Greek read, to the dead : and in like manner, Proverb 2.18. he hath ad inferos again, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in the Hebrew; which being a word that sometimes signifieth the dead, and sometimes Giants, the LXX. do join both together and read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Hades • ith the Giants. So in the Sibylline verses cited by Lactantius,
To lay down all the places of the Fathers, wherein our Lord's rising again from the Dead, is termed his rising again from Hades, Inferi or Hell, would be a needless labor: for this we need go no further then to the Canon of the Mass it self; where in the prayer that followeth next after the Consecration, there being a Commemoration made of Christ's passion, resurrection, and ascension, the second is set out by the title ab inferis resurrectionis, of the resurrection from Hell. For as the Liturgies of the Eastern Churches do here make mention 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the resurrection from the dead: so those of the West retain that other title of the resurrection ab inferis, that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as it is in the Liturgy that goeth under the name of S. Peter) or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as it is in the Gregorian Office translated into Greek by Codinus. If then the resurrection frō the dead be the same with the resurrection from Hades, Inferi or Hell: why may not the going unto Hades, Inferi or Hell, be interpreted, by the same reason, to be the going unto the dead? whereby no more is understood, than what is intimated in that phrase w ch the Latins use of one that hath left this world; Abijt ad plures: or in that of the Hebrews, so frequent in the word of God; He went or was gathered unto his people, he went or was gathered unto his fathers. which being applied unto a whole generation, Judge. 2.10. as well as in other places unto particular persons; must of necessity denote the common condition of men departed out of this life.
Now, although Death and Hades, dying and going to the dead, be of near affinity one with the other: yet be they not the same thing properly, but the one a consequent of the other; as it appeareth plainly by the vision, Revelat. 6.8. where Hades is directly brought in as a follower of Death. Death it self, as wise men do define it, is nothing else but the separation of the soul from the body ; which is done in an instant: but Hades is the continuation of the body and soul in this state of separation, which lasteth all that space of time which is betwixt the day of death and the day of the resurrection. For as the state of life is comprehended betwixt two extremes, to wit, the beginning thereof and the ending ; and there be two motions in nature answerable thereunto, the one whereby the soul concurreth to the body, (which we call Generation) the other whereby the body is severed from the soul (which we call Death: ) so the state of death in like manner is contained betwixt two bounds, the beginning, which is the very same with the ending of the other; and the last end, the motion whereunto is called the Resurrection, whereby the body and soul formerly separated are joined together again. Thus there be three terms here, as it were in a kind of a continued proportion, the middlemost whereof hath relation to either of the extremes: and by the motion to the first a man may be said to be natus, to the second denatus, to the third renatus. The first & the third have a like oppositiō unto the middle; and therefore are like betwixt themselves: the one being a generation, the other a regeneration. For that our Lord doth call the last Resurrection the Regeneration, Matth. 19.28. S. Augustine supposeth that no man doubteth. Neither would our Lord himself have been styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the first borne from the dead ; unless the Resurrection were accounted to be a kind of a new nativity: whereof he himself was in the first place to be made partaker, that among all or in all things he might have the preeminence ; the rest of the sons of God being to be children of the Resurrection also, but in their due time, and in the order of Post-nati.
The middle distance betwixt the first and second term, that is to say, the space of life which we lead in this world betwixt the time of our birth and the time of our death; is opposite to the distance that is betwixt the second and third term, that is to say, the state of death under which man lieth from the time of his departure out of this life unto the time of his resurrection: and see what difference there is betwixt our birth, and the life which we spend here after we are borne; the same difference is there betwixt Death and Hades, in that other state of our dissolution. That which properly we call Death (which is the parting a sunder of the soul and the body) standeth as a middle term betwixt the state of life and the state of death, being nothing else but the ending of the one, and the beginning of the other: and as it were a common mere between lands, or a communis terminus in a Geometrical magnitude, dividing part from part, but being it self a part of neither, and yet belonging equally unto either. Which gave occasion to the question moved by Taurus the philosopher: When a dying man might be said to die; when he was now dead, or while he was yet living? whereunto Gellius returneth an answer out of Plato : that his dying was to be attributed neither to the time of his life nor of his death (because repugnances would arise either of those ways) but to the time which was in the confine betwixt both; which Plato calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a moment or an instant, and denieth to be properly any part of time at all. Therefore Death doth his part in an instant (as hath been said) but Hades continueth that work of his, and holdeth the dead as it were under conquest, until the time of the resurrection; wherein shall be brought to pass the saying that is written. O Death, where is thy sting? O Hades, where is thy victory? For these things shall rightly be spoken then (saith Irenaeus) when this mortal and corruptible flesh (about which Death is, and which is holden down by a certain dominion of Death) rising up unto life shall put on incorruption and immortality. for then shall death be truly overcome, when the flesh that is holden by it, shall come forth out of the Dominion thereof. Death then, as it importeth the separation of the soul from the body (which is the proper acception of it) is a thing distinguishable from Hades, as an antecedent from his consequent: but as it is taken for the whole state of death, and the domination which it hath over the dead ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Basilius Seleuciensis calleth it, in his oration upon Elias) it is the self same thing that Hades is; and in that respect (as we have seen) the words are sometimes indifferently put, the one for the other.
As therefore our Savior (that we may apply this now unto him) after he was fastened and lifted up on the Cross, if he had come down from thence (as the standers by in mocking wise did wish him to do) might be truly said to have been crucified, but not to have died: so when he gave up the ghost, and laid down his life, if he had presently taken it up again, he might truly be said to have died, but not to have gone to the dead, or to have been in Hades. His remaining under the power of Death until the third day, made this good. Whom God did raise up, loosing the sorrows of death, forasmuch as it was not possible that he should be holden of it: saith S. Peter. and Christ being raised from the dead, dieth now no more, Death hath no more dominion over him: saith S. Paul. implying thereby, that during the space of time that passed betwixt his death and his resurrection, he was holden by death, and death had some kind of domination over him. And therefore Athanasius (or whoever else was author of that writing to Liberius the Roman Bishop) having reference unto the former text; affirmeth that he raised up that buried body of his, and presented it to his Father, having freed it from Death, of which it was holden. and Maximus (or he that collected the Dialogues against the Marcionites, under the name of Origen, out of him) expounding the other text; Over whom then had Death dominion? saith he. For the saying that it hath no more dominion, showeth that before it had dominion over him. Not that Death could have any dominion over the Lord of Life, further than he himself was pleased to give way unto it: but as, when Death did at the first cease upon him, his life indeed was taken from the earth, yet none could take it from him, but he laid it down of himself ; so his continuing to be Deaths prisoner for a time, was a voluntary commitment only, unto which he freely yielded himself for our sakes, not any yoke of miserable necessity that Death was able to impose upon him. For he had power to lay down his life, and he had power to take it again: yet would he not take it again, before he had first not laid himself down only upon Deaths bed, but slept also upon it; that arising afterward from thence, he might become the first fruits of them that slept. In which respect, the Fathers apply unto him that text of the Psalm; I laid me down and slept, I awaked, for the Lord sustained me. (Psalm. 3.5.) and Lactantius that verse of Sibyll,
And thus have I unfolded at large the general acceptions of the word Hades and Inferi, and so the Ecclesiastical use of the word Hell answering thereunto: which being severally applied to the point of our Savior's descent, make up these three propositions that by the universal consent of Christians are acknowledged to be of undoubted verity. His dead body, though free from corruption, yet did descend into the place of corruption, as other bodies do. His soul, being separated from his body, departed hence into the other world, as all other men's souls in that case use to do. He went unto the dead, and remained for a time in the state of death, as other dead men do. There remaineth now the vulgar acception of the word Hell, whereby it is taken for the place of torment prepared for the Devil and his Angels: and touching this also, all Christians do agree thus far, that Christ did descend thither at leastwise in a virtual manner; as God is said to descend, when he doth anything upon earth, which being wonderfully done beyond the usual course of nature may in some sort show his presence, or when he otherwise vouchsafeth to have care of human frailty. Thus when Christ's flesh was in the tomb, his power did work from Heaven: saith S. Ambrose. which agreeth with that which was before cited out of the Armenians Confession: According to his body which was dead, he descended into the grave; but according to his DIVINITIE, which did live, he overcame Hell in the mean time. and with that which was cited out of Philo Carpathius, upon Cantic. 5.2. I sleep, but my heart waketh: in the grave spoiling Hell. for which, in the Latin Collections that go under his name, we read thus. I sleep, to wit on the Cross, and my heart waketh: when my DIVINITIE spoiled Hell, and brought rich spoils from the triumph of everlasting death overcome, and the Devils power overthrown. The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew, attributeth this to the Divinity, not clothed with any part of the Humanity, but naked, as he speaketh. Seeing the Devils feared him, (saith he) while he was in the body, saying; What have we to do with thee, Jesus the son of the high God? art thou come to torment us before our time? how shall they be able to endure his NAKED DIVINITIE descending against them? Behold after three days of his death he shall return from Hell, as a conqueror from the war.
This conquest others do attribute to his Cross, others to his Death, others to his Burial, others to the real descent of his soul into the place of the damned, others to his Resurrection: and extend the effect thereof not only to the delivery of the Fathers of the Old Testament, but also to the freeing of our souls from Hell. from whence how men may be said to have been delivered, who never were there, S. Augustine declareth by these similitudes. Thou sayest rightly to the physician, Thou hast freed me from this sickness; not in which thou wast, but in which thou wast like to be. Some body else having a troublesome business, was to be cast into prison: there cometh another, and defendeth him. what saith he, when he giveth thanks? Thou hast delivered me from prison. A debtor was in danger to be hanged: the debt is paid for him; he is said to be freed from hanging. In all these things they were not: but because such were their deserts, that unless they had been holpen, there they would have been; they say rightly that they were freed thence, whither by those that freed them they were not suffered to be brought. That Christ destroyed the power of Hell, spoiled principalities and powers, and made a show of them openly, triumphing over them: is acknowledged by all Christians. Neither is there any who will refuse to subscribe unto that which Proclus delivered in his Sermon before Nestorius then Bishop of Constantinople (inserted into the Acts of the Council of Ephesus. ) He was shut up in the grave, who stretched out the heavens like a skin: he was reckoned among the dead, and spoiled Hell. and that which S. Cyril and the Synod of Alexandria, wrote unto the same Nestorius, concerning the Confession of their faith: (approved not only by the third general Council held at Ephesus, but also by the fourth at Chalcedon, and the fifth at Constantinople. ) To the end that by his unspeakable power treading down death in his own as the first and principal flesh, he might become the first borne from the dead and the first fruits of those that slept; and that he might make a way to man's nature for the turning back again unto incorruption: by the grace of God he tasted death for all men; and revived the third day, spoiling Hell. All, I say, do agree, that Christ spoiled or (as they were wont to speak) harrowed Hell: whether you take Hell for that which keepeth the soul separated from the body, or that which separateth soul and body both from the blessed presence of him who is our true life; the one whereof our Savior hath conquered by bringing in the Resurrection of the body, the other he hath abolished by procuring for us Life everlasting.
Touching the manner and the means, whereby Hell was thus spoiled, is all the disagreement. The manner: whether our Lord did deliver his people from Hell by way of prevention, in saving them from coming thither; or by way of subvention, in helping those out whom at the time of his death he found there. The means: whether this were done by his Divinity or his Humanity or both, whether by the virtue of his sufferings, death, burial and resurrection, or by the real descending of his soul into the place wherein men's souls were kept imprisoned. That he descended not into the Hell of the damned by the essence of his soul or locally, but virtually only by extending the effect of his power thither: is the common doctrine of Thomas Aquinas and the rest of the School. Cardinal Bellarmine at first held it to be probable, that Christ's soul did descend thither, not only by his effects, but by his real presence also: but afterwards having considered better of the matter, he resolved that the opinion of Thomas and the other Schoolmen was to be followed. The same is the judgment of Suarez: who concerning this whole article of Christ's descent into Hell, doth thus deliver his mind. If by an Article of faith we understand a truth, which all the faithful are bound explicitly to know and believe: so I do not think it necessary to reckon this among the Articles of faith. Because it is not a matter altogether so necessary for all men: and because that for this reason peradventure it is omitted in the Nicene Creed; the knowledge of which Creed seemeth to be sufficient for fulfilling the precept of faith. Lastly for this cause peradventure Augustine and other of the Fathers expounding the Creed, do not unfold this mystery unto the people. And to speak the truth, it is a matter above the reach of the common people to enter into the discussion of the full meaning of this point of the descension into Hell: the determination whereof dependeth upon the knowledge of the learned tongues and other sciences that come not within the compass of their understanding. some experiment whereof they may find in this; that whereas in the other questions here handled, they might find themselves able in some reasonable forre to follow me; here they leave me, I doubt, and let me walk without their company.
It having here likewise been further manifested, what different opinions have been entertained by the ancient Doctors of the Church concerning the determinate place wherein our Savior's soul did remain during the time of the separation of it from his body: I leave it to be considered by the learned, whether any such controverted matter may fitly be brought in to expound the Rule of faith by, which being common both to the great and the small ones in the Church, must contayn such verities only as are generally agreed upon by the common consent of all true Christians. and if the words of the article of Christ's going to Hades or Hell, may well bear such a general meaning as this; that he went to the dead, and continued in the state of death until the time of his Resurrection: it would be thought upon, whether such a truth as this, which findeth universal acceptance among all Christians may not safely pass for an article of our Creed; and the particular limitation of the place unto which our Savior's soul went (whither to the place of bliss, or to the place of torment, or to both) be left, as a number of other Theological points are, unto further disputation. In the articles of our faith common agreement must be required: which we are sure is more likely to be found in the general, than in the particular. And this is the only reason which moved me to enlarge myself so much in the declaration of the general acceptions of the word Hades, and the application of them to our Savior's descent spoken of in the Creed. wherein if the zeal which I bear to the peace of the Church, and the settlement of unity among brethren hath carried me too far, (as it hath made me indeed quite to forget my intended brevity) I entreat the Reader to pardon me; and ceasing to be further troublesome unto him in the prosecution of this intricate argument, I pass to the next question
OF PRAYER TO SAINTS.
THat one question of S. Paul, Rom. 10.14. How shall they call upon him, in whom they have not believed? among such as lust not to be contentious, will quickly put an end unto this question. For if none can be invocated but such as must be believed in ; and none must be believed in but God alone: everyone may easily discern, what conclusion will follow thereupon. Again, all Christians have been taught, that no part of divine worship is to be communicated unto any creature. for it is written: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. But prayer is such a principal part of this service, that it is usually put for the whole: and the public place of God's worship, hath from hence given it the denomination of the house of prayer. Furthermore, he that heareth our prayers, must be able to search the secrets of our hearts; and discern the inward disposition of our souls. For the pouring out of good words, and the offering up of external sighs and tears, are but the carcass only of a true prayer: the life thereof consisteth in the pouring out of the very soul it self, and the sending up of those secret groans of the spirit which cannot be uttered. But he that searcheth the hearts, and only he, knoweth what is the mind of the spirit: he heareth in heaven his dwelling place, and giveth to every man according to his ways, whose heart he knoweth. for he even he ONELY knoweth the hearts of all the children of men: as Solomon teacheth us in the prayer which he made at the dedication of the Temple. whereunto we may add that golden sentence of his father David for a conclusion: O thou that hearest prayer, unto thee shall all flesh come.
If it be further here ob • ected by us; that we find neither precept nor example of any of the Fathers of the Old Testament, whereby this kind of p • aying to the souls of the Saints departed may be warranted: Cardinal Bellarmine will give us a reason for it. for therefore (saith he) the spirits of the Patriarchs and the Prophets before the coming of Christ were neither so worshipped nor invocated, as we do now worship and invocate the Apostles and Martyrs: because that they were detained as yet shut up in the prisons of Hell. But if this reason of his be grounded upon a false foundation (as we have already shown it to be) and the contrary supposition be most true; that the spirits of the Patriarchs and Prophets were not thus shut up in the prisons of Hell: then have we four thousand years prescription left unto us, to oppose against this innovation. We go further yet, and urge against them, that in the New Testament it self we can descry no footsteps of this new kind of Invocation, more then we did in the Scriptures of the Old Testament. For this, Salmeron doth tell us, that the Scriptures which were made and published in the primitive Church ought to found and explain Christ, who by the tacit suggestion of the Spirit did bring the Saints with him: and that it would have been a hard matter to enjoin this to the Jews; and to the Gentiles an occasion would be given thereby to think, that many God's were put upon them in steed of the multitude of the God's whom they had forsaken. So this new worship, you see, fetcheth his original neither from the Scriptures of the Old nor of the New Testament: but from I know not what tacit suggestion, which smelt so strongly of Idolatry, that at first it was not safe to acquaint either the Jews or the Gentiles therewith. But if any such sweet tradition as this were at first delivered unto the Church by Christ and his Apostles: we demand further, how it should come to pass, that for the space of 360. years together after the birth of our Savior, we can find mention nowhere of any such thing? For howsoever our Challenger giveth it out, that prayer to Saints was of great account, amongst the Fathers of the primitive Church, for the first 400. years after Christ: yet for nine parts of that time, I dare be bold to say, that he is not able to produce as much as one true testimony out of any Father, whereby it may appear, that any account at all was made of it; and for the tithe too, he shall find perhaps before we have done, that he is not like to carry it away so clearly as he weeneth.
Whether those blessed spirits pray for us, is not the question here: but whether we are to pray unto them. That God only is to be prayed unto, is the doctrine that was once delivered unto the Saints, for which we so earnestly contend: the Saints praying for us doth no way cross this (for to whom should the Saints pray, but to the King of Saints? ) their being prayed unto, is the only stumbling block that lieth in this way. And therefore in those first times, the former of these was admitted by some, as a matter of probability: but the latter no way yielded unto, as being derogatory to the privilege of the Deity. Origen may be a witness of both: who touching the former writeth in this sort. I do think thus, that all those fathers who are departed this life before us, do fight with us and assist us with their prayers: for so have I heard one of the elder Masters saying. and in another place. Moreover if the Saints, that have left the body and be with Christ, do anything and labor for us, in like manner as the Angels do who are employed in the ministry of our salvation: let this also remain among the hidden things of God, and the mysteries that are not to be committed unto writing. But because he thought that the Angels and Saints prayed for us: did he therefore hold it needful, that we should direct our prayers unto them? Hear, I pray you, his own answer; in his eighth book against Celsus the philosopher. We must endeavor to please God alone, who is above all things, and labor to have him propitious unto us, procuring his good will with godliness and all kind of virtue. And if Celsus will yet have us to procure the good will of any others, after him that is God over all: let him consider, that as when the body is moved, the motion of the shadow thereof doth follow it; so in like manner, having God favorable unto us who is over all, it followeth that we shall have all his friends, both Angels and souls and spirits, loving unto us. For they have a fellow-feeling with them that are thought worthy to find favor from God. Neither are they only favorable unto such as be thus worthy, but they work with them also that are willing to do service unto him who is God over all, & are friendly to them, and pray with them, and entreat with them. So as we may be bold to say, that when men which with resolution propose unto them selves the best things do pray unto God, many thousands of the sacred powers pray together with them UNSPOKEN to.
Celsus had said of the Angels: that they belong to God, and in that respect we are to put our trust in them, and make oblations to them according to the laws, and pray unto them, that they may be favorable to us. To this Origen answereth in this manner. Away with Celsus his counsel, saying that we must pray to Angels: and let us not so much as afford any little audience to it. For we must pray to him alone who is God over all: and we must pray to the Word of God his only begotten and the first borne of all creatures; and we must entreat him, that he as high Priest would present our prayer (when it is come to him) unto his God, and our God, & unto his Father and the father of them that frame their life according to the word of God. And whereas Celsus had further said that we must offer first fruits unto Angels, and prayers, as long as we live; that we may find them propitious unto us: answer is returned by Origen in the name of the Christians; that they held it rather fit to offer first fruits unto him which said; Let the earth bring forth grass, the herb yielding seed, and the fruit tree yielding fruit after his kind. And to whom we give the first fruits, (saith he) to him also do we send our prayers; having a great high Priest that is entered into the Heavens, Jesus the Son of God: and we hold fast this confession whiles we live, having God favorable unto us, and his only begotten Son Jesus being manifested amongst us. But if we have a desire unto a multitude, whom we would willingly have to be favorable unto us: we learn that thousand thousands stand by him, and millions of millions minister unto him. who beholding them that imitate their piety towards God, as if they were their kinsfolks and friends; help forward their salvation who call upon God, and pray sincerely: appearing also, and thinking that they ought to do service to them; and as it were upon one watchword to set forth for the • enefit and salvation of them that pray to God, unto whom they themselves also pray. For they are all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them, who shall be heirs of salvation. Thus far Origen, in his eight book against Celsus : to which for a conclusion we will add that place of the fifth book. All prayers and supplications and intercessions and thankesgivings, are to be sent up unto God the Lord of all, by the high Priest who is above all Angels, being the living Word and God. For to call upon Angels, we not comprehending the knowledge of them which is above the reach of man, is not agreeable to reason. And if by supposition it were granted, that the knowledge of them (which is wonderful, and secret) might be comprehended: this very knowledge, declaring their nature unto us and the charge over which everyone of them is set, would not permit us to presume to pray unto any other but unto God the Lord over all, who is abundantly sufficient for all, by our Savior the Son of God.
Tertullian and Cyprian in the books which they purposely wrote concerning Prayer, deliver no other doctrine: but teach us to regulate all our prayers according unto that perfect pattern prescribed by our great Master; wherein we are required to direct our petitions unto Our Father which is in heaven. (Matth. 6.9. Luk. 11.2) These things (saith Tertullian in his Apology for the Christians of his time) I may not pray for from any other, but from him of whom I know I shall obtain them: because both it is he who is alone able to give, and I am he unto whom it appertaineth to obtain that which is requested, being 〈◊〉 servant who observe him alone, who for his religion am killed, who offer unto him a rich and great sacrifice, which he himself hath commanded, Prayer proceeding from a chaste body, from an innocent soul, from a holy spirit. where he accounteth Prayer to be the chief sacrifice, wherewith God is worshipped: agreeably to that which Clemens Alexandrinus wrote at the same time. We do not without cause honor God by prayer; and with righteousness send up this best and holiest sacrifice. The direction given by Ignatius unto Virgins in this case, is short and sweet: Ye Virgins, have Christ alone before your eyes and his Father in your prayers, being enlightened by the Spirit. for explication whereof that may be taken, which we read in the exposition of the Faith, attributed unto S. Gregory of Neocaesarea. Whosoever rightly prayeth unto God, prayeth by the Son; and whosoever cometh as he ought to do, cometh by Christ: and to the Son he cannot come, without the holy Ghost.
Neither is it to be passed over, that one of the special arguments whereby the writers of this time do prove our Savior Christ to be truly God, is taken from our praying unto him and his accepting of our petitions. If Christ be only man, (saith Novatianus) how is he present being called upon everywhere; seeing this is not the nature of man, but of God, that he can be present at every place? If Christ be only man: why is a man called upon in our prayers as a mediator; seeing the invocation of a man is judged of no force to yield salvation? If Christ be only man: why is there hope reposed in him; seeing hope in man 〈◊〉 said to be cursed? So is it noted by Origen, that S. Paul in the beginning of the former epistle to the Corinthians, where he saith, With all that in every place call upon the Name of Jesus Christ our Lord, both theirs and ours ; (1. Corinth. 1.2.) doth thereby pronounce Jesus Christ, whose Name is called upon, to be God. And if to call upon the Name of the Lord, (saith he) and to adore God, be one and the self same thing: as Christ is called upon, so is he to be adored; and as we do offer to God the Father first of all prayers, (1. Tim. 2.1.) so must we also to the Lord Jesus Christ; and • s we do offer supplications to the Father, so do we offer supplications also to the Son; and as we do offer thankesgivings to God, so do we offer thankesgivings to our Savior. In like manner Athanasius, disputing against the Arians, by that prayer which the Apostle maketh, 1. Thessal. 3.11. God himself and our Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, direct our way unto you ; doth prove the unity of the Father and the Son. For no man (saith he) would pray to receive anything from the Father and the Angels, or from any of the other creatures: neither would any man say; God and the Angel give thee this. And whereas it might be objected, that Jacob in the blessing that he gave unto Ephraim and Manasseh (Genes. 48.15, 16.) did use this form of prayer: The God which fed me from my youth unto this day; The Angel which delivered me from all evils, bless those children. (which Cardinal Bellarmine placeth in the forefront of the forces he bringeth forth to establish the Invocation of Saints.) Athanasius answereth, that he did not couple one of the created and natural Angels with God that did create them; nor omitting God that fed him, did desire a blessing for his nephews from an Angel: but saying, Which delivered me from all evils, he did show that it was not any of the created Angels, but the WORD of God (that is to say, the Son) whom he coupled with the Father and prayed unto. and for further confirmation hereof he alledgeth (among other things) that neither Jacob, nor David did pray unto any other but God himself, for their deliverance.
The place wherein we first find the spirits of the deceased to be called unto, rather then called upon; is that in the beginning of the former of the Invectives which Gregory Nazianzen wrote against the Emperor Julian, about the CCCLXIV. year of our Lord. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hear ô thou soul of great Constantius (if thou hast any understanding of these things) and as many souls of the Kings before him as loved Christ. where the Greek Scholiast upon that parenthesis putteth this note. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He speaketh according to the manner of Isocrates; meaning, If thou hast any power to hear the things that are here, and therein he saith rightly: for Isocrates useth the same form of speech, bo • h in his Euagoras and in his Aegineticus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . If they which be dead have any sense of the things that are done here. The like limitation is used by the same Nazianzen toward the end of the funeral oration which he made upon his sister Gorgonia: where he speaketh thus unto her. If thou hast any care of the things done by us, and holy souls receive this honor from God, that they have any feeling of such things as these; receive this Oration of ours, instead of many and before many funeral obsequies. So doubtful the beginnings were of that, which our Challenger is pleased to reckon among the chief articles not of his own religion only but also of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church, who (if his word may be taken for the matter) did generally hold the same touching this point that the Church of Rome doth now. But if he had either himself read the writings of those Saints and Fathers with whose minds he beareth us in hand he is so well acquainted; or but taken so much information in this case, as the books of his own new Masters were able to afford him: he would not so peremptorily have avouched, that prayer to Saints was generally embraced by the Doctors of the primitive Church as one of the chief articles of their Religion.
His own Bellarmine (he might remember) in handling this very question of the Invocation of Saints, had wished him to note, that because the Saints which died before the coming of Christ did not enter into heaven, neither did see God, nor could ordinarily take knowledge of the prayers of such as should petition unto them; therefore it was not the use in the Old Testament to say, Saint Abraham pray for me, &c. For at that time, saith Suarez, we read nowhere, that any man did directly pray unto the Saints departed, that they should help him, or pray for him; for this manner of praying is proper to the law of Grace, wherein the Saints beholding God, are able also to see in him the prayers that are poured out unto them. So doth Salmeron also teach, that therefore it was not the manner in the Old Testament to resort unto the Saints as intercessors; because they were not as yet blessed and glorified, as now they be: and therefore so great an honor as this is, was not due unto them. And in vain, saith Pighius, should their suffrages have been implored, as being not yet joined with God in glory, but until the reconciliation and the opening of the kingdom by the blood of Christ the redeemer, waiting as yet in a certain place appointed by God; and therefore not understanding the prayers and desires of the living. which the blessed do behold and hear, not by the efficacy of any proper reason reaching from them unto us, but in the glass of the divine Word; which it was not as yet granted unto them to behold. But after the price of our redemption was paid, the Saints now reigning with Christ in heavenly glory, do hear our prayers and desires: forasmuch as they behold them all most clearly in the Word, as in a certain glass.
Now, that diverse of the chief Doctors of the Church were of opinion, that the Saints in the New Testament are in the same place & state that the Saints of the Old Testament were in, and that before the day of the last judgment they are not admitted into Heaven and the clear s • ght of God (wherein this metaphysical speculation of the Saints seeing of our prayers is founded:) hath been before declared out of their own writings. where that speech of S. Augustine ; Nondum ibi eris: quis nescit? (Thou shalt not as yet be there: who knoweth it not? ) showeth that the opinion was somewhat general, and apprehended generally too as more then an opinion. By the Romanists own grounds then, the more generally this point was held by the ancient Fathers, and the more resolvedly: the less generally of force, and the more doubtfully must the Popish doctrine of praying to Saints have been entertained by them. And if our Challenger desire to be informed of this doubt that was among the ancient Divines (touching the estate of the Saints now in the time of the New Testament) by the report of the Doctors of his own religion, rather than by our allegations: let him hear from Franciscus Pegna, what they have found herein. It was a matter in controversy (saith he) of old, whether the souls of the Saints before the day of judgment did see God, and enjoy the divine vision: seeing many worthy men and famous both for lea • ning and holiness did seem to hold, that they do not see nor enjoy it before the day of judgment, until receiving their bodies together with them they should enjoy divine blessedness. For Irenaeus, Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Romanus, Origen, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Augustine, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prudentius, Theodoret, Aretas, Oecumenius, Theophylact, and Euthymius are said to have been of this opinion: as Castrus and Medina and Sotus dorelate. To whom we may adjoin one more of no less credit among our Romanists then any of the others: even Thomas Stapleton himself, who taketh it for granted, that these so many famous ancient Fathers, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Origen, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Ambrose, Cl • men's Romanus, sss and Bernard, did not assent unto this sentence (which now, saith he, in the Council of Florence was at length after much disputing defined as a doctrine of faith) that the souls of the righteous enjoy the sight of God before the day of judgment; but did deliver the contrary sentence thereunto.
We would entreat our Challenger then, to spell these things and put them together: and afterward to tell us, whether such a conclusion as this may not be deduced from thence.
Such as held that the Saints were not yet admitmitted to the sight of God; could not well hold that men should pray unto them, in such manner as the Romanists use now to do. because the Saints not enjoying the sight of God, are not able ordinarily to take notice of the prayers that are put up unto them.
But many and very famous Doctors too among the ancient, did hold, that the Saints are not yet admitted to the sight of God.
Therefore many and very famous Doctors among the ancient, could not well hold, that men should pray unto the Saints in such manner as the Romanists use now to do.
The memory of the Martyrs indeed was from the very beginning had in great reverence: and at their Memorialls and Martyria, that is to say, at the places wherein their bodies were laid (which were the Churches whereunto the Christians did in those times usually resort) prayers were ordinarily offered up unto that God for whose cause they laid down their lives. Where, the Lord being pleased to give a gracious answer to such prayers, and to do many wonderful things for the honoring of that Christian profession which those worthy champions maintained unto the death men began afterwards to conceive, that it was at their suite and mediation that these things were granted and effected. Which was the rather believed, by reason that the Martyrs themselves were thought to have appeared unto diverse that were thus relieved, both at the places of their memorials and other where. Notwithstanding, in what sort these things were brought about, S. Augustine professeth that it did pass the strength of his understanding to define. whether the Martyrs themselves were in their own persons present at one time in such diverse places, so far distant one from another : or whether they remaining in a certain place removed from all commerce with the affairs of men here, but praying in general for the necessities of suppliants ; God by the ministry of Angels did effect these things when, where, & in what manner he pleased, but especially at the Memorialls of the martyrs, because he knew that to be expedient to us for the building of the faith of Christ, for whose confession they did suffer. This matter is higher (faith he) than that it may be touched by me, and more abstruse than that it can be searched into by me: and therefore whether of these two it be, or whether peradventure both of them be; that these things may sometimes be done by the very presence of the Martyrs, sometimes by Angels taking upon them the person of the Martyrs, I dare not define.
The first of these opinions pleaseth S. Jerome best: who alledgeth for proof thereof that place in the Revelation; These follow the Lamb, whithersoever he goeth. whereupon he inferreth a conclusion, which hath need of a very favorable interpretation. If the Lamb be everywhere: therefore they also that are with the Lamb, must be believed to be everywhere. From whom Maximus Taurinensis seemeth not much to differ, where he saith: Although all the Saints be everywhere, and profit all men: yet they specially do labor for us, who have also suffered punishments for us. So one Eustratius a priest of Constantinople made a collection of divers testimonies both out of the Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers; to prove, that the souls which oftentimes and in different manners appear unto many, do themselves appear according to their proper existence; and it is not the divine power, assuming the shape of the holy souls, that showeth forth these operations. And so strongly did this opinion prevail, when superstition had once gotten head; that at length this Canon was discharged against those that should hold otherwise. If any man say, that the Saints themselves do not appear, but their Angels only; let him be anathema. The author of the Questions to Antiochus, commonly attributed unto Athanasius, thus determineth the matter on the contrary side. Those adumbrations and visions which appear at the chapels and tombs of the Saints, are not made by the souls of the Saints; but by holy Angels transformed into the shape of the Saints. For how otherwise (tell me) can the soul of S. Peter or S. Paul, being but one, appear at the same instant being commemorated in a thousand Churches of his throughout the whole world? For this can neither one Angel do at any time: it being proper unto God alone, to be found at the same instant in two places and in the whole world. And Anastasius Sinaita or Nicanus, in the self same manner. It is fit we should know, that all the visions which appear at the chapels or tombs of the Saints, are performed by holy Angels, by the permission of God. For how else should it be possible, that the resurrection of the bodies being not yet made, but the bodies and the flesh of the Saints being as yet dispersed; that these should be seen in shape complete men, and oftentimes appear upon horses armed? And if thou thinkest that thou mayest contradict these things: tell me, how can Paul or Peter, or any other Apostle or Martyr, being but one, appear oftentimes at the same hour in many places? For neither is an Angel able to be at the same instant in diverse places; but God only who is uncircumscriptible. Whereunto we may further add those judicious observations of S. Augustine touching this matter.
If one in his sleep may see me, telling unto him something that is done, or foretelling also something that is to come; when I am altogether ignorant thereof, and have no care at all, not only of what he dreameth, but whether he awaketh I being a sleep, or he sleepeth I being awake, or whether both of us at one and the some time do either wake or sleep, when he seeth the dream in which he seeth me: what marvel is it if the dead, not knowing nor perceiving these things, are yet seen in dreams by the living, and say somewhat which they being awake may know to be true? But such is man's weak • esse, that when any one seeth a dead man in his sleep, he thinketh that he doth see his soul; but when he dreameth in like manner of one that is alive, he maketh no doubt, that it is neither his soul nor his body, but a similitude of the man that did appear unto him: as if not the soul • s but the similitudes of dead men, not knowing it, might not also after the same sort appear. So he telleth of one Eulogius a rhetorician in Carthage, who lighting upon a certain obscure place in Ciceroes Rhetorickes which he was the next day to read unto his scholars, was so troubled therewith that at night he could scarce sleep. In which night (saith S. Augustine) I expounded unto him while he was in a dream, that which he did not understand: nay not I, but my image, I not knowing, and so far beyond the sea either doing or dreaming some other thing, and nothing at all caring for his cares. The like he doth also note to happen unto those that are in raptures and ecstasies. For unto these also do appear images as well of the living as of the dead: but after they have been restored unto their senses, as many of the dead as they say that they have seen, with them they are truly believed to have been: neither do they mark who hear these things, that the images of some living men, that were absent and ignorant of these things, were in like manner seen by them. And for the confession of the Devils in parties possessed, he bringeth in a memorable instance, of that which fell out in Millaine, at the place of the memorial of the martyrs Protasius and Gervasius. where the Devils did not only make mention of the Martyrs that were dead, but also of Ambrose the Bishop then living; and besought him that he would spare them: he being otherwise employed, and being utterly ignorant of the thing when it was a doing
But as S. Augustine doth put us in mind in that discourse, that men are sometimes led into great errors by deceitful dreams or visions; and that it is just, that they should suffer such things. so S. Chrysostom giveth a good admonition, that little heed should be taken of the Devils sayings. What is it then (saith he) that the Devils do say; I am the soul of such a Monk? Surely for this I believe it not, because the Devils say it: for they deceive their hearers. And therefore Paul (Act. 16.18.) silenced them, although they spake truth; least taking occasion from thence, they might mingle false things again with those truths, and get credi • to themselves. and touching dreams and apparitions of the dead, he addeth further. If at this time, the dreams that appear oftentimes in the shapes of them that have departed this life, have deceived and corrupted many: much more if this were once settled in men's minds, that many of those that are departed did return again unto us; that wicked Devil would plot a thousand guiles, and bring in much deceit into our life. And for this cause God hath shut up the doors, and doth not suffer any of the deceased to return back and tell the things that are there: least he, taking occasion from thence, should bring in all his own devices. It was the complaint of Synesius in his time, that there were many both private men and Priests too, who feigned certain dreams, which they called Revelations · and in ancient writings we meet with sundry visions, which if they be truly related, may more justly be suspected to have been illusions of deceitful spirits, than true apparitions of blessed either Souls or Angels.
He that will advisedly read over Basilius Seleuciensis his narration of the miracles of S. Thecla (for example) must either reject the work as strangely corrupted, or easily be drawn to yield unto that which I have said. For who can digest such relations and observations as these? that they who watch the night that goeth before her festivitie, do at that time yearly see her driving a fiery chariot in the air, and removing from Seleucia unto Dalisandus, as a place which she did principally affect, in regard of the commodity and pleasantness of the situation. that both she and other of the Saints deceased do rejoice much in solitary places, and do ordinarily dwell in them. that after her death she should affect Oratory and P • ëtry, and be continually delighted with such as did more accurately set forth her praises: (even as Homer bringeth in Apollo, tickled at the heart with hearing the songs that were made unto him in the campe of the Grecia • s:) of which he produceth two special instances: the one of Alypius the Grammarian, unto whom being forsaken of the physicians Thecla (he saith) did appear in the night, and demanded of him, what he ailed, and what he would. He, to show his art, and to win the Virgins favor with the aptness of the verse; returneth for an answer unto her that verse, wherewith Homer maketh Achilles to answer his mother Thetis, in the first of the Iliads:
These things do I here repeat, not with any intention to disgrace antiquity (whereof I profess myself to be as great an admirer as any) but to discover the first grounds from whence that Invocation of Saints did proceed, whereby the honor of God and Christ's office of mediation was afterwards so much obscured. That saying of S. Augustine is very memorable, and worthy to be pondered. Whom should I find, that might reconcile me unto thee? Should I have gone unto the Angels? With what prayer? with what sacraments? Many endeavoring to return unto thee, and not being able to do it by themselves, as I hear, have tried these things; and have fallen into the desire of curious visions, and were accounted worthy of illusions. Whether they that had recourse unto the mediation of Martyrs, in such sort as these had unto the mediation of Angels, deserved to be punished with the like delusions; I leave to the judgment of others: the thing which I observed was this; that such dreams and visions as these, joined with the miraculous cures that were wrought at the monuments of the Martyrs, bredd first an opinion in men's minds of the Martyrs ability to help them; and so afterward led them to the recommending of themselves unto their prayers and protection. where at first they expected only by their intercession to obtain temporal b • essings (such as those cures were that were wrought at their t • mbes, and other like external benefits) but proceeded af • erward to crave their mediation for the procuring of the remission of their sins and the furthering of their everlasting salvation. As often, dear brethren, as we do celebrate the solemnities of the holy Martyrs; let us so expect by their intercession to obtain from the Lord TEMPORALL benefits, that by imitating the Martyrs themselves we may deserve to receive eternal: saith the author of the sermon of the Martyrs, which is found among the homilies of S. Augustine and Leo, and in the Roman Breviary is appointed to be read at the common festival days of many Martyrs. Be mindful of the Martyr (saith S. Basil in his Panegyricall oration upon Mamas) as many of you as have en • oyed him by DREAMES; as many of you as coming to this place, have had him a helper to your praying; as many as to whom, being called by name, he shown himself present by his works; as many travelers as he hath brought back again; as many as he hath raised from sickness; as many as he hath restored their children unto being now dead; as many as have received by his means a longer term of life
Here a man may easily discern the breedings of this disease, and as it were the grudgings of that ague that afterwards brake out into a pestilential fever. The Martyr is here vocatus only, not invocatus yet: not called upon by being prayed unto, but called to join with others in putting up the same petition unto his and their God. For as here in the Church militant we have our fellow-soldiers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 striving together with us, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 helping together with their prayers to God for us; and yet because we pray one for another, we do not pray one to another: so the Fathers which taught that the Saints in the Church triumphant do pray for us, might with S. Basil acknowledge that they had the Martyrs 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fellow-helpers to their prayer ; and yet pray with them only, and not unto them. For howsoever this evil weed grew apace, (among the superstitious multitude especially) yet was it so cropped at first by the skillful husbandmen of the Church, that it got nothing near that height which under the Papac • we see it is now grown unto. Which that we may the better understand, and more distinctly apprehend, how far the recommending of men's selves unto the prayers of the Saints, which began to be used in the latter end of the fourth age after Christ, came short of that Invocation of Saints, which is at this day practiced in the Church of Rome: these special differences may be observed betwixt the one and the other. First in those elder times, he that prayed silently was thought to honor God in a singular manner; as one that brought faith with him, and confessed that God was the searcher of the heart and reins, and heard his prayer before it was poured out of his mouth: the understanding of the present secrets of the heart, by the general judgment of the Fathers, being no more communicated by him unto the creatures, then the knowledge of things to come. for before the day wherein the secrets of the heart shall be manifested, almighty God alone doth behold the hidden things: saith S. Jerome, alleging for proof of this the text, Matth. 6.4. Thy Father that seeth in secret. Psalm. 7.9. God searcheth the hearts and reins. and 1. King. 8.39. Thou only knowest the hearts of all the children of men. But now in the Church of Rome mental prayers are pre • ented to the Saints, as well as vocal: and they are believed to receive both the one and the other.
Secondly, in the former times it was a great question, whether at all, or how far, or after what manner the spirits of the dead did know the things that concerned us here: and consequently, whether they pray for us only in general, and for the particulars God answereth us according to our several necessities, where, when, and after what manner he pleaseth. Anselmus Laudunensis in his interlineall Gloss upon that text; Abraham is ignorant of us, and Israel knoweth us not: (Isaiah. 63.16) noteth, that Augustine saith, that the dead, even the Saints do not know what the living do, no not their own sons. And indeed S. Augustine in his book of the Care for the dead, maketh this inference upon that place of Scripture. If such great Patriarchs as these were ignorant, what was done toward the people that descended from them, unto whom (believing God) the people it self was promised to come from their stock: how do the dead interpose themselves in knowing and furthering the things and acts of the living? a • d af • erward draweth these conclusions from thence, which Hugo de Sancto Victore borrowing from him, hath inserted into his book De Spiritu & animâ, cap. 29. The spirits of the dead be there, where they do neither see nor hear the things that are done or fall out unto men in this life. Yet have they such a care of the living, although they know not at all what they do, as we have care of the dead, although we know not what they do. The dead indeed do not know what is done here, while it is here in doing: but afterward they may hear it by such as die and go unto them from hence; yet not altogether, but as much as is permitted to the one to tell and is fit for the other to hear. They may know it also by the Angels which be here present with us, and carry our souls unto them. They may know also by the revelation of God's spirit such of the things done here as is necessary for them to know. Hitherto Hugo out of S. Augustine: who is herein also followed by Gratian, in the second part of the Decrees, caus. 13. quaest. 2. cap. 29. where the Gloss layeth down his resolution thus. Gratian moveth a certain incident question; whether the dead know the things that are done in this world by the living? and he answereth, that they do not: and this he proveth by the authority of Isaiah. (viz. Isaiah. 63.16.)
The like question is moved by the Master of the Sentences; Whether the Saints do hear the prayers of suppliants, and the desire of petitioners do come unto their notice? and this answer is returned thereunto: It is NOT INCREDIBLE, that the souls of the Saints, which in the secret of God's presence are joyed with the illustration of the true light, do in the contemplation thereof understand the things that are done abroad, as much as appertaineth either to them for joy, or to us for help. For as to the Angels, so to the Saints likewise which stand before God, our petitions are made known in the Word of God which they contemplate. Upon which place of the Master, Scotus disputing, groweth to this conclusion. I say, that it is not necessary in respect of the beatitude, that one in bliss should see our prayers: neither regularly or universally in the Word, because it is not such a thing as is a necessary sequel of beatitude; nor yet that they be revealed, because that neither such a revelation doth necessarily follow upon beatitude. Notwithstanding (for a reason which we shall hear of afterward) he saith, it is PROBABLE, that God doth specially • eveale unto him that is in bliss such of our prayers as are offered unto him, or unto God in his name. The same conclusion doth Gabriel Biel make in his lectures upon the Canon of the Mass. for having shown, first, that the Saints in heaven, by their natural knowledge, which is the knowledge of things in their proper kind, know no prayers of ours that are here upon earth, neither mental nor vocal, by reason of the immoderate distance that is betwixt us and them. secondly, that it is no part of their essential beatitude, that they should see our prayers or our other actions in the Word ; and thirdly, that it is not altogether certain, whether it do appertain to their accidental beatitude, to see our prayers: he thus at length concludeth. It is therefore said PROBABLY, that although it do not follow necessarily upon the Saints beatitude, that they should hear our prayers of congruity: yet that God doth reveal all things which are offered unto them by men; whether in magnifying and praising them, or in praying unto them and imploring their help. Cardinal Bellarmine supposeth, that if the Saints should have need thus of a new revelation, the Church would not so boldly say unto all the Saints; Pray for us: but would sometimes entreat of God, that he would reveal our prayers unto them. Yet because it seemeth unto him superfluous, to desire ordinarily of them that they should • pray for us, which cannot ordinarily unde • stand what we do in particular, but know only in general that we are exposed to many dangers: he resolveth, that although there may be some doubt, in what manner the Saints may know things that be absent, and which are sometime delivered by the affection of the heart alone; yet it is certain that they do know them. And you must note, saith another Jesuit, that this is to be held for a point of faith, that the Saints do know the prayers which we pour unto them. So that to make good the Popish manner of praying unto Saints, that which at the first was but probab • e and problematicall, must now be held to be de fide, and an undoubted axiom of Divinity.
Thirdly, in the Popish Invocation, formal and absolute prayers are tendered to the Saints: but the compellations of them used at first, were commonly either wishes only, or requests of the same nature with those which are in this kind usually made unto the living; where the requester is oftentimes superior to him whose prayers he desireth (which standeth not well with the condition of Prayer properly so called) and they that are requested, be evermore accounted in the number of those that pray for us, but not of those that are prayed unto by us. Of this you may hear, if you please, what one of the more moderate Romanists writeth. If it were lawful for the Prophet to call to the Angels and the whole hoaste of heaven, and to exhort them that they would praise God, which notwithstanding they do continually without any one admonishing them, whereby nothing else but a certain abundance of desire of the amplifying of God's glory is declared: why may it not be lawful also, out of a certain abundance of godly desire to call upon those blessed spirits which by the society of the same body are conjoined with us; and to exhort them, that they should do that, which we believe they otherwife do of themselves? That to say; All ye Saints, pray unto God for me: should import as much, as if it were said; Would to God, that all the Saints did pray unto God for me! I wish earnestly, that all the Saints should pray to God for me! Thus writeth Cassander, in his notes upon the ancient Ecclesiastical Hymns, published by him in the year 1556. who being challenged for this by some others of that side, added this further to give them better satisfaction. When I did see that it was not necessary, that we should hold that the Saints do understand our prayers; I thought it was sufficient to put back the calumnies of some, if we should say that these interpellations might be expounded by way of wishing or desiring: which hath less absurdity in it, and is agreeable to the examples of the holy Scriptures. But if any man would have such compellations as these to be taken also for an intimation of the desire, and a direct speaking unto them; I do not gainsay it. Notwithstanding I would think that a tacit condition ought to be understood in such an intimation: such as Gregory Nazianzen doth express in the funeral oration of his sister Gorgonia, when he saith. If thou hast any care at all of our speeches, and holy souls receive this honor from God that they have notice of such things as these; do thou accept this Oration of ours.
Yea in the very darkest times of the Papacie there wanted not some, who for certain reasons (recited by Guilielmus Altissi dorensis and Gabriel Biel ) resolved that neither the Saints do pray for us, neither are we to pray unto them. With these and such like reasons, saith Biel, were the heretics deceived: and some Christians in our time are now deceived. For these and the like reasons, saith Altissiodorensis, MANY do say, that neither we pray unto the Saints, nor they pray for us, but improperly: in respect we pray unto God, that the merits of the Saints may help us. according to that: Adjuvent nos eorum merita, &c. where if any poison do remain hidden under the name of merits, (of which we are to consider in his proper place:) the Breviarie of the Praemonstratersian Order ministereth unto us this antidote against it.
Fourth difference betwixt the Popish prayers and the Interpellations used in the ancient time. for by the doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome, the Saints in heaven are not only made joint petitioners with us (as the Saints are upon earth) but also our Attorneys and Advocates: who carry the suit for us, not by the pleading of Christ's merits alone, but by bringing in their own merits likewise; upon the consideration of the dignity or condignity whereof it is believed, that God yieldeth to the motions they make unto him in our behalf. We pray unto the Saints (saith the Master of the Sentences) that they may intercede for us, that is to say, that their merits may help us, and that they may will our good: for they willing it God doth will it, and so it will be effected. We ought to entreat the Apostles and all the Saints (saith Hugo Pratensis) in all our necessities: because they are our advocates, and the means betwixt us and God, by whom God hath ordained to bestow all things upon us. Because it is a thing fitting (saith Scotus) that he that is in bliss should be a coadjutor of God in procuring the salvation of the elect, according to such manner as this may agree unto him; and to this it is requisite, that our prayers which are offered unto him should specially be revealed unto him, because they lean specially upon the merits of him as of a mediator bringing us to the salvation which is sought for: therefore it is probable that God doth specially reveal unto him that is in bliss such of our prayers as are offered unto him, or unto God in his name. But this is an open derogation to the high prerogative of our Savior's meritorious Intercession, and a manifest encroachment upon the great office of Mediation, which the most religious and learned among those Fathers, who desired to be recommended unto the prayers of the Saints, were so careful to preserve entire unto him. For what is so proper to Christ, saith S. Ambrose, as to stand by God the Father for an advocate of the people? He is the Priest, saith S. Augustine, who being now entered within the veil, ALONE there of them that have been partakers of flesh, doth make intercession for us. In figure of which thing, in that first people and in that first Temple the Priest only did enter into the Holy of holies, and all the people stood without. And therefore where S. John saith; These things write I unto you, that ye sin not: and if any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father Jesus Christ the righteous. (1. John. 2.1.) S. Augustine in his exposition upon that place maketh this observation thereupon: that S. John being so great a man as he was, did not say, YEE have, nor Ye have MEE, nor YEE have Christ himself: but did both put in Christ, not himself; and also said, WEE have, not YEE have. because he had rather put himself in the number of sinners, that he might have Christ to be his advocate: than put himself for an advocate in steed of Christ, and be found among the proud that should be damned. and from thence draweth this conclusion against Parmenian the Donatist. If he had said thus; I have written this unto you, that you sin not, and if any man sin, you have me a mediator with the Father, I make intercession for your sins: (as Parmenian in one place doth make the Bishop a mediator betwixt the people and God:) what good and faithful Christian would endure him? who would look upon him as the Apostle of Christ, and not as Antichrist rather? The doctrine therefore and practice of the Church of Rome in this point, by this learned Fathers judgment, must needs be held to be ungodly and Antichristian.
Fifthly, the recommendation of men's selves unto the prayers of the Saints deceased, which was at first admitted in the ancient Church, did no way impeach • he confidence and boldness which we have gotten in Christ, to make our immediate approach unto the throne of grace: which by the Invocation of Saints now taught in the Church of Rome, is very much impaired. For to induce men to the practice of this, the great Majesty of God and the severity of his Justice is propounded unto poor sinners on the one hand, and the consideration of their own baseness and unworthiness on the other. whereupon it is inferred, that as well for the manifesting of their reverence to God's Majesty, as the testifying of their submissenesse and Humility, they should seek to God by the mediation of his Saints; like as men do seek to the King by the mediation of his servants. which motives can have no more force to encourage men to the Invocation of Saints, then they have to discourage them from the immediate Invocation of God and his Christ. So among the causes alleged by Alexander of Hales, why we ought to pray unto the Saints: one is, in respect of our want in contemplating; that we who are not able to behold the highest light in it self, may contemplate it in his Saints. another, in respect of our want in loving: because we miserable men (miserable men indeed that do so) or some of us at least are more affected sometimes unto some Saint, than unto our Lord himself: and therefore God having compassion on our misery, is pleased that we should pray unto his Saints. and a third, in respect of the reverence of God: that a sinner who hath offended God, because he dareth not to come unto him in his own person, may have recourse unto the Saints, by imploring their patronage. The like we read in Gabriel Biel, handling the same argument. This is a singular consolation (saith he) to sinners, who have oftentimes more mind to the interpellation of the Saints then of the Judge: whose defect of holiness also other men's goodness is able to supply. and it maketh for the reverence of God: that a sinner who hath offended God, as it were not daring for the dross of his sin to appear in his proper person, before the most high and dreadful majesty. should have recourse unto the Saints who are most pure and grateful to God: who may present the sinners prayers unto the most High, and by adjoining their merits and prayers thereunto, might make the same more fit for audience, more pleasing and more grateful. Therefore Salmeron the Jesuit sticketh not to deliver his opinion plainly; that the praying unto God by the Saints seemeth to be better then the praying unto him immediately, as for other reasons, so because the Church, which hath the Spirit of Christ, (though S. Augustine surely would have judged such a Church to be led by the spirit of Antichrist rather then of Christ) most frequently hath recourse unto God by the Saints, but cometh more rarely unto God by it self: and also, because the praying of God by the invocations of Saints doth argue greater humility; as may be seen in the Centurion, Luc. 7.6, 7. whereunto he applieth also the saying of David, He hath had respect to the prayer of the humble, and did not despise their prayers. and of Judith: The prayer of the humble and meek hath always pleased thee.
Thus in the days of the Apostles themselves, under the pretence of Humility some labored to bring into the Church the worshipping of Angels: which carried with it a show of wisdom, (as S. Paul speaketh of it) and such a show as was not far unlike unto that wherewith our Romish Doctors do cozen simple people now a days. For this (saith Theodoret) did they counsel should be done, (namely, that men should pray unto Angels) pretending humility, and saying, that the God of all things was invisible, and inaccessible, and incomprehensible▪ and that it was fit we sho • ld procure G • ds favor by the means of Angels. whereas S Chrysostom treating of Christian hum • litie • heweth that the faithful who are furnished with that grace do notwithstanding ascend beyond the highest tops of heaven, and passing by the Angels, p • esent themselves before the Regal throne it self. yea by earning thus to speak with God in prayer, he showeth that the man himself is made a kind of an Angel the soul is so set loos • from the bonds of the body; the reasoning is raised up so high; he is so translated into heaven, he doth so overl • oke these worldly things, he is so placed by the Regal thr • ne it self: although he be a poor man, although a servant, although a simple man, although an unlearned Neither is it to be forgotten, that the heathen Idolaters also, to cover the shame of their neglecting of God, were wont to use this miserable excuse; that by these they might go to God, as by officers we go to the King: which is the very self same ragg our Romanists have borrowed from them to cover their superstition with, that the nakedness thereof might not appear. But S. Ambrose (or whoever else was author of those commentaries upon S. Paul's epistles that are found among his works) hath met well with them, and sufficiently discovered the vanity of these gross and carnal imaginations. Go too, (saith he) is there any man so mad, or so unmindful of his salvation, as to give the Kings honor to an officer: whereas if any shall be found but to treat of such a matter, they are justly condemned as guilty of high treason? And yet these men think themselves not guilty, who give the honor of God's name to a creature, and leaving the Lord adore their fellow servants; as though there were anything more, that could be reserved to God. For therefore do men go to the King by Tribunes or officers, because the King is but a man, and knoweth not to whom he may commit the state of the commonwealth. But to procure the favor of God, from whom nothing is hid (for he knoweth the merits or works of all men) we need no spokes-man, but a devoute mind. For wheresoever such a one shall speak unto him, he will answer him.
But of all others, S. Chrysostom is most plentiful in setting out the difference of the access which we may have to God & to the great ones in this world. When we have suit unto men (saith he in one place) we have need of cost and money, and servile adulation, and much going up and down and great ado. For it falleth out oftentimes that we cannot go straight unto the Lord's themselves and present our gift unto them and speak with them; but it is necessary for us first to procure the favor of their ministers and stewards and officers, both with paying and praying and using all other means unto them, and then by their mediation to obtain our request. But with God it is not thus. For there is no need of intercessors for the petitioners: neither is he so ready to give a gracious answer being entreated by others, as by our own selves praying unto him. When thou hast need to sue unto men, (saith he in another place) thou art forced first to deal with d • ore-keepers, and to entreat parasites and flatterers, and to go a long way. But with God there is no such matter: without an intercessor he is entreated, without money without cost he yieldeth unto thy prayer. It sufficeth only that thou cry in thine heart, and bring tears with thee; and entering in straightway thou mayest draw him unto thee. Amongst men (saith he in a third place) it behooveth him that cometh unto one, to be a man of speech, and it is required that he should flatter all those that are about the Prince, and to think upon many other things, that he may find acceptance. But here there is need of nothing, save of a watchful mind only: and there is nothing that hindereth us from being near to God. So in his sermon upon the woman of Canaan, which he made in his latter days, after his return from his first banishment: God is always near, saith he. If thou wilt entreat man; thou askest what he is a doing, and he is asleep, he is not at leisure, or the servant giveth thee no answer. But with God there is none of these things. Whithersoever thou goest and callest, he heareth: there is no want of leisure, nor a mediator, nor a servant that keepeth thee off. Say, Have mercy upon me; and presently God is with thee. For while thou art yet a speaking, saith he, I will say; Behold here I am. (Isaiah. 58.9.) And therefore he biddeth us to mark the philosophy (as he termeth it) or the wisdom of the woman of Canaan. She entreateth not James (saith he) she beseecheth not John, neither doth she come to Peter, but brake through the whole company of them; saying. I have no need of a mediator, but taking repentance with me for a spoakes-man, I come to the fountain it self. For this cause did he descend, for this cause did he take flesh; that I might have the boldness to speak unto him. I have no need of a mediator: have thou mercy upon me. Hitherto S. Chrysostom.
Sixthly, the Romanists repose such confidence in the intercession of the Saints; that they look to receive far greater benefit by them, then by their own prayers. Which conceit how distasteful it was unto the ancient Doctors, S. Chrysostom may be a sufficient witness: who labored exceedingly to root out this erroneous opinion, when it first began to show it self in his time. And therefore he is bold to affirm, not only that we have no such need of others, that we may entreat by them ; but also that God then doeth most, when we do not use the entreaty of others. For as a kind friend, (saith he) then blameth he us most, as not daring to trust his love, when we entreat others to pray unto him for us. Thus use we to do with those that seek to us: then we gratify them most, when they come unto us by themselves, and not by others. But, thou wilt say, what if I have offended him? Cease offending, and shedd tears, and so come; and thou shalt quickly make him appeased for the things that are past. Say only; I have offended: say it from thy soul and a sincere mind; and all is loosed. Thou dost not so much desire to thy sins to be forgiven thee, as he doth desire to forgive thy sins unto thee. Thus doth S. Chrysostom write upon the 16. of the Acts: and upon the fourth Psalm, to the same effect. Thou mayest always and continually solicit him, and thou shalt meet with no difficulty. For thou shalt have no need of any door-keepers to bring thee in, nor stewards, nor procurators, nor keepers, nor friends: but when thou thyself comest by thyself, then will he most of all hear thee, even then, when thou intreatest no man. We do not therefore so pacify him when we entreat him by others, as when we do it by our own selves. For by reason he loveth our friendship, and doth all things that we may put our confidence in him: when he beh • ldeth us to do this by ourselves, then doth he most yield unto our suites. Thus did he deal with the woman of Canaan: when Peter and James came for her, he did not yield; but when she her self did remain, he presently gave that which was desired.
The same lesson doth he repeat in his 44. homily upon Genesis: that our Lord being merciful, doth not so yield when he is entreated for us by others, as he doth when he is by our own selves. and for proof thereof telleth us again of the woman of Canaan ; that having the disciples petitioning for her, she could obtain nothing, until she by her self being instant drew forth the clemency of the Lord: to the end we might thereby learn, that we do not so prevail when we entreat by others, as when by ourselves; if we come with fervor and with a vigilant mind. The like observation is made by him and by Theophylact in their expositions upon that part of the Gospel wherein this history is related. Mark me, (saith the one) how the Apostles being put down and not prevailing, she her self prevailed: of so great force is the assiduity of prayer. For God would be petitioned unto by us that are guilty, in our own cause, rather then by others for us. And observe (saith the other) that although the Saints do pray for us, as the Apostles did for her; yet we praying for ourselves, do prevail much more. One place more I will yet lay down out of Chrysostom's sermon of the profiting of the Gospel: and so make an end of this observation. With God (saith he) thou hast need of no intercessors, nor of much running about, nor to flatter others: but although thou be alone, and hast no patron, thou by thyself praying unto God shalt certainly obtain thy request. He useth not to yield so soon, being prayed unto by others for us, as when we ourselves do pray unto him, although we be replenished with a thousand evils. And to prove that praying by our own selves we prevail more with God, then praying unto him by others: he bringeth in again the history of the woman of Canaan, and wisheth us to observe, how, when others entreated, he put her back: but when she her self cried out praying for the gift, he yielded. and at last concludeth with this exhortation. Seeing then we have learned all these things, although we be in sin and unworthy to receive, let us not despair; knowing that by perseverance and constancy of mind we may obtain our request. although we be solitary and without any patrons, let us not be d • scouraged; knowing that this is a great patronage, that thou by thine own self mayst come to God with much alacrity.
Seventhly, and principally it is to be considered, that Invocation is attributed to Saints in the Church of Rome as a part of the worship due unto them: yea as eximium adorationis genus (for so doth Cardinal Bellarmine pronounce it to be) an eminent kind of adoration. For we do not honor the Saints (saith Azorius the Jesuit) with that worship only, wherewith we do men that excel in virtue, wisdom, power, or any other dignity; but also with DIVINE worship and honor, which is an act of Religion. for that worship which is given to men of excellency, is an act and office, not of Religion, but of another inferior virtue, which is called Observance. And whereas it is as clear as the noon day, that the giving of divine honor and worship unto any creature is flat Idolatry: the poor man weeneth that he and his fellows may be excused from being Idolaters; because they do not give divine worship and honor unto the Saints for themselves, but for God who hath made them Saints: as if God, who cannot endure that his glory should be given unto another, wou • d be mocked with such toys as these. Indeed they were wont heretofore to delude men commonly with an idle distinction of Dulîa and Latrîa ▪ but now it is the opinion of the most and the wisest of them, that it is one and the self same virtue of Religion, which containeth both Latrîa and Dulîa. Whereas it hath been the constant doctrine of the ancient Church, that all religious worship (whereof Prayer by the judgment of all men, as well Heathen as Christian, hath been always esteemed to be an especial part) is so properly due unto God alone, that without committing of Idolatry it cannot be communicated unto any creature. For in the Catholic Church it is divinely and singularly delivered, that no creature is to be worshipped by the soul, but he only who is the creator of all things: saith S. Augustine. And therefore the ancient Doctors who thought it not amiss, that men should recommend themselves unto the prayers of the Saints departed; held it a thing intolerable notwithstanding, to impart unto any man or Angel the worship of Invocation. for to request the help of the prayers of our fellow-servants, is one thing, and to worship them with the service of Invocation is another▪ as may be seen in the case of our brethren upon earth, who may not refuse the former without the violation of charity, nor accept the latter at our hands without an open breach of piety.
Now that the Fathers judged no otherwise of Prayer, then as hath been said, this may be one good argument; that when they define it, they do it with express reference to God, and no other: as may be seen in those five several definitions thereof which Bellarmine himself repeateth out of them. the first whereof is that of Basil: Prayer is a request of some good thing, which is made by pious men unto GOD. The second, of Gregory Nyssen : Prayer is a conversing or a conference with GOD. The third, of the same Father: Prayer is a request of good things, which is offered with supplication unto GOD. The fourth, of John Chrysostom: Prayer is a colloquy or discourse with GOD. The fifth, of John Damascene: Prayer is an ascension of the mind unto GOD, or a request of things that are fit from GOD. Therefore where the names of the Martyrs were solemnly rehearsed in the public Liturgy of the Church, S. Augustine interpreteth it to be done for an honorable remembrance of them: but utterly denieth, that the Church therein had any intention to invocate them. So for other particular prayers: Thou alone art to be invocated O Lord, saith S. Ambrose in his funeral oration upon Theodosius the Emperor; thou art to be requested, to supply the miss of him in his sons. and; To whom else should I cry, besides thee? saith S. Augustine, and it is God's pleasure,
Pope Adrian, in the Epitome of the Canons which he delivered to Charles the great at Rome in the year of our Lord DCCLXXIII. doth thus abridge this decree: ut anathema sit, quicunque relictâ Ecclesiâ, Angelos colere, vel congregationes facere praesumpserit. that whosoever, leaving the Church, did presume to worship Angels, or to make meetings, should be accursed. Where Henricus Canisius, who was the first publisher of this Abbridgement in the 6. tome of his Ancient reading, fearing belike that the curse not only of the Fathers of Laodicea, but (which was more dreadful) of Pope Adrian also might light upon him and his companions, who acknowledge themselves to be of the number of those that woe • ship Angels: giveth us warning in his margent, that in steed of angelos here peradventure should be read, angulos ; that is to say, corners in steed of angels ▪ which although it be a no • e that evil beseemeth a man who would be thought to be conversant in ancient reading, and such a one especially as professeth himself to be a chief professor of the Canons: yet in that he leaveth the text untouched, and contenteth himself with a peradventure too in his marginal annotation, he is more to be excused then his fellows before him, Carranza, Sagittarius, and Ioverius, who setting forth the Canons of the Councils, without all peradventure corrupted the text it self, removing the angels out of their place, and hiding them in corners. Notwithstanding this also may be alleged in some part of their excuse too, that they were not the first authors of this corruption of the Canon: that blame must light either upon Isidorous Mercator (the crafty merchant, with whose dealings I acquainted you before) or upon James Merlin the Popish Doctor, who first caused his Collection of Decrees to be printed. But Friar Crabb deserveth no excuse at all: who having store of good copies to direct him, did not only content himself with the retaining of angulos in the text of Isidorus, as he found it printed before him; but plucked out angelos, and chopped in angulos into the old translation of Dionysius Exiguus also, which afforded no room for any such corners as these. For howsoever in that version, or perversion rather of the Canon which is extant in the text of Isidorus it might stand with some reason to read: Non oportet Christianos derelictâ ecclesia abire, & ad angulos idolatriae abominandae congregationes facere. It is not lawful for Christians, forsaking the Church, to go and make assemblies of abominable idolatry in corners. yet in the old translation of Dionysius, where the Canon was rightly rendered; Quod non oporteat ecclesiam Dei relinquere, & abire, atque angelos nominare, & congregationes facere: it was contrary to all sense to thrust this reading upon us. It is now lawful for Christians to forsake the Church of God, and go and nominate or invocate CORNERS (a wise speech no doubt) and make meetings.
But, veritas non quaerit angulos: the truth will admit none of these corners. For the Greek verity (as well in all the editions of the Canons that have come forth by themselves, as in the Collections of Harmenopulus, Zonaras and Balsamon likewise) expressly readeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which in that tongue hath no affinity at all with corners: and the ancient Collectors of the Canons among the Latins, Cresconius and Dionysius and Fulgentius Ferrandus, have Angelos: and Theodoret in his exposition of the epistle to the Colossians, doth twice make mention and declare the meaning of this Canon. once, upon those words of the Apostle in the third chapter: Whatsoever ye do in word or deed, do all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God and the Father by him. for because they commanded men to worship Angels, (saith Theodoret) he enjoineth the contrary; that they should adorn their words and their deeds with the commemoration of our Lord Christ▪ and send up thanksgiving to God and the Father by him, saith he, and not by the Angels. The Synod of Laodicea also following this rule, and desiring to heal that old disease, made a law that they should not pray unto Angels, nor forsake our Lord Jesus Christ. and again, upon the second chapter of the same epistle. This vice continued in Phrygia and Pisidia for a long time. for which cause also the Synod assembled in Laodicea the chief city of Phrygia, forbad them by a Law to pray unto Angels. And even to this day among them and their borderers, there are Oratories of S. Michael to be seen. The like hath Oecumenius after him, upon the same place. This custom continued in Phrygia: insomuch that the Council of Laodicea did by a Law forbid to come unto Angels and to pray unto them. from whence it is also, that there be many Churches of Michael, the chief captain of God's host, among them. This Canon of the Laodicean Fathers, Photios doth note to have been made against the Angelites: or the Angelickes rather. for so do • h S. Augustine name those heretics that were inclined to the worship of Angels: being from thence called Angelici, as Isidorus noteth, because they did worship Angels.
To transcribe here at large the several testimonies of the Fathers, which condemn this worshipping of Angels or any other creature whatsoever, would be an endless work. Gregory Nyssen in the beginning of his fourth (or fifth book rather) against Eunomius, layeth this down for an undoubted principle. That none of those things which have their being by creation is to be worshipped by men, the word of God hath by law ordained: as almost out of all the holy Scripture we may learn. Moses, the Tables, the Law, the Prophets afterward, the Gospels, the determinations of all the Apostles, do equally forbid the looking unto the creature. Then having shown that the neglect of this was the cause of the bringing in of a multitude of God's among the Heathen: least the same things should happen unto us, saith he, who are instructed by the Scripture to look unto the true Deity; we are taught to understand that whatsoever is created is a different thing from the divine nature, and that we are to worship and adore that nature only which is uncreated; whose character and mark is, that it neither at any time began to be nor ever shall cease to be. But our Romanists have long since overthrown this principle: and so altered Moses, and the Tables, and the Law ; that of the 24. mortal sins, whereby they say the first Commandment is broken, they reckon the first to be committed by him,
Athanasius before him had used the very same argument against the Arians, to prove that the Son of God was of an uncreated nature. For Peter the Apostle (saith he) did forbid Cornelius, when he would have worshipped him, saying; Because I myself also am a man. (Act. 10.26.) The Angel also did forbid John, when he would have worshipped him in the Revelation, saying: See thou do it not; for I am thy fellow servant, and of thy brethren the Prophets, and of them which keep the sayings of this book: worship God. (Revel. 22.9.) Wherefore it appertaineth to God only to be worshipped. and this do the Angels themselves know well: that although they do surpass others in glory, yet they are all but creatures; and are in the number, not of those that are to be adored, but of them that adore the Lord. So we have heard S. Ambrose before reprehending those that do adore their fellow servants. And Epiphanius refuting the heresy of the Collyridians, concludeth, that neither Elias, nor John, nor Thecla, nor any of the Saints is to be worshipped. For that ancient error (saith he) shall not prevail over us, to forsake the living God, and to worship the things that are made by him. for they served and worshipped the creature above the Creator, and became fools. For if he will not have the Angels to be worshipped; how much more would he not have her that was borne of Anna? Let Mary then be had in honor: but let the Lord be worshipped. Lastly S. Augustine (to omit all others) in the book which he wrote of true religion, delivereth this for one of the main grounds thereof; that the worshipping of men that are dead should be no part of our religion. because (saith he) if they did live piously, they are not held to be such as would seek that kind of honor; but would have him to be worshipped of us, by whose enlightening they do rejoice that we are made partners of their merit. They are to be honored therefore for imitation, not to be adored for religion. The same doth he also there say of Angels: that we do honor them with love, not with service; neither do we build temples unto them. For it is not their desire, that they should be so honored by us: because they know that we ourselves, if we be good, are the temples of the high God. and therefore it is rightly written, that a man was forbidden by an Angel, that he should nor worship him, but God alone under whom he was his fellow servant. (Revel. 22.9.)
But, what saith Cardinal Bellarmine now, think you, unto these testimonies of the Fathers? I say (saith he, not knowing indeed what he saith, nor whereof he affirmeth) that they do speak against the errors of the Gentiles, who of wicked men did make true God's; and did offer sacrifices unto them. wherein you may discern the just hand of God, confounding the man's wits, that would thus abuse his learning to the upholding of Idolatry. For had he been here his own man, and not been strangely overtaken with the spirit of slumber, he could no possibly have failed so foully, as to reckon the Angels & the Saints, & the very mother of God herself (of whom these Fathers do expressly speak) in the number of those wicked persons whom the Gentiles did take for their God's. And here also out of Epiphanius we may further observe, who were the masters, or the mistresses rather (for this was the women's heresy) from whom our Romanists did first learn their Hyperdulîa, or that transcendent kind of service wherewith they worship the Virgin Mary. namely, the Collyridians: so called from the Collyrides or cakes, which at a certain time of the year they used to offer unto the blessed Virgin. against whom Epiphanius doth thus oppose himself. What Scripture hath delivered anything, concerning this? Which of the Prophets have permitted a man to be worshipped, that I may not say a woman? For a choice vessel she is indeed; but yet a woman. Let Mary be in honor; but let the Father and the Son and the holy Ghost be worshipped: let no man worship Mary. This mystery is appointed, I do not say for a woman, nor yet for a man neither, but for God: the Angels themselves are not capable of such kind of glorifying. Let none eat of this error touching holy Mary. for although the tree be beautiful, yet is it not for meat: and although Mary be most excellent, and holy, and to be honored, yet is she not to be worshipped. The body of Mary was holy indeed, but not God: the Virgin indeed was a virgin and honorable; but not given unto us for adoration, but one that did her self worship him who was borne of her in the flesh and came from heaven out of the bosom of his Father.
Thus did this learned Father labor to cut the roots of this Idolatrous heresy, when it first began to take hold of the feminine sex: animating all that were of masculine spirits to the extirpatiō thereof, in this manner. Go to then, ye servants of God, let us put on a manlike mind, and beat down the madness of these women. But when this disease afterwards had gotten a farther spredd, and had once thoroughly seized upō men as well as women: it is a most wonderful thing to consider, into what extremity this frenzy brake out; after the time of Satan's loosing especially. For then there wanted not such as would interpret that speech of the Angel unto the holy Virgin, Hail full of grace, the Lord is with thee ; of the equality of her Empire with her Sons. as if it had been said. Even as he, so thou also dost enjoy the same most excellent dignity of ruling. In the redundance and effusion of grace upon the creatures, the Lord's power and will is so accommodated unto thine, that thou mayest seem to be the first in that, both diadem, and tribunal. The Lord is with thee: not so much thou with the Lord, as the Lord with thee, in that function. Then it was taught for good Divinity, that from the time wherein the Virgin mother did conceive in her womb the Word of God, she hath obtained such a kind of jurisdiction (so to speak) or authority in all the temporal procession of the holy Ghost; that no creature hath obtained any grace or virtue from God, but according to the dispensation of his holy mother. that, because she is the mother of the son of God who doth produce the holy Ghost; therefore all the gifts, virtues, and graces of the holy Ghost are by her hands administered, to whom she pleaseth, when she pleaseth, how she pleaseth, and as much as she pleaseth. That she hath singularly obtained of God this office from eternity; as her self doth testify Proverb. 8.23. I was ordained from everlasting, namely, a dispenser of celestial graces ; and that in this respect, Cantic. 7.4. it is said of her: Thy neck is as a tower of Yvorie. because that as by the neck the vital spirits do descend from the head into the body; so by the Virgin the vital graces are transmitted from Christ the head into his mystical body: the fullness of grace being in him as in the head from whence the influence cometh, & in her as in the neck through which it is transfused unto us. so that take away the patronage of the Virgin, you stop as i • were the sinners breath, that he is not able to live any longer.
Then men stuck not to teach, that unto her all power was given in heaven and in earth. So that for heaven, when our Savior ascended thither, this might be assigned for one reason (among others) why he left his mother behind him: least perhaps the court of Heaven might have been in a doubt, whom they should rather go to meet, their Lord or their Lady. & for earth, she may rightly apply unto her self that in the first of Ezra; All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord given unto me. and we may say unto her again, that in Tobi 14. Thy kingdom endureth for all ages: and in the 144. or 145 Psalm; Thy kingdom is a kingdom of all ages. That howsoever she was the noblest person that was or ever should be in the world, and of so great perfection, that although she had not been the mother of God, she ought nevertheless to have been the Lady of the world: yet according to the laws whereby the world is governed, by the right of inheritance she did deserve the principality and kingdom of this world. That Christ never made any legacy of this Monarchy: because that could not be done without the prejudice of his mother; and he knew besides, that the mother could make void the Testament of the son, if it were made unto her prejudice. And therefore that by all this it appeareth most evidently, that Mary the mother of Jesus, by right of inheritance hath the regal dominion over all that be under God. That as many creatures do serve the glorious Virgin Mary, as serve the Trinity. namely all creatures, whatsoever degree they hold among the things created (whether they be spiritual as Angels, or rational as men, or corporal as the Heavenly bodies or the Elements) and all things that are in Heaven and in Earth, whether they be the damned or the blessed: all which being brought under the government of God, are subject likewise unto the glorious Virgin. for as much as he who is the son of God and of the blessed Virgin, being willing as it were to equal in some sort his Mothers sovereignty unto the sovereignty of his Father; even he who was God, did serve his mother upon earth. Whence Luke 2.51. it is written of the Virgin and glorious Joseph: He was subject unto them. that as this proposition is true; All things are subject to God's command, even the Virgin her self: so this again is true also; All things are subject to the command of the Virgin, even God himself. that, considering the blessed Virgin is the mother of God and God is her son, and every son is naturally inferior to his mother and subject unto her, and the mother hath preeminence and is superior to her son; it therefore followeth that the blessed Virgin is superior to God, and God himself is subject unto her, in respect of the manhood which he assumed from her. that howsoever she be subject unto God inasmuch as she is a creature; yet is she said to be superior and preferred before him, inasmuch as she is his mother.
Then men were put in mind, that by sinning after Baptism they seemed to contemn and despise the passion of Christ: and so that no sinner doth deserve that Christ should anymore make intercession for him to the Father; without whose intercession none can be delivered either from the eternal punishment or the temporal, nor from the fault which he hath voluntarily committed. And therefore that it was necessary, that Christ should constitute his well-beloved Mother a Mediatrix betwixt us and him. and so in this our pilgrimage, there is no other refuge left unto us in our tribulations and adversities, but to have recourse unto the Virgin Mary our mediatrix; that she would appease the wrath of her Son. That as He is ascended into heaven, to appear in the sight of God for men ; (Hebr. 9.24.) so She ought to ascend thither, to appear in the sight of her Son for sinners: that so mankind might have always before the face of God a Help like unto Christ for the procuring of his salvation. That this Empresse is of so great authority in the palace of Heaven, that it is lawful to appeal unto her from any grievance, all other intermediall Saints omitted. for howsoever according to the Civil law the due mean must be observed in Appeales: yet in her the style of the Canon law is observed, wherein the Pope is appealed unto, any intermediall whatsoever omitted. That she is a Chancellor in the Court of heaven: and giveth letters of mercy only in this present life; but for the souls that depart from hence, unto some letters of pure gra • e, unto others of simple justice, and unto some mixed of justice and grace. For some (say they) were much devoted unto her: and unto them she giveth letters of pure grace, whereby she commandeth glory to be given them without any pain of Purgatory. Others were miserable sinners and not devoted to her: and unto them she giveth letters of simple justice, whereby she commandeth that condign punishment be taken of them. Others were lukewarm and remiss in devotion: and unto them she giveth letters of justice and grace together; whereby she commandeth that both favor be done unto them, and yet some pain of Purgatory be inflicted upon them for their negligence and sluggishness. And these things they say are signified in Queen Esther; who wrote letters that the Jews should be saved, and the enemies should be killed, and to the poor small gifts should be given. Yea further also, where King Ahasuerus did profer unto the said Esther even the half of his Kingdom : (Esth▪ 5.3.) thereby they say was signified that God bestowed half of his kingdom upon the blessed Virgin. that having Justice and Mercy as the chiefest goods of his Kingdom, he retained Justice unto himself, and granted mercy unto her. & therefore that if a man do find himself aggrieved in the court of God's justice, he may appeal to the court of mercy of his mother: (she being that throne of grace, whereof the Apostle speaketh, Hebr. 4.16. Let us go boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may receive mercy, and find grace to help in time of need.
They tell us, that it is for the ornament of an earthly kingdom, that it should have both a King & a Queen: and therefore when any King hath not a wife his subjects often do request him to take one. Hereupon they say, that the eternal King and omnipotent Emperor minding to adorn the kingdom of heaven above, did frame this blessed Virgin, to the end he might make her the Lady and Empresse of his kingdom and empyre: that the prophecy of David might be verified, saying unto her in the Psalm; Upon thy right hand did stand the Queen in clothing of gold. That she is an Empresse, because she is the spouse of the eternal Emperor; of whō it is said, John. 3.29. He that hath the bride is the bridegroom. and that when God did deliver unto her the empyre of the world and all the things contained therein; he said unto her that which we read in the first of the Aeneids:
They tell us, that the blessed Virgin her self appeared once unto Thomas Becket, & used this speech unto him. Rejoice and be glad, and be joyful with me: because my glory doth excel the dignity and joy of all the Saints & all the blessed spirits; & I alone have greater glory than all the Angels and Saints together. Rejoice, because that as the Sun doth enlighten the day and the world, so my brightness doth enlighten the whole celestial world. Rejoice, because the whole hoaste of heaven obeyeth me, reverenceth and honoreth me. Rejoice, because my Son is always obedient unto me, and my will, and all my prayers he always heareth. (or as others do relate it: The will of the blessed Trinity and mine is one and the same; and whatsoever doth please me, the whole Trinity with unspeakable favor doth give consent unto.) Rejoice, because God doth always at my pleasure reward my servitors in this world and in the world to come. Rejoice, because I fit next to the holy Trinity, and am clothed with my body glorified. Rejoice, because I am certain and sure, that these my joys shall always stand and never be finished or • ail. And whosoever by rejoicing with these spiritual joys shall woe • ship me in this world, at the time of the dep • rture of his soul out of the body he shall obtain my presence: and I will deliver his soul from the malignant enemies, and present it in the sight of my Son, that it may possess joys with me. They tell us, that many ( many whores for example, that would not sin on Saturday, for the reverence of the Virgin ; whatsoever they did on the Lord's day) seem to have the blessed Virgin in greater veneration than Christ her son; moved thereunto out of simplicity more than out of knowledge. Yet that the Son of God doth bear with the simplicity of these men and women: because he is not ignorant, that the honor of the mother doth redound to the child (Prov. 17.6.) They argue further, that if a Cardinal have this privilege, that if he put his cap upon the head of one that is led unto justice, he is freed thereby: then by an argument drawn from the stronger, the cloak of the blessed Virgin is able to deliver us frō all evil. her mercy being so large, that if she should see any man who did devoutly make her Crown (that is to say, repeat the Rosarie or Chaplet of prayers made for her worship) to be drawn unto punishment in the midst of a thousand Devils; she would presently rescue him, & not permit that any one should have an evil end, who did study reverētly to make her Crown. They add moreover, that for every of these Crowns a man shall obtain 273758. days of Indulgence: and that Pope Sixtus the fourth granted an indulgence of twelve thousand years for every time that a man in the state of grace should repeat this short orizon or salutation of the Virgin, which by many is inserted into her Crown. Hayle most holy Mary, the mother of God, the Queen of heaven, the gate of Paradise, the Lady of the world. Thou art a singular and pure virgin: thou didst conceive Christ without sin: thou didst bear the creator and savior of the world, in whom I do not doubt. Deliver me from all evil, and pray for my sins. Amen.
In the Crown composed by Bonaventure, this is one of the orizons that is prescribed to be said. O. Empresse and our most kind Lady, by the authority of a mother command thy most beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would vouchsafe to lift up our minds from the love of earthly things unto heavenly desires. which is suitable unto that versicle which we read in the 35. Psalm, of his Ladies Psalter. Incline the countenance of God upon us: compel him to have mercy upon sinners. the harshenesse whereof our Romanists have a little qualified in some of their editions, reading thus, Incline the countenance of thy Son upon us: compel him by thy prayers to have mercy upon us sinners. The psalms of this Psalter do all of them begin as David's do: but with this main difference, that where the Prophet in the one aimeth at the advancement of the honor of our Lord, the Friar in the other applieth all to the magnifying of the power and goodness of our Lady. So in the first Psalm: Blessed is the man (quoth Bonaventure) that loveth thy name, O Virgin Marie: thy grace shall comfort his soul. & in the others following. Lady, how are they multiplied that trouble me? with thy tempest shalt thou persecute and scatter them. Lady, suffer me not to be rebuked in the fury of God; nor to be judged in his wrath. My Lady, in thee have I put my trust: deliver me from mine enemies, O Lady. In our Lady put I my trust; for the sweetness of the mercy of her name. How long wilt thou forget me, O Lady, and not deliver me in the day of tribulation? Preserve me, O Lady, for in thee have I put my trust: and imparte unto me the drops of thy grace. I will love thee, O Lady of heaven and earth: and I will call upon thy name among the nations. The heavens declare thy glory: and the fragrance of thine ointments is spread among the nations. Hear us, Lady, in the day of trouble: and turn thy merciful face unto our prayers. Unto thee, O Lady, have I lifted up my soul: in the judgment of God, by thy prayers, I shall not be ashamed. Judge me, Lady, for I have departed from mine innocence: but because I will trust in thee, I shall not be weakened. In thee, O Lady, have I put my trust, let me never be confounded: in thy favor receive me Blessed are they whose hearts do love thee, ô virgin Marie: their sins by thee shall mercifully be washed away. Lady, judge those that hurt me: and rise up against them, and plead my cause. Waiting have I waited for thy grace: and thou hast done unto me according to the multitude of the mercy of thy name. Lady, thou art our refuge in all our necessities; and the powerful strength treading down the enemy. Have mercy upon me, O Lady, who art called the mother of mercy; and according to the bowels of thy mercies, cleanse me from all mine iniquities. Save me, Lady, by thy name; and deliver me from mine unrighteousness. Have mercy upon me, O Lady, have mercy upon me: because my heart is prepared to search out thy will; and in the shadow of thy wings will I rest. Let Marie arise, and let her enemies be scattered: let them all be troaden down under her feet. In thee, O Lady, have I put my trust, let me never be put to confusion: deliver me in thy mercy, and cause me to escape. Give the King thy judgment, O God, and thy mercy to the Queen his mother. Lady, the gentiles are come into the inheritance of God: whom thou by thy merits hast confederated unto Christ. Thy mercies, O Lady, will I sing forever. God is the Lord of revenges: but thou the mother of mercy dost bow him to take pity. O come, let us sing unto our Lady: let us make a joyful noise to Mary our Queen that brings salvation. O sing unto our Lady a new song: for she hath done marvelous things. O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good: give thanks unto his mother, for her mercy endureth forever. Lady, despise not my praise: and vouchsafe to accept this Psalter which is dedicated unto thee. The Lord said unto our Lady: sit thou, my mother, at my right hand. They that trust in thee, O mother of God, shall not fear from the face of the enemy. Except our Lady build the house of our heart: the building thereof will not continue. Blessed are all they who fear our Lady: and blessed are all they who know to do thy will, and thy good pleasure. Out of the deep have I cried unto thee, O Lady: Lady, hear my voice. Lady, remember David, and all that call upon thy name. O give thanks unto the Lord, because he is good: because by his most sweet mother the virgin Mary is his mercy given. Blessed be thou, O Lady, which teachest thy servants to war; and strengthenest them against the enemy. and so the last Psalm is begun with, Praise our Lady in her Saints; praise her in her virtues and miracles: and ended accordingly, with, Omnis spiritus laudet Dominam nostram. Let every spirit (or, everything that hath breath) praise our Lady.
To this we may adjoin the Psalter of the salutations of the Virgin, framed by John Peckham archbishop of Canterbury, which is not yet printed. His preface he beginneth thus:
All which I do lay down thus largely, not because I take any delight in rehearsing those things, which deserve rather to be buried in everlasting oblivion: but first, that the world may take notice, what kind of monster is nourished in the Papacie under that strange name of Hyperdulia : the bare discovery whereof, I am persuaded, will prevail as much with a mind that is touched with any zeal of God's honor, as all other arguments and authorities whatsoever. secondly, that such unstable souls as look back unto Sodom, and have a lust to return unto Egypt again, may be advised to look a little into this sink, and consider with themselves whether the steam that ariseth from thence be not so noisome, that it is not to be endured by one that hath any sense left in him of pierie. and thirdly, that such as be established in the present truth, may be thankful to God for this great mercy vouchsafed unto them, and mak • this still one part of their prayers. From all Romish Dulîa and Hyperdulîa, good Lord deliver us.
OF IMAGES.
WIth prayer to Saints our Challenger joineth the use of holy Images: which what it hath been and still is in the Church of Rome, seeing he hath not been pleased to declare unto us in particular, I hope he will give us leave to learn from others. It is the doctrine then of the Roman Church, that the Images of Christ and the Saints should with pious Religion be worshipped by Christians: saith Zacharias Boverius the Spanish fryar, in his late Consultation directed to our most noble Prince Charles, the Hope of the Church of England, and the future felicity of the World ; as even this Balaam himself doth style him. The representations of God, and of Christ, and of Angels, and of Saints, are not only painted that they may be shown, as the Cherubims were of old in the Temple, but that they may be adored; as the frequent use of the Church doth testify: saith Cardinal Cajetan. So Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canterbury, in his Provincial Council held at Oxford in the year 1408. established this Constitution following. * From henceforth let it be taught commonly and preached by all, that the Cross and the Image of the Crucifix and the rest of the Images of the Saints, in memory and honor of them whom they figure, as also their places and Relickes, ought to be worshipped with processions, bendings of the knee, bowings of the body, incensings, kissings, offerings, lighting of candles, and pilgrimages; together with all other manners and forms whatsoever, as hath been accustomed to be done in our or our predecessors times. And in the Roman Catechism set out by the appointment of the Council of Trent, the Parish priest is required to declare unto his parishioners, not only that it is lawful to have images in the Church, and to give honor and worship unto them, (for as much as the honor which is done unto them, is referred unto the things which they represent) but also that this hath still been done to the great good of the faithful. and that the Images of the Saints are put in Churches, as well that they may be worshipped, as that we being admonished by their example, might conform ourselves unto their life and manners.
Now for the manner of this worship, we are told by one of their Bishops; that it must not only be confessed, that the faithful in the Church do adore before the Images (as some peradventure would cautelously speak) but also adore the Image it self, without what scruple you will: yea they do reverence it with the same worship, wherewith they do the thing that is represented thereby. Wherefore (saith he) if that ought to be adored with Latrîa (or, divine worship) this also is to be adored with Latrîa; if with Dulîa or Hyperdulîa, this likewise is to be adored with the same kind of worship. And so we see that Thomas Aquinas doth directly conclude; that the same reverence is to be given unto the Image of Christ and to Christ himself: and by consequence, seeing Christ is adored with the adoration of Latría (or, divine worship) that his image it to be adored with the adoration of Latrîa. Upon which place of Thomas, Friar Pedro de Cabrera, a great Master of Divinity in Spain, doth lay down these conclusions. I. It is simply and absolutely to be said, that holy Images are to be worshipped, in Churches & • ut of Churches: and the contrary is an heretical doctrine. for explication whereof he declareth, that by this worshipping he meaneth; that signs of service and submission are to be exhibited unto Images, by embracing, lights, oblation of incense, uncovering of the head, &c. and that this conclusion is a doctrine of faith collected out of the holy Scripture; by which it appeareth, that things created yea although they be senseless, so that they be consecrated unto God, are to be adored. II. Images are truly and properly to be adored; and out of an intention to adore themselves, and not only the samplers that are represented in them. This conclusion (which he maketh to be the common resolution of the Divines of that side) he opposeth against Durand & his followers: who held that Images are adored only improperly, because they put men in mind of the persons represented by them; who are then adored before the images, as if they had been there really present. But this opinion he saith is censured by the latter Divines to be dangerous, rash, and savouring of heresy: yea and by Fr. Victoria to be plainly heretical. For if Images be adored only improperly, they are not to be adored simply & absolutely: which is a manifest heresy ; saith Cabrera. And if Images were only to be worshipped by way of rememoration and recordation, because they make us remember the samplers, which we do so worship, as if they had been then present: it would follow that all creatures should be adored with the same adoration, wherewith we worship God; seeing all of them do lead us unto the knowledge and remembrance of God, and God is present in all things. III. The doctrine delivered by Thomas, that the Image and the sampler represented by it is to be worshipped with the same act of adoration; is most true, most pious, and very consonant to the decrees of Faith. This he saith is the doctrine not only of Thomas, and of all his disciples, but also of all the old School-men almost. and particularly he quoteth for it, Cajetan, Capreolus, Paludanus, Ferrariensis, Antonius, Soto, Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Richardus de Mediavilla, Dionysius Carthusianus, Major, Masilius, Thomas Waldensis, Turrecremata, Angestus, Clichtoveus, Turrian and Vazquez. In a word; it is the constant judgment of Divines, (saith Azorius the Jesuit) that the Image is to be honored and worshipped with the same honor and worship, wherewith that is worshipped whereof it is an image.
Against this use, or rather horrible abuse of Images, to what purpose should we heap up any testimonies of holy Scripture; if the words of the second commandment, uttered with God's own mouth with thundering and lightning upon mount Sinai, may not be heard? Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven Image, nor the likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the water under the earth: Thou shalt not bow down to them, nor worship them. Which thunderclap from heaven the guides of the Romish Church discerning to threaten sore that fearful Idolatry which daily they commit; thought fit in wisdom, first to conceal the knowledge of this from the people, by excluding those words out of the Decalogue that went abroad for common use, under pretence (forsooth) of including it in the first Commandment: and then afterwards to put this conceit into men's heads, that this first commandment was so far from condemning the veneration of Images, that it commanded the same, and condemned the contrary neglect thereof. And therefore Laurence Vaux in his Catechism, unto this Question; Who breaketh the first Commandment of God by unreverence of God? frameth this Answer. They that do not give due reverence to God, and his Saints, or to their Relickes and IMAGES. and Jacobus de Graffijs in his explication of the same Commandment specifieth the due reverence here required, more particularly. namely, that we should reverence every Image with the same worship that we do him whose image it is. that is to say, that we impart Latrîa (or, divine worship) to the Image of God; or of Christ, or to the sign of the Cross also, in as much as it bringeth the Passion of our Lord unto our mind: and that we use the adoration of Hyperdulîa at the Image of the holy Virgin, but of Dulìa at the Images of other Saints. And can there be found (think you) among men, a more desperate impudency then this? that not only the practice of this wretched Idolatry should be maintained against the express commandment of almighty God; but also that he himself should be made the author and commander of it, even in that very place where he doth so severely forbid it, and reveal his wrath from heaven against the ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, which withhold the truth in unrighteousness. The miserable shifts and silly evasions, whereby they labor to obscure the light of this truth, have been detected by others to the full, and touched also in some part by myself in an other place: where I have shown out of Deuteronom. 4.15, 16. and Rom. 1.23. that the adoring of the very true God himself in or by an Image, cometh within the compass of that Idolatry which the word of God condemneth. And to this truth do the Fathers of the ancient Church give plentiful testimony: in what great account soever our Challenger would have us think that the use of Images was with them.
Indeed in so great account was the use of Images among them; that in the ancientest and best times, Christians would by no means permit them to be brought into their Churches; nay some of them would not so much as admit the art it self of making them: so jealous were they of the danger, and careful of the prevention of the deceit, whereby the simple might any way be drawn on to the adoring of them. We are plainly forbidden, saith Clemens Alexandrinus, to exercise that deceitful art. For the Prophet saith; Thou shalt not make the likeness of anything, either in the heaven or in the earth beneath. Moses commandeth men, to make no Image, that should represent God by art. For in truth an Image is a dead matter, formed by the hand of an artificer. But we have no sensible Image made of any sensible matter, but such an Image as is to be conceived with the understanding. So his scholar Origen, writing against Celsus the philosopher: Who having his right wits (saith he) will not laugh at him, who after such great philosophical discourses of God or God's, doth look on Images; and either presenteth his prayer to them, or by the sight thereof offereth it to him who is conceived thereby, unto whom he imagineth that he ought to ascend from that which is seen and is but a sign or symbol of him? And whereas Celsus had brought in that speech of Heraclîtus ; They pray unto these Images, as if a man should enter into conference with his house: and demanded; Whether any man unless he were a very child, did think these things to be God's, and not monuments and images of the God's? Origen replieth, that it is not a thing possible, that one should know God, and pray to Images: and that Christians did not esteem these to be divine Images, who used not to describe any figure of God who was invisible and without all bodily shape ; nor could endure to worship God with any such kind of service as this was. In like manner, when the Gentiles demanded of the ancient Christians, why they had no known Images? Minutius Felix returneth them for answer again. What Image shall I make to God; when man himself, if thou rightly judge, is God's Image? These holy Images (saith Lactantius) which vain men serve, want all sense; because they are earth. Now who is there that understandeth not, that it is unfit for an upright creature to be bowed down, that he may worship the earth? which for this cause is put under our feet, that it may be trodden upon, not worshiped by us. Wherefore there is no doubt, that there is no religion, wheresoever there is an Image. For seeing Religion consisteth of divine things; and nothing divine is to be found but in heavenly things: Images therefore are void of religion; because nothing that is heavenly can be in that thing, which is made of earth.
When Adrian the Emperor had commanded that temples should be made in all cities without Images ; it was presently conceived, that he did prepare those temples for Christ : as Aelius Lampridius noteth in the life of Alexander Severus. which is an evident argument, that it was not the use of Christians in those days to have any Images in their Churches. And for keeping of Pictures out of the Church, the Canon of the Eliberine or Illiberitane Council (held in Spain, about the time of Constantine the great) is most plain. It is our mind, that pictures ought not to be in the Church; lest that which is worshipped or adored, should be painted on walls. which hath so troubled the minds of our latter Romanists; that Melchior Cano sticketh not to charge the Council not only with imprudencie, but also with impiety, for making such a law as this, The Gentiles (saith S. Ambrose) worship wood, because they think it to be the image of God: but the image of the invisible God is not in that which is seen, but in that which is not seen. God would not have himself worshipped in stones: saith the same Father in another place. and, The Church knoweth no vain ideaes and diverse figures of Images; but knoweth the true substance of the Trinity. So S. Jerome: We worship one Image, which is the image of the invisible and omnipotent God. and S. Augustine: In the first commandment, any similitude of God in the figments of men is forbidden to be worshipped. not because God hath not an image; but because no image of him ought to be worshipped, but that which is the same thing that he is, (Coloss. 1.15. Hebr. 1.3.) nor yet that for him, but with him. As for the representing of God in the similitude of a man: he resolveth, that it is utterly unlawful to erect any such image to God in a Christian Church. and touching the danger of Images in general, and the practice of the Church in this matter, thus he writeth. The Gentiles worship that, which they themselves have made of Gold and silver. But even we also have diverse instruments and vessels of the same matter or metal, for the use of celebrating the sacraments: which being consecrated by this very ministry are called holy, in honor of him who for our salvation is served thereby. And these instruments and vessels also, what are they else but the work of men's hands. Yet have these any mouth, and will not speak? have they eyes, and will not see? Do we supplicate unto these, because by these we supplicate unto God? That is the greatest cause of this mad impiety, that the form like unto one living which maketh it to be supplicated unto, doth more prevail in the affections of miserable men; than that it is manifest it doth not live at all, that it ought to be contemned by him who is indeed living. For Images prevail more to bow down the unhappy soul, in that they have a mouth, they have eyes, they have ears, they have nosthrilles, they have hands, they have feet; than to correct it, that they will not speak, they will not see, they will not hear, they will not smell, they will not handle, they will not walk. Thus far S. Augustine.
The speech of Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium to this purpose is memorable: We have no care to figure by colors the bodily visages of the Saints in tables, because we have no need of such things; but by virtue to imitate their conversation. but the fact of Epiphanius, rending the veil that hung in the Church of Anablatha, is much more memorable: which he himself in his epistle to John Bishop of Jerusalem (translated by S. Jerome out of Greek into Latin) doth thus recount. I found there a veil hanging at the door of the Church died and painted, and having the image as it were of Christ or some Saint: for I do not well remember, whose image it was. When therefore I saw this; that contrary to the authority of the Scriptures the image of a man was hanged up in the Church of Christ: I cut it, and gave counsel to the keepers of the place, that they should rather wrap and bury some poor dead man in it. and afterwards he entreateth the Bishop of Jerusalem (under whose government this Church was) to give charge hereafter, that such veils as these which are repugnant to our religion, should not be hanged up in the Church of Christ. Which agreeth very well with the sentence attributed to the same Father in the Council of Constantinople: Have this in mind beloved sons, not to bring Images into the Church, nor into the Coemiteries of the Saints, no not into an ordinary house: but always carry about the remembrance of God in your hearts. For it is not lawful for a Christian man to be carried in suspense by his eyes and the wanderings of his mind. and with his discourse against the heresy of the Collyridians, which made an Idol of the Virgin Mary (as in the former question hath more largely been declared.) to which he opposeth himself in this manner. How is not this course Idolatrous, and a Divelish practice? For the Devil stealing always into the mind of men under pretence of righteousness, deifying the mortal nature in the eyes of men, by variety of arts framed Images like unto men. And they truly who are worshipped are dead, but their Images that never yet were alive (for they cannot be said to be dead that never were alive) they bring in to be worshipped, by a mind going awhoring from the one and only God: as a common harlot, stirred with a wicked desire of promiscuous mixture, and rejecting the sobriety of the lawful marriage of one man.
If it be inquired who they were that first brought in this use of Images into the Church: it may well be answered, that they were partly lewd Heretics, partly simple Christians newly converted from Paganism, the customs whereof they had not as yet so fully unlearned. Of the former kind the Gnostique heretics were the principal: who had Images, some painted in colors, others framed of gold and silver and other matter; which they said were the representations of Christ, made under Pontius Pilate, when he was conversant here among men. Whence Carpocrates, and Marcellina his disciple (who brought this Idolatrous heresy first to Rome in the days of Pope Anicetus ) having privily made Images of Jesus, and Paul, and Homer, and Pythagoras, did cense them, and worship them: as Epiphanius and Augustine do report. To the latter that observation of Eusebius may be referred concerning the Image of Christ, thought to be erected by the woman that was cured of the bloody issue. It is no marvel (saith he) that those of the Heathen who of old were cured by our Savior should do such things: seeing we have seen the Images of his Apostles Paul and Peter, yea and of Christ himself, kept painted with colors, in tables: for that of old they have been wont by a Heathenish custom thus to honor them whom they counted to be their Benefactors or Savior's.
But by whomsoever they were first brought in, certain it is that they proved a dangerous snare unto the simple people, who quickly went a whooring after them: contrary to the doctrine which the Fathers & Doctors of the Church did deliver unto them. And therefore S. Augustine writing of the manners of the Catholic Church against the Manichees, directly severeth the case of such men from the common cause, and approved practice of the Catholic Church. Do not collect unto me (saith he) such professors of the name of Christ, as either know not or keep not the force of their profession. Do not bring in the companies of rude men, which either in the true religiō it self are superstitious, or so given unto their lusts that they have forgottē what they did promise unto God. Then for an instance of the first, he alledgeth that he himself did know many which were worshippers of graves and Pictures: and at last concludeth. Now this I advise you, that you cease to speak evil of the Catholic Church, by upbrayding it with the manners of those men, whom she her self condemneth, and seeketh every day to correct as naughty children. This also gave occasion to Serenus Bishop of Marsiles 200. years after, to break down the Images in his Church, when he found them to be thus abused: which fact of his though Pope Gregory disliked, because he thought that Images might profitably be retained as lay-men's books; yet in this he commended his zeal, that he would by no means suffer them to be worshipped. I certify you (saith he) that it came of late to our hearing, that your brotherhood, seeing certain worshippers of Images, did break the said Church-images and threw them away. And surely we commended you that you had that zeal, that nothing made with hands should be worshipped: but yet we judge that you should not have broken those images. For painting is therefore used in Churches, that they which are unlearned, may yet by sight read those things upon the walls, which they cannot read in books. Therefore your brotherhood ought, both to preserve the images, and to restrain the people from worshipping of them: that both the ignorant might have had, whence to gather the knowledge of the history; and the people might not sin in worshipping the picture.
There would be no end, if we should lay down at large the fierce contentions that afterwards arose in the Church touching this matter of Images: the Greek Emperors, Leo Isaurus, Constantine Caballinus, Nicephorus, Stauratius, Leo Armenus, Michael Balbus, Theophilus, and others, opposing them in the East; and on the other side, Gregory the second & third, Paul the first, Stephen the fourth, Adrian the first and second, Leo the third, Nicholas the first, & other Popes of Rome as stiffly upholding them in the West. In a Council of CCCXXXVIII. Bishops held at Constantinople in the year of our Lord 754. they were solemnly condemned: in another Council of CCCL. Bishops held at Nice in the year 787. they were advanced again, and the veneration of them as much commended. This base decree of the second Nicene Council, touching the adoration of Images, although it were not by the hundredth part so gross, as that which was afterwards invented by the Popish Schoolmen: yet was it rejected as repugnant to the doctrine of the Church of God; by the Princes and Bishops of England first, about the year 792. and by Charles the great afterward, and the Bishops of Italy, France & Germany, which by his appointment were gathered together in the Council of Frankford, the year of our Lord. 794.
The four books, which by his authority were published against that Nicene Synod, and the adoration of Images defended therein, are yet to be seen: as the Resolution also of the Doctors of France assembled at Paris by the command of his son Ludovicus Pius, in the year 824. and the book of Agobardus Bishop of Lions concerning Pictures and Images, written about the same time; the argument whereof is thus delivered by Papirius Massonus the setter out of it. Detecting most manifestly the errors of the Grecians touching images and pictures, he denieth that they ought to be worshipped: which opinion all we Catholics do allow; and follow the testimony of Gregory the great concerning them. This passage, together with the larger view of the contents of this Treatise following afterwards, the Spanish Inquisitors in their Index Expurgatorius command to be blotted out: which we find to be accordingly performed by the Divines of Cullen, in their late corrupt edition of the great Bibliothecke of the ancient Fathers. Gretser professeth, that he extremely wondereth, that this judgment of the book of Agobardus should proceed from a Catholic man. For Agobardus (saith he) in that w • ole book doth nothing else, but endeavor to demonstrate (although with a vain labor) that images are not to be worshipped. And who be these Grecians, whose errors touching images Agobardus doth refell, as this Publisher saith? Surely these Grecians are the Fathers of the Nicene Council, who decreed that Images should be adored and worshipped. Against whom whosoever disputeth, doth mainly dissent from right believers. To which blind censure of the Jesuit we may oppose, not only the general judgment of the ancient Almaines his own countrymen, who within these four or five hundred years did flatly disclayme this Image-worship (as by Nicetas Choniates is witnessed:) but also the testimony of the Divines and Historians of England, France, and Germany touching the Nicene Council in particular; rejecting it as a Pseudo-synod, because it concluded that Images should be worshipped: which thing (say our Chroniclers) the Church of God doth utterly detest. And yet for all that, we have news lately brought us from Rome: that it is most certain, and most assured, that the Christian Church, even the most Ancient, the Whole, and the Universal Church, did with wonderful consent, without any opposition or contradiction, worship statues and images. Which if the cauterized conscience of a wretched Apostate would give him leave to utter: yet the extreme shamelessenesse of the assertion might have withhelde their wisdoms whom he sought to please thereby, from giving him leave to publish it.
But it may be I seek for shamefastness, in a place where it is not be found: and therefore leaving them to their Images, like to like, (for they that make them are like unto them ; and so is everyone that trusteth in them ) I proceed from this point unto that which followeth.
OF FREE-WILL.
THat man hath Free-will, is not by us gainesayd: though we dare not give him so large a freedom as the Jesuits presume to do. Freedom of will we know doth as essentially belong unto a man, as reason it self: and he that spoileth him of that power, doth in effect make him a very beast. For this is the difference betwixt reasonable and unreasonable creatures: as Damascene rightly noteth. The unreasonable are rather led by nature, then themselves leaders of it: and therefore do they never contradict their natural appetite, but as soon as they affect anything, they rush to the prosecution of it. But man, being endued with reason, doth rather lead nature, then is led by it: and therefore being moved with appetite, if he will, he hath power to restrain his appetite, or to follow it. Hereby he is enabled to do the things which he doth, neither by a brute instinct of nature not ye • by any compulsion, but by advise and deliberation: the Mind first taking into consideration the grounds and circumstances of each action, & freely debating on either side what in this case were best to be done or not done; and then the Will inclining it self to put in execution the last and conclusive judgment of the practical Understanding. This liberty we acknowledge a man may exercise in all actions that are within his power to do: whether they be lawful, unlawful, or indifferent; whether done by the strength of nature or of grace. for even in doing the works of grace, our free-will suspendeth not her action, but being moved and guided by grace, doeth that which is fit for her to do: grace not taking away the liberty, which cometh by God's creation, but the pravitie of the Will, which ariseth from Mans corruption. In a word, as we condemn Agapius and the rest of that mad sect of the Manichees, for bringing in such a kind of necessity of sinning, whereby men were made to offend against their wills: so likewise with Polychronius and other men of understanding we defend, that virtue is a voluntary thing, and free from all necessity; and with the author of the books De vocatione Gentium (attributed unto Prosper ) we both believe and feel by experience that Grace is so powerful, that yet we conceive it no way to be violent.
But it is one thing to inquire of the nature, another to dispute of the strength and ability of Free-will. We say with Adamantius (in the Dialogues collected out of Maximus against the Marcionites ) that God made Angels and Men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : he endued them with freedom of Will, but not with ability to do all things. And now since the fall of Adam we say further, that freedom of Will remaineth still among men; but the ability which once it had, to perform spiritual duties and things pertaining to salvation, is quite lost and extinguished. For who is there of us (saith S. Augustine) which would say, that by the sin of the first Man Free-will is utterly perished from mankind? Freedom indeed is perished by sin: but that freedom which was in Paradise, of having full righteousness with immortality. for which cause Mans nature standeth in need of God's grace, according to the saying of our Lord; If the Son shall free you, then ye shall be free indeed: namely free to live well and righteously. For free-will is so far from having perished in the sinner; that by it they sin, all they especially who sin with delight, and for the love of sin, that pleaseth them which liketh them. When we deny therefore that a natural man hath any free-will unto good: by a natural man, we understand one that is without Christ, and destitute of his renewing grace; by free-will, that which the Philosophers call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a thing that is in our own power to do; and by good, a Theological not a Philosophical good, bonū vere spiritual & salutare, a spiritual good and tending to salvation. This then is the difference which God's word teacheth us to put, betwixt a regenerate & an unregenerate man. The one is alive unto God, through Jesus Christ our Lord ; and so enabled to yield himself unto God, as one that is alive from the dead, and his members as instruments of righteousness unto God: having his fruit unto holiness, and the end everlasting life. The other is a mere stranger from the life of God, dead in trespasses and sins ; and so no more able to lead a holy life acceptable unto God, then a dead man is to perform the actions of him which is alive.
He may live indeed the life of a natural and a moral man, and so exercise the freedom of his Will, not only in natural and civil, but also in moral actions, so far as concerneth external conformity unto those notions of good and evil that remain in his mind: (in respect whereof the very Gentiles themselves which have not the Law, are said to do by nature the things contained in the Law:) he may have such fruit, as not only common honesty and civility, but common gifts of God's spirit likewise will yield, and in regard thereof he may obtain of God temporal rewards appertaining to this transitory life, and a lesser measure of punishment in the world to come: yet until he be quickened with the life of grace, & married to him who is raised from the dead, he cannot bring forth fruit unto God, nor be accepted for one of his servants. This is the doctrine of our Savior himself, John. 15.4, 5. As the branch cannot bear fruit of it self, except it abide in the vine; no more can ye, except ye abide in me: I am the Vine, ye are the branches: He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruit: for without me ye can do NOTHING, that is, nothing truly good and acceptable unto God. This is the lesson that S. Paul doth everywhere inculcate. I know, that in me, that is in my flesh, dwelleth no good thing. The natural man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him: neither can he understand them, because they are spiritually discerned. Without faith it is impossible to please God. Unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure: but even their mind & conscience is defiled. Now seeing the end of the commandment is charity, out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned ; seeing the first beginning, from whence every good action should proceed, is a sanctified heart, the last end the seeking of God's glory, and faith working by love must intercurre betwixt both: the moral works of the unregenerate failing so foully both in the beginning, middle and end, are to be accounted breaches rather of the Commandment then observances, depravations of good works rather then performances. For howsoever these actions be in their own kind good and commanded of God, yet are they marred in the carriage, that which is bonum being not done been: and so though in regard of their matter they may be accounted good, yet for the manner they must be esteemed vicious.
The Pelagian heretics were wont here to object unto our forefathers (as the Romanists do now a days unto us) both the examples of the Heathen, who being strangers from the faith, did notwithstanding (as they said) abound with virtues : and S. Paul's testimony also concerning them, Rom. 2.14, 15. by which they labored to prove, that even such as were strangers from the faith of Christ, might yet have true righteousness; because that these, as the Apostle witnessed, naturally did the things of the Law. But will you hear how S. Augustine took up Julian the Pelagian, for making this ob • ection? Herein hast thou expressed more evidently that doctrine of yours, wherein you are enemies unto the grace of God which is given by Jesus Christ our Lord, who taketh away the sin of the world: bringing in a kind of men, which may please God without the faith of Christ, by the law of nature. This is it, for which the Christiā Church doth most of all detest you: & again. Be it far from us to think, that true virtue should be in any one, unless he were righteous. And as far, that one should be truly righteous, unless he did live by faith: for the just doth live by faith. Now which of them, that would have themselves accounted Christians, but the Pelagians alone, or even among them, perhaps thou thyself alone, would say that an infidel were righteous, would say that an ungodly man were righteous, would say that a man mancipated to the Devil were righteous? although he were Fabricius, although he were Fabius, although he were Scipio, although he were Regulus. And whereas Julian had further demanded: If a Heathen man do clothe the naked, because it is not of faith, is it therefore sin? Saint Augustine answereth absolutely, in as much as it is not of faith, it is sin: not because the fact considered in it self, which is to clothe the naked, is a sin; but of such a work not to glory in the Lord, none but an impious man will deny to be a sin. For howsoever, in it self, this natural compassion be a good work; yet he useth this good work amiss, that useth it unbeleevingly, and doth this good work amiss, that doth it unbeleevingly: but who so doth anything amiss, sinneth surely. From whence it is to be gathered, that even those good works which unbelievers do, are not theirs, but his who maketh good use of evil men: but that the sins are theirs, whereby they do good things amiss; because they do them not with a faithful, but with an unfaithful, that is, with a foolish and naughty will. Which kind of will no Christian doubteth to be an evil tree, which cannot bring forth but evil fruits, that is to say, sins only. For all that is not of faith, whether thou wilt or no, is sin. This and much more to the same purpose, doth Saint Augustine urge against the Heretike Julian: prosecuting at large that conclusion which he layeth down in his book of the Acts of the Palestine Council against Pelagius. How much soever the works of unbelievers be magnified, we know the sentence of the Apostle to be true and invincible; Whatsoever is not of faith is sin. Which maketh him also in his Retractations to correct himself, for saying in one place, That the Philosophers shined with the light of virtue, who were not endued with true piety.
The like sentence doth Saint Jerome pronounce against those, who not believing in Christ, did yet think themselves to be valiant and wise, temperate or just: that they might know that no man doth live without Christ, without whom all virtue is accounted vice. And Prosper against Cassianus, a Patron of the free-will of the Semi-Pelagians: It appeareth (saith he) most manifestly, that there dwelleth no virtue in the minds of the ungodly, but that all their works be unclean and polluted; who have wisdom not spiritual, but animal, not heavenly but earthly, not Christian, but Diabolical, not from the Father of light, but from the Prince of darkness; while by those very things which they should not have had but by God's giving, they are made subject to him, who did first fall from God. Neither ought we therefore to imagine, that the beginnings of virtues be in the treasures of nature, because many commendable things are found in the minds of ungodly men, which do proceed indeed from nature; but because they have departed from him that made nature, cannot be accounted virtues. For that which is illuminated with the true light, is light; and that which wanteth that light, is night: because the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God. And so that is vice, which is thought to be virtue: as that is foolishness, which is thought to be wisdom. Hitherto also pertaineth that sentence, produced by him out of S. Augustine's works: The whole life of unbelievers is sin; and there is nothing good without the chiefest good. For where there is wanting the acknowledgement of the eternal and unchangeable truth, there is false virtue even in the best manners. Which he elegantly expresseth in verse, as well in his 81. Epigramme, as in his Poëme against the Pelagians, wherein of natural wisdom he writeth thus:
The Author of the book De Vocatione Gentium (by some wrongly attributed to S. Ambrose, to Prosper by others) delivereth the same doctrine in these words:
Although there have been some who by their natural understanding have endeavored to resist vices; yet have they only barrenly adorned this temporal life, but not profited at all unto true virtues and everlasting bliss. For without the worship of the true God, even that which seemeth to be virtue is sin: neither can any man please God, without God. And he that doth not please God, whom doth he please but himself and the Devil? By whom when man was spoiled, he was deprived not of his will, but of the sanity of his will. Therefore if God do not work in us, we can be partakers of no virtue. For without this good, there is nothing good; without this light, there is nothing lightsome; without this wisdom, there is nothing sound; without this righteousness, there is nothing right. So Fulgentius, in his book of the Incarnation and Grace of Christ. If unto some who did know God, and yet did not glorify him as God, that knowledge did profit nothing unto salvation: how could they be just with God, which do so keep some goodness in their manners and works, that yet they refer it not unto the end of Christian faith and charity? In whom there may be indeed some good things that appertain to the equity of human society: but because they are not done by the love of God, profit they cannot. And Maxentius in the Confessio • of his Faith: We believe that natural Free-will hath ability to nothing else, but to discern and desire carnal or secular things only; which not with God, but with m • n peradventure may seem glorious: but for the things that pertain to everlasting life, that it can neither think, nor will, nor desire, nor effect, but by the infusion and inward operation of the Holy Ghost. and Cassiodorus, in his exposition of the Psalms. On the evil part indeed there is an execrable freedom of the will, that the sinner may forsake his Creator, and convert himself to wicked vices: but on the good part, by Adams sinning, we have lost free-will, unto which otherwise than by the grace of Christ we cannot return: according to the saying of the Apostle; It is God which worketh in you, both to will and to do, of his good pleasure. (Philip. 2.13.)
The first presumptuous advancer of free-will, contrary to the doctrine anciently received in the Church, is by Vicentius Lirinensis noted to be Pelagius the heretic. For whoever (saith he) before that profane Pelagius, presumed the virtue of free-will to be so great; that he did not think the grace of God to be necessary for the helping of it in good things at every act? For maintaining of which ungodly opinion, both he and his disciple Celestius were condemned by the censure of the CCXLIII. Bishops assembled in the great Council of Carthage (anno Dom. 418.) until they should acknowledge by a most open confession, that by the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord, we are holpen not only to know but also to do righteousness at every act: so that without it we can have, think, say, do, nothing that belongeth to true and holy piety. Wherewith Pelagius being pressed, stuck not to make this profession: Anathema to him, who either thinketh or saith, that the grace of God, whereby Christ came into this world to save sinners, is not necessary, not only at every hour or every moment, but also at every act of ours: and they who go about to take away this, are worthy to suffer everlasting punishment. Four books also did he publish in defense of Freewill ; to which he thus referreth his adversaries, for further satisfaction in this matter: Let them read the late work, which we were forced to set out the other day for Free-will; and they shall perceive how unjustly they go about to defame us with the denial of Grace, who throughout the whole context almost of that work do perfectly and entirely confess both Free-will and Grace. Yet for all this he did but equivocate in the name of Grace: under an ambiguous generality hiding what he thought, but by the term of Grace breaking the envy, and declining the offense which might be taken at his doctrine, as S. Augustine well observeth. For, by Grace, he did not understand, as the Church did in this question, the infusion of a new quality of holiness into the soul, whereby it was regenerated, and the will of evil made good: but first, the possibility of nature, that is to say, the natural freedom of will which everyone hath received from God by virtue of the first creation. Against which S. Augustine thus opposeth himself: Why is there so much presumed of the possibility of nature? It is wounded, it is maimed, it is vexed, it is lost. It hath need of a true confession, not of a false defense. And Prosper, speaking of the state of man's free-will after Adams fall;
Secondly, by grace he understood the grace of doctrine and instruction, whereby the mind was informed in the truth out of the word of God. Which by Prosper is thus objected to his followers:
Unto whom S. Augustine therefore saith well: Let them read and understand, let them behold and confess, that not by the law and doctrine sounding outwardly, but by an inward and hidden, by a wonderful and unspeakable power, God doth work in the hearts of men, not only true revelations, but good wills also. And thereupon the African Fathers in the Council of Carthage, enacted this Canon. Whosoever shall say, that the grace of God by Jesus Christ our Lord, doth for this cause only help us not to sin, because by it the understanding of the commandments is revealed and opened unto us, that we may know what we ought to affect, what to shun; & that by it there is not wrought in us, that we may also love and be enabled to do that, which we know should be done; let him be anathema. Thirdly, under this grace he comprehended not only the external revelation by the word, but also the internal by the illumination of God's Spirit. Whereupon he thus riseth up against his adversary. We confess that this grace is, not (as thou thinkest) in the Law only, but in the help of God also. For God doth help us by his doctrine and revelation, whilst he openeth the eyes of our hearts; whilst he showeth us things to come, that we be not holden with things present; whilst he discovereth the snares of the Devil; whilst he enlighteneth us with the manifold and unspeakable gift of his heavenly grace. He that saith these things, doth he seem unto thee to deny grace? or doth he confess, both the free-will of man, and the grace of God too? And yet in all this (as S. Augustine rightly noteth) he doth but confess that grace, whereby God doth show and reveal what we ought to do; not that, whereby he doth grant and help that we may do. And therefore, in other places of his writings he plainly affirmeth, that our very prayers are to be used for nothing but this, that the doctrine may be opened unto us by divine revelation; not that the mind of man may be holpen, that he may also accomplish by love and action that which he hath learned should be done. Fourthly, to these he further added the grace of remission of sins. For the Pelagians said, that man's nature which was made with free-will, might be sufficient to enable us, that we might not sin, and that we might fulfill righteousness: and that this is the grace of God, that we were so made that we might do this by our will, and that he hath given us the help of his law and commandments, and that he doth pardon the sins past to those that are converted unto him: that in these things only the grace of God was to be acknowledged, and not in the help given unto all our singular actions. And so they said, that that grace of God which is given by the faith of Jesus Christ, which is neither law nor nature, is effectual only to his, that sins past may be remitted, not that sins to come may be avoided, or when they make resistance may be vanquished. Whereupon S. Augustine thus encountreth Julian the Pelagian heretic. Thou (according to your custom, which descendeth from your error) dost not acknowledge grace, but in the remission of sins; that now from henceforth a man himself by his free-will may make himself righteous. But so saith not the Church, which all crieth that which it hath learned from a good master: Lead us not into temptation.Lastly, this was the common doctrine of the Pelagians, and accounted to be one of the principal blasphemies of that sect: that they held the grace of God to be given according to men's merits. Which was so abhorring from the Catholic doctrine, and opposite to the grace of Christ, that when it was objected to Pelagius in the Diospolitan Synod, held in Palaestina by the Bishops of the East, he durst not avow it; but was forced to accurse it, lest otherwise he should have been accursed himself. But that he deceitfully cursed it, the books wri • ten by him afterwards do show; wherein he defendeth nothing else, but that the grace of God is given according to our merits. which Prosper treading in S. Augustine's steps, doth thus express:
But that at which they all aimed in general was this, that Grace was only a kind of Mistress to Free-will; and that by exhortations, by the law, by doctrine, by the creatures, by contemplation, by miracles, and by terrors outwardly, it shown it self to the judgment thereof: whereby every man according to the motion of his will, if he did seek, might find; if he did ask, might receive; if he did knock, might enter in. And thus (saith Pelagius) doth God work in us to will that which is good, to will that which is holy; whilst finding us given to earthly lusts, and like brute beasts affecting only present things, he inflameth us with the greatness of the glory to come, and with promise of rewards; whilst by the revelation of his wisdom he raiseth up our stupefied will to the desire of God; whilst he persuadeth us to all that good is. To this instructing and persuading grace doth Pelagius attribute the exciting of the Will: but the converting of it unto God (which followeth afterward) he ascribeth wholly to the freedom of the will it self. He that runneth unto God, (saith he) and desireth to be ruled by God, hanging his will upon God's will; he who by adhering unto him continually, is made, according to the Apostle, one spirit with him: doth not this but out of the freedom of his will. Which freedom who so useth aright, doth so commit himself wholly to God, and mortifieth all his own will, that he may say with the Apostle; I live now, yet not I, but Christ liveth in me: and doth put his heart into God's hand, that God may incline it whither it shall please him. Here have you the full platform laid down of Pelagius his doctrine touching the conversion of a sinner. First, he supposeth a possibility in nature; whereby a man may will and do good. secondly, a corruption in act; whereby a man doth will and do the contrary. thirdly, an exciting grace from God; whereby the mind is enlightened, and the will persuaded (upon consideration of the promises and threats propounded) to forsake that lewd course of life, and to will and do the things that are good and holy. fourthly, an act of the free-will, thus prepared by God's exciting grace: whereby a man (without any further help from God) doth voluntarily yield unto these good motions; and so runneth unto God, desireth to be ruled by him, hangeth his will upon God's will, and by adhering unto him is made one spirit with him. fifthly, an assisting grace; whereby God guideth the will thus converted, and inclineth the heart whither it pleaseth him.
We see three kinds of Grace here commended unto us by Pelagius. the first, a natural grace (as he fondly termed it) bringing with it a bare possibility only to will and do good: which he said was not given according to merits, because he held it to be given at the very beginning of man's being, before which he could not possibly merit anything. the second, an ex • iting or persuading grace, imparted unto such as were given to earthly lusts, and like brute beasts affected only present things ; who being in that case, were far from meriting any good thing at God's hands: and in that regard he affirmed, that this grace likewise was given without any respect to precedent merits. the third, an assisting grace, by which God doth guide and incline the heart of the converted sinner, to the doing of all good: and this he maintained to be given as a reward to that act of the free-will, whereby it yielded to the persuasions of the former exciting grace, and so did actually convert it self to God. Now this is the presumption which S. Augustine condemneth so much in these men; that they durst say: We work to merit that God may work with us. that they would first give to God, that it might be recompensed to them again: namely, they first give somewhat out of their free-will, that grace might be rendered to them again for a reward. that they were of opinion; that our merit consisted in this, that we were with God, and that his grace was given according to this merit, that he should also be with us: that our merit should be in this, that we do seek him; and according to this merit his grace was given that we should find him. For they that followed Pelagius, (refining herein a little the doctrine of their Master, and delivering it in somewhat a more plausible manner) declared that the merits which they held to go before grace and to procure grace, were, asking, seeking, and knocking: and that grace was given, not according to the merit of our good works, (which they did acknowledge to be an effect, and not a cause of this grace) but of our good will only. because (said they) the good will of man praying went before, and the will of man believing went before that: that according to these merits the grace of God hearing might follow after. And all this they did under color of maintaining free-will against the Manichees: for which they urged much that testimony of the Prophet, Esa. 1.19, 20. If ye be willing and hearken unto me, ye shall eat the good things of the land: but if ye refuse and will not hearken unto me, the sword shall consume them. But what doth this profit them? (saith S. Augustine) seeing they do not so much defend free-will against the Manichees, as extol it against the Catholics. For so would they have that understood which is said; If ye be willing and hearken unto me: as if in that very precedent will there should be the meriting of the subsequent grace; and so grace should be now no grace, which is no gratuity, when it is rendered as due. But if they would so understand that which is said, If ye be willing; that they would also confess that he doth prepare that good will, of whom it is written, The will is prepared by the Lord: they should use this testimony like Catholics; and not only vanquish the old heresy of the Manichees, but also crush the new of the Pelagians.
Beside the professed Pelagians, who directly did deny Original sin; there arose others in the Church in S. Augustine's days, that were tainted not a little with their errors in this point of Grace and Free-will; as namely one Vitalis in Carthage, and the Semi-pelagians (as they are commonly called) in France. For the first held, that God did work in us to will by his Scriptures either read or heard by us: but that to consent unto them or not consent is so in our power, that if we will it may be done, if we will not, we may make the operation of God to be of no force in us. For God doth work (said he) as much as in him is that we may will, when his word is made known unto us: but if we will not yield unto it, we make that his operation shall have no profit in us. Against him S. Augustine disputeth largely in his 107. Epistle; where he maketh • his to be the state of the question betwixt them; Whether Grace doth go before or follow after the Will of man, that is to say, (as he further explaineth it) Whether it be therefore given us, because we will; or by it God doth work even this also, that we do will. The worthy Doctor maintaineth that Grace goeth before, and worketh the will unto good: which he strongly proveth, both by the word of God and by the continual practice of the Church, in her prayers and thanksgivings for the conversion of unbelievers. For if thou dost confess (saith he) that we are to pray for them, surely thou dost pray that they may consent to the doctrine of God, with their will freed from the power of darkness. And thus it will come to pass, that neither men shall be made to be believers but by their free-will; and yet shall be made believers by his grace, who hath freed their will from the power of darkness. Thus both God's grace is not denied, but is shown to be true without any human merits going before it: and free-will is so defended, that it is made solid with humility, and not thrown down headlong by being lifted up; that he that rejoiceth, may not rejoice in man, either any other or yet himself, but in the Lord. and again: How doth God expect the wills of men that they should prevent him, to whom he might give grace: when we do give him thanks not undeservedly in the behalf of them, whom not believing, and persecuting his doctrine with an ungodly will, he hath prevented with his mercy, and with a most omnipotent facility converted them unto himself, and made them willing of unwilling? Why do we give him thanks for this, if he himself did not this? Questionlesse we do not pray to God, but fain that we do pray, if we believe that not he, but ourselves be the doers of that which we pray for. Questionlesse we do not give thanks to God, but fain that we give thanks; if we do not think that he doth the thing, for which we give him thanks. If deceitful lips be found in any other speeches of men, at leastwise let them not be found in prayers. Far be it from us, that what we do beseech God to do with our mouths and voices, we should deny that he doth it in our hearts: and, which is more grievous, to the deceiving of others also, not conceal the same in our disputations; and whilst we will needs defend free-will before men, we should leese the help of prayer with God, and not have true giving of thanks, whilst we do not acknowledge true grace. If we will truly defend free-will, let us not oppugn that by which it is made free. For who so oppugneth grace, whereby our will is made free to decline from evil and to do good; he will have his will to be still captive. Thus doth S. Augustine deal with Vitalis: to whom he saith, I do not believe indeed that thou art a Pelagian heretic; but so I would have thee to be, that no part of that error may pass unto thee, or be left in thee.
The doctrine of the Semi-pelagians in France is related by Prosper Aquitanicus and Hilarius Arelatensis, in their several epistles written to S. Augustine of this argument. They do agree (saith Hilarius) that all men were lost in Adam, and that from thence no man by his proper will can be freed: but this they say is agreeable to the truth, or answerable to the preaching of the word; that when the means of obtaining salvation is declared to such as are cast down and would never rise again by their own strength, they by that merit, whereby they do will and believe that they can be healed from their disease, may obtain both the increase of that faith, and the effecting of their whole health. And that grace is not denied, when such a will as this is said to go before it, which seeketh only a Physician, but is not of it self otherwise able to do anything. For as touching that place, As he hath distributed to everyone the measure of faith; and other like testimonies: they would have them make for this, that he should be holpen that hath begun to will; but not that this also should be given unto him, that he might will. Prosper in his Pöems doth thus deliver it.
Against these opinions, S. Augustine wrote his two books, of the Predestination of the Saints, and of the gift of Perseverance: in the former whereof he hath this memorable passage among divers others. Many hear the word of truth; but some do believe, others do contradict. Therefore these have a will to believe, the others have not. Who is ignorant of this? who would deny it? But seeing the will is to some prepared by the Lord, to others not, we are to discern what doth proceed from his mercy, and what from his judgment. That which Israel did seek (saith the Apostle) he obtained not: but the election hath obtained it, and the rest were blinded, (Rom. 11.7.) Behold mercy and judgment; mercy in the election which hath obtained the righteousness of God, but judgment upon the rest that were blinded: and yet the one because they would, did believe; the others because they would not, did not believe. Mercy therefore and judgment were executed even upon the wills themselves. Against the same opinions divers treatises were published by Prosper also; who chargeth these men with nourishing the poison of the Pelagian pravitie, by their positions: inasmuch as 1. the beginning of salvation is naughtily placed in man by them. 2. the will of man is impiously preferred before the will of God: as if therefore one should be holpen because he did will, and did not therefore will because he was holpen. 3. a man originally evil is naughtily believed to begin his receiving of good, not from the highest good, but from himself. 4. it is thought that God may otherwise be pleased, than out of that which he himself hath bestowed. But he maintaineth constantly, that both the beginning and ending of a man's conversion is wholly to be ascribed unto grace: and that God effecteth this grace in us, not by way of counsel and persuasion only, but by an inward change and reformation of the mind; making up a new vessel of a broken one, by a creating virtue.
The Writers of principal esteem on the other side, were Johannes Cassianus, and Faustus Regiensis or Reiensis: the former of which was encountered by Prosper (in his book Contra Collatorem) the latter by Fulgentius, John. Maxentius, Facundus, Caesarius, Johannes Antiochenus: as also by Gelasius and his Roman Synod of LXX. Bishops, the writings of them both were rejected amongst the books Apocryphal. And lastly by the joint authority both of the See of Rome, and of the French Bishops assembled in the second Council of Orange, in the year of our Lord DXXIX. sentence was given against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians in general, that their opinions touching Grace and Free-will, were not agreeable to the rule of the Catholic faith: and these conclusions following, among sundry others, determined in particular.
If any doth say, that by man's prayer the grace of God may be conferred; and that it is not grace it self which maketh, that God is prayed unto by us: he contradicteth the Prophet Isaiah, or the Apostle saying the same thing; I was found of them that sought me not, and have been made manifest to them that asked not after me, (Isaiah. 65.1. Rom. 10.20.)
If any man defend, that God doth expect our will, that we may be purged from sin; and doth not confess, that this will of ours to be purged, is wrought in us by the infusion and operation of the holy Ghost: he resisteth the holy Ghost, saying by Solomon; The will is prepared by the Lord, (Prov. 8.35. according to the LXX.) and the Apostle preaching wholesomely; It is God which worketh in you, both to will and to do, of his good pleasure: (Phil. 2.13.)
If any man say, that to us, without grace, believing, willing, desiring, endeavoring, laboring, watching, studying, asking, seeking, knocking, mercy is conferred by God; and doth not confess, that it is wrought in us by the infusion and inspiration of the holy Ghost, that we may believe, will, or do all these things as we ought; and doth make the help of grace to follow after man's either humility or obedience, neither doth yield that it is the gift of grace it self, that we are obedient and humble: he resisteth the Apostle, saying; What hast thou, that thou hast not received? (1 Cor. 4.7.) and, By the grace of God I am that I am, (1 Cor. 15.10.)
It is of God's gift, both when we do think aright, and when we hold our feet from falsehood and unrighteousness. For as oft as we do good things, God worketh in us, and with us, that we may work.
There are many good things done in man, which man doth not. But man doth no good things, which God doth not make man to do.
This also do we wholesomely profess and believe, that in every good work we do not begin, and are holpen afterwards by the mercy of God; but he first of all, no good merits of ours going before, inspireth into us both faith and the love of him: that we may both faithfully seek the Sacrament of Baptism, and after Baptism with his help, we way fulfill the things that are pleasing unto him.
Touching which last Canon we may note: First for the reading, that in the Tomes of the Councils set out by Binius, it is most notoriously corrupted. For where the Council hath, Nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis, No good merits going before ; there we read, Multis praecedentibus bonis meritis, Many good merits going before. Secondly, for the meaning, that the Fathers understand grace to be given according to merits; when anything is done by our own strength, in respect whereof grace is given, although it be no merit of condignity: as both Bellarmine him self doth acknowledge in the explication of the determination of the Palestine Synod against Pelagius ; and in the case of the Semi-Pelagians, as it is delivered by Cassianus, is most evident. For the grace of God (saith he) doth always so cooperate to the good part with our Free-will, and in all things help, protect and defend it, that sometime it either requireth, or expecteth from it some endeavors of a good will; that it may not seem to confer its gifts upon one that is altogether sleeping, and given to sluggish idleness: seeking occasions after a sort, whereby the dullness of human slothfulness being shaken off, the bargenesse of its bounty may not seem to be unreasonable, while it imparteth the same under the color of a kind of desire and labor. Yet so notwithstanding that grace may always continue to be gracious and free; while to such kind of small and little endeavors, with an inestimable largesse it giveth so great glory of immortality, so great gifts of everlasting bliss. Let human frailty therefore endeavor as much as it will, it cannot be equal to the retribution that is to come; neither by the labors thereof doth it so diminish God's grace, that it doth not always continue to be given freely.
Where you may observe, from what fountain the School-men did derive their doctrine of works preparatory, meriting grace by way of congruity, though not of condignity. For Cassianus (whom Prosper chargeth, notwithst • nding all this qualifying of the matter, to be a maintainer in very deed of that damned point of Pelagianism; that the grace of God was given according to our merits) Cassianus, I say, was a man that bare great sway in our Monasteries, where his writings were accounted as the Monks general Rules: and until the other day, Faustus him self (who of all others most cunningly opposed the doctrine of S. Augustine touching grace and free-will) was accepted in the Popish Schools for a reverend Doctor and a Catholic Bishop. Yea the works of Pelagius himself were had in such account, that some of them (as his Epistle ad Demetriadem for example, and his Exposition upon S. Paul's Epistles, which are fraught with his heretical opinion • ) have passed from hand to hand, as if they had been written by S. Jerome ; and as such, have been alleged against us by some of our Adversaries in this very question of Free-will. The less is it to be wondered, that three hundred years ago in the mid-night of Popery, the profound Doctor Thomas Bradwardine (then Chancellor of London, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) should begin his Disputations, Of the cause of God against Pelagius with this lamentable complaint. Behold, (I speak it, with grief of heart touched inwardly) as in old time against one Prophet of God, there were found eight hundred and fifty Prophets of Baal; unto whom an innumerable company of people did adhere: s • at this day, in this cause, how many (O Lord) do now fight with Pelagius for Free-will against thy free grace, and against Paul, the spiritual Champion of grace? For the whole world almost is gone after Pelagius into error. Arise therefore, O Lord, judge thine own cause; and him that defendeth thee, defend, protect, strengthen, comfort. To whose judgment I also now leave these Vain defenders, or (as S. Augustine rightly censureth them) deceivers, and puffers up, and presumptuous extollers of Free-will.
OF MERITS.
IN the last place we are told, that the Fathers of the unspotted Church of Rome did • each, Tha • man for his meritorious works receiveth, through the assistance of God's grace, the bliss of everlasting happiness. But our Challenger, I suppose, will hardly find one Father either of the spotted or unspotted Church of Rome, that ever spake so babishly herein, as he maketh them all to do. That man, by the assistance of God's grace, may do meritorious works, we have read in divers Authors, and in divers meanings. But after these works done, that a man should receive through the assistance of God's grace the bliss of everlasting happiness, is such a piece of gibbrish, as I do not remember that before now I have ever met withal even in Babel it self. For with them that understand what they speak, assistance hath reference to the doing of the work, not to the receiving of the reward: and simply to say, that a man for his meritorious works (taking merit here as the Romanists in this question would have it taken) receiveth through God's grace the bliss of everlasting happiness ; is to speak flat contrarieties, and to conjoine those things, that cannot possibly be coupled together. For that conclusion of Bernard is most certain: There is no place for grace to enter, where merit hath taken possession. because it is grounded upon the Apostles determination, Rom. 11.6. If it be of grace, it is no more of works: or else were grace no more grace.
Neither do we therefore take away the reward, because we deny the merit of good works. We know, that in the keeping of God's Commandments there is great reward ; Psal. 19.11. and that unto him who soweth righteousness, there shall be a sure reward ; Prov. 11.18. But the question is, whence he that soweth in this manner, must expect to reap so great and so sure a harvest? Whether from God's justice ; which he must do if he stand as the Jesuits would have him do upon merit: or from his mercy ; as a recompense freely bestowed out of God's gracious bounty, and not in justice due for the worth of the work performed. Which question, we think, the Prophet Hosea hath sufficiently resolved; when he biddeth us sow to ourselves in righteousness, and reap in MERCIE, Hose. 10.12. Neither do we hereby any whit detract from the truth of that axiom, That God will give every man according to his works: for still the question remaineth the very same; whether God may not judge a man according to his works, when he sitteth upon the throne of grace, as well as when he sitteth upon the throne of justice? and we think here, that the Prophet David hath fully cleared the case, in that one sentence, Psal. 62.12. With thee, O Lord, is MERCY: for thou rewardest everyone according to his work.
Originally therefore, and in it self, we hold that this reward proceedeth merely from God's free bounty and mercy : but accidentally, in regard that God hath tied himself by his word and promise to confer such a reward, we grant that it now proveth in a sort to be an act of justice. even as in forgiving of our sins (which in it self all men know to be an act of mercy) he is said to be faithful and just, 1 John. 1.9. namely, in regard of the faithful performance of his promise. For promise, we see, amongst honest men is counted a due debt. but the thing promised being free, and on our part altogether undeserved, if the promiser did not perform, and proved not to be so good as his word; he could not properly be said to do me wrong, but rather to wrong himself, by impairing his own credit. And therefore Aquinas himself confesseth, that God is not hereby simply made a debtor to us, but to himself; in as much as it is requisite that his own ordinance should be fulfilled. Thus was Moses careful to put the children of Israel in mind touching the Land of Canaan (which was a type of our eternal habitation in Heaven) that it was a Land of promise, and not of merit: which God did give them to possess, not for their righteousness, or for their upright heart, but that he might perform the word which he sware unto their Fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, (Deut. 9.5.) Whereupon the Levites say, in their prayer unto God, Nehem. 9.8. Thou madest a covenant with Abraham, to give unto his seed the Land of the Canaanites; and hast performed thy word, because thou art IUST. Now because the Lord had made a like promise of the Crown of life to them that love him: (I am. 1.12.) therefore S. Paul doth not stick in like manner to attribute this also to God's justice. Henceforth (saith he, 2 Tim. 4.8.) is laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing. Upon which place, Bernard, in his book of Grace and Free-will, saith most sweetly. That therefore which Paul expecteth, is a crown of righteousness, but of God's righteousness, not his own. For it is just that he should give what he oweth, and he oweth what he hath promised: and this is the right •• usnesse of God, of which the Apostle presumeth, the promise of God.
But this will not content our Jesuits, unless we yield unto them; that we do as properly and truly merit rewards, when with the grace of God we do well, as we do merit punishments, when without grace we do evil. So saith Maldonado. that is to say, unless we maintain, that the good works of just persons do merit eternal life condignly, not only by reason of God's covenant and acceptation, but also by reason of the work it self: so that in a good work proceeding from grace, there may be a certain proportion and equality unto the reward of eternal life. So saith Cardinal Bellarmine. For the further opening whereof, Vasquez taketh upon him to prove in order these three distinct Propositions. First, that the good works of just persons are of themselves, without any covenant and acceptation, worthy of the reward of eternal life; and have an equal value of condignity to the obtaining of eternal glory. Secondly, That no accession of dignity doth come to the works of the just by the merits or person of Christ; which the same should not have otherwise, if they had been done by the same grace bestowed liberally by God alone without Christ. Thirdly, That God's promise is annexed indeed to the works of just men, yet it belongeth no way to the reason of the merit; but cometh rather to the works, which are already not worthy only, but also meritorious. Unto all which he addeth afterwards this Corollary. Seeing the works of a just man do condignly merit eternal life, as an equal recompense and reward: there is no need that any other condign merit, such as is the merit of Christ, should come between, that eternal life might be rendered unto them. Yea the merit of every just man hath somewhat peculiar in respect of the just man himself, which the merit of Christ hath not: namely, to make the man himself just, and worthy of eternal life, that he may worthily obtain the same. But the merit of Christ, although it be most worthy to obtain glory of God for us, yet it hath not this efficacy and virtue, to make us formally just, and worthy of eternal life: but men by virtue derived from him, attain this effect in themselves. And so we never request of God by the merits of Christ, that the reward of eternal life may be given to our worthy and meritorious works: but that by Christ grace may be given unto us, whereby we may be enabled worthily to merit this reward. In a word: Our merits (saith he) have this force in us, that they make us formally worthy of eternal life: the merits of Christ do not make us worthy formally; but Christ is worthy, in regard of them, to impetrate unto us whatsoever he requesteth for us.
Thus doth Vasquez the Jesuit discover unto us to the full the mystery of this iniquity: with whom (for the better information of the English Reader) we join our Rhemists, who deliver this as their Catholic doctrine. that all good works done by God's grace after the first justification, be truly and properly meritorious, and fully worthy of everlasting life: and that thereupon heaven is the due and just stipend, crown, or recompense, which God by his justice oweth to the person so working by his grace. (For he rendereth or repayeth heaven, say they, as a just Judge, and not only as a merciful giver: and the crown which he payeth, is not only of mercy, or favor, or grace, but also of justice. ) And again. that man's works done by Christ's grace, do condignly or worthily deserve eternal joy: so as works can be none other but the value, desert, price, worth, and merit of the same. Whereupon they put us in mind, that the word, Reward, which in our English tongue may signify a voluntary or bountiful gift, doth not here so well express the nature of the Latin word, Merces, or the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : which are rather the very stipend that the hired work-man or journey-man covenanteth to have of him whose work he-doth; and is a thing equally and justly answering to the time and weight of his travels and works, rather than a free gift.
This is that doctrine of merits, which from our very hearts we detest and abhor; as utterly repugnant to the truth of God, and the common sense of all true-hearted Christians. The lesson which our Savior taught his disciples, is far different from this, Luk. 17.10. When ye have done all those things which are commanded you, say: We are unprofitable servants; we have done that which was our duty to do. And if he be unprofitable (saith S. Jerome) who hath done all: what is to be said of him, who could not fulfill them? So likewise the Romans themselves might remember, that they were taught by S. Paul at the beginning: that there is no proportion of condignity to be found betwixt not the actions only but the passions also of the Saints, and the reward that is reserved for us in the world to come. For I reckon, that the sufferings of this present time, are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us: saith he, Rom. 8.18. and Bernard thereupon: Concerning the life eternal we know, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory; no, not if one man did sustain them all. For the merits of men are not such, that for them eternal life should be due of right; or God should do any injury, if he did not give it. For, to let pass that all merits are God's gifts, and in that respect a man is for them made a debtor to God, more than God to man: what are all merits in comparison of so great a glory? and S. Ambrose long before him: All those things which we suffer, are too little and unworthy, fought the pains whereof there should be rendered unto us so great reward of good things to come, as shall be revealed in us, when being reformed according to the image of God we shall merit (or obtain) to see his glory face to face.
Where for the better understanding of the meaning of the Fathers in this point, we may further observe, that merits in their writings do ordinarily signify nothing but works (as in the alleged place of Bernard :) and to merit, simply to procure or to attain, without any relation at all to the dignity either of the person or the work; as in the last words of Ambrose is plainly to be seen. And therefore as Tacitus writes of Agricola, that by his virtues he merited (that is to say, incurred) the anger of Gaius Caesar: so S. Augustine saith, that he and his fellows for their good doings at the hands of the Donatists, instead of thanks merited (that is, incurred) the flames of hatred. On the other side the same Father affirmeth, that S. Paul for his persecutions and blasphemies merited (that is, found the grace) to be named a vessel of election ; having reference to that in 1 Timoth. 1.13. Who was before a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and injurious; but I obtained mercy. where instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which the vulgar Latin translateth Misericordiam consecutus sum ; S. Cyprian readeth, Misericordiam merui, I merited mercy. Whereunto we may add that saying which is found also among the works of S. Augustine: that no sinner should despair of himself, seeing Paul hath merited pardon. and that of Gregory: Paul when he went about to extinguish the name of our Redeemer upon earth, merited to hear his words from heaven. as also that other strain of his concerning the sin of Adam ; which is sung in the Church of Rome at the blessing of the Taper: O happy sin, that merited (that is, found the favor) to have such and so great a Redeemer. Howsoever therefore the ancient Doctors may seem unto those that are not well acquainted with their language, to speak of merits as the Romanists do: yet have they nothing common with them but the bare word; in the thing it self they differ as much from them every way, as our Church doth.
I can hardly be persuaded, saith Origen, that there can be any work, which may require the reward of God by way of debt: seeing this very thing it self, that we can do or think or speak anything, we do it by his gift and largesse. Wages indeed, saith Saint Hilary, there is none of gift, because it is due by work: but God hath given the same free to all men, by the justification of faith. Whence should I have so great merit, seeing mercy is my Crown? saith S. Ambrose. and again, Which of us can subsist, without the mercy of God? What can we do worthy of the heavenly rewards? Which of us doth so rise up in this body, that he doth elevate his mind, in such sort as he may continually adhere unto Christ? By what merit of man is it granted, that this corruptible flesh should put on incorruption, and this mortal should put on immortality? By what labors, or by what enduring of injuries, can we abate our sins? The sufferings of this time are unworthy for the glory that is to come. Therefore the form of heavenly decrees doth proceed with men, not according to our merits, but according to God's mercy. S. Basil expounding those words of the Psalmist, Behold the eye of the Lord is upon them that fear him; upon them that hope in his mercy, (Psalm. 33.18.) saith, that he doth hope in his mercy, who not trusting in his own good deeds, nor looking to be justified by works, hath the hope of his salvation only in the mercies of God. and in his explication of those other words, Psalm. 116.7. Return unto thy rest, O my soul; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. Everlasting rest (saith he) is laid up for them that strive lawfully in this life; not to be rendered according to the debt of works, but exhibited by the grace of the bountiful God to them that trust in him. If we consider our own merits, we must despair, saith S. Jerome. and, When the day of judgment or death shall come, all hands will fail; because no work shall be found worthy of the justice of God. Macarius the Egyptian Eremite in his 15. homily writeth thus. Touching the gift which Christians shall inherit, this a man may rightly say; that if any one from the time wherein Adam was created unto the very end of the world, did fight against Satan, and undergo afflictions, he should do no great matter in respect of the glory that he shall inherit. for he shall reign together with Christ world without end. His 37. homily is in the Paris edition of the works of Marcus the Eremite set out as the Prooeme of his book of Paradise and the spiritual law. There Macarius exhorteth us, that believing in almighty God, we should with a simple heart and void of scrupulousity come unto him who bestoweth the communion of the spirit according to faith, and not according to the proportion of the works of faith. Where Johannes Picus the Popish interpreter of Marcus, giveth us warning in his margent, that this clause is to be understood of a lively faith: but concealeth his own faithlesnesse in corrupting of the text, by turning the works of faith into the works of nature. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is by his Latin translation (which is to be seen in Bibliothecâ Patrum) as much to say as, Non ex proportione operum naturae.
There is a treatise extant of the said Marcus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , touching those who think to be justified by their works: where he maketh two sorts of men, that miss both of them the kingdom of heaven. the one, such as do not keep the commandments, and yet imagine that they believe aright: the other, such as keeping the commandments, do expect the kingdom as a wages due • nto them. For the Lord (saith he) willing to show, that all the comm • ndements are of duty to be performed, and that the adoption of children is freely given to men by his blood, saith; When you have done a • l things that are commanded you, then say; We are unprofitable servants, and we have done that which was our duty to do. Therefore the kingdom of heaven is not the hire of works, but the grace of the Lord prepared for his faithful servants. This sentence is repeated in the very self same words, by Hesychius in his book of Sentences written to Thalassius. The like sayings also hath S. Chrysostom. No man showeth such a conversation of life, that he may be worthy of the kingdom; but this is wholly of the gift of God. Therefore he saith; When ye have done all, say, We are unprofitable servants; for what we ought to do, we have done. Although we did die a thousand deaths, although we did perform all virtuous actions; yet should we come short by far of rendering anything worthy of those honors which are conferred upon us by God. Although we should do innumerable good deeds, it is of God's pity and benignity that we are heard. although we should come unto the very top of virtue, it is of mercy that we are saved. for although we did innumerable works of mercy, yet would it be of the benignity of grace, that for such small and mean matters should be given so great a heaven and a kingdom, and such an honor: whereunto nothing we do can have equal correspondence. Let the merit of men be excellent, let him observe the rights of nature, let him be obedient to the commandments of the Laws; let him fulfill his faith, keep justice, exercise virtues, condemn vice, repel sins, show himself an example for others to imitate: if he have performed anything, it is little; whatsoever he hath done is small: for all merit is short. Number God's benefits, if thou canst: and then consider what thou dost merit. Weigh thine own deeds with the heavenly benefits, ponder thine own acts with the divine gifts: and thou wilt not judge thyself worthy of that which thou art, if thou understandest what thou dost merit. Whereunto we may add the exhortation made by S. Antony to his Monks in Egypt. The life of man is most short, being measured with the world to come: so that all our time is even nothing, in comparison of everlasting life. And everything in this world is sold for that which it is worth, and one giveth equal in exchange of equal: but the promise of everlasting life is bought for a very little matter. Wherefore, my sons, let us not wax weary; nor think that we stay long, or perform some great thing: for the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed on us. Neither when we look upon the world, let us think that we have forsaken any great matters. For all this earth is but a very little thing, in comparison of the whole heaven. Therefore although we had been lords of the whole earth, and did forsake the whole earth; that would be nothing worthy to be compared with the kingdom of heaven. For as if one would neglect one piece of brass, that he might gain a hundred pieces of gold: so he who is lord of the whole earth and forsaketh it, should but forgo a little, and receive a hundred fold.
Such another exhortation doth S. Augustine also make unto his hearers. When thou dost consider (saith he) what thou art to receive; all the things that thou sufferest will be vile unto thee, neither wilt thou esteem them worthy for which thou shouldst receive it. Thou wilt wonder, that so much is given, for so small a labor. For indeed, brethren, for everlasting rest everlasting labor should be undergone: being to receive everlasting felicity, thou oughtest to sustain everlasting sufferings. But if thou shouldst sustain everlasting labor; when shouldst thou come to everlasting felicity? So it cometh to pass, that thy tribulation must of necessity be temporal; that it being finished, thou mayest come to infinite felicity. But yet, brethren, there might have been long tribulation for eternal felicity. that, for example, because our felicity shall have no end; our misery, and our labor, and our tribulations should be of long continuance. For admit they should continue a thousand year: weigh a thousand years with eternity. Why dost thou weigh that which is finite, be it never so great, with that which is infinite? Ten thousand years, ten hundred thousand, if we should say, and a thousand thousand, which have an end, cannot be compared with eternity. This then thou hast, that God would have thy labor to be not only temporal, but short also. And therefore doth the same Father everywhere put us in mind, that God is become our debtor, not by our deservings, but by his own gracious promise. Man (saith he) is faithful, when he believeth God promising: God is faithful, when he performeth that which he hath promised unto man. Let us hold him a most faithful debtor, because we have him a most merciful promiser. For we have not done him any pleasure, or leant anything to him that we should hold him a debtor; seeing we have from himself whatsoever we do offer unto him, and it is from him whatsoever good we are. We have not given anything therefore unto him; and yet we hold him a debtor. Whence a debtor? because he is a promiser. We say not unto God; Lord, pay that which thou hast received, but, pay that which thou hast promised. Be thou secure therefore. Hold him as a debtor, because thou hast believed in him as a promiser. God is faithful, who hath made himself our debtor; not by receiving anything from us, but by promising so great things to us. For to men hath he promised divinity, to those that are mortal immortality, to sinners justification, to abjects glorification. Whatsoever he promised, he promised to them that were unworthy; that it might not be promised as wa • es for works, but being grace, might according to the name be graciously and freely given: because that even this very thing, that one doth live justly (so far as a man can live justly) is not a matter of man's merit, but of the gift of God. Therefore, in those things which we have already, let us praise God as the giver: in those things which as yet we have not, let us hold him our debtor. For he is become our debtor, not by receiving anything from us, but by promising what it pleased him. For it is one thing to say to a man, Thou art debtor to me, because I have given to thee: and another thing to say, Thou art debtor to me, because thou hast promised me. When thou sayest. Thou art debtor to me, because I have given to thee: a benefit hath proceeded from thee, though lent, not given. But when thou sayest, Thou art debtor to me, because thou hast promised me: thou gavest nothing to him, and yet requirest of him. For the goodness of him that hath promised, will give it, &c.
The salvation of men depends upon the sole mercy of God: saith Theodoret. for we do not obtain it as the reward and wages of our righteousness: but it is the gift of God's goodness. The crowns do excel the fights, the rewards are not to be compared with the labors: for the labor is small, but great is the gain that is hoped for. And therefore the Apostle, Rom. 8.18. called those things that are looked for, not wages, but glory. and Rom. 6.23. not wages, but grace. For although a man should perform the greatest and most absolute righteousness: things eternal do not answer temporal labors in equal poise. The same for this point is taught by S. Cyril of Alexandria: that the crown which we are to receive, doth much surpass the pains which we take for it. And the Author of the book of the calling of the Gentiles (attributed unto Prosper) observeth out of the Parable, Matth. 20.9. that God bestoweth eternal life on those that are called at the end of their days, as well as upon them that had labored longer: not as paying a price to their labor, but pouring out the riches of his goodness upon them whom he had chosen without works; that even they also who have sweat with much labor, and have received no more than the last, might understand, that they did receive a gift of grace, and not a due wages for their works.
This was the doctrine taught in the Church for the first five hundred years after Christ: which we find maintained also in the next five hundred. If the King of heaven should regard my merit (saith Ennodius, Bishop of Pavîa) either I should get little good, or great punishments; and judging of myself rightly, whither I could not come by merits, I would not tend in desire. But thanks be to him, who, that we may not be extolled, doth so cut off our offenses, that he bringeth our hope unto better things. Our glorification, saith Fulgentius, is not unjustly called Grace: not only because God doth bestow his own gifts upon his own gifts; but also because the grace of God's reward doth so much there abound, as that it exceedeth incomparably and unspeakably all the merit of the will and work of man, though good, and given from God. For although we did sweat (saith he who beareth the name of Eusebius Emissenus, or Gallicanus) with all the labors of our soul and body, although we were exercised with all the strength of obedience: yet shall not we be able to recompense and offer anything worthy in merit for the heavenly good things. The offices of this present life cannot be compared with the joys of the life eternal. Although our members be wearied with watchings; although our faces wax pale with fastings: yet the sufferings of this time will not be worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall be revealed in us. Let us knock therefore, dearly beloved, as much as we can, because we cannot as much as we ought: the future bliss may be acquired, but estimated it cannot be.
Albeit thou hadst good deeds equal in number to the stars, (saith Agapetus the Deacon, to the Emperor Justinian) yet shalt thou never go beyond the goodness of God. For whatsoever any man shall bring unto God, he doth but offer unto him his own things, out of his own store. and as one cannot outstrip his own shadow in the Sun, (which preventeth him always, although he make never so much speed:) so neither can men by their good doings, outstrip the unmatchable bounty of God. All the righteousness of man, saith Gregory, is convicted to be unrighteousness, if it be strictly judged. It needeth therefore prayer after righteousness; that that which being sifted might fail, by the mere pity of the Judge might stand for good. Let him therefore say: Although I had any righteous thing, I would not answer, but I would make supplication to my Judge. (Job 9.15) as if he should more plainly confess, and say: Albeit I did grow up unto the work of virtue, I should be enabled unto life, not by merits, but by pardon. But you will say, If this bliss of the Saints be mercy, and is not obtained by merits; how shall that stand which is written: And thou shalt render unto everyone according to his works? If it be rendered according to works; how shall it be accounted mercy? But it is one thing to render according to works; and another thing to render for the works themselves. For when it is said, According to works; the quality it self of the work is understood: that whose works appear good, his reward way be glorious. For unto that blessed life, wherein we are to live with God, and by God, no labor can be equalled, no works compared: seeing the Apostle saith, The sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. By the righteousness of works no man shall be saved, but only by the righteousness of faith: saith Bede. and therefore no man should believe, that either his freedom of will, or his merits, are sufficient to bring him unto bliss; but understand, that he can be saved by the grace of God only. The same Author, writing upon those words of David, Psalm. 24.5 He shall receive a blessing from the Lord, and righteousness from the God of his salvation: expoundeth the blessing to be this; that for the present time he shall merit (or work) well, and for the future shall be rewarded well. and that, not by merits, but by grace only.
To the same purpose Elias Cretensis, the interpreter of Gregory Nazianzen, writeth thus. By mercy we ought to understand that reward, which God doth repay unto us. For we as servants do owe virtue, that the best things, and such as are grateful, we should pay and offer unto God as a certain debt: considering that we have nothing, which we have not received from him: and God on the other side, as our Lord and Master, hath pity on us, and doth bestow rather, than repay unto us. This therefore is true humility, (saith Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus) to do good works, but to account ones self unclean and unworthy of God's favor, thinking to be saved by his goodness alone. For whatsoever good things we do; we answer not God for the very air alone which we do breathe. And when we have offered unto him all the things that we have, he doth not owe us any reward for all things are his: and none receiving the things that are his own, is bound to give a reward unto them that bring the same unto him. In the book set out by the authority of Charles the Great against Images; the Ark of the Covenant is said to signify our Lord and Savior, in whom alone we have the Covenant of peace with the Father. Over which the Propitiatory is said to be placed: because above the Commandments either of the Law, or of the Gospel, which are founded in him, the mercy of the said Mediator taketh place; by which, not by the works of the Law which we have done, neither willing, nor running, but by his having mercy upon us, we are saved. So Ambrosius Ansbertus, expounding that place, Rev. 19.7. Let us be glad and rejoice, and give glory to him; for the marriage of the Lamb is come, and his wife hath made her self ready. In this, saith he, do we give glory to him; when we do confess, that by no precedent merits of our good deeds, but by his mercy only, we have attained unto so great a dignity. And Rabanus in his Commentaries upon the Lament. of Jeremiah: Lest they should say, Our Fathers were accepted for their merit, and therefore they obtained such great things at the hand of the Lord; he adjoineth, that this was not given to their merits, but because it so pleased God, whose free gift is whatsoever he bestoweth. Haymo writing upon those words, Psalm. 132.10. For thy servant David's sake refuse not the face of thine Anointed, saith that, For thy servant David's sake, is as much to say as, For the merit of Christ himself: and fro • thence collecteth this doctrine; that none ought to presume of his own merits, but expect all his salvation from the merits of Christ. So in another place: When we perform our repentance, (saith he) let us know that we can give nothing that is worthy for the a • peasing of God; but that only in the blood of that immaculate and singular Lamb we can be saved. And again, Eternal life is rendered to none by debt; but given by free mercy. It is of necessity that believers should be saved only by the faith of Christ: saith Smaragdus the Abbot. By grace, not by merits, are we saved of God: saith the Author of the Commentaries upon S. Mark, falsely attributed to S. Jerome.
That this doctrine was by God's great mercy preserved in the Church the next 500. years also, as well as in those middle times: appeareth most evidently by those Instructions and Consolations, which were prescribed to be used unto such as were ready to depart out of this life. This form of preparing men for their death, was commonly to be had in all Libraries, and particularly was found inserted among the Epistles of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury ; who was commonly accounted to be the Author of it. The substance thereof may be seen (for the copies vary, some being shorter, and some larger than others) in a Tractate written by a Cistercian Monk, of the Art of dying well (which I have in written hand, and have seen also printed in the year 1483. and 1504.) in the book called, Hortulus animae ; in Cassanders Appendix to the book of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, de fiduciâ & misericordiâ Dei ; (edit. Colon. An. 1556.) Caspar Vlenbergius his Motives; (caus. 14. pag. 462.463. edit. Colon. An. 1589.) in the Roman Sacerdotal (part. 1. tract. 5. cap. 13. fol. 116. edit. Venet. An. 1585.) in the book entitled, Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restituta, &c. printed at Paris, in the year 1575. and in a like book entitled Ordo Baptizandi, cum Modo visitandi, printed at Venice the same year. out of which the Spanish Inquisitors, as well in their New, as in their Old Expurgatory Index (the one set out by Cardinal Quiroga in the year 1584. the other by the Cardinal of Sandoval and Roxas, in the year 1612.) command these interrogatories to be blotted out. Dost thou believe to come to glory, not by thine own merits, but by the virtue and merit of the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ? and, Dost thou believe, that our Lord Jesus Christ did die for our salvation: and that none can be saved by his own merits, or by any other means, but by the merit of his passion? Whereby we may observe how late it is, since our Romanists in this main and most substantial point (which is the very foundation of all our comfort) have most shamefully departed from the faith of their forefathers. In other copies of this same Instruction (which are followed by Cassander, Vlenbergius, and Cardinal Hosius himself) the last question propounded to the sick man is this. Dost thou believe that thou canst not be saved, but by the death of Christ? Whereunto when he hath made answer affirmatively: he is presently directed to make use thereof, in this manner. Go too therefore, as long as thy soul remaineth in thee, place thy whole confidence in this death only; have confidence in no other thing: commit thyself wholly to this death, with this alone cover thyself wholly, intermingle thyself wholly in this death, fasten thyself wholly; wrap thy whole self in this death. And if the Lord God will judge thee, say: Lord, I oppose the death of our Lord Jesus Christ betwixt me and thy judgment: no otherwise do I contend with thee. And if he say unto thee, that thou art a sinner, say: Lord, I put the death of the Lord Jesus Christ betwixt thee and my sins. If he say unto thee, that thou hast deserved damnation, say: Lord, I set the death of our Lord Jesus Christ betwixt me and my bad merits; and I offer his merit instead of the merit which I ought to have, but yet have not. If he say, that he is angry with thee, say: Lord, I interpose the death of our Lord Jesus Christ betwixt me and thine anger.
Add hereunto the following sentences of the Doctors of these latter ages. We cannot suffer or bring in anything worthy of the reward that shall be : saith Oecumenius. So Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bathe. No trouble can be endured in this vital death, which is able equally to answer the joys of heaven. and Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury more fully, before him. If a man should serve God a thousand years, and that most fervently; he should not deserve of condignity to be half a day in the Kingdom of heaven. Radulphus Ardens, expounding those words of the Parable, Matth. 20.13. Didst not thou agree with me for a penny? Let no man out of these words, saith he, think that God is, as it were, tied by agreement to pay that which he hath promised. For as God is free to promise, so is he free to pay: especially seeing as well merits as rewards are his grace. For God doth crown nothing else in us but his own grace: who if he would deal strictly with us, no man living should be justified in his sight. Whereupon the Apostle, who labored more than all, saith: I reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. Therefore this agreement is nothing else, but God's voluntary promise. And do not wonder (saith he, in another Sermon) if I call the merits of the just graces. for as the Apostle witnesseth, we have nothing which we have not received from God, and that freely. But because by one grace we come unto another; they are called merits, but improperly. For as Augustine witnesseth: God crowneth only his own grace in us. So Rupertus Tuitiensis: The greatness or the eternity of the heavenly glory, is not a matter of merit, but of grace. The same doth Bernardus Morlanensis express in these rhythmicall verses of his:
But Bernard of Claraevalle above others delivereth this doctrine most sweetly. It is necessary (saith he) that first of all thou shouldest believe, that thou canst not have remission of sins, but by the mercy of God: then, that thou canst not at all have any whit of a good work, unless he likewise give it thee: lastly, that by no works thou canst merit eternal life, unless that also be freely given unto thee. Otherwise, if we will properly name those which we call our merits: they be certain seminaries of hope, incitements of love, signs of secret predestination, foretokens of future happiness, the way to the kingdom, not the cause of reigning. Dangerous is the dwelling of them that trust in their merits: dangerous, because ruinous. For this is the whole merit of man, if he put all his trust in him who saveth the whole man. Therefore my merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poor in merit, so long as he is not poor in mercy: and if the mercies of the Lord be many, my merits also are many. With which that passage of the Manual, falsely fathered upon S. Augustine, doth accord so justly; that the one appeareth to be plainly borrowed from the other. All my hope is in the death of my Lord. His death is my merit, my refuge, my salvation, life and resurrection. My merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poor in merit, so long as that Lord of mercies shall not fail: and as long as his mercies are much, much am I in merits.
Neither are the testimonies of the Schoolmen wanting in this cause. For where God is affirmed to give the kingdom of heaven for good merits or good works: some made here a difference betwixt pro bonis meritis and propter bona merita. The former, they said, did note, a sign, or a way, or some occasion: and in that sense they admitted the proposition. But according to the latter expression, they would not receive it; because propter did note an efficient cause. And yet for the salving of that also, the Cardinal of Cambraye, Petrus de Alliaco delivereth us this distinction: This word Propter is sometimes taken by way of consequence; and then it noteth the order of the following of one thing upon another: as when it is said, The reward is given for the merit. For nothing else is signified thereby, but that the reward is given after the merit, and not but after the merit. Sometimes again it is taken causally. And forasmuch as a cause also is accounted that, upon the being whereof another thing doth follow: a thing may be said to be a cause two manner of ways. One way properly; when upon the presence of the being of the one, by the virtue thereof and out of the nature of the thing there followeth the being of the other: and thus is fire the cause of heat. Another way improperly; when upon the presence of the being of the one there fo • loweth the being of the other, yet not by the virtue thereof nor out of the nature of the thing, but only out of the will of another: and so a meritorious • ot is said to be a cause in respect of the reward ; as caussa sine quâ non also is said to be a cause, though it be none properly.
Among those famous Clerks that lived in the family of Richard Angervill Bishop of Durham in the days of Edward the third; Thomas Bradwardine who was afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Fitzraufe afterward Archbishop of Armagh, and Robert Holeot the Dominican, were of special note. The first of these, in his Defense of the cause of God against the Pelagians of his time, disputeth this point at large: showing, that Merit is not the cause of everlasting reward ; and that when the Scriptures and Doctors do affirm, that God will reward the good for their good merits (or works,) Propter did not signify the cause properly; but improperly, either the cause of knowing it, or the order, or the disposition of the subject thereunto. Richard of Armagh (whom my countrymen commonly do call S. Richard of Dundalke, because he was there borne and buried) intimateth this to be his mind; that the reward is here rendered, not for the condignity of the work, but for the promise and so for the justice of the rewarder: as heretofore we have heard out of Bernard. Holcot, though in words he maintain the merit of condignity ; yet he confesseth with the Master of the Sentences, that God is hereby made our debtor, ex. naturâ sui promissi, non ex naturâ nostri commissi, out of the nature of his own promise, not out of the nature of our doing: and that our works have this value in them, not naturally, as if there were so great goodness in the nature or substance of the merit that everlasting life should be due unto it, but legally, in regard of God's ordinance and appointment. even as a little piece of copper, of it own nature or natural value, is not worth so much as a loaf of bread; but by the institution of the Prince is worth so much. And in this manner we may say (saith he) that our works are worthy of life everlasting by grace, and not by the substance of the act. For God hath ordained, that he that worketh well in grace should have life everlasting: and therefore by the law and grace of Christ our Prince we merit condignly everlasting life. Whereby we may see, how rightly it hath been observed by Vasquez ; that divers of those whom he accounteth Catholics, do differ from us only in words, but agree in deed. Of which number he nameth Wilhelmus Parisiensis, Scotus, Ockam, Gregorius Ariminensis, Gabriel Biel with his Supplement, the Canons of Culleyn in their Antididagma and Enchiridion, John. Bunderius, Alphonsus de Castro, and Andreas Vega who was present at the handling of these matters in the last Tridentine Council.
All these, and sundry others beside them, hold that the dignity of the good works done by God's children doth not proceed from the value of the works themselves, but only from the gracious promise and acceptation of God. Yea Gregorius Ariminensis, that most able and careful defender of S. Augustine (as Vega styleth him) concludeth peremptorily, that no act of man, though issuing from never so great charity, meriteth of condignity from God, either eternal life, or yet any other reward whether eternal or temporal. The same conclusion is by Durand the most resolate Doctor (as Gerson termeth him) thus confirmed: That which is conferred rather out of the liberality of the giver than out of the due of the work, doth not fall within the compass of the merit of condignity, strictly and properly taken. But whatsoever we receive of God, whether it be grace or whether it be glory, whether temporal or spiritual good, whatsoever good work we have before done for it, yet we receive the same rather and more principally out of God's liberality, than out of the due of the work. Therefore nothing at all falleth within the compass of the merit of condignity, so taken. And the cause hereof is, (saith he) because both that which we are and that which we have, whether they be good acts or good habits, or the use of them, is wholly in us by God's liberality freely giving and preserving the same. Now because none is bound by his own free gift to give more, but the receiver rather is more bound to him that giveth: therefore by the good habits, and by the good acts or uses which God hath given us, God is not bound to us by any debt of justice to give anything more, so as if he did not give it he should be unjust; but we are rather bound to God. And to think or say the contrary, is rashness or blasphemy.
Of the same judgment with Durand, was Jacobus de Everbaco, as Marsilius witnesseth, who delivereth his own opinion touching this matter in these three conclusions. I. If we consider our works in themselves, or as they proceed also from cooperating grace, they are not such works as deserve eternal life of condignity. for proof whereof he bringeth in many reasons; and that of Durands for one. If for the works wrought by grace and free-will although never so great, eternal life should be due unto any by condignity: then God should do him injury, if he did not give eternal life unto him. and so God by those great good things which he had given, should be constrained in way of justice to add more great thereunto; which reason doth not comprehend. II. Such works as these may be said to merit eternal life of condignity, by divine acceptation, originally proceeding from the merit of the passion of Christ. III. Works done by grace do merit eternal life by way of congruity; in respect of God's liberal disposition, who hath so purposed to reward them. Afterwards he proveth out of the Apostle, Rom. 6.23. that eternal life is given out of God's grace, not out of our righteousness, and that God in thus rewarding us, doth neither exercise commutative justice, because in our good works we give nothing unto God, for which by way of commutation the reward should be due unto us ; nor yet distributive, because no man by working well, in regard of himself and in regard of the state wherein he is, doth merit anything of condignity, but is bound to God rather by a greater obligation, because he hath received greater good things from him. And thereupon at last concludeth, that God is just in rewarding, because by his just disposition he hath ordained by the grace of acceptation to crown the lesser merit with the greater reward; not by the justice of debt, but by the grace and disposition of the divine good pleasure.
But the sentence of the Chancellor and the Theological faculty of Paris in the year 1354. against one Guido an Austin Friar, that then defended the merit of condignity, is not to be overpassed. For by their order, this form of recantation was prescribed unto him. I said against a Bachelor of the order of the Friars Preachers in conference with him, that a man doth merit everlasting life of condignity, that is to say, that in case it were not given, there should injury be done unto him. I wrote likewise, that God should do him injury: and approved it. This I revoke as FALSE, HERETICALL, and BLASPHEMOVS. Yet now the times are so changed, and men in them that our new Divines of Reims stick not to tell us, that it is most clear to all not blinded in pride and contention, that good works be meritorious, and the very cause of salvation, so far that God should be unjust, if he rendered not heaven for the same. where to the judgment of the indifferent Reader I refer it, whether side in this case is more likely to have been blinded in pride: (we who abase ourselves before God's footstool, and utterly disclaim all our own merits; or they who have so high a conceit of them, that they dare in this presumptuous manner to challenge God of injustice, if he should judge them to deserve a less reward than Heaven it self:) and whether that sentence of our Savior Christ be not fulfilled in them, as well as in the proud and blind Pharisees their predecessors. For judgment I am come into this world, that they which see not might see, and that they which see might be made blind. And so leaving these blind leaders of the blind, who say they see (by that means making their sin to remain) and say they are rich and increased with goods (not knowing that they are wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked:) I proceed, and out of the fifteenth Century or Hundred of years after Christ produce other two witnesses of this truth. The one is Paulus Burgensis ; who expounding those words of David, Psalm. 36.5. Thy mercy, O Lord, is in heaven, (or, reacheth unto the heavens) writeth thus: No man according to the common law can merit by condignity the glory of heaven. whence the Apostle saith in the 8. to the Romans, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall be revealed in us. and so it is manifest that in heaven most of all the mercy of God shineth forth in the blessed. The other is Thomas Walden, who living in England the same time that the other did in Spain, professeth plainly his dislike of that saying; that a man by his merits is worthy of the kingdom of heaven, or this grace or that glory: howsoever certain Schoolmen, that they might so speak, had invented the terms of Condignitie and Congruity. But I repute him (saith he) the sounder Divine, the more faithful Catholic, and more consonant with the holy Scriptures, who doth simply deny such merit, and with the qualification of the Apostle and of the Scriptures confesseth, that simply no man meriteth the kingdom of heaven, but by the grace of God or will of the giver. as all the former Saints, until the late Schoolmen, and the universal Church hath written.
Out of which words of his you may further observe both the time when, and the persons by whom this innovation was made in these latter days of the Church: namely, that the late Schoolmen were they, that corrupted the ancient doctrine of the Church, and to that end devised their new terms of the merit of congruity and condignity. I say, in these latter days: because if we look unto higher times, Walden himself in that same place doth affirm that it was a branch of the Pelagian heresy to hold, that according to the measure of meritorious works God will reward a man so meriting. Neither indeed can this proud generation of Merit-mongers be derived from a more proper stock, than from the old either Pelagians or Catharists. For as these do nowadays maintain, that they do work by their own free-will, and thereby deserve their salvation: so was this wont to be a part of Pelagius his song; No man shall take away from me the power of free-will: lest if God be my helper in my works, the reward be not due to me, but to him that did work in me. And to glory of their merits, was a special property noted in the Catharists or ancient Puritans: who standing thus upon their own purity, do thereby declare (as Cassiodorus noteth) that they have no portion with the holy Church, which professeth that her sins are many. Nay, while these men call themselves Puritans, (saith Epiphanius) by this very ground they prove themselves to be impure. for whosoever pronounceth himself to be pure, doth therein absolutely condemn himself to be impure. For, as S. Jerome in this case disputeth against the Pelagians (and so against the Puritan and Pelagian Romanists) then are we righteous, when we confess ourselves to be sinners; and our righteousness consisteth not in our own merits, but in God's mercy. with whose resolution against them, we will now conclude this point against their new offspring; that the righteous are saved, not by their own merit, but by God's clemency.
And thus have I gone over all the particular articles propounded by our Challenger: and performed therein more a great deal, than he required at my hands. That which he desired in the name of his fello • es, was; that we would allege but any one Text of Scripture, which condemneth any of the above written points. He hath now presented unto him not texts of Scripture only, but testimonies of the Fathers also, justifying our diss • nt from them not in one but in all those points, wherein he was so confident, that they of our side that had read the Fathers could well testify, that all antiquity did in judgment concur with the now Church of Rome. And if he look into everyone of them more nearly; he may perhaps find, that we are not such strangers to the original and first breedings of these Romish errors, as he did imagine. It now remaineth on his part, that he make good what he hath undertaken: namely, that for the confirmation of all the above mentioned points of his Religion, he produce both good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, and the general consent likewise of the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church. Wherein, as I advise him to spare his pains in laboring to prove those things, which he seeth me before hand readily to have yielded unto: so I wish him also not to forget his own motion, made in the percloase of his Challenge; that all may be done with Christian charity and sincerity, to the glory of God, and instruction of them that are astray.
Faults escaped.
PAge 10. line 15. for once read one. p. 18. l. 8. (as also p. 19. l. 1. and 113. l. 2.) Radbertus. p. 30. l. 9. Canonical. p. 63. l. 28. bread and wine. p. 67. l. 9. or. p. 71. l. 12. for wine. read blood. ibid l. 21. for second read third. p. 77. in t • e marg • nt, at the very beginning, add x. Lanfranc. lib. de Sacram. Eucharist. contra Berengar. pag. 85. lin. 15. for he read God. p. 103. l. 20. set. p. 163. lin. 12, 13. cross out those words: then in any of the rest. pag. 271. in the margent, lin. 16. for Id. put Hieronym. pag. 326. in the margent, lin. 17. Marcellam. pag. 341. lin. 5. Christian. pag. 352. l. 5. cross out 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . pag. 405. l. 20. put out the word Jesuit: and in the last line of the margent, aft • r quaest. 12. add, artic. 10. dispute. 7. conclus. 6. p • g. 444. lin. ul • . Pitsio. pag. 449. in marg. l. 35. Naclantus. pag. 448. at the ast • risc *. lin. 14. add in the margent. Ab omnibus deinceps doceatur communiter atque praedicetur, Crucem & Imaginem Crucifixi ceterasque Imagines Sanctorum, in ipsorum memoriam & honorem quo • figurant, ac ipsorum loca & reliquias processionibus, gen • flexionibus, inclinationibus, thurificationibus, deosculationibus, oblationibus, luminarium accensionibus, & peregrinationibus, nec non alijs quibuscunque modis & formis quibus nostris & predecessorum nostrorum temporibus fieri consuevit, venerari debere. Gu • lh • lm. Lyndewode Provincial. lib. 5. de Haeretic. cap. Nullus quoque. pag. 451. l. 12. M • rsilius. pag. 453. in the margent. lin. 12. and 26. and pag. 454. l. 9. for Pr • phetic. read Protreptic. pag. 456. marg. lin. 38. manuum. pag. 463. marg. lin. 9. Patres.
A CATALOGVE OF THE AVTHORS HERE alleged; disposed according to the order of the times, wherein they are accounted to have lived.
-
Anno Domini:
- 40 N Icodemus. The author of the counterfeit Gospel, attributed unto him, lived within the first 600. years: being cited by Gregorius Turonensis.
- 43. Thaddaeus; vouched by Eusebius.
- 70. Clemens I. Romanus episc. Counted the author of the Apostolical Constitutions.
- 70. Dionysius Areopagita. The books that bear his name, seem to be written in the fourth or fifth age after Christ.
- 100. Ignatius Antiochenus.
- 120. Hermes.
- 163. Justinus Martyr.
- 170. Theophilus Antiochenus.
- 180. Irenaeus Lugdunensis.
- 180. Tatianus.
- 190. Maximus. out of whom the Dialogues against the Marcionists, attributed to Origen, are collected: as appeareth by the large fragment cited out of him by Eusebius in the end of the seventh book de Praeparatione Euangelicâ.
- 200. Clemens Alexandrinus.
- 200. Tertullianus.
- 210. Gaius.
- 220. Hippolytus Martyr.
- 230. Origen's.
- 230. Ammonius.
- 230. Minutius Felix.
- 240. Novatianus.
- 250. Gregorius Neocaesareensis.
- 250. Cyprianus.
- 260. Zeno Veronensis.
- 270. Victorinus Pictaviensis.
- 290. Pamphilus Martyr.
- 300. Arnobius.
- 300. Lactantius.
- 303. Concilium Sinuessanum, supposititium.
- 310. Concilium Eliberinum, seu Illiberitanum.
- 325. Concilium Romanum sub Silvestro, supposititium.
- 325. Concilium Nicaenum, univ • rsale I.
- 325. Macarius Hierosolymitanus.
- 330. Eusebius Caesareensis.
- 330. Juvencus.
- 340. Eusebius Emesenus.
- 340. Athanasius Alexandrinus.
- 350. Eustathius Antiochenus.
- 350. Julius Firmicus Maternus.
- 350. Acacius Caesareensis.
- 359. Conciliabula Arrianorum, Nicaen. Constantinop. Sirmiens. & Ariminens.
- 360. Didymus.
- 360. Hilarius Pictaviensis.
- 360. Titus Bostrensis.
- 364. Concilium Laodicenum.
- 370. Macarius Aegyptius.
- 370. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus.
- 370. Asterius Amaseae episc.
- 370. Optatus.
- 370. Ambrosius Mediolanensis episc.
- 370. Basilius Caesareensis.
- 370. Gregorius Nazianzenus.
- 370. Arius haereticus.
- 380. Caesarius.
- 380. Gregorius Nyssenus.
- 380. Nectarius.
- 380. Pacianus.
- 380. Prudentius.
- 380. Philastrius.
- 380. Euagrius Ponticus.
- 380. Amphilochius.
- 381. Concilium Constantinopolitanum, universal II.
- 390. Hieronymus.
- 390. Paula & Eustochium, apud eund.
- 390. Epiphanius.
- 390. Ruffinus.
- 390. Coelius Sedulius.
- 390. Paulinus Mediolanensis.
- 400. Io. Chrysostomus. cujus epistolam ad Caesarium monachum (quam in quaestionem vocant pontificij) citatam invenio in Collectaneis contra Severianos, quae ex Fr. Turriani version habentur in 4. tomo Antiquae lectionis Henr. Canisij, pag. 238. & in fine libri Io. Damasceni contra Acephalos; ibid. pag. 211. ubi postrema verba testimonij á nobis citati (pag. 64.65.) Turrianus ita transtulit: Sic etiam híc, divinâ naturâ in ipso insidente, unum Filium, unam Personam utrumque constituit.
- 400. Marcus eremita.
- 400. Polychronius.
- 400. Hesychius presbyter.
- 410. Palladius, Lausiacae histostoriae author.
- 410. Pelagius haereticus.
- 410. Augustinus.
- 410. Philo Carpathius.
- 410. Synesius.
- 414. Theodorus Daphnopatus. by Henr. Oraeus referred to this year: I know not by what warrant.
- 418. Concilium Africanum universal Carthagine habitum contra Pelagium.
- 420. Maximus Taurinensis.
- 424. Hilarius Arelatensis.
- 430. Io. Cassianus.
- 430. Vincentius Lirinensis.
- 430. Author Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum.
- 430. Cyrillus Alexandrinus.
- 430. Synodus Alexandrina, contra Nestorium.
- 430. Theodoretus.
- 430. Proclus Cyzicenus.
- 431. Concilium Ephesinum, universal III.
- 440. Prosper Aquitanicus.
- 440. Socrates historicus.
- 440. Sozomenus.
- 440. Eucherius Lugdunensis.
- 440. Petrus C • rysologus.
- 450. Leo. I.
- 450. Primasius.
- 451. Concilium Chalcedonense, universal IIII.
- 460. Basilius Seleuciensis.
- 460. Victor Antiochenus.
- 460 Salvianus Massiliensis.
- 476. Gelasius Cyzicenus.
- 490. Faustus Regiensis, seu Reiensis.
- 490. Gennadius Massiliensis.
- 490. Gelasius Papa I.
- 494. Concilium Romanum I. sub Gelasio.
- 500. Paschasius Romanae ecclesiae diaconus.
- 500. Olympiodorus.
- 500. Andreas Caesareensis. Stephanus Gobarus haereticus.
- 507. Laurentius Novariensis.
- 510. Ennodius Ticinensis.
- 520. Aurelius Cassiodorus.
- 520. Eusebius Gallicanus.
- 520. Caesari • s Arelatensis.
- 520. Fulgentius Ruspensis episc.
- 520. Johannes Maxentius.
- 527. Ephraem Antiochenus.
- 527. Agapetus diaconus.
- 529. Concilium Arausican. II.
- 530. Fulgentius Ferrandus.
- 530. Dionysius Exiguus.
- 530. Benedictus Monachus.
- 530. Procopius Gazaeus.
- 540. Arator.
- 553. Concilium Constantinopolitanum, universal. V.
- 560. Andreas Hierosolymitanus, Cretensis archiepisc.
- 560. Dracontius.
- 570. Cresconius.
- 580. Venantius Fortunatus.
- 580. Johannes Climacus.
- 589. Council. Toletan. III.
- 600. Gregorius I.
- 600. Johan. Nesteuta.
- Agapius Manichaeus.
- 610. Eustratius Constantinopolitanus.
- 630. Isidorus Hispalensis.
- 633. Conciliū Toletanū. IIII.
- 640. Maximus Monachus.
- 640. Jonah.
- 640. Anastasius Sinaita.
- 660. Eligius Noviomensis.
- 680. Julianus Toletanus.
- 690. Theodorus Cantuar. archiepisc.
- 700. Liber Canonum Ecclesiae Anglo-Saxonicae; MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ. Nico.
- 710. Isidorus Mercator.
- 720. Beda.
- 720. Germanus Constantinop.
- 730. Boniface Moguntinus.
- 740. Gregorius III.
- 740. Io. Damascenus.
- 740. Antonius author Melissae
- 745. Synodus Romana sub Zachariâ.
- 750. Ambrosius Ansbertus.
- 754. Constantinopolitanum Concilium contra Imagines.
- 773. Hadrianus I.
- 780. Johannes Hierosolymitanus.
- 785. Etherius & Beatus.
- 787. Concilium Nicaenū II.
- 787. Epiphanius Diaconus.
- 790. Elias Cretensis.
- 790. Alcuinus.
- 794. Conciliū Francofurtense.
- 800. Carolus Magnus.
- 813. Conciliū Arelatense IIII.
- 813. Council. Cabilonense II.
- 816. Council. Aquisgranense sub Ludovico Pio.
- 824. Synodus Parifiensis, de Imaginibus.
- 830. Christianus Druthmarus.
- 840. Amalarius Lugdunensis.
- 840. Paschasius Radbertus.
- 840. Rabanus Maurus.
- 840. Haymo Halberstattensis.
- 840. Agobardus Lugdun. episc.
- 840. Walafridus Strabus.
- 842. Council. Aquisgranense sub Pipino.
- 850. Synodus Carisiac.
- 850. Johannes Scotus.
- 850. Ecclesia Lugdunens. contra eund.
- 850. Grimoldus.
- 850. Hincmarus Rhemensis.
- 860. Photios,
- 860. Johannes Diaconus.
- 870. Otfridus Wissenburgensis.
- 876. Ratrann{us}, vulg. Bertramus.
- 890. Leo Imperator.
- 890. Michael Syncellus.
- 890. Ado Viennensis.
- 890. Nicetas Serronius.
- Gregorius Cerameus.
- 920. Regino Prumiensis.
- 950. Smaragdus.
- 975. Aelfrick.
- 1000. Fulbertus Carnotensis.
- 1020. Burchardus.
- 1030. Simeon Metaphrastes.
- 1050. Petrus Damiani.
- 1050. Oecumenius.
- 1050. Berengarius.
- 1058. Hermannus Contractus.
- 1060. Radulphus Ardens.
- 1060. Lanfrancus Cantuariensis archiepisc.
- 1060. Algerus.
- 1070. Osbernus.
- 1070. Theophylactus.
- 1080. Euthymius Zigabenus.
- 1080. Anselmus Cantuariensis archiepisc.
- 1090. Waltramus Naumbergensis.
- 1100. Sigebertus Gemblacensis.
- 1100. Conradus Bruwilerensis.
- 1100. Zacharias Chrysopolitanus.
- 1100. Ivo Carnotensis.
- 1110. Anselmus Laudunensis.
- 1120. Eadmerus.
- 1120. Michael Glycas.
- 1120. Johannes Zonaras.
- 1120. Rupertus Tuitiensis.
- 1130. Hugo de S. Victore.
- 1130. Guilielmus Malmesburiensis.
- 1130. Innocentius II.
- 1130. Bernardus Claraevallensis.
- 1140. Petrus Lombardus.
- 1140. Gilbertus Porretanus.
- 1146. Otto Frisingensis.
- 1150. Petrus Cluniacensis.
- 1150. Constantine Harmenopulus.
- 1150. Bernardus Morlanensis.
- 1154. Leo Thuscus.
- 1160. Arnaldus Carnotensis, abbas Bonaevallis. Opus de Cardinalibus Christi operib. Cypriano perperàm adscriptum, huic authori in exemplaribus MSS. tribuitur: quorum duo Oxonij ipsi vidimus; in Bo • lci • na Bibliothecâ unum, in Collegij Omnium Animarum Biblioth. alterum.
- 1160. Petrus Blesen • is.
- 1160. Johannes Tzetzes.
- 1170. Hugo Etherianus.
- 1170. Gratianus.
- 1180. Theodorus Balsamon.
- 1180. Simeon Dunelmensis.
- 1200. Cyrus Theodorus Prodromus.
- 1200. Innocentius III.
- 1204. Rogerus Howden.
- 1206. Guillermus Altissiodorensis.
- 1210. Nicetas Choniates.
- 1215. Concilium Lateranense.
- 1220 Jacobus de Vitriaco.
- 1230. Guilielmus Aluernus, Parisiensis episc.
- 1240. Alexand. de Hales.
- 1240. Albertus Magnus.
- 1250. Matthaeus Parisiensis.
- 1250. Hugo Cardinalis.
- 1252. Dominicani contra Graecos.
- 1260. Thomas Aquinas.
- 1260. Bonaventura.
- 1270. Jo. Semeca.
- 1280. Richardus de Media villa.
- 1280 Aegidius Romanus, à Trithemio author fuisse dicitur Compendij Theologicae veritatis, quod pag. 179. Alberti Magni nomine citavimus. Idem opus Bonaventurae nomine legitur in Appendice septimi tomi operum ejus Romae edit.
- 1283. Johan. Peckham Cantuar. archiepisc.
- 1300. Johannes Duns, Scotus.
- 1300. Georgius Pachymeres.
- 1300. Athanasius Constantinopolitanus.
- 1300. Nicolaus Cabasilas.
- Matthaeus Quaestor.
- 1310. Hugo de Prato.
- 1310. Guilielmus Nangiacus.
- 1320. Guilielmus Ockam.
- 1320. Durand de S. Porciano.
- 1320. Petrus Paludanus.
- 1320. Theodorus Metochita.
- 1320. Nicolaus Lyranus.
- 1327. Andronicus.
- 1330. Alvarus Pelagius.
- 1340. Thomas Bradwardine.
- 1340. Nicephorus Gregoras.
- 1350. Richardus Armachanus.
- 1350. Robertus Holcot.
- 1350. Thomas de Argentina.
- 1354. Guido Augustinianus.
- Germanus Patriarcha Constantinop.
- 1370. Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis.
- 1370. Henricus de Iota vel Huecta.
- 1386. Gregorius Ariminensis.
- 1390. Michael Angrianus de Bononia.
- 1400. Petrus de Alliaco, Cameracensis.
- Johannes Herolt, author Sermonum Discipuli.
- Jacobus de Everbaco.
- 1410. Johannes Gerson.
- 1414. Constantiense Concilium.
- 1420. Theodoricus de Niem.
- 1430. Paulus Burgensis.
- 1430. Alphonsus Tostatus Abulensis episc.
- 1430. Thomas Walden.
- 1430. Bernardinus Senensis.
- 1438. Graecorum Apologia ad Basileense Council. de igne Purgatorio.
- 1438. Concilium Ferrariense.
- 1439. Concilium Florentinum.
- 1439. Eugenij IIII. Bulla Unionis.
- 1440. Nicolaus Tudeschius, Abbas Panormitanus.
- 1440. Marcus Eugenicus, Ephesius.
- 1450. Gennadius Scholarius.
- 1460. Aeneas Sylvius.
- 1460. Dionysius Carthusianus.
- 1479. Congregatio Complutensis.
- 1480. Bernardinus de Busti.
- 1480. Johannes Capgravius.
- 1480 Gabriel Biel.
- 1490. Marsilius de Inghen.
- 1490. Jacobus Perez de Valentia.
- 1500. Johannes Major.
- 1500. Raphael Volaterranus.
- 1500. Johannes de Selva.
Erasmus, Adrian the sixth, Cardinal Cajetan, and the other writers of this last age, I pass over; as also the Hebrews and Heathen writers, cited in the question of the Descent into Hell: because the designing of the precise time wherein they lived, serveth to little use. Only I think it not amiss to add here a list of the Liturgies and Ritual books, which I have had here occasion to make use of.
-
Liturgiae. Graecae, nomen praeferentes
- Iacobi.
- Petri.
- Marci.
- Clementis.
- Basilij.
- Chrysostomi.
- Gregorij Romani; à Codino Greece reddita.
- Liturgia Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, Latin á Leone Thusco edita.
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Graecorum
- Euchologium.
- Menaea.
- Octoëchum Anastasimum.
- Pentecostarium.
- Novum Anthologium Greece editum Romae an. 1598.
- Basilij Anaphora Syriaca, ab Andr. Masio conversa.
- Missa Angamallensis, Christianorum S. Thomae, ex Syriaco conversa. in Itinerario Alex • j Menesij.
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Armenorum Liturgia, ab Andrea Lubelczyck Latin conversa.
-
Liturgiae Aegyptiacae
- Basilij á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae.
- Gregorij Nazianzeni á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae.
- Cyrilli Alexandrini á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae.
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Liturgiae Aegyptiacae
- Missa Ambrosiana.
- Gregorij I. Antiphonarium & Sacramentarium.
- Officium Muzarabum in Hispaniâ.
- Missal Gotthicū; tomo 6. Bibliothec. Patr. edit. Paris. an. 1589 & 15. edit. Colon. an. 1622.
- Ordo Romanus antiquus.
- Missa Latina antiqua, edit. Argentinae an. 1557.
- Baptizatorum & Confi • entium Ceremoniae antiquae: uná cum praefationibus vetustis, edit. Colon. an. 1530.
- Alcuini Sacramentorum liber; & Officium per ferias.
- Grimoldi Sacramentorū liber.
- Preces Ecclesiasticae v • ter • s, á Georgio Cassandro editae.
- Pontificale Romanum vetus, edit. Venet. an. 1572. & reformatum, Clementis VIII. jussu Romae edit. an. 1595.
- Missal Romanum vetus, edit. Paris. an. 1529. & jussu Pij V. & Clementis VIII. reformatum, edit. Romae an. 1604.
- Breviarium Romanum.
- Sacerdotale Romanum, edit. Venet. an. 1585.
- Caeremoniale Romanum, edit. Colon. an. 1574.
- Ordo Baptizandi, cum modo visitandi infirmos. Vener. 1575.
- Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum S. Romanae Ecclesiae, ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restitur. Paris. 1575.
- Breviarium Praemonstratensiū.