Five Speeches

AN INTRODVCTION to the last Parliament 16. Caroli. 1640.

Concerning moderation and preservation of Parliaments, by Sir Benjamin Rudyerd Knight, 16. Caroli. 1640.

B Y God's blessing, and the Kings savor, a great door and effectual is opened unto us of doing a great deal of good, if we do not shut in against ourselves. That we are here together in this House, is an evident demonstration that the Kings heart stands right towards us; for which we do owe him a thankful, a dutiful, a bountiful retribution.

Parliaments of later times have been disastrous and unfortunate, insomuch as the very Name of a Parliament hath been a reproach, a by word, a hissing. It now lies in our hands, by God's assistance, and it ought to be our chief endeavor, to restore Parliaments to their wonted luster.

There are some here in this House who were present, and many who do 〈◊〉 remember when the first Parliament was broken that ever was broken in England: we know from what 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 , and of the most part, the same Genius hath prevailed ever since, full of subtlety, full of malignity. But now they have taken upon them such a boldness, such an arrogance, as they stand in competition with us, who are the better subjects. And some believe they have carried it: their emulation I shall like, and do hope, but their presumption is not to be born; for certainly the best religion makes the best subjects, I wish them no harm, for I wish their conversion, and 〈◊〉 harsh way to it. Let us set up more and better Light to lighten their darkness burning shining Lights, not luke warm, glow-worm Lights; that the people in all places of the kingdom may be diligently taught, carefully instructed, in soundness of doctrine, by good example 〈◊〉 their Pastors; taught and instructed to hear prayers, how to use prayers; for whosoever 〈◊〉 made the quarrel between praying and preaching, never meant well to religion, being both so necessary duties not defranding one another: But I know not how it come about, that in out religion only a man may I be too religious. The best way to suppress all other religions, is to up hold our own to the height Light dispells darkness without noise or bussle. But I never yet know any man beaten him an opinion: I have known many frighted into dissimulation. A almosity and faintness becomes no Religion. Although 〈…〉 we have bad 〈…〉 , that by their •• nning working or distempers in this House and by their 〈◊〉 working upon these distempers out or the House, they have contributed as much to the breaking of Parliaments as anything 〈◊〉 whatsoever, yet bamlperswade to they will not be so active in this, because of their common Interest with us, as Sulli •••• as Englishmen, there being now; such a general necessity, of having a whole, a happy 〈…〉 Howsoever, it will be wisdom in us, to be ware of Insusions, to keep steady to our temper.

The main cause of the infelicity and destraction of these times hath been, the frequent breaking of Parliaments, believe 〈◊〉 Master Speaker, the splinters of a broken Parliament, do make the most dangerous wounds in the body Politique, which having so long festerd, must be pulled out with skillful gentle hand, else they may rather vex, then cure the wounds they have made. But we need not despair of a cure. For, in the fourteenth year of Edward the third. That King had great sums of money granted him in Parliament by way of Subsidy, for an expedition into France the went over entered into a way but the ill managing of his treasure at home by his Officers, and the withdrawing of some payments is by the people for not performance of conditions, enforced him to accept of a truce, when he was in the full hope of gaining a great victory; this could not but work strongly upon that greathearted Prince; He returned; Presently in the fifteenth year he summoned a Parliament, wherein were nothing but jealousies, contestations, & distempers; so that the Parliament, ended without fruit. In the 17 ^th . year he called another Parliament, for no other end, but only to make an atonement between him & his people, which intention wrought the success: for, by the prudence, and patience of the king. by the wisdom and humbleness of both Houses, all breaches were closed up, and such a perfect union made, as there never fell out any difference between him and his people during the whole time of his long life after. Why may not we be as wise round? I presume we shall. A Parliament is the bed of reconciliation between a King and his people, mutually best for both: so that it will be proper and fit for us, to lay aside all acerbity, and exasperation, To demean ourselves with calmness, sweetness, dutyfullnesse,

Although the Prerogative have gone very high, yet if we can but bring ourselves to an equanimity, to an indifferency of judgment, we shall find that all kings do as naturally love power, as all people do affect liberty: Then is it no more marvel that Princes do hearken to them who seek to improve their power, then that Parliaments have too much yielded to some who have pressed to cut end their liberty; whereas indeed, both Prerogative and liberty are best preserved, when they are executed within their bounds.

The Law saith, That a King of England can do no wrong. As for instruments, If the matters do start and expose the men, if the things they have misdone be condemned and reformed, the men, without my more a do, will quickly be despised, grow as use less as they are worthless, wither and wear away to the nothing they deserve. It is true that in sometimes, examples are more necessary then Laws, especially when Laws grow infirm for want of exercise, because examples make a deeper impression, strike a greater terror: But at this time, we should very unhand somly celebrate the Redintegration, and union we desire and expect, with unsuitable severity, and extremities.

The levying of money to relieve the Kings necessities, hath also bred a great disturbance, & it will do so: for the pe ••… ry and scarcity of the Crown will keep a perpetual inter feering between the King and his people until it be supplied. The power of a King, and the power of necessity joined both in one hand, Master 〈◊〉 , will not long be disappointed. But I do hope before this Parliament be finally concluded, we shall establish such a constant Revenue to his Majesty, as shall enable him to live plentifully 〈◊〉 at home, for a high formidable 〈…〉 upon him 〈◊〉 and that without •• king anything away from him, but such things only as will fall away of them selves. This, nothing but Parliaments can do. As for subsist, I could never 〈…〉 narrow, protecting word applied to the King without scorn and indignation.

Let us set out thoughts and desires but six 〈◊〉 back, when we had no hope of any Parliament at all 〈◊〉 , what then we would have given, what we would have done then to have had a Parliament; And we cannot 〈◊〉 well now; It doth not well 〈◊〉 with the wisdom and settlednesse of this Assembly. to value 〈◊〉 a Parliament we had not, then the Parliament we have; to think better of an imaginaty Parliament, then of a real one.

I have observed, that whilst Parliaments are sitting, they 〈…〉 so high, so sharp, as if Parliaments should sit always, which indeed doth 〈…〉 : And when Parliaments are 〈…〉 who 〈…〉 if Parliament 〈◊〉 never sit again; 〈…〉 a Parliament 〈…〉 into this House 〈…〉 us 〈…〉 the pieces together, 〈…〉 out right, and ourselves with it.

〈…〉

Mr. Speaker, It is so far from being strange, as it can hardly be otherwise, but that in so long a vacation between Parliaments, many disorders must needs grow in upon us, as Deviation in Religion, violation of Laws, invasion upon liberties: But the work and labor, is how to teduce them, how to set them right again: The manner of doing it ought to be the principal in our consideration, for the matters carry in them, stirring, vehement, tempting provocations. For that very reason, Master Speaker, it behooves us to be the more wary, the more composed, lest we be transported beyond the attaining our ends. I confess I do now feel myself in a straight. Shall we only look forward as they call it, Altogether omit and neglect God in his Religion, the King in his Honor, the Common-wealth in his gasping extremity? That stands notwith the integrity of this house, with the 〈…〉 our country. Shall we encounter these enormities with the full force of a Parliamentary strictness, rigor, and exactness? In doing thus, we may turn the medcine into a worse disease, and so undo all, even root out the whole race of Parliaments forever, Men and brethren what shall we do, Truly Master Speaker, If I should speak for my life, as I do for more, I should most humbly beseech this House, That we may all of us strive to make this a breeding, teeming Parliament, that it may be the mother of many moe, and not cast ourselves upon the hazard of desperate, dismal events. As long as we have Parliaments, we shall know where to find ourselves; when they are gone, we are lost.

AN INTRODVCTION To the PARLIAMENT, Novemb. 7. 1640.

W E are here assembled to do God's business & the Kings, in which our own is included, as we are Christians as we are Subjects, Let us 〈◊〉 God, thee shall we honor the King the more for I am afraid we have been the less prospectus in Parliaments because we have prefer'd other 〈…〉 him. Let Religion be 〈…〉 for all things else are 〈…〉 yet we may have them too, 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ; if we give God his precedence.

We all know, what disturbance hath been brought upon the 〈◊〉 , for vain, petty trifles; How the whole Church, The whole kingdom hath been troubled where to place a Metaphor, an Altar. We have seen Ministers, their wives, children, and families undone against law; against conscience, against all bowels of compassion, about not dancing upon Sundays. What do this sort of men think will be come of themselves, when the master of the house shall come, and find them thus Beating their fellow-servants? These inventions were but Sives made of purpose to winnow the best men; and that's the devils occupation. They have a mind to worry Preaching: for I never yet heard of any but diligent preachers, that were vexed with these, and the like devices. They despise prophecy, and as one said, they would fain be at something that were like the Mass, that will not bite; a muzzeld Religion. They would evaporate and dis-spirit the power and vigor of Religion, by drawing it out into solemn, specious Formalityes, into obsolete, antiquated ceremonies new furbished up. And this (belike) is the good work in hand with Docter Heylin hath so often celebrated in his bold Pamphlets. All their acts and actions are so full of mixtures, involutions, and complications, as nothing is clear, nothing sincere, in any of their proceedings: let the in not say, that these are the perverse suspicious, malicious interpretations, or some few factions spirits amongst us; when a Romanist hath brag'd, and congratulated in print, that the face of our church begins to alter, the language of our religion to change. And Sancta Clara hath published, That if a Synod were held, Non intermixtis Puritanis, setting Puritans aside, our Articles & their Religion would soon be agreed. They have so brought it to pass, that under the name of Puritans all our Religion is branded, & under a few hard words against Jesuits, all Popery is countenanced. Whosoever squares his actions by any rule, either divine or human, he is a Puritan. Whosoever would be governed by the King's Laws, he is a Puritan; he that will not do whatsoever other men would have him do, he is a Puritan. Their great work, their master piece now is, to make those of the Religion, to be the suspected party of the kingdom.

Let us farther reflect upon the ill effects these courses have wrought; what by a defection from us on the one side, & a separation on the other: Some, imagining whither we are tending, made haste to turn, or declare themselves Papists beforehand, thereby hoping to render themselves the more gracious, the more acceptable. A great multitude of the King's Subjects, striving to hold communion with us, but seeing how far we were gone, and fearing how much further we would go, were forced to flee the land, some into other inhabited countries, very many into savage wildernesses, because the land would not bear them. Do not they that cause these things cast a reproach upon the government?

Master Speaker, let it be our principal care that these ways neither continue, nor return upon us. If we secure our religion, we shall cut off, and defeat many plots that are now on foot by them & by others. Believe it Sirs Religion hath been for a long time, and still is, the great design upon this Kingdom. It is a known, and a practice'd principle, that they who would introduce another Religion into the church, must first trouble, and disorder the government of the state, that so they may hide, and work their ends in a confusion; which now lies at the door.

I come next, Master Speaker, to the King; business, more particularly, which indeed is the kingdoms: for one hath no existence, no being, without the other, their relation is so near. Yet some have subtly, and strongly, labored a divorce; which hath been the very bane both of King and kingdom.

When foundations are shaken, it is high time to look to the building. He hath no heart, no head, no soul, that is not moved in his whole man, to look upon the distresses, the miseries of the Common-wealth; that is not forward in all that he is, and hath, to redress them in a right way.

The King likewise is reduced to great straits, wherein it were undurifulnesse, beyond inhumanity, to take advantage of him: let us rather make it an advantage for him; to do him best service when he hath most need; not to seek our own good, but in him, and with him Else we shall commit the same crimes our selves, which we must condemn in others.

His Majesty hath clearly and freely put himself into the hands of this Parliament, and I presume, there is not a man in this House, but feels himself advanced in this high Trust. But if he prosper no better in our hands, then he hath done in theirs, who have hitherto had the handling of his affairs, we shall forever make ourselves unworthy of so gracious a confidence. I have often thought and said, That i • must be some great extremity that would recover and rectify this state: And when that extremity did come, it would be a great hazard, whether it might prove a remedy, or a ruin. We are now, Master Speaker, upon that vertical turning point; and therefore it is no time to pall • ate, to foment, our own undoing.

Let us set upon the Remedy, We must first know the disease. But to discover the diseases of the state, is (according to some) to traduce the government: yet others are of opinion, that this is the half way to the cure.

His Majesty is wiser then they that have advised him, and therefore he cannot but see, and feel, their subverting, destructive counsels, which speak louder, then I can speak of them; for they ring a doleful, deadly knell over the whole kingdom. His Majesty best knows who they are. For us, let the matters bolt out the men, their actions discover them.

They are men that talk largely of the Kings service, have done none but their own, and that's too evident.

They speak highly of the Kings power, but they have made it a miserable power, that produceth nothing but weakness; both to the King and kingdom.

They have exhausted the King's revenue to the bottom, nay thorough the bottom, and beyond.

They have spent vast sum •• of money, wastefully, fruitlessly, dangerously; so that more money, without other counsels, will be but a swift undoing.

They have always, peremptorily pursued one obstinate pernicious course. First, they bring things to an extremity; Then, they make that extremity of their own, making the reason of their next action, seven times worse then the former; and there we are at this instant.

They have almost • poil'd the best instituted government in the world, for Soveraignety in a King, liberty to the Subject, the proportionable temper of both which, makes the happiest State for power, for Riches, for duration.

They have unmanerly and slubburringly cast all their projects all their machinations upon the King; which no wise or good ministers of State ever did but would still take all harsh, disrastfull things upon themselves, to eleare, to sweeten their Master.

They have not suffered his Majesty to appear unto his people in his own native goodness, they have ecelipst him by their interposition: although gross condense bodies may obscure and hinder the Sun from shining out, yet is he still the same in his own splendor; and when they are removed, all creatures under him, are directed by his light, comforted by his beams. But they have framed a Supercilious-seeming Maxim of State for their own turn; that if a King will suffer men to be torn from him, he shall never have any good service done him: when the plain truth is, that this is the surest way to preserve a King from having ill servants about him. And the divine truth likewise is; Take away the wicked from the King, and his throne shall be established.

Master Speaker. Now we see what the sores are in general, and when more particulars shall appear, lot us be very careful, to draw out the cores of them, not to skin them over, with a slight, suppurating, festering cure, lest they presently break out again into greater mischiefs. Consider of it, cousult, and speak your minds.

It •… th heretofore been boasted, that the King should never call a Parliament, till he had no need of his people. These were words of division, and malignity. The King must always, according to his occasions, have use of his people's hearts, hands, purses, The people will always have need of the King's clemency, justice, protection, and this reciptocation, is the strongest, the sweetest union.

It hath been said too of late, that a Parliament will take away more from the King, then they will give him. It may well be said, that those things which will fall away or themselves, will enable the Subject to give him more than can betaken any way else. Proiects and Monopolies are but leaking Conduit pipes, the Exchequer it self at fullest, is but a cistern, and now a broken one: frequent Parliaments only are the fountain; and I do not doubt, but in this Parliament, as we shall be free in our advises, so shall we be the more free of our Purses, that his Majesty may experimentally find, the real difference of better councils, the true, solid grounds, of raising and establishing his Greatness, never to be brought again (by God's blessing) to such dangerous, such desperate perplexities.

Master Speaker, I confess I have now gone in a way much against my Nature, and somewhat against my custom beretofore in this place. But the deplorable, dismal condition, both of the Church & State, have so far wrought upon my judgment, as it hath convinced my disposition. Yet am I not Vir Sanguinum. I love no man's ruin, I thank God, I neither hate any man's Person, nor envy any man's fortune: only I am zealous of a thorough reformation, in a time that exacts, that extorts it; which I humbly beseech this House may be done, with as much lenity, as much moderation, as the public safety of the King and kingdom can possibly admit.

Concerning Money to the SCOTS.

I T will become us thankfully to acknowledge, the prudent and painful endeavors of my Lord's the Peers Comissioners, in treating with the Scots, in mediating with the king: whereby (God assisting) we are how probably drawing near to a blessed peace.

His Majesty in his wisdom and goodness, is graciously pleased to give his Royal Assent to their Acts of Parliament, where in the articles of their assembly are like wife included. Insomuch as their Religion, their Laws, their liberties, are ratified and established. Besides, their grievances rehev'd and redress'd; for which we use to give the King money, and are still ready to do it. This, although it be a large, yet it is not received as a full satisfaction.

Before they came into England, they published in a Remonstrance, that they would take nothing of the English, but what they would pay for, or give security: we have desray'd them hitherto, and are provided to do it longer.

They did well remember, that we assisted them in the time of their Reformation; and it is not to be forgoten, that we did bear our own charges.

Concerning mutual restitution of Ships, and goods, my Lord's the Comissioners have very fairly and discreetly accomodated that parricular already.

As for inferenciall, consequenciall damages, such a representation would but minister unacceptable matter of difference and contestation; which amongst friends ought to be warily and wisely avoided.

We could allege, and truly too, that Northumberland, Newcastle, and the Bishopric, will not recover their former state these twenty years. We have heard it spoken in this House, by an understanding knowing member in the particular, that the Coal-mmes of New castle will not be set right again for a hundred thousand pound, besides the over price of coals, which all the while it hath and will cost this city, and other parts of the kingdom. A great deal more of this nature might be rehearsed: but I delight not to press such tenter-stretched arguments. Let us on both sides rather thank God by proceeding in the way he hath laid before us, and not wry his way to ours: time and his blessing will repair all our implicit damages, with many prosperous explicit advantages.

They say, that they do not make any formal demand, but they do make a sum to appear of five hundred and fourteen thousand pounds, more then ever we gave the king at once. A portentous apparition! which shows it self in a very dry time, when the Kings revenue is totally exhausted, his debts excessively multiplied, this kingdom generally impoverish'd by grievous burdens, and disordered courts. All this supply is to be drawn out of us only, without the least help from any of his Majesty's other dominions; which to my seeming, will be an utter drayning of the people, unless England be Ruteus in-exhaustus, as the Popes were wont to call it.

Notwithstanding, Sir, now that I have in part opened the state we are in, though nothing so exactly as they have done theirs, I shall most willingly and heartily afford the Scots, whatsoever is just, equitable, and honorable, even to a convenient, considerable, round sum of money, towards their losses and expenses, that we may go off with a friendly and a handsome loss. If they reject it, we shall improve our cause.

It was never yet thought, Master Speaker, any great wisdom, over much to trust a successful sword. A man that walks upon a rising ground, the further he goes, the larger is his prospect. Success enlarges men's desires, extends their ambition, it breeds thoughts in them they never thought before. This is natural, and usual.

But the Scots being truly touched with Religion according to their profession, that only is able to make them keep their word. For, Religion is stronger, and wiser, then reason, or reason of slate.

Beyond all this Master Speaker, the remarkable traces of God's wonderful providence in this strange work, are so many, so apparent, as I cannot but hope, almost to believe, that the same All governing merciful 〈◊〉 will conduct and lead us to a happy conclusion, will contract a closer, firmer union between the two nations then any mere human policy could ever have effected, with inestimable benefits to both. In advancing the truth of religion, in exalting the greatness of the King, in securing the peace of his kingdoms, against all malicious, envious, ambitious opposites, to Religion, to the king, to his kingdoms; wherein, I presume, all our desires, and prayers do meet.

Concerning BISHOPS.

I do verily believe, that there are many of the Clergy in our Church, who do think the simplicity of the Gospel too mean a vocation for them too serve in. They must have a specious, pompous, sumptuous Religion, with additionalls of Temporal Greatness, Authority. Negotiation; not withstanding they know better then I, what Fathers Schoolmen, Counsels are against their mixing themselves in secular affairs.

This Roman ambition, will at length bring in the Roman Religion, and at last a haughty insolence even against supreme power it self, if it be not timely, and wisely prevented.

They have amongst them and Apothegm of their own making, which is, No Miter, no Scepter: when we know by dear experience, that if the Miter be once in danger, they care not to throw the scepter after, to confound the whole kingdom for their interest.

And histories will tell us, that whensoever the Clergy went high, Monarchy still went low: if they could not make the Monarch the Head of their own faction, they would be sure to make him less; witness one example for all, the Popes working the Emperor out of Italy.

Some of ours as soon as they are Bishops, Adepto fine, cessat motus, they will preach no longer, their office then is to govern: but in my opinion they govern worse then they preach though they preach not at all; for we see to what pass their government hath brought us.

In conformity to themselves, they silence others also, though Jerome in one of his epistles saith, that even a Bishop let him be of never, so blameless a life, yet he doth more hurt by his silence, then he can do good by his example.

Master Speaker, It now behooves us so to restrain the Bishops to the duties of their function, as they may never more hanker after heterogenious extravagant employments. Not be so absolute, so single and solitary in actions of moment, as Excommunication, absolution, ordination, and the like: but to join some of the Ministry with them, & further to regulate them according to the usage of ancient Churches in the best times; that by a well tempered government, they may not have power hereafter, to corrupt the church, to undo the kingdom.

When they are thus circumscrib'd, and the public secured from their eruptions, then shall not I grudge them a liberal, plentiful subsistence; else I am sure they can never be given to hospitally.

Although the calling of the Clergy be all glorious within, yet if they have not a large, considerable outward support, they cannot be freed from vulgar contempt.

It will always be fit, that the flourishing of the church should hold proportion with the flourishing of the Common-wealth wherein it is. If we dwell in houses of Cedar, why should they dwell in skins. And I hope, I shall never see a good Bishop left worse then a Parson, without a Gleabe.

Certainly Sir, the superintendencie of eminent men, Bishops over divers Churches, is the most primitive, the most spreading, the most lasting government of the Church. Wherefore, whilst we are earnest to take away Innovations, let us beware we bring not in the greatest Innovation that over was in England.

I do very well know what very many do very fervently desire; But let us well bethink ourselves, whether a popular, democratical government of the Church (though fit for other places) will be either suitable or acceptable to a Regal, Monarchical government of the State.

Every man can say (it is so common and known a truch) that sudden and great changes, both in natural and politique bodies, have dangerous operations? and give me leave to say, that we cannot presently see to the end of such a consequence, especially in so great a kingdom as this, and where Episcopacy is so wrap dane involved in the Laws of it.

Wherefore, Master Speaker, my humble motion is, That we may punish the present offenders, reduce and preserve the Calling for better men hereafter. Let us remember with fresh thankfulness to God, those glorious Martyr. Bishops who were burned for our Religion in the times of Popery, who by their learning, zeal, and constancle, uphold and conveyed it down to us.

We have some good Bishops still, who do preach every Lord's Day, and are therefore worthy of double honor. They have suffered enough already in the disease, I shall be forry we should make them suffer more in the remedy.

Concerning BISHOPS, DEANES, AND CHAPTERS: At a Committee of the whole House by Sir Benjamin Rudyerd.

W E are now upon a very great business, so great indeed, as it requires our soundest, our saddest consideration, our best judgment for the present, our utmost foresight for the futuer.

But Sir, One thing doth exceedingly trouble me, it turns me quite round, it makes my whole reason vertiginous, which is, that so many do believe against the wisdom of all ages, that now, there can he no reformation without destruction, as if every sick body must presently be knocked in the head as past hope of cure.

Religion was first and best planted in Cities. God did spread his net where most might be caught. Cities had Bishops and Presbyters. Presbyters were the Seminaries out of which were sent laborers by the Bishops to propagate and cultivate the Gospel. The Clergy then lived wholly upon the free-will-offerings and bounty of the people.

Afterward, when Kings and States grew to be Christians, the outward settlement of the church grew up with them. They erected Bishoprics, founded Cathedral churches, endowed them with large possessions. Land lords built parish churches, gleabd them with some portion of land, for which they have still a right of Presentation.

I do confess that some Bishops have had ambitious, dangerous aims, and have so still. That in their government there are very great Enormities. But I am not of their opinion, who believe that there is an innate ill quality in Episcopacy, like a specifical property, which is a refuge, not a reason. I hope there is no original sin in Episcopacy, and though there were, yet may the "Calling be as well reformed, as the person regenerated. Bishops have governed the church for fifteen hundred years without interruption and no man will say, But that God hath saved souls in all those times under their government. Let them be reduced, according to the usage of ancient Churches in the best times, so restrained, as they may not be able hereafter to shame the calling. I love not those that hate to be reformed, and do therefore think them worthy of the more strict, the more close reformation.

We have often complaind that Bishops are too absolute, too singular. Although Cathedral, churches are now for the most part but receptacles of Droanes and Non-residents, yet some good men may be found or placed there, to be Assessours with the Bishops, to assist them in actions of moment, in causes of importance. There is maintenance already provided for them. If either in Bishoprics or Cathedral churches, there be too much, some may be pared off, to relieve them that have to little. If yet more may be spared, it may be employed to the setting up of a preaching ministry thorough the whole kingdom, and until this be done, although we are Christians, yet are we not a Christian State. There are some places in England, that are not in Christendom; the people are so ignorant, they live so without God in the world; for which, Parliaments are to answer both to God and man: let us look to it, for it lies like one of the Burdens of the Prophet Isaiah, heavy and flat upon Parliaments.

I have oftentimes seriously considered with myself, what strong concurrent motives and causes did meet together in that time, when Abbeys and Monasteryes were overthrown. Certainly God's hand was the greatest, for he was most offended. The profane superstitions, the abhominable Idolatryes, the filthy nefandous wickedness of their life's, did stink in God's nostriles, did call down for vengeance, for reformation. A good party of Religious men were zealous instruments in that great work. As likewise many covetous ambitious Persons, gaping for fat morsels, did lustily drive it on.

But Master Hyde, there was a principal Parliamentary motive, which did facillitate the rest. For it was propounded in Parliament, that the Accession of Abbey lands would so in-rich the crown, as the people should never be put to pay Subsidies again; this was plausable both to court and country besides with the overplus, there should be maintained a standing army of forty thousand men, for a perpetual defense of the kingdom; this was safety at home, terror and honor abroad. The Parliament would make all sure.

God's part, Religion by his blessing hath been reasonably well preserved: but it hath been saved an by fire, for the rest is consumed and vanished. The people have paid Subsidies ever since; and we are now in no very good case to pay an Army.

Let us beware, Master Hyde, that we do not look with a worldly, carnal, evil eye upon church lands. Let us clear our sight, search our hearts, that we may have unmixed and sincere ends, without the least thought of saving our own purses. Church lands will still be fittest to maintain church men, by a proportionable and orderly distribution.

We are very strict and curious to uphold our own propriety, and there is great reason for it: Are the Clergy only a sort of men who have no propriety at all in that which is called theirs? I am sure they are Englishmen, they are Subjects.

If we pull down Bishoprics, and pull down Cathedral churches, in a short time we must be forced to pull down Colleges too: for scholars will live and die there as in cells, if there be no considerable preferment to invite them abroad, and the example we are making now, will be an easy temptation to the less pressing necessities of future times.

This is the next way to bring in Barbarisine, to make the Clergy an unlearnd contemptible vocation, not to be desired but by the basest of the people; and then, where shall we find men able to convince an adversary?

A Clergy man ought to have a far greater proportion to live upon then any other man of an equal condition. He is not bred to multiply Three-pences, it becomes him not to live mechanically and sordidly. He must be given to hospitality. I do know myself a Clergy man, nodignitary, whose books have cost him a thousand pounds, which when he dies may be worth to his wife and children, about some two hundred.

It will be a shameful reproach to so flourishing a kingdom as this, to have a poor beggarly Clergy. For my part, I think nothing too much, nothing too good for a good minister, a good Clergy man. They ought least to want, who best know how to abound. Burning and shining lights, do well deserve to be set in good candlesticks.

Master Hyde, I am as much for reformation, for purging and maintaining Religion, as any man whatsoever: But I profess, I am not for Innovation, Demolition, nor Abolition.