England to be Swallowed by Another French Marriage

IN all delibrations of moste private actions, the very heathen are wont, first to consider honesty, and then profit. Some of thē also many times, not without some blind regard to a certain divine nature which they worshipped before the altar of the unknown God. Oh the strange Christianity of some men in our age, who in their state consultations have not so much respect to Piety as those first men had to honesty, nor so much regard to honesty, as they had to profit: & are therefore justly given up of the Lord our God to seek profit where in deed it is not, and deceived by their lusts to embrace a showing & false Good instead of that which is the good End of a wise man. Yea, who neglecting the holy and sure wisdom of God in his word, wherein are the only honorable enstructions for polytyques, and honestest rules of gouering our houses and own person, do beat their brains in other books of wicked vile Atheists and set before them the example of Turkish and Italian practices, whereby the Lord many times thrustes their hands into the neste of wasps and hornets while they seek the honey of the sweet be.

Thys sickness of mind have the french drawn from those Easteern partes of the world, as they did that other horrible disease of the body: and having already too far Westward, communicated the one contagion, do now seek notably to infecte our minds with the other. And because this infection spreeds it self after another manner from the first, they have sent us hither not Satan in body of a serpent, but the old serpent in shape of a mā, whose sting is in his mouth, and who doth his endeavor to seduce our Eve, that she and we may lose this English Paradise. Who because she is also our Adam & sovereign Lord or lordly Lady of this Land, it is so much the more dangerous & therefore he so much the more busily bestirs him.

Now although the truth be that upon further ripping up of this serpentine attempt, we shall find the Church notably under mined by the Pope: the very foundations of our common weall dangerously digged at by the french: & our deer Queen Elizabeth (I shake to speak) led blyndfold as a poor Lamb to the slaughter: yet should not my fear be so great, knowing her Majesty's wisdom sufficient to teach her, in such a matter as this, neither to trow a French man nor once here speak a daily hearer of mass (for she may know him by his hissing and lisping) but that some English mouths professing Christ are also persuaders of the same. And though this ship fraughte with England's bane, were already vndercrossed sails with the freshest gale of wind in her stern that can blow in the skye for our best port: yet had we counter puffs and counterbuffes enough to keep him aloof and to send him back again into the deeps, if he had none but only french mariners and only french tackle. But alas this ship of unhappy load hath emong us & of our selves (I would, not in Princes Court) those who with all their might and main help to hale it in: and, as though the blustering winds of our enemies malice and the broad sails of our sins were not sufficient to give it a speedy passage hither, our own men walk on this shore and lay to their shoulders with fastened lines and cables to draw it in. This is our mischief, this is the swallowing Gulf of our bottomless destruction: else might we think our selves impregnable. It is not the feeble assault of this carpet squire that would make us come to the walls or once shut the gates against him.

Therefore albeit I wote well you understand already in general, what is that great calamity thus imminent over our heads whereof I speak: and albeit the bare consideration of some few apparent circumstances of this strange sought marriage by France with England, do suffyciently move and affecte every Christian heart, in respect of the hurt to the Church of Christ: every English heart, in respect of the detriment to England: and every honest affectionate heart of any her majesties loving true servant in regard of the great danger thereby coming to her royal Person: yet to the end our minds may be the more earnestly stirred up, by more particularly weighing the evils of this matter, we will enter into the partes of this practice and gage the very belly of this great horse of hidden mischiefs & falsehood meant to us. And according as those not half taught Christians and half hearted Englishmen which persuade and solicit this french marriage, have in their mouths nothing but the church and common weal, pretending hereby either against their own conscience or of some other humor that blindeth them, to bring great advancement to religion and advantage to the state, with many smooth words of I wot what, assurance to her majesties person: I will likewise draw all my reasons to those chief heads of Religion, and the Pollicie, showing & proving, I hope, that this is a counsel against the Church of Christ, an endeavor of no well advised Englishman, as well in regard of the commō state, as of her majesties good estate. to every of which it is pernicious and capital. In the ende I will answer such of theyre adverse or perverse reasons as shall be left vndisproued in this my proof.

And first if a man would here bring in the Church to speak for her self, standing upon the doctrine of her Prophets and Christ the Lord, leaning upon the pillar of truth, whose crown and garlond is to suffer rather then to use any vain help of mā against God's law: mild though she be without all gale in her heart, and have no words in her honey sweet mouth but of a most loving mother: yet would she with sharp reproof take up these goodly procurers of her wealth as very practicers of her woe, she would call them to account why they take her holy name in their mouths, and she would scarce repute them for her children who will needs forsooth be her fathers. for (to reason with these Politics in their own professyon) can they think any counsel wholesome to the state or becoming good counsailours, which cannot be once deliberated of, much les put in execution, without both despising of the Prince and contemptuous breach of the country laws? they must needs say no, if they have any sincerity or plain dealing left. at least they will say nay for fear. And think they that any their vayneglorious devise can prove to the life or health of the church, which is offered her with shameful dishonor to her spouse, with the separating her from her Lord God, and with the treading under foot of that precious law, which îs her holy rule for order, and sovereign preseruatife against all headlong confusion? if they say yea, we say nay, and prove it nay. Namely that this procuration of marriage, is a breach of God's law, and not only for the sin thereof is against the church because it hasteneth vengeance, but we show by demonstrative reasons that it goeth to the very gorge of the Church.

I trust, I shall not need to prove to these men's consciences this Major proposition or Maxim, that is to say, Syn provoketh the wrath of God, and that great sins call down great plages, and mighty sinners are mightily punished. This argument, The world sinneth, such a city sinneth, such a land sinneth, such a try be, such a kindred, such a family, such a soul sinneth, Ergo, the world, such a city, land, trybe, kindred, family, soul, shall feel the vengeance of that high lawgeuer against whom they sin: is a most necessary consequence.

This next though it be but the Minor in order and will not perhaps without farther proof be yelden unto by this kind of protestātes: yet is it as true as the former, that is, that it is a sin, a great and a mighty sin for England to give one of Israel's daughters to any of Hemors sons: to match a daughter of God with one of the sons of men: to couple a Christian Lady, a member of Christ, to a Prince & good son of Rome that Antichristian mother city. For the invincible manifestastion therefore of this truth, let us first consider England as a region purged from Idolatry a kingdom of light, confessing Christ and serving the living God: Contrariwise, France a den of Idolatry a kingdom of darkness, confessing Belial and serving Baal. Then let us remember what was the first institution of marriage, which is set before us, as a directory rule for us in our marriages forever, and whereunto Christ teacheth us plainly in all cases and other incidentes of marriage, to look back, when, upon a case put of marriage, he answers. IN THE BEGINNING IT WAS NOT SO. The first marriages were between payres in Religion, and in the fear of God. And the first written commandments that are given by Moses touching marriage, have their regard to that first institution, as it were to the oldest law. The which Moses rightly understanding and according to the interpretation of all laws when they bid or forbid anything, do therewith forbid or bid the contrary: He also in Denteronomie forbad those matches wherein the sons of God were given to the daughters of mē, adding this reason. for, saith he, such marriages will make thy children to fall from me. And this place at once, may expound those other many places where it is said, least they make thy children to commit Idolatry, to be added as a certain punishment by the judgment of God, and not for a doubtful reason as some would fain have it, that seek to draw the laws of God to their lusts, who should rather rule their lusts by the laws. Which pure institution of marriage S. Paul also continues: when enlarging the holy use thereof to all sortes of men, he yet hath this restraint, that it be in the Lord; that is to say, in his fear, as it was from the beginning, and according to his former commandments in his word.

It is more then enough to break the holy ordinance instituted of God, which ought to govern us without further enqui rye of reason or commodity. But as the holiness of his laws is wholesome to us, even in this life by obedience: so doth their transgression breed us infinite incommodities. For the ende of this holy kind of marriage is our mutual help and vpholdiug one another in the fear of God. which appeareth by the reason of forbidding those unholy marriages, which is, least, saith the spirit of God, their sons draw your daughters or their daughters your sons from the Lord. Now as the one comes to pass where thorder of God is kept: so the contrary effect must justly follow upon neglect. especially if such a marriage be made in a gospellike land where the law of God is preached, and contrary to warning given out of God's book. Then without peradventure all blessing is taken away, and the plague followeth. And to teach our politiques by reasonable arguments, what other reasons have the laws of all lands to join like to like in marriage, but for the norishing of peace and love between man and wife, and for the well bringing up of the children in every family, whereby to make them profitable members in some serviceable vocation: considering that families are the seeds of Realms and petty partes of common weals, where if there be good order, the whole land is well ordered: and contrary, as in any instrument if every string or many strings be out of tune, the whole music is marred, and who so will preserve any entier, must conserve every part: so if the families be distempered and out of tune, the whole land is disturbed.

Think you that the common weal can have this care for her less partes, and thus provide for the well training up of her chil dren, & that the church of England wherein this holy law of religious matching & marrying the faithful with the faithful is give by Christ, to this end, that their children might be sanctified, and holily brought up in Christian religion: think you I say that the church will easily depart with her deer daughter her daughter of highest honor, Elizabeth the Queen of England, who is the temple of the holy ghost: and will not hold her fast in her loving arms as being loath to give her to a stranger, one that hath shown no signs of regeneration, and her self want thassistaunce of a faithful husband, and her children of her body, if any she have, which receive outward sanctification and entry into the bosom of the church thorough the promise of their faithful parents, be in danger to be profaned before they be borne, and to be corrupted after they are borne and throughout all their education?

S. Paul speaking of contrary couplings together, compareth them to the uneven yoking of the clean Ox to the unclean Ass, a thing forbidden in the law. And here again the laws of men whieh medle but with the distribution of the things of this life, have learned this equity of the laws of God, that it is a great disparagement for health to be joined in marriage with any foul disease, for beuty with deformity, youth with decrepit age, or to tender a towns man daughter to a gentilman of birth. A citizen of Rome would hold foul scorn to mary a Barbariane. And the common wealths of England & France I dare say, would meruail if either our Queen or Monsieur being both great princes borne, and of high linage, should seek or consent in marriage with any low borne or contemptible person. Have the laws of common weals provided thus well for men? the world, stands it thus upon her slippers of reputation, in observing what is comely in marriage and honorable for ech personage: and shall the laws of God, trow you, be of none effect? or shall it not be much more ugly before God and his angels, when an Hebrew shall mary a Canaanite' there is no such inequality as that of religion: no such disparagement, as not to be faithful no such dignity of Principality, as to be a good Christian: and no such slavery, as to be a Barbarian from Christ Jesus.

Perhaps some man will defend these uneven Irreligious marriages, by abusing that place of 1. Cor. 7. But without any other help, that text it self is self sufficient to deliver itself from that violence: and the law of God from the beginning & to the end all one, with the obedient practice of God's children, and the plages upon the transgressors: do evidently show, that Paul there speaketh only for the continuance of such marriages as were first not uneven, being made in time of infidelity on both partes, and by the aftercalling of one party are become uneven: for the continuance I say, of such marriages, and not vneuenly to yoke any Christian which is free to one not faithful.

Now as by reasons it appears unlawful, so by examples it may appear hurtful. Those good men of whom we love to be esteemed the children and followers, Abraham and Isaac had even a religious care not to have their sons match with the Cananeans dwelling at their next doors, but sent further of for the daughters of God. What a diameter of religion were it for us dwelling emong Christians, to admit from over sea, the sons of men in marriage? The children of Jacob were so well taught bytheir father in the religion of their grandfather & great granfather, that they could answer, we may not give our sister to the uncircumcised, that is to say, we cannot or we may not lawfully: for that we only may, which by the law of God we may. Those ill men to whom we would be ashamed to be resembled, made this manner of marriage. The old world which thus defiling it self was therefore washed in the universal flood. And Esau, whose fault yet was in this point less then ours, for they without care of Religion took the fairest and such as perhaps were next hand: we should, in this match, send further of for our marriage and have not so much respect as to the fairest. being so far given over of God, as to forget even that part which we would gladliest please. And emong those good men whom we set for holy examples, this manner of marriage was ever noted by the scripture emong their faults. As the Israelites which thus fell away from the service of God, and withal out of his protection. As Samson and Solomon whose virtues we must imitate and not these their sins.

Where Solomon might serve for all examples, and him will I chiefly name and namely urge (speaking now of kingly marriages and courtly marriage makers) because he was a king, and also because, that godly Courtier Nehemiah doth notably apply it in a stronger case: using Solomon's sin în this manner of unholy marriages, as a reason to separate the Israelites frō their wives which they had already married, yea and by whom they had had children born to thē: thinking it an ilfauoured noise to hear their children gibber in the streets half Hebrew half Ashdod. I pray you mark then how much more force Solomon's example hath to dissuade a marriage that is yet but in parle & not concluded, to make no such fair reckoning of a babe yet unborn whose shape we see not, and how much more ilfauoured it were for us that in our churches speak the language of Canaan to join with thē that in their mass mumble the strange tongue of Rome. And if woman, that weaker vessel, be strong enough to draw man through thaduantage which the devil hath within our bosom, (I mean our natural corruption and proonesse to Idolatry) how much more forcibly shall the stronger vessel pull weak woman considering that with the inequality of strength there is joined, as great or more readiness to Idolatry and superstition. And if the husband which is the head be drawn aside by his wife over whom nevertheless he hath authority and rule: howe much more easily shall the wife be perverted by her husband to whom she is subīecte by the law of God, and oweth both awe and obedience, howe soever the laws by prerogatif or her place by preeminēce may privilege her.

And here note this, that everywhere it is set down howe the wicked perverted the good, but nowhere that the better part converted the wicked. for even the ill ralke or other conversation of ill men, corruptes good manners. And since Solomon a peereles king, beloved of God, as Nehemiah saith, so furnished in wisdom and of whom there were such certain demonstrations that he was the child of God, did yet this foulye fall by joining himself in marriage with Idolatrons wemē, in so much as diverse now think they find almost as many reasons to call in some doubt his salvation: I pray God it may seem fearful in the eyes of all other Princes and princesses, worms to him in wisdom, to do the like fault, for dread of the like sequel. Whereby it appears how vain that promise is of theirs, who say that Monsieure shall be instructed in our religion, and drawn frō his, by going with our Queen to hers: besides that we would be loath, with so certain great peril to our Queen, who is emong men and women the chiese to us: to attempt the uncertain winning of him who is emong all men the least to us. And if there were in him any hope of tolerable inclination to religion it would rather show now in the time of his suit to our Queen, by that means perhaps thinking to be less loathsome to her and les abominable to her people. but we have no cause to hope it. for he useth no protestant in the matter of marriage, although for some other color he hath seemed to make some reckoning of some in some respect. And if there were hope, yet in so unadvised rashness to venture against the word of God, we may well look for God's judgment to come between, and punish our folehardines that he which loveth peril may abide and perish therein.

But these discoursers that use the word of God with as little conscience as they do Machiauel, pycking out of both indifferently what may serve their turns, perhaps they will think to escape all hitherto said, by calling in question (for their mouths are their own to dispute of anything without care of resolutiō) whether to mary with the Papist that worshippeth the Lord of Heaven and earth? be against those interdictions in the law which seem to compass in no more but the Canaanites Jebusites &c. And mere pagan nations: and whether to mary with the papist who in general terms protesteth Christ, be to mary in the lord.

To answer these men whose doubts proceed ever of theyre lust, to give themselves liberty, and not of a conscience afraid to offend God, I might say, that if to confess the Lord of heaven and earth, be enough to avoid those interdictions then might we entermary with Turks, Jews, Moscouites, and diverse other painnimes: and, as far as I remember, with some of the Cannibals. Look the stories of the new Indians. And albeit the Papist protest Christ in word, yet since the unity of the Church is noted to be herein that Christians be the household of faith, in the fundamental doctrine whereof, what it is, what is the use, worthiness, & working thereof, the papists dissenting from us as far as they that scatter where we gather, it will be hard to make them of one faithful household with us.

But to yield them a degree somewhat nearer us then Canaanites, compare them with the Moabites and the Ammonites, who were cosens to Israel by the flesh and had Lot for their father: or let them stand with Ishmael Abraham's bastards son, yea at once let them be in regard to us with Edom, Israel's twinne brother, both which had the circumcision of flesh: yet was it not lawful for the Israelites to mary with them: & in Solomon, namely, it is counted emong other his sinful marriages, that he married with those nations. But that we may yet give somewhat more to these strayners for lusts sake at a gnat and swallowers of a Camel through conscience (for they are more precise to do popery wrong, then to do the gospel right) let us I say, suffer the popish church to be made more of then she is worth, let us take her at the best and in as good accompt as any learned gospeller hitherto hath set her and let her have the allowaunce of two or three grains to be massier then the Edomite and finer then the pagane, to hang in an even balance and to be of one assaie or touche with the Idolatrous and traiterous Israelites that fell from God and were false to the house of David their king: yet shall papists be to light and to drossy to mary with us. For neither was it lawful nor lucky for the Jews to mary with those Ieroboamical Israelites, for all their ontward circumcision, and though they worshipped on the hill of the patriark fathers.

For this purpose read well the story of Jehoram king of Iehuda the son of good Iohosaphat that made a notable reformation in God's house. and for all his fathers sake you shall see it objected against him and rendered as a reason of his other great outrageous sins, that he had married in the house of Ahab king of the Samaritan Israelites. The wickedness and sin of which kind of marriage, as it is evinced by the very word of God and punishment upon the person of Jehoram: so îs it proved by the horrible punishments following upon his generation. For Ahaziah or Ochoziah son of Jehoram, by reason of the Queen mother Athaliah, fell in such a leag with the king of Israel that taking his quarrel, he fell with him upon the sword of Jehu. After whose death the Queen mother and dowagier Athaliah, played Rex and slew all the princes of the blood and peers of Judah. All which murdures began, and are set down to have come for that marriage with the daughter of Ahab, whose seed the Lord had said to purseu to the rote. Whereby it appears that whoso matcheth with any wicked race, do make themselves and their seed partakers of the sins and plagues of that race and their auncesters. And because the match of fraunce with thitalian Athaliah & hir furies in that lande, especially those at the marriage of her daughter Margeret, will of themselves apply them selves in every respect to agree with her of Judea, and prove the sin and punishment of such wicked willing matches between Christian true Jews and popish bastard Israelites: I only name it and leave it to the trembling consideration of all, especially of such as it nearest toucheth, whom I beseech, in God's name, to stand weightily upon it.

These things do necessarily infer the third proposion, which is the conclusion or final sentence of God's punishment against this poor church, for this sin if it be committed. Faire therefore is their pretext of peace to the Church, who seek that thing that must be the cause of such a woeful effect.

So that if our marriage makers be not so spiritual, as that the sin which this marriage hath simply in it self and of it self, only for being against God's law, cannot make them yield to confess the danger it bringeth to the church: let us compel them to come in by looking at the tail of sins and punishments that this venomous serpent of sin draggeth after it.

It is not in God's church as in the Grecian host. there, delirant reges, plectuntur Achiui. but with us, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis. The sin of the Prince maketh the people to sin, whereby everyone beareth his sin, and the Lord finds matter enough in Prince and people to wrap the one and the other in the same calamitye. In reasoning it is truly said, one absurdity begetteth another. even so hath sin a fruitful generation. and as the virtues are said to be chained together, so is never one vice or sin alone.

But specially the breach of this law of God, in whom soever private person it lighteth, draweth not only a certain falling away to the goodman or goodwife of the house so ungodly married, but a danger also to children, servants, and every reteiner of that household. much more manifold is the danger, whē the honorable dame and (as in humbleness I may say) the goodwife of England should be so (which God forbid) vneuēlie matched It were more perilous to the overthrow of Religion in this faithful household of England, then if in one day were consummate the like marriages of a hundred thousand of other her subjects. for the straightest and roundest going Prince shall with much a do keep his people upright, especially in Religion. But let the Prince laake never so little, and the people will halt right down. The Princes fall is like that of a mighty Oak, which bears down with it many arms and branches, therefore is it often recited in the scripture, that Jeroboam sell away frō God and all Israel with him. again, for the sins of Jeroboam whereby he caused all Israel to sin against the Lord.

Now if the French fautors of this marriage, which can enlarg their policy and mince the word of God as they list, will yet cast about another crooked by way to meet with this great inconveniences, that, forsooth, it shall be capitulated, only lawful for Monsieur and a few of his nation to have their miserable mas without the admission of any Englishman: surely these mē neyrher measure this article at the standarde meatwande of the Lord, nor weigh the easines of performing it in a wise man's balance. For, I pray you, do but go upon the Tamis and see what companies go to the french mas: inquire what numbers flocked in at backfield gates to the portugale mas: how the Spanish massers had their customers more then enough: and you shall easily see the loose reckoning of these men in matters of so great valeue. they will keep better books of their crowns. do they see deputed Ambassadors, hable to break our highest laws of God's honor, in themselves and in so many of our nation: and can they think as they speak, that so great a prince, the husband (which God forhid) of our Queen, and perhaps (which God defend) honored with the name of our king for our Quueenes sake, shall not and will not give him self his own conditions for his own religion, to him and his, and so many of ours as will seek it at his hands?

But wether this be their gross oversight, or whether they wink wiles against religion I will not now dispute: this is more then wonderful, that such as pretend outward profession of religion should make so irreligious accompt of Religion: Oh the wickedness of our professors and the hypocrisy of our protestants. Is not Idolatry the highest treason that can be against the Lord's own person? doth it not go directly to the point he stands most on for his honor? do our lips say that we are zealous of gods honor, and tender over his church, & can our harts rest in quiet and not tell her majesty how great a dishonor it ys to have one mas, and what a plague it menaceth to the church? we do not love her, whatsoever we say whē flattering her, perhaps, in other vanytyes, we do not fall down before her with tears, bewaylyng the wrath of God kyndled against her, if by her advised permyssion, and by means of her maryāge, God should be so highly dyshonored in this kingdom, wherewith he hath honored her. Take not the word of God in your mouths, you that breath such lukewarm counsel. halt no more on both sides. If God be God let him be so honored. If Baal be your god take you to him altogether. honest men serve one master and him wholly, and our master will be so served or not at all.

Of all sins ingratytud ys odyous with God and man: no unthankfulness like to ours, who having been thus long maintained in peace: and in the beginning having all natyons our enemies, have now many faithful borderyng friends, and are rich at home through our peace and by the blessing of God: will now swerve from the Lord, and trust to our own devises, and make league with them, and suffer their Idolatry in our land, that never less loved us then now, when they look fairest. Good Lord (if it be possible) make us wise without experience of our solely. Thys were to set up altar against altar, and with Antiochus to offer the foul swine in the holy sanctuary, for this sin of Idolatry committed, great judgments have been executed upon the transgressors. whereby all they that believe the story of the scripture, and are not stark Atheists, must confess that this fear which we fear is no vain fear.

The old world was drowned, the people of God often given up into their enemies hands, and in the end, the twelve tribes of Solomon's kingdom rent a sunder, and a perpetual translatiō often tweluethes out of Solomon's posterity forever. Jeroboam when he set up alters in the land of Israel contrary to God's law, he would have been loath that any man should have said he committed Idolatry or made the people Idolatrous: yet that sin followed, and he thrown. out of God's favor, noted with a foul blot for a ringleader in sin often reputed in the scripture, his kingdom cam to naught, & the whole people suffered a transmigration irretornable in Affiria. The only fear of this sin hath made the hears of many good men's heads stand right up. David durst not take the Idols name in his mouth, he would then have shaken to have set up an Idole to be worshipped.

The memory of Asa is with a holy praise, for that his mother Maacha having set up a woden Image in a grove, he would not suffer her to have her wicked religion to the dishonor of God, but without reverence of her superstitious request deposed her from her dignity utterly, and brake down her Idole, stamped it, and burnt it at the brook Kidron. In which story I pray you observe these two circumstances, king Asa the son, to his own mother, and the manner how he did it, even with despite to Idolatry and zeal to God. The Lord send Queen Elizabeth the everlasting commendation of Asa for many such notable acts. Elisha protesteth by oath that he would not once talk with Joram King of Israel had it not been in the presence of Jehoshaphat. Private men are bidden to fly from Idolatry, & Princes bear the Lord's sword to make it flee and to chace it far away. If therefore they will have his hand to hold up their sword, they must let there sword serve him chiefly. But most notably the fear of this sin even before it was committed, and howe jealous therefore they should be that are in authority, appears in the ende of Joshua, where the children of Israel feared least the Lord would impute to them as all one fault to commit Idolatry in them selves and not to remove it in their brethren. Which made them whē the the tribes of Reuben, Gad and the half of Manasseh, after the conquest of Canaan, at their departure home, over Jordan, had set up but one Alter, of a good meaning in deed and for a monument of their unity in Religion with their brethren, but supposed of the rest of the trybes to be set up to the dishonor of the Lord and contrary to his law, which commanded but one alter throughout the land: they the other ix trybes & a half whose lotts were fallen within Jordan, assembled themselves, and, had not their rulers and princes that went Ambassadors over to Gilead, brought a reasonable and a religious satisfaction by the Reubenites answer, were ready to fall out with their brethren whom otherwise they loved, rather then to wink at the dishonor of their heavenly father.

The reason of which their doing I beseech all governors to mark, which was, they feared least thorough that one Altar the anger of God should also have consumed them. Now if one Altar, set up in the uttermost corner of that land, threatened destruction to the whole: and the offense of two trybes and a half, made all the rest to fear: if these Israelites feared so much at the building of an Altar which was meant to the honor of God, and only contrary to the outward show of the words of the law: shall not we tremble at this Alter which all the charity in the world cannot conceive well of, as that which hath none use but to serve the devil? good Nehemiah for one piece of this our sin found in the people, feared the wrath of God & proclaimed public fasting & prayer Let us follow his example that the Lord may be still our God and remember us to do us good. Much more have we to shake, for that this our turning frō God in strange marriage and permitting strange God's (which the living God turn from us) should be more foul and more gross thenany of those former, which nevertheless deserved and had such plagues. For it cannot (I dare say) be shown in all the holystory that those people of God, in the worst marriage emōg them, did yet ever make any precedent pact or articulat condition aforehand with the Idolaters that they should quietly against the laws of their holy land commit Idolatry, but rather at first the Idolaters dissembling their own or making semblant of the true religiō, fair & foftly wan by little & little through familiarity & mutual conversation of life after marriage by a stealing insinuation or flattery and creping persuasion (dangerous therefore to have any sort of fellowship with the wicked) an open exercise of their paganism. But if any man persuade our Prince in whose hands the Lord hath put and holden a sovereign scepter of peace now twenty years and more, and by whose hands the Lord hath quite expelled Idolatry (he make her and us thankful for it) upon cammunication of this marriage to indent with man, how far God should be honored: what is this but to sin more then the supposed sin of the Reubenites, & to exceed the transgressions of Solomon or Jehoram even to erecte an Idolatrous altar, not in a corner of the Realm but on the highest hill of the land, in London which is our Jerusalem, and to make an open fault: not of infirmitye, but by addised composition against the Lord and his truth: not in two shires and a half, but in the greatest part of the realm and head of the land, our prince. in so much as it should be safer to set up a thousand hill alters for hedgecreping Priests other where rather then this high Altar so near the Court.

The sin of Achan, though not in this kind, proves that the sin of one man, and him private, done in secrete and buried close under the ground, gave forth such a stench in the Lord's nostrils as was contagious to the whole host. and his garmente brought the plague emong them. Much more shall the high sin of a highest magistrate done and auoued in open son, kindle the wrath of God and set fire on church and common weal.

And this fire if it fasten on our church, it is like wild fire or fire from heaven that all the seas cannot stop nor quench but the flakes thereof will fly over sea and keep hauoke in the churches both on this side and beyoind seas. Our neighbor well built church of Scotland must needs think hir self to have some what in hand when our wall is aburning. The infant churches in the low countries shall loose a nource of us. The elder churches in Garmani a sister of strength.

And when I remember the poor orphane churches in france I must needs give the price of godless impudency to those, which will needs forsooth maintain this marriage as a mean to assure religion in fraunce, and to preferue the professors there from more massacres. These men have like unkind mothers, put (as it were) their own child. the church of England to be nour sed of a french enemy and friend to Rome, and now very kindly they take in both arms the church of fraunce, and give it a privy deadly nipp, under color of offering it their teates, wherein is naught but wind if not poison. As therefore the enemies to God's truth seek those churches ruin, throug hatred to religion: so should we, who are members of one body with them, have a care of them as of our selves. The enemies think there kingdom of Antichrist cannot stand, unless Christ be put out of these churches: let us know, as those reformed Churches next under God and their own forces, have stood by good neighbourhood, even so that there standing is our necessary strength.

Certainly the Pope seeth well that one great stay why neither the French King in France, nor the Spanish king in the low countries, can destroy religion, is the help and awe of other Princes confessing the gospel, emong which our Queen is in regard with the chief. A game he seeth as well, that next under God, one great cause why his interdictions against us, take no place in England nor Ireland: and that those kings to whom he hath given our land as it were to whom soever occupanti, cannot come to take possession of us: is, because that they of the reformed religion in both those countries are as a brazen door, and an iron wall, against our popish enemies. and therefore by this match, he seeks to sunder them from us and us from them, and so by vnbarring our brazen door and treading down our wall, to lay open his passage to us. I will not therefore vouchsafe this strange suppositon of these persuaders, the place of an objection to be answered in the ende, but will use it for another main reason of proof in this part, that this marriage is against the church, because it is against the churches of France. the which it must needs kill in the place, as they say, and withal give our church a deaths wound.

Here is therefore an imp of the crown of France, to marry with the crowned Nymphe of England. It is proved already that his coming shakes the church in England, and how shall he stablish the religion in France. What is France to the church of God, and to England for religions sake. France is a house of cruelty especially against Christians a principll prop of the tottering house of Antichrist, and without which our Western Antichrist had been ere this sent to his brother Mahomet into Greece whether he long sense sent his masters the Emperors of Rome. The long and cruel persecutions in France, the exquisite torments, and infinite numbers there put to death, do witness how worthy that throne is, to be reckoned for one horn of that persecuting beast the primitive Empire.

Thys man is a son of Henry the second, whose family ever since he married with Catherine of Italy, is fatal, as it were, to to resist the Gospel, and have been ever oney after other, as a domitian after Nero, as a Trajan after domitian, and as Julianus after Trajan, Whose manifest cruelties and detected trecheries against God's church, have been severally sealed with his visible marks of vengeance, written, not upon the wall, but successively on their carcasses, with a heavenly fingar: not by torch light but at noon day in the eyes and ears of the world. in so much as Baltazar the father had his Maneh graven in the apple of his eye: and that in the eysight of Anne du Bourg whose death for professing Christ he had voued to see. His first son had his Tekel told in his ear which rotted him while he was yet alive. And his next son had his Phares marked in every vent of his body: that as he had shed Christian blood with Julianus, so he might take of his own blood in his hand and say with Julianus Vicisti Galiaee. Who would not tremble to come nere this kindred so wrathfully marked of God? who would become one with this generation so hateful to men? let us bost in this Galilean and defy Julian. let us with confidence glory in the cross of Christ and not vouchsafe to join with these apostate princes. This present king, besides the sins of his auncesters have given the Lord cause enough of personal actious by his own excesses. Which though the Lord do not yet bring in upon him thorough his long suffering, yet assuredly there is a measure of his wickedness measured out, and a time for his judgments, whensoever the Saints of God have filled his bottle with tears. The plague common to the house he hath. That is, he wants one of his loins to sit upon his seat. So that we see by proof in three brothers that the Lord will not leave one of Ahab's house. An ill disposed body he hath, a suspicious and fearful mind even of his friends.

Touching this prince now offered to this church in marriage, if he be behind in mischiefs, remember he is younger in years, and never came to that hability by might of a kingdom to perform his inborne malice to the church. and the discredit of his brethren have notably hindered him that way. Nevertheless, so far as his place would suffer, he hath been used to do that service to Rome, and damage to the church, that he was fit for. At the mas sacring marriage he was not old enough to execute anything, but was set by his mother to cry and weep at the cruelties: that so showing some misliking of them, his credit might be saved for such another desperate match. all the rest of the credits of the king then, and his mother, brother, and sister being little enough to color that mischief. since that time he hath been set a work in France and Flaunders. diverse counterfeit fallings out between him and his brother, and suddein appeasings. When he fled from the Court to Dreux, declaring himself protector of common liberty, he quickly made first a truce, and then a peace, whereby to frustrate the gathering and keeping together of that great army of protestants. If his meaning had been but indifferent to religion, he would not have been at that stately assembly and signed with them, the abolishing of religion in France. He was content to be used to pull towns out of the protestants hands, and in wars against them, namely La charity & Issoire. where, after his revolt, he committed such abominable cruelties and beastly disorders as if he now meant never so good faith & had never so honest a mind in these matters: yet is it not like that this man's foul hands should lay one stone of God's church Yea so far is the Lord from blessing such a disloyal hand in his public service, to the salvation of others: that he curseth him in public and private, in town and field, even in his own soul and body to everlasting death, unless he make open acknowledgement of so open and shameful outrages, and persevere in well doing. After this he leaps over Paris walls as fleeing frō the Court: and took on him the voyage into Flaunders with show of some tolerable mind to religion or at least to help the oppressed professors: vouing with diverse solemn oaths and making others to swear, that they would never come at the court again and yet presently upon his retorne, he left his poor court all amazed at Alencon, and with two or three gentilmen only posted to yield himself into the kings hands with these words. Syr I yield myself to you to die at your feet, in your service, assuring you that never will I be estranged from you: with moe like words, such as detect greatly the French lightness and french falsehood in him, general to all papists of that nation. The king with many embrasings and caresses gave him the best welcome in the world. On which day also came to the Court the Duke Guise the great enemy to the church of God with five or six hundred horses with whom whatsoever unkindnesses he had seemed before to have, he now entered into a present familiariaritie and open kindness.

When we speak therefore of France and of the practices there against the church: of their some time mitigated nature towards Religion or of dissensions in apparance: and brutes of jealousy, which the Queen mother puts as visarde upon her practices: we must cast our eye wholly to her, as the very soul whereby the bodies of the king, of Mousieur, of their sister Marguerit, and of all the great ones in France do move, as a hundred hands to effect her purposes. And when we speak of Queen mother, we must straightways present before us but a body or tronk wherein the Pope moveth, as her soul, to devise and have executed whatsoever for the appetit of that sea. even as Necromancers are said to carry about a dead body by the motion of some unclean spirit. And this soul of France, as it hath been moste eager and obstinately bent against Christ's church in all things wherein she entermedled: so above the rest hath she been a dangerous practiser in marriages. For to begin with the marriage of her other daughter into Spain, in the life of her husband, what time a sister of his was married into Piemont, & so three great princes linked in a threefold cord (as it were) by that alliaunce: all the world knoweth, that the capital capitulation and article of inprimis (as I may say) in that threefold marriage, was, against God and his annointed. which strong cord, though the Lord which is in heaven laughed to scorn and turned to the strangling of the twisters thereof, insomuch as the father died presently, and the daughter lived but a short time after and with small joy: yet hath not this spyder left to twist once more.

And albeit in the marriage of the first daughter she spedde not so well, by reason there was no sin of the church in it (for they yoked themselves asses to asses) yet in joining this latter sister with the king of Navarre, she had better luck, because our sins joined with hers, in that we joined one of our Oxen to one of her she asses. In this tragedy she played her part naturally, and shown howe she governs all France. Her daughter Margerit was the stale to lure and allure them that otherwise flewe high hovering a far of and could not be gotten. her son, then king, was in all the haste become a father to the Admiral and those of the religion. Monsieur that then was and now king, he played false semblant, as though he had been merueylons angry at the marriage & at the grace which the Admiral and the rest of the religion found with the king. Monsieur that now is, he played the childes part or weeping part, reserving his credit as is a foresaid, til a riper age, all this while the mother as setter forth of this earnest game, stood holding the book (as it were) upon the stage and told her children and every other player what he should say. the last act was very lamentable. A king falsifyed his sworn word: The marriage of a kings sister embrued with blood: A king murdered his subjects: many noble & honorable gentilmē shamefully used: valiant men surprysed by cowards in their beds: Innocents put to death: women and children without pitye tossed upon halberds and thrown down windows and into Rivers: learned men killed by barbarous soldiers: the seyntes of God led to the shambles all the day long and all that week long, by vile crochetors or porters: the church of Christ rased, the very nest egg broken, as far as men's mischeeuous reasonable wit cold reach: and, that which was worst, those that lived, were compelled to forswear their God: and little ones Christened before to Christ, were now dipped again to Antichrist.

He therefore that loveth the church, cannot think this marriage to promise any happiness to God's church in France. Noah certainly as touching the church, it hath that mischievous ende set unto it by them, which the former marriages had. God grant we hearken not in this match to the present French king and his brother: least by abusing us also inmariage thorough our sins, we thorough unadvised policy fall in the same snare with our good brethren: and the king with his brother for so abusing us, be gathered to their fathers and buried with them in the same grave or hell of infamy, by God's manifest judgments upon them. And which is all the good can come to the churches of France by this marriage, the Queen mother, seeing now all her four sons after a sort to be kings, find that delphick answer of her familiar spirits subtly fulfilled: so as she may challenge no longer life of the devil, but that he to whom she hath given her self, must rid that Realm and those poor churches of her.

A man would think that this matter needed not to be any whit set forth, but that the very name of the Parifien marriage should a fray any protestant of Eugland or France from ever looking for any good to come, by committing this il. yea the scourging rod which followed so hard at the heels of that sin, and where judgment began at God's house, should as a thonderclap of God's wrath astonish all politiques. And if Thadmerall & the hundred thousand men women and children, whose innocente blood solemnized that marriage, might be sent to us again frō the dead: they would, out of their heavenly love to God's church hear on earth, lively and hottly dissuade this kind of marriage: they would lay forth the harms of that marriage: with such revived afections as their wounds would bleed afresh and theyre headless bodies speak (as it were) before you. But we have Moses and the Prophets, we have Christ and his Apostles: if we believe not them, we shall be taught by late experience, and go the way of our Parisien brethren. Yea though this marriage being made, should not have, towards us, that malicious bloody effect which is meant, and that it should but weaken us, as that of Spayn did, alas nevertheless for the poor protestants in france: there ruin were present. for we saw when, before the great murder, there was a new coloured freendship made with our Queen such as with other Princes (in respect whereof both she & they were notably abused and wronged by the massacer following:) that friendship served first to blear the eyes of the French protestants, and after to put them quite out. which single friendship with the Queen, if it made the french king the bolder to enterprise the murder, how far will he presume having a brother in the heart of our Court to refresh the remembrance of his alliaunce & to stay any contrary aids from hence, while he seise upon his protestants and worry them like sheep.

And if Monsieur had any sinceare meaning to relieve the protestants, he would employ all that credit and familiarity which he now hath, while he is present with the king, to the protestāts good: even now when as they seem to have some need of him. He means nothing les: and that he means the contrary, may easily be gathered by the many blasphemous speeches and cruel threatenings against reformed religion, proceeding from such as been in the train of his present legate a latere in England. his ill will also to help the protestants, may appear, that where as there have been since the last peace many violences, murders, & outrages, and justice for those facts denied, and establishment of churches, withstood, all against the edict: yet Monsieur, shown never to have any common compassion, such as some man would have upon beasts, when he saw them overburdened. In fraunce, he hantes the mas, and is hanted only of papists. In Flaunders, he joined himself only with the Papists, and strengthened that tumultuous parte of the Wallons from whence all the present disorder there, comes, and thaduantage to the Spaniard by mutual discention. his messenger here, though he be in continual conversation with the kings Ambassador, and at one table: yet cannot one mas serve them, but they must have three or four Priests, that do nothing but go from the tauarn to mas and from mas to the tauarn. A miserable hope therefore of the masters change to good.

And to conclude this part, vulesse he had some extraordinary purpose and some Italian Quintessence of mischief meant to be compassed against the church of Christ, in which service the Pope will employ his catholic and his christien son and all his sons, and they like obedient fools do his will. it could not be possible that he would speak of coming hither with any meaning. For pope, mother, and brother, and all papists would resist it. and he himself for his own part, would cast with himself, that, being next king of France, if he should be here at the death of his brother, he might beholden for a noble hostage till they had restored us our manyfold wrongs. and again on the other side, it might put him in danger of his French kingdom, being there but slendrly beloved for his famelie and for his person, and where other great houses for valure in their persons, and perhapes title of their auncesters would be judged by the wise and by the multitude more worthy to reign over them. and so perhaps we might keep a gage that they would not care to redeem. The hazards to himself and his state, must needs tell us, that it is a commodity by our extreme incommoditye, which he seeks. especially to God's Church against which all the kind of them have sworn enmity.

For the Lord's name sake therefore, Oh Christian Queen ELIZABETH, take heed to yourself and to the church of Jesus Christ for which he shed his blood, and which he hath shielded under your royal defense. show yourself a zealous Prince for God's gospel to the end. forefee, in a tender love to this people committed to your government, the continuance of the truth emong them and their posterity. And for so much as in any great plague that can come to this chutch your majesty must have your part being a chief member therein, as by being in the bosom thereof you receive of the graces bestowed emong us: have a care even of yourself and for yourself also, we instantly beseech you, to keep this sin far from you by admitting no counsel that may bring it near you: and in that common confession of sins with the shaking of this rod drives us all to deny some of your delites also, & enter with the whole church into judgment of our selves that we be not judged of the Lord. And since the Lord hath used you as a mean to spread and enlarge Christ's kingdom in other churches, and to harbarough the persecuted Christians in your own kingdom: stop your majesties ears against these forcerers & their enchanting counsails, which seek to stay this happy course of yours, and to provoke God's anger against you, pray against these dangerous tempters and temptations, and know assuredly, to your comfort, that all the faithful of God pray for you, and whē you are in your secrete most separate closet of prayer, they join with you in spirit.

The Lord endue you with wisdom according to that you have need of, at this special time. and considering the state of princes is, in this one point, more unhappy then the poor man's degree: that they have none enemies that dare tell truth, and commonly such as been their chief favorites yea, too many churchmen, which have particular privileges to speak truth (a cruel and impious betraying of a sacred prince) study rather for smooth delicate words then for plain rough truth: so much the more I beseech the Lord of his mercy to supplye their want of duty with such extraordinarye store of counsel in your own breast, and grant you such a principal spirit to discern spirits and to sift counsayles, that you may smell a flatterer from a loyal counselor, prove all and approve the best. And seeing the very place of a prince doth bring him some disadvantage through our old Adam, who when he is lift up, will hardly yield to the good poor advice of them that speak truth in a bare simplicity: the same Lord fill your royal heart with such a tractable and easy swetenes of a yielding nature, that you readely and humbly may hearken to all good counsayles sent you from God and such as fear God and love your Majesty. Yea, that you may know, that it makes most for your safety, to encourage and make much of plain honest speakers, and to put out of heart all flatterers. For true plain men are the best spies of a prince, they watch when you sleep, and will ring a timely a larum in your ear, before the danger approach. flatterers never watch but when you wake and that they may be seen, they will lull you in securitye til the sin and punishment thereof be heard at the doors. The Lord de liver you from them even as from Ravens and Dogs. And whosoever doth moste hottlye follow this suit ot french marriage with your Majesty, seek to satisfy yourself moste gracious Queen, with what faith and love he can do it. let this be one fire to try him in, that whereas marriage is the moste important matter even to the priuatest person that he can do all his life long, as that which makes most to an happy or unhappy life here. and therefore even the meanest body will not enter this weighty consultation of marriage, without special prayers to God for his direction: if these men, while they deal in this high marriage so nearly concerning your own person and so much importing the whole church in these partes of the world and the state of England, have persuaded not only your private prayers, but, according to your public place, have also proclaimed or wished to be proclaimed public solemn prayer to God through the land, that he might send the best issue to this counsel: then have they not neglected a great help in this thing and have considered of this matter as the consequence thereof requires.

Again, let this be a second trial (for it were well done to try them seven times) if heretofore through out all your younger years they have continually been thus earnest and taken every good occasion to persuade you to marriage, hanging upon your skyrtes (as it were) and lying at your feet, for to win you to marriage, alleging reasons for churh and common weal as they now prrtend: then may you think they now have also a good meaning at least, and are but deceined but if heretofore they have been either domme or slow speakers in this cause, whē all good men wished it, and whole parliaments humbly besought it, whā they that be most religious prayed for it of God and prayed it at your hands above others, no appointing you to one as though there had been but one husband in the world, but leaving it to your godly considerate choice anywhere: if in that mean while, these present persuaders rather tended theyre own enriching and advancement making no great reckoning of this matter, or if they have not very vehemently and continually thorough out your reign enforced it with the same heat they now do: I cannot see what good thing can thus suddenly bring them about to this earnest thought of marriage, and that with this man pressing you with him as the only fit man, after so many years of your reign and at these years of your life: but that they be very Balaam's, perhaps not of malice but blind, not seeing what harm they seek even to themselves, and are abused by some Balac, and that Romish archbaalam, who, by God's mercy, having in vain assayed all other engines to overthrow this church of God, by excommunication, interdiction, absolving our neighbor kings of any ancient league or late oth of society, and dissolving the fealty and loyalty of subjects, and having don his worst by all forcible means of that holy league of hostility decreed in the last Tridentine session: doth now remember an older Canon of constance which is that faith may not be holden with such as he takes for heritikes. And therefore as one at his wits end, resolveth upon this conclusion, slily to styr up one of his honorable sons to join, in marriage with our eldest daughter which before hand he means, though it be against his own saw, to dispence with. knowing assuredly by the experience of that old false prophet, that whē the Lord's long suffering had passed by, many of the Israelites sins: yet so soon as they were won in, to mary with the Moabites, the wrath of God would forthwith break out upon them. the Lord grant us to bewail this sin, and to prevent this judgment.

How are we blinded that since the Lord spared not the whole world but covered it with waters from heaven, yet England thinks to be somewhat in God's sight, a poor Ilande surrounded already with the Occean seas, which can (if the Lord do but whistle) come tombling in and devour us up. he brake in upon his own people, whom he had hedged in with privileges: & yet we that were, as other nations, presume to sin and hope to escape his hand. he found away, out of his gracious promises, in justice to plague Solomon the king of his own holy mountain, to whose person also he had so bound himself: and yet we that are but masters of a molehyll in the world excedinglye defiled thorough our many transgressions, think not to bear our own sins. Solomon for these very sins lost ten partes of his own kingdom which he had in quiet possession and had lost the whole but in regard of the holy promises to Judah: and we leap at a kingdom yet in the hands of our enemies and think to gain another kingdom to us or our heirs, by displeasing, with the self same sins, the same revenging Lord. Noah no, this counsel is not of the Lord, because it is a wisdom against his church, and if he be against us who shall be for us?

Now as this counsel, for so much of it as toucheth the church, cannot proceed but out of the mouth of some hired or at the least & at the best, some blinded Balaam: even so, for those particulars thereof which concern the common weal and our Queen, it might well enough come from rash Rehoboams • oung counsailors, whom there lusts will ever keep young • hatsoeuer years and experience they bear on their backs: 〈◊〉 not from that remnant of Solomon's sages, whom the fear of God makes wisely old betimes. Having therefore thus far said of the church:

Let us see whether their country love by not as little as their religious conscience, so as a man may not say, such saith, such fruits. The danger therefore of a foraigne match, is not so apparent or so light, as it can be easily espied or provided for by any assurances. And if wisdom might foresee the many lurking perils, yet this may we well look for, that such a kind of marriage being already proved to be a high breach of God's law: the same Lord will! justly take away all wisdom from our wise men and courage from our valiant men. I humbly therefore beseech the Queen and alher wise, valiant and good men, rather to keep away the cause of this danger then to trouble themselves with provision that in coming he should not hurt.

It is natural to all men to abhor foreign rule as a burden of Egypt, and to us of England if to any other nation under the son First, it agreeth not with this state or frame of government, to deliver any trust of under government to an alien, but is a poison to it. when we receive any such for a governor. And that is evident by our laws and ancient customs of the lande disabling any alien to inherit the highest government of us. upon this reason, no doubt because a senceles and careless foreigner, cannot have the natural and brotherlike bowels of tender love towards this people which is required in a governor, & which is by birth bredd & drawn out from the teates of a man's own mother country. according to the wisdom of that high politic call law of God: Choose a king from emong thine own brethren. and if thee want of an English heart doth disable any from ruling the ship of our Realm: shall a French heart be kindlike enough to rule our Queen which is the stern of our shyp? no, the place of an alien is far from such trust by the judgment of our natural laws. which appears in considering thē by the 〈…〉 several degrees. First, for an alien which is an alian enemy, 〈◊〉 law doth not so much as protect his life (a thing other 〈…〉 highly and dearly regarded in our laws, if in any other 〈◊〉 but makes him all in one predicament with the case of premuniri. and though the law of arms bid him be raunsomed, yet our peacible laws ask no subjects blood for arresting such a prisoner and killing him in cheapeside. And let this alien be an alien friend, yet if he be not denized, the laws cannot abide him to be master of one foot of ground within the Realm. the reason whereof is, they are not inheritable to the laws of our land or answerable or able to demand by the laws, any thing from the meanest subject. Yea when they have their best footing here and are accounted members with us of this body by endenization or enfraunchisment, yet have those our wise forefathers that have left us England to rule and dwell in, had ever such a watchful eye to strangers as they would not in their days of peaceable gouernements, and we, according to their custom, do not in these days suffer any stranger though denized to bear any office touching the peace and ordering of the lande. he is not trusted with a iustiship of peace or petty constableship. much less would they make him Admiral of the nauie, Constable of the tower, or Guardian of any castel or piece of strength. In time of poperye when the Roman prelate usurped upon our prince for conferring benefices, Abbeis, and such livings here, to Italians, French, and other alians at his pleasure, yet would the kings of those blindest days suspect treachery in these holy Abbots and Priors whom otherwise they made their God's, & would without fear of sacrilege, sequester their profits unto the kings cofers and seize the lande of those holy alians, lease they might perhaps wage foreigne soldiar with English pay, against the king of England. whereof they gave manifest experience to king Henry the fifth who having founded an Abbay wherein he put French fryers, and in a visitation, as their founder fynding them negligent in their devotions: he asked the good father of the house what was the cause. who answered flatlye that they could not naturally pray for him, that had been enemy in himself and his auncesters to them and their forefathers and to their land which by kind they loved. so much nature remained in those of that ungracious spirit. Now if a founder of a beggarly rabble of fryers, could not have their prayers, which at that time went a begging and were never so deer but a man might have a long paternoster for a penny: how deinty would they be of theyre money to Englishmen and howe liberal in alms to aid their own countries and countrymen? Likewise in the days of king Edward the first, certain aliens richly beninificed, refused to aid the king in his wars: for which obstinacy, albeit the Pope would not let him deprive them, yet was he so bold as to put them out of his protection, leaving their lives out of defense or revenge by law. For these reasons, to this day it is expressed in the most large and most benificiall Legitimatiō made to any alien, that he shall not dwell in Barwick, Hampton or such maritime or other town of trust. and all for fear lease that their love towards their own countries, or hatred to ours bred in their bones, should never out of the flesh. So that we see no alien is made so legalis or ligeus to the crown of England but with some restraint to him in respect of the state, which can never so kindly matriculate him as the child which she hath born in her own womb

And we are the more loath to put our shoulders under this burden anymore, because already we have felt the weight of the little finger and smarting whips of this incommoditye. which would seem yet so much the more irksome to us, if now after moe then twenty years sweet freedom therefro, we should be pressed down with the heavy loins of a worse people & beaten as with scorpions by a more vile nation. In which respect it hath been always yelden unto her majesty, for the chief and first benifite done to this kingdom, that she redeemed it and yet, not she but the Lord by her, from a foreign king: according to the worthiness whereof, it hath been from time to time notably set forth in monuments of ecclesiastical story, and civil cronicles, as a singular commendation to the happy beginning of her reign: yea it made her subjects in love with her the very first day, & hath increased it mightily to this hour. whereof it seems they have little regard who seek to stain the entry of her second twenty years and to blemish the praise thereof by the contrary of that which caused the first to be so highly extolled and by bringing upon her people a more dangerous foreigner and more to their discontentation, to leave them in worse case then they were found.

For whereas all these kinds of aliances with realms are contracted for mutual support, this alliance presently in talk, hath no such hope. These Frenchmen gave such trial of their loyal alliance and of their profitable neighbourhood to the Grecians, either while they were yet in Galatia from whence their french brag is to come, either else in their vagabond time while they sought a place to set their foot on, that an Emperor of Greece burnt them with this caremarke which they carry till this day:

According to the which counsel of Greece, the true and natural old English nation never esteemed nor loved the French: they have it sonck so deep and deeply laid up in theyre heart, as the savor wherewith their young shells were seasoned to the son from graundfather to father, who in teaching thē to shoot would have them imagē a frenchman for their butt, that so in shooting they might learn to hate kindly, and in hating learn to shoot neearely. Out of this inbred hatred it came, that Frenchmen above other aliens bear this addition in some of our ancient chronicles, Charters, and, statutes to be the ancient enemies of England. And can it be saufe that a stranger and Frenchman, should as owner possess our Queen, the chief officer in England, our most precious rich treasure, our Elizabeth IONAH and ship of good speed, the royal ship of our aid, the highest tower, the strongest hold, and castle in the land?

It will not be received for answer to affirm barely, that this fear is without ground of truth, because, forsooth, the Realm must still be governed as before. we know that de iure it should be so. But in matters of kingdoms, who can say that de facto it shall be so? will any persuader of this marriage offer himself a gage of life and death, that it shall be so? If he and many moe would yet are they no counterpoise to the Queen and Realm, whose life and good estate comes here to be warranted. For if he marry her with that good love on both parts, which I wish with all my poor heart between her majesty and her godly husband whensoever and whomsoever she shall marry: yet shall he bear a great swaye with her, who bears all the swaye with us. and if he do not love her (the Lord keep her from proving) then must she fear him. so as for fear or love, he will rule her and the whole land for her sake. And this is done many times without taking on him supreme authority. for if he do but either give or sel, after the French manner our chief offices: he may rule though not as head, yet by those his promoted creatures, as by so many hands and feet. and though he be not president in the counsel, nor once admitted to sit personally in the chamber: yet would it be no hard thing for him to thrust in at the door such counsailors in whose mouth he may speak, and by them, as by hired spialles, to know what is done at that bourd: and as by knights at his post to pass or repulse what him pleaseth.

The example of the king of Spain serves for me in this case, and not for those which would make us believe he stood for a cypher in Algorisme. For how many great matters obtained he? and it is known too well, what pensionars he had of that honorable company of counsailors, again, at that time, the marriage with Spain was not so dangerous nor offering such cause of suspicion as now. for there was not yet come into the world out of the smokye pyt of hell any such holy league as absolveth aforehand all conspiratif oaths given us. France and Spayn were then in wars: they are since allied by marriage of a French daughter, by whom Spain hath a daughter: and the lest alliance in the world binds them together against religion. And though I esteem the king of Spain for a loyal king of inuiolate faith & whole honor in respect of the French king: yet am I so far off from sound trust in either of them both, that considering howe Spayn doates upon that drunken harlot of Rome, I would be loath that either Frannce or Spain should have such a Porter here to let them in at a postern gate, as Monsieur is. Yea I do not only set this popish French faith behind the Spanish honor of promise holding: but I affirm without doubting, that it is not so safe to contract this near alliance with these French, as to make some other commun amity with those Moors beyond Spayn. whose barbarian religion and region, though it be farther from us then France: yet do those mores hold more Faith with strangers then these French do with themselves.

A most illcome guest therefore to all sorts of men here. for to take this whole land in a lump, and to make no difference of papist or protestant: I am sure the deuoutest papist that hath an English heart left to knok upon in his breast, wyllbe afraid to call Monsieur his master. But a most dangerous guest to this quiet of the state must he needs be, that to the grief of the greatest part and chief strength of the lande, requires open exercise of a contrary religion, for him self and his, giving great hope thereby to others of obtaining some indifferent Interim. Now to prove that any alteration in religion or expectation to have religion altered, is a politique bile enflaming the peace of a settled and even state: I might have sufficient authority, to some men, out of macciauel. But I loath once to take up his best texts though they were written in golden letters of the fairest text hand. Hereon will I only rest for this point, that to alter our good religion, or to give any premission to so wicked Idolatry as is his, takes away God's blessing from the state, whose providence it is whereby Rulers reign and states do stand. And let him, pardie, that holds himself the best politique, hold this with me for a corner stone and most lucky principle in policy: that, as to bring in and hold true religion, procureth God's protection, and worketh subjects obedience of heart far above all other laws or fear of laws: so, to put out God's gospel and to bring in Idolatry, or to enlarge Antichrist and straighten the passage of Christ, doth shut all bessing from heaven: so as the Lord shall curse our counsel and cast us in our wisdom of overweening. In which behalf, we have somewhat already felt of that judgment for our fault of once deliberating so ungodly a thing. for wisemen in marieng of their children will most willingly seek houses of ancient amity, and carefully do avoid the seed of old enemity, which is heriditarie, as other diseases are. and we are not so wise in marriage of our common weal. for what house is more anciently enemy to her majesties royal ancestors and this land, thē that of Valois? what king more out of league or longe truce with this state then he of France? as he who cannot be content only to usurp a kingdom from us, but is impatient that our prince should so much as bear the true title thereof. And if we were such enemies when we had but civil quarrelles and only, vter regnaret, how should not our hate be multiplied, when it is de aris et focis, and consequently, vter sit et viuat? And if entermariages emongst themselves in their own family, cannot stay this fury of theirs, but that for religion only and none other quarrel, their very pity is cruelty even upon their own bowels, murdering and massacring one another by thousands and ten thousands: how shall any marriage make them friends to us, whom they repute as old enemies and have yet bleeding in their chronicles the dishonors and wounds heretofore given from hence to their kings & aunceters? No no, well said that wise Troyan Timeo Danaos vel dona ferentes: and well may a simple Englishman say, timeo gallos, namely Valesios, nuptias ambientes especially such mixed marriages, which we know to be otherwise against their own conscience.

It were well we learned that conscience of them, if not of conscience, at least by horror of those streams of french blood that was shed through such a marriage in Paris: assuring our selves, that if they went up to the knocles in french blood, they will up to the elboes in English blood. And that cruelty raged not only on the poor and selye ones, but it took the noble men and great princes by the throat. Yea the king of Navarre himself who was the spouse in that infamous marriage to the end of the world, had the deadly sword hanging over his head by a twine thread, and had felt the point thereof if he had not to his dishonor (the Lord be honored in his repentance) renied his God. Frō these mē, that have eaten the people of God as bread, have been fleshed in murdering of multitudes, & drunk the blod of noble men, why should any good manner stay a good loving subject from fearing the same dangers and cruelties from the same men to our Queen? and soe, a wretched confusion in this land, if for the sins thereof, she should come in their fingers to be a doleful bryde in their bloody brydchambers: which God for his Christ's sake prevent Amen.

Beside this late experience in our eyes of their dangerous dealings in marriages emong them selves, we may learn, if we be so happy, by the ancient hurts that England have received through royal intermariages with that nation: and by the rules which the wise English counselors of those times have set down as a state wisdom for their succeeding counselors. yea we may see, that these marriages with France or with any other partes of that present dominion, before or sense it was united to that crown, have always endamaged England, and sometime France to. so as, for most part, they might be reckoned emong those ill bargaynes that nobody gains by, and therefore be like cursed from above. Such were the marriages, where Henry the first gave his daughter Mault the Empris, in second marriage, to the Earl of Angeow, and his sister Aelix (as some chronicles call her) to Steeuen Earl of Bloys. for thereof sprang the loss of a kingdom to Mault during her lvfe, by being so far out of the land in another country, when she should have accepted it here: thereof sprang the perjuries of Stephen king of England enticed to a kingdom through the commodity of his near place which seemed to provoke him and therefro came the civil miseries to the people, who through the incertaintye of a governor, were in field and arms one against another. with like blessing did Henry her son take to wife Eleonor daughter to the Earl of Aquitaine and Poitou, who through her own wickedness and the friends she made on the other side, entertained many years an unnatural war between hir own husband and his and her children, Henry, Rychard, and John, And yet this unhappy Henry the father, must go and take Marguerit the daughter of Lewis the eyght for a wife to his son Henry, and for his son Richard took Aelix another daughter of France, which alliances proved such assurances to Henry the second as his last five or six years were nothing but an unkind strife with his own sons and especially his son Rychard made open war against him and wan from him a part of Normandy, by the help of his trusty friend Louis the French king. After this, when Rychard him self was king, not withstanding all the French friendships and alliances: at what time he was taken prisoner in his return from Jerusalem, the French king was not ashamed to excite John the brother of England to seize himself of the crown. The said John when he was king marieng the daughter of the Earl of Engolesme in France, and his son Henry the third having married first a daughter of the Earl of prouence, and secondly french Marguerit sister to Phillip the fayer: found in the several days of their reigns, the French king to be no better then a prick in their sides, taking part against them and provoking their people to be, as it were thorns in their feet. Edward the second succeeding his auncesters as well in their unhappy folly, as in theyre kingdom: will needs marry with Isabel daughter to the same Phillip. which proved such an assurance to himself, as that his French wife was able to bereave him first of his son carrying him into France, and having there made a strong part, could return and bereave her husband of his liberty and kingdom, and in the ende of his life to, after a wretched captivity under his own son.

So that of old, the alliances of France did set husband and wife together by the ears as in Henry the second and Edward the second: the father and son together, as they did Henry the second and his three sons, Henry, Richard, and John: brother against brother, as Rychard and John: the king and his people together, as they did king John and Henry the third against the people: and as they did afterward in Rychard the second, & Henry the sixth. which the duke Thomas of Gloucester in his time well foresaw: and therefore upon treaty of the like marriage for Rychard the second, who having now reigned. xix. years, and being thirty years old, fell amourous most vnkindlye and vnkingly with a french girl but eyght years of age, daughter to Charles the sixth, French king: he the same Thomas of Gloucester uncle to the king stepped up and withstode that match: having belike in these former experiences observed the truth of that general rule set down upon the French, by that Greek Emperor. And because I find the words of this Duke set down more expressly in a French chronicle then anywhere else, I will use their own words as the fittest testimony in this case. The alliance of France (saith that Duke in that french story) hath been the ruin of England, and this new friendship between these kings (saith the Duke) shall never make me loke for any assured peace attwene thē, for (saith he) there was never yet any trust or religiō or truth in the word or promises of the French. What an ancient & hereditary disease of disloyalty is this in the royal seat of France, especially since the Mayors of the household became kings? And though this Dukes voice in this counsel were overruled by the multitude, or rather by the lust of the king: yet did the king and his people and their children feel howe true it was in sequel. For first this externe amity with France, bred home enemitye in England. It cost us for an earnest penny the town of Brest in Britanie, by means of the kings outlandish Queen. And poor king Richard using in private connsaise altogether the French companions, such as his wife brought: began to disdeyne his own natural kinsmen and subjects, and finallye following overmuch the cruel and riotous counsel of such minions, namely the Constable of France and Earl of S. Pol whō the French king sent of purpose to king Richard his son in law polling the people and putting to death such nobles as his french counsel put in his head, in the end he was quite vnkinged by Henry of Lancaster, afterwards Henry the fourth. who during the time that he platted this enterprise, found hospitalitye in France for all king Rychards alliance under his father in laws nose. The French match it was which within one yere brought the king to dishonorable captivity, death, and deposing. which appears, for that in story it is rekoned, emong other things that alienated from him the love of his subjects, so far as when he was taken, his enemy was fain to save his life by garde from his own people, and also it is objected against him that he had made this alliance with France, not calling to counsel the three estates of England. Even the last marriages we made with France were like unhappy to the end. Henry the fifth that noble king had the alliance of Katherin daughter to Charles the seventh of France, and after had the possession of France, first by right of descent and marriage, then by conquest of sword, and lastly by covenant agreed with king Charles and his peers. yet could he none otherwise hold their love, but having their necks under his yoke. Whych union of possession and right, to that realm, was afterward fortified by crouning his son Henry the sixth in Paris and by a new match between him and Marguerit daughter of a French Charles, as most men saien, which cost him first for a princely brybe, the dukedome of Angeow and Ereldome of Main, and after many miserable destructions of our English cheualry & people lost both the new cōquired title & ancient heriditarye dominions on that side, and finally wrought an ignominious deprivation of Henry the sixth from this realm. I think, I might set dowue all such matches, as unhappy ones: and contrariwise those matches nothing so unhappy, but for the most parte prosperous, which were made either at home or in other places, as weren all those marriages made since Henry the sixth as by Edward the fourth her Majesty's greatgraundfather, and by her majesties graundfather and by her father.

And if a sister or daughter, who had no or dinarye counsel allowed her out of France, could yet continually prevail so much to the trobling of the state and deposing of the king here: what peril is it to draw hither a brother, who is to have his ordinarye counsel, and some gard of force and continual-intelligence with the French king, and is also to be a leader and executer of any devise himself, which a French woman could not do so well. the danger therefore in this match is increased beyond that in the former matches. for there the party, for or by whom, the danger came, was a woman, and therefore weaker: the party to whom the match fell out so hurtful, was a man, and therefore stronger: here the peril strenghtned for the party bringing the peril out of France is a man: and the party endaungered is a woman These things deserve well the weighing, and may not be passed over upon every lisping word and crouching courtesy of a French Ambassador or other flattering petty messenger. And if our wise and renowned forefathers of England passed without stombling over the threshold of suspecting the french alliance, even then whā the french men professed & held the laws of atmes with their enemies as soldiers: let us not be nicely fearful to pass the bounds of honorable modesty, in judging of the present princes which profess to deceive and break faith with such as we are, yea let us boldly & wisely cast this doubt that they whose frendships whē they had not so il purposes, but thought it their honor to match with us, wrought us yet this woemust needs now hurt us according to their hateful falsehood in dealing with us, whō they esteem, according to their doctrine of Rome, no better then dogs.

Now as there is danger on the parte of the French for great troubles to follow by this marriage, as well for that they have new fangled and stirring common wealth heads, lusting after Innouations, as also for the jealousy of two so near bordering kingdoms: even so will it be harder then iron for Englishmen to digest with quiet stomach, the french insolencies and disdaynefull brauades. For if the Spaniard coming in upon his honor, and being an ancient friend, at that time of one religion, did nevertheless bear away hard intreadie for his unwonted pride towards us: more danger will their be, least these needy spent Frenchmen of Monsieurs train, being of contrary religion and who are the scome of the kings Court, which is the scomme of all France, which is the scomme of Europe, when they seek, like horseleaches, by sucking upon us to fill their beggarly purses to the satis fieng of their bottomless expense: the poor plain and rude Englishman first give him the elbowe in the strete, then the fist and so proceeding to farther bicquerings in private quarrels, great troubles rise of small beginnings. for as touching the humble, mild, persecuted, and religious Frenchmen, that we receive him as a well-beloved brother, and that our old grudging nature against the french in this respect, is expelled, as it wer with a fork. that comes by the force of religion, the Lord having wrought it in our hearts. But against these irreligious, haughtye and faithless frenchmen, that bring in a religion contrary to ours, & have no conscience nor love to use us kindly, our English nature will return a main to his own course. which things also may euidtēlie appear to any mā, that would but mark how sadly & heavily & with how sorrowful coūtenances all the multitude of English both nobility & comminaltye look, casting up their hands & eyes to heaven when they do but talk of the matter.

This stinging stranger of France must we keep warm in our bosom at our own intolerable charge, which is another reason not to be neglected, since treasure is a principal sinew of any state: and therefore would not be wasted, much less therewyth to buy our own harm. For they are over credulous to be believed, who with the empty name of Monsieur, and of the French kings brother, would promise such other fools as list credit them, mountains of gold and great gain to this royal state, by his worshipful revenues forsooth bringing in king Phillip (who serves them in this devise for all in all) for their example. Fyrst who knows not this in general that every prince, though never so rich, will hoard up his own treasure, and spend of the strange purse. and it is a notable policy for our french enemy, by this means to weaken the very knees and hammes of our Realm. Now, that which other princes do of worldly wisdom: Monsieur must do of mere necessity. for let his receiptes be great for a subject, yet shall they not be sufficient to maintain his mind in state of so great a priuce & companiō to our Queen. for evē already his debts & expenses are said to be farther at odds with his revenues, thē many years receipts can yield the arerages.

But these persuaders, as men having their eyes daseled with the golden sun, are over affectioned to this match and cannot see that Monsieur hath not moe countyes then king Phillip had archdukedomes: nor so many dukedoms as king Phillip had kingdoms: and that he is not able to dropp half testons for king Phillips pîstelas: nor with silver to weighdowne his gold: as also that king Phillip for all those dominions & mines of treasures, was content to be pingling with our purses: made Queen Mary to ask moe extraordinary and frequent subsides and tasks, then had been seen in so short a reign: further causing her to borrow more loanes of hundred powndes, forty pounds twenty pounds, and ten pounds of her subjects, then were ever paid again by a great sort. thus gleaning the monie from the subjects, & by armfuls lading out of the eschequer, that both the land and the Exchequer was left as empty to the Queens majesty that now is, as it was many a day. The very bodies of our men, were fain to be employed in his service and foreign wars there to abide the foremost force and to be as a wall between the honorable Spainard and the Canon. which wars nothing in our own quarrel, besides the present loss of noble men and good soldiars there at the place, cost us in a back reckoning, the richest and strongest town of war that the Queen then had. And yet must we have king Phillip brought in for example of a gainful marriage to England. In deed we had great cause to thank the Lord's mercy, who delivered us from that king his power, as we had to thank our sins that we were given into his hand. but we may say we scaped a scouring. for, but that he was newly settled in his own kingdom, and could not tarry to be warm in his bedd here, the end would have ben worse then the beginning, he would have hold̄ hard, if not for the soil of the kingdom, yet for the nauie, for the ordinance, and other chief movable treasures and real Jewels of the land. All which things come in a more danger with this Prince, because if he be king of fraunce, he shall be nearer and readier by colorable polices to withdraw by little and little all things from hence in her Majesty's lysr, & by force to challenge them, if (Which God say nay to) she should be his wife and die before him.

There is another dangerous danger in this foreign french match that ariseth yet far higher, in that he is the brother of childless France. So as, if Henry the third now king, should die the morrow after our marriage, and Monsieur repare home, as we may be svre he would, into his native country a larger and better kingdom: then, by all likelihode, either must our Elizabeth go with him out of her own native country and sweet soil of England, where she is Queen as possessor and inheritor of this imperial crown withal regal rights, dignities, perogatiues, pre heminences, privileges, authorities, and iuredictions of this kingly office and having the kingrike in her own person, into a foreign kingdom where her writ doth not run & shall be but in a borrowed Majesty as the moon to the son, shining by night as other kings wives, and so she that hath ruled all this while here shall be there over ruled in a strange land by some belledame not without awe perhapps of a sister in law, and we her poor subjects that have been governed hitherto by a natural mother, shall be overlooked at home by some cruel and proud governor, or else must she tarry here without comfort of her husband, seeing her self despised or not wifelike esteemed and as an eclipsed son diminished in souereinty, having such perhaps appointed to serve her and be at her commandment after the french phrase, which in plain English will govern her and her state.

In this great matter what an illuding answer is it again by the particular example of the king of Spain to put away this reason grounded upon these two general rules. The first is, that a stranger mighty king brought into a realm to aid them as was the Turk and his sarasins, or upon any lighter occasion, will hardly be gotten out again. The second, a stranger king drawn in by our sins and sent by God's justice for our punishment, is not rid without God's extraordinary help. Now syr, because we were once happily dispatched of Spain, therefore we shall once again commit this gross follye and contemn that general rule of policy. And because the Lord in mercy did once deliver us from Spayn, therefore we will tempt him again by delivering our selves into the hands of France. Alas for these men, if king Phillip had never married Queen Mary and if this matter had ben to dispute xxvij. years ago, then had they had no one reason for their side, nor no answer to escape any of our arguments. and this absurd manner of reasoning is very Macciauelian logic, by particular examples thus to govern kingdoms and to set down general rules for his prince whereas particulars should be warranted by generals. But there master wrested his ungracious wit ever to the maintenance of a present state, and these foolish schoolers put forth their gross conceits to the overthrow of this present, in hope of, I wot not what, futur common wealth of their own head. Some subtlety there is also in this answer, that when we are to deliberate of France which is the more nere and more ancient, therefore more dangerous enemy, to annoy us with his forces and to hold us if he once have us: they bring us in example Spayn, a more remote potentate & an ancient friend, one that was at that time of one religion with this kingdom, and therefore not so pricked to hasten some chaung in our state, as this man, who being led by Antichrist must not endure with any patience that state where Christ is. Moreover our dispofitiō more ready to war with France then with Spayn, is helped̄ by more continual occasions givē of both sides, by more cōueniencie of means to perform suddenly, which will make them let no opportunity slyp, that may bring so come bersome a neighbor under thē as we are. And better may they do it now, then might the king of Spayn then. for thē was Spain at wars with France, neither was it like that France would have been holden by any friendship while he should have suffered a more pnissant neighbor set his foot here, whom he might so easily let by helping us. But now is there no enemity between France and Spain to let this practice: they are of kin by the flesh, and by their religion. and the holy league ties them together in that respect as it were faggotstiks. And in truth Spayn being so far and France so nere, France hath great advantage in this comparison and cannot be so letted of Spain, as Spayn may be by him.

These dangers wherein this dangerous pactise of marriage wrappeth Queen Elisabeth in hyrlyfe time and her England together alike, will, I doubt not, move those in authority to avoid them and others that are private to pray against them most seruently. But these calamities, alas, end not with this age. For where as these persuaders lay for a chief ground their certain expecting issue of her Majesty's body upon this match and the commodities thereof ensuing, thereby persuading this strange conceit: I will at once dispatch that reason that might be objected against me, & make it a chief argument (for I esteem it my second politique reason) to dissuade the French marriage especially. If it may please her Majesty to cal her faythfullest wise phisitians and to adjure them by their conscience towards God, their loyalty to her, and faith to the whole land, to say their knowledge simply without respect of pleasing or displeasing any, and that they consider it also as the cause of a realm and of a Prince, how exceedingly dangerous they find it, by their learning for her majesty at these years to have her first child, yea how fearful the expectation of death is to mother and child: I fear to say what will be their answer, and I humbly beseech her Majesty to inform hyrselfe thoroughly even in her love to the whole land, which holds deer her life and peace, and which as it hath hitherto deutifully sought her marriage while hope of issue was, desiring it as the chiefest common wealth good, and withal that fear God English or stranger would have rejoiced to see that the reign of Queen Elizabeth might have ben drawn forth, as I may say, in her faithful ligne: yet dare we not now otherwise crave it, but so as it might be by such afather as had a sound body and holy soul, and yet not thē neither, unless she may first find it to stand with her life and safety:

And when I think more earnestly of this matter, me thinks it must needs come first of a very French love to our Queen and land, to seek this marriage, even now so eagerly at the uttermost time of hope to have issue, and at the very point of most danger to her Majesty for childbearing: whereby they think, if her Majesty have issue, to see either the mother die in childbedd (which the Lord forbid) and the land left again as theirs hath been, to an infant: or else to see both mother and child put in a grave, and so the land left a spoil to foreign invasion, and as a stack of wood to civil wars. All is one to them saving that they desire the worst to befall us. And if there be any persuader of this strange marriage, in whom remains yet a simple mind but missed or miscarried, I desire him or her, and I charge thē as they will answer to God of their truth to their Mistress of England & English brethren, that they close their hand and put their fingar to their mouth, and weigh better hereof as well by the law of God, as of human policy which must, no doubt, agree with God's law. I cousell them to consider these dangers common to them selves with all other. and if they look well about them, they shall find this marriage a right unhappy one, and on no side happy, wheresoever they turn them.

For let it be that he have issue by her and that none but feamal only: we have hazarded our kingdom for putting it in the hands of the father, who under color of some tutorship to his daughter, will have her into France and so either adjoin this land to France, or mary her to some French or other stranger at his liking: and all this while we never the near possession of our old right in France which we so much desired. for the Salique law bars her quite. And though she should come and dwell in England, yet her bringing up being in France, her father will nousell her in his own religion, and so she coming home shall strive to staplish popery, as the late Queen of Scotts did when she came out of France: whereupon ensued those bloodshedds and red wars: besides the ilfauoured examples of the French Court and kings, which we would be loath our English princes shall learn and bring home hither.

If this issue by Monsieur should be a son and but one son: then will he translate his Court into France, and leave this poor prouence to the managing of a viceroy, the grievances whereof are enough set forth by referring you to the proconsulates of Rome under that Empire: to the vndergouernours in the former monarchies. to the viceroyes and Luogotenenti of Spayn in Naples-Cicil and here nearer in the low countries. Who like boares in a fat new broken up ground, by sowing first some seeds of dissensions to breed partialities in the country, do root out the ancient homegrowing nobility, and turn under perpetual slavery, as clods, the country people, yea and perhaps in the end, caught with the liquerishnes of government, seize thenself of the absolute kingdom, and deceive their master, so did the ancient Monarchies melt: so did this pre sent Empire lose her provinces and is now become less then a kingdom: and so may this ancient kingdom be transferred to a rebellious seed. Such rough plowers do our sins deserve, to plow deep furrows on our backs, if the Lord in mercy look not on us. I am not ignorant that some pass easily this incommodity of viceroy affirming it to bring honor not peril. for (say they) this son being born here, shall be king of both kingdoms with great honor, as hath been heretofore. But they be sweet Englishmen if you mark their English. we reason of the dishonor and servitude which comes to the nation, and they answer of the honor that comes to the prince. more like Basciaes to the great Turk, then Christian commonwealthmen. as though our Christian and natural Queen could think anything profitable to her, which might any way though a far off, tend to the perpetual bondage of her people: here though they subtly let slip the assured hurt which hereby falls to the common weal: I will not forget to show how incertain, yea and how certainly perilous to the prince, this honor is wherewith they flatter her.

Holy king Henry, as they call him, whom I suppose they will bring in for example, was crowned in Paris: and yet lost all on that side before he was a man, as I remember, or soon after, and before his unhappy death, he lost this land also. which loss of both came by striving for both. So that he may with more reason be recorded emong those fallen princes at the lowest of Boccaces whele, or in our English book of fallen Maiestrates, then to be reconed up by any faithful English man for a pattern of imitation to our present Queen Elizabeth. Who so will avoid those fearful effects, must avoid the cause from whence they proceed and not bring such examples to be followed. This example of Henry the sixth, would prove like to our present case if it were pursued. For, the complection and constitution of Monsieur, is not to live long, but to leave his child in the cradle, for the reasons hereafter remebred. And if the birth of this child should any way endanger our Queen: the poor infant if he ouerliued should have two over great scepters to play withal: even as Henry the sixth had. and so much the worse as there are even now one or two houses in France which would easily be saluted as kings, and of whom both Monsieur and the king that now is, may well stand in fear. perhaps these men would provide that this child should be borne in Monmouth and not at winsor and then they would think all sure. Me thinks they should run headlong on this remedy that are blinded in this evil. Thus it comes oftentimes to pass, that flattery woundeth princes even with the very self things it so fairly beareth in hand.

And if he should have a son and a daughter, so as both of them over living their parents, the son should be actually king as well of his fathers as of his mothers kingdom and then die without issue: his sister yet living: is it not more then probable in this case that the next prince of the blood in France under pretence that England was once vested in the blood of the French king and under their government will draw it also by this unity of possession with the crown of France, under the law Salique and so quite vnqueen the desolate sister? for the least color in the world joined with the sword in a strong highminded kings hand, makes a good title to a kingdom, even against father, mother, wife, brother, and sister: as stories witness, and according to that which is said, No faith in matter of a kingdom. Much more against that poor daughter which then should be a stranger in the house of France. The actual possession of her brother, will make no title: neither will it be any plea, to say that by our laws, lands descended from the mother are guyded to the heyrs of the part of the mother. but our issue must be battle, which is a trial most incertain, most perilous to the daughter who being out of possession, shall have much ado to find equiualiant champions.

And if this Monsieur should have by our Queen, two sons or moe: it must needs breed foreign wars and civil partaking thorough disagreement of the brethren, while the younger looking back to the times of william the first, would challenge to have kingdoms and such regal dominions divided emong children, as the Conquerer did with England and Normandye: and the elder knowing himself according to the present laws heir to both would claim both: utterly denying this carpet conqueste of Monsienr to be any conquest like that of William. And so that miserable civil dissention in England renewed after hir, which in the peacemaking marriage of her noble grandfather, and in the person of her royal father, and in continaunce of that ligne in hir hitherto is happyly quenched. He that confesseth all these inconveniences and weenes to provide for them with his pen in his study, or by acts of parliament, or by any other conditioning of oaths and sworn promises contested at their high altar of their mass, forgets the many experiences of sayths most solemnly given, falsified. on the other side he that scorns this our particularizing of this matter and putting of the case, what if he have issue male only, or female only, must be put in mind again, how unlike it is for her to have any: how dangerous for her to have but one: and how her years do necessarily deny her many. he must also remember on the side of Monsieur how fruteles a race that is. his eldest brother had none: his seconde brother but one & that a daughter: his third hath none: all of them being a forced generation by physic after many years, when their mother feared to be put away as barraine. No where therefore are we to match with less hope of issue. And if it seem curiosity that we proceed further in this case, as to say what if Monsieur should have both male and female, or diverse males: I require of him but so much foresight and casting of doubt for the happy staying of this crown in the English ligne of our auneient kings, as noble men and other great landed ones at this day have. who in their usual conueighances do marshall the fall of their inheritances by limitation upon limitation even to the tenth son of their body begotten and to the tenth nephew of their foresaid tenth son of his body begotten. May it be lawful, so to prouied for the continuance of pelting manners in one family of a subject: and will he not carefully cast a few doubts for holding of the crown with many principalities and dukedoms, for the preservation of the capital corporation of England: in respect where of all other the greatest castelles, honors, and manors, are but mesnalties or rather very messuages and tenancyes paraual. Issue therefore, or no issue by this Frenchmans body: the issue of this Frenchmans marrage is most dangerous to this Realm, and the very consideration of it fearful in behalf of our lief sovereign.

But these gloosing Frenchmē have whet on some of our persuaders, who likewise whet on others, with remembrance of the dominions and rule which their anncesters sometime bare in France, and which this land now wants with some disgrace. Other of our men's teeth are made to water with fair promises of reposseding those seigneuries and countries which their noble forefathers enjoyed: as though, by means of this marriage, they would set foot there (I know not how) before the french were a ware, and sending over some colonies from hence of such superfluous gentilmen as themselves, they would hold it maugre the king there. with such brave words the false flattering frenchmen, bring fond credulous Englishmen into a supposed paradise. These brauing English gentlemen are as far from the wisdom of their noble auncestets of whom they speak, as from their courage. It were verily a conquest fit for gentlemen, to assay the recovering of our former losses, and to begin even with our last loss first. but if these men's either wisdom were such as were like to get it, or their courage such as were like to keep it, they would remember that in times passed, the noble▪ Englishmen delighted rather to be seen in France in bright armor then in gay clothes and masking attire. they did choose rather to win and hold by manly force, then by such esseminate means. Yea when they did obtain any thing by marriage, it was not that England was married to France, but by marrying france to England. wherein is great difference if a man have the wit to mark it. For if either we were Frenchmen or our nation more large and pleasant then France: we might perhaps have reason simply to desire it. Then should our land▪ be the royal seat, our king should be resident emong us, and our empire increased by so many vassalles. which though, by the marriages of our former kings the flowers of kinghthood, would have fallen out otherwise in process of time, to the same bondage of this lande, if they had still kept France, because their succeeding children kings of England would have removed thither as into a more rich and pleasant kingdom out of England divided from the world: yet had even our forefathers in the days of those victorious kings, that reason to desire it which we want. that is, they went thither with their kings to be masters of country and people, and to hold it by aims as strongest: & wheresoever their king went he was still an Englishman, and trusted most & most advanced Englishmen. yea those kings had ever Animam reuer tendi, as I may say, into England▪ in so much as king Henry the fifth who had set surest foot in France, yet he had a mind to be brought after his death out of fickle France into well stayed England. and here we have his boanes. But in this marriage our Queen is to be married, and both she and we poor souls, are to be mastered and, which is worse, mistrised to. And as for the issue he shall be mere French, no more acknowledging us, then that other Pharaoh which never knew Joseph.

Thys therefore were a desire more like the noble blood of those times, rather to fight for that we have not, then to dance for that we have: yea, I will say to these dancers for a garlonde and not for a kingly crown, as that duke of Gloucester said. It were more commendable for these ioyly mates to demand by word and sword those dominions which we have lost, rather thē by marriage to shut the gates of recovering any thing lost, and to open agate of loosing all that is left. And if these men were either regenerate with their living brethren by the Gospel, or if they were not degenerate from their deceased noble fathers, & remained but in their pure naturalles, they would never so speak for a faultor prince of Rome, and one that may be warranted to us and our heirs for an enemy auncestrell, as I may say, and of an hateful blood from many graundfathers. And if they had but that natural sense which all living creatures have, to eschew in their kinds all contrary and hurtful things, they would not so labor this matter. For what if some of these persuaders can talk a little French, and peradventure have none other English commendation wherein they excel their poor countrymen, nor whereby to clymbe one step to that height they loke at: yea what if they cold speak french naturally: think they for a little french in theyre tongues ende, to be so much set by? alas poor men, how vainly they gape at french promises, with loss of their English possessions: If they should have their desire, it would not be long before their tongues would make their harts ache. It might be honiemoone awhile with them but afterward french would be no deinty dish, and these seely interpreters were happy if they might quietly stand without the door. whatsoever therefore their estate is now, it cannot be so ill, as that must needs be under them. they shall know how sweet the only freedom in a man's natural common wealth is, by experience of that irksome contrary, to serve so wayward a master as is he that by slight or force conquers. who though he will love well the dominion so got̄: yet will he never trust but esteem with a vile estimation, all those that helped him to it, and scarce deem them worthy to live in that land which they have delivered him.

But the grand reason and mother argument of these persuaders is the gaynefull honorable and strong alliance which must of necessity come by matching with the house of France: whereon hangs another dwainling daughter reason, that great partye, forsooth, that Monsieur can make us in that kingdom. Touching either of which reasons though I suppose they can say nothing for maintenance of their conceit, but that is already in their several places either expressly removed, or more then by the way answered: yet for their pleasures who think themselves never answered unless their reason have an express reproof, I will be bold with the reader and a little pass order to object it against me self again and handle it a part. First I demand of these aduenturous commonwealminglers whether they ween this strength and honor to be had in the life of this king? and if so, then whither by his aid and friendly alliance? if they say yea, yt is contrary to that they say in another odd reason of bridling the king, who surely will never strengthen that which must curb him, and it is proved also that if he and his brother join in any thing, they will do it smally for englands good.

If they think this great match of honorable strength in the present kings life, to be by reason of the great party only that Monsieur can make in France without the king: they are wyde and little think of two other houses, which according to the two chief factions in France, have most devout favorers and addicted followers, as men been respectively minded towards them and their professions. whereof, the one house can have more exequutioners of any his cruel determination to offer violence, and the other more faithful aiders and companions of life and death in defense of their consciences lives and goods, then ever Monsieur could bring into the field when he joined himself with the Malcontents either in France or the low conntryes: or then ever he could have either to rescue him out of his feigned restraint, or to fall to him for his gard, when he seemed to ruun in some fear from the Court. Yea, of these two partialities in France, as we have no need of his help for winning us the one part, who be already, in the fear of God & Christian love, so united to us, and in all leeful things so affectionate to the Queens majesty, as, there homeloyalty saved, they wish her all prosperytie and long life to the glory of God and advancement of the truth: So is not Monsieur in such credit with the other factiō as he can gain us there harts. For albeit, that be his best side indeed, yet is he of so small reckoning among the papists, that unless the king will, he shall not have one great on so much as his companion or counsaylor. For look into the government of his private affairs: and though he be a great prince the kings brother, yet hath he not one man of mark or of great credit that follows him: but a crew of unruly youthes. Yea when he takes any public enterprise in hand, as that of Flaunders, which stood him so much upon in honor, and which was with secrete intel ligence between the king and him, and by collusion: yet because the king could not, for bewraying that counsel, declare his will ouertly and liking to that voyage, not one Lord of name accōpanyed him. And let us believe our eyes in this his woeng of England. No doubt very good manners which he cannot but know required as well in regard of her Majesty as of his own highness, some proportion to have ben kept in the quality of his messenger sent to her Majesty. It is therefore want of having at his devotion such as had ben meet for such an Ambassage. Els had we had another manner of man, and not this, I wot not what, who hath no credit in France but as a minion of Monsieurs & whatsoever place he presently hath, it is much increased even since he came hither to us and by the credit hereof. In so much as I think scorn in her Majesty's behalf, and the whole land takes it as an old french frump, that no worthier or nobler person is employed in so worthy and noble a message to our Queen.

But letting go the poor party of Monsieur to be hoped for in France, we will in sinuate the small value thereof, by showing in a word or two, how little worth the accepting in alliance, the house of France is: either in this present king as our brother, or in Monsieur, though he were reigning french king and (which the Lord forbid) out husband. It is alteady proved that France is our ancient foe and that their very frendships have proved enemityes to us. Here then we seek to make a new friend of an old enemy. such an one as we may not trust, as well for the non trial of his love, as for the often trial of his hatred. I remember that Hector and Achilles are supposed to have found the very gifts of enemies to be deadly dangerous, yea such gyfts as when they had them, made for their defense: whereupon the Grecians had in proverb that, enemies gyfts were no gyfts. And if there be such a malicious influence of an enemy into his gifts, that they seem as it were, poisoned, and cannot be saufely taken out of his hand, especially by a prince: How can we without desperate danger receive into our bosom the old enemy himself? certainly, we may take up this proverb, & the truth thereof is as authentic as that other of the Grecians, by a much more strong reason: that is, that an old enemy friend, is no friend. which proverb, though in Christian reformed men it may now and then be falsified. yet do I not see, but in men unregenerate by the gospel, it remains true: and to believe it false, is perilous to prince or private person in choice of friend or allie.

But if these persuaders will needs have this painted man to be a man, and this no friend to be a friend: yet is he of necessity a most dangerous friend, by reason of his largely spread dominion which makes him esteem himself as the iron pot, and us as the earthen crock, with whom when he floteth on the sea, he weens he can dash us into shards at his pleasure, according to that emblem of Alciat. And though by the might of the high potter of mankind, & framer of kingdoms, he hath found our sides as hard as iron, and we have found him as brickel in our hands as clay: yet the pride he conceiveth in his own might, will make this dreadles enemy, an intolerable and an insolent friend to us, unless he may find us as serviceable as he found his old friend Scot land. wherein his old rancor still lurks and will provoke him to take any occasion. Thus under trust on our side, shall be shrow ded treason on their part: which could never have his effect, if we were still enemies standing on our own gard and in nothing trusting them.

Again, a most unsure and slippery friend he is. for they that seek vtilem amicitiam, as he now doth, will also suddenly break friendship, inhonestae vtilitatis causa. wherein he hath the start of us be fore we join, while we standing on our honor and Christian conscience, as it were, at the listes, shall give none offense but with much ado take any given, pretermitting the best occasion of resisting in time the beginnings: he, that hath made ship wrack of honor and conscience, shall make his profit of our conscience, and lie in wait to fall out for advantage, and to break thorough even whatsoever surest band of alliance.

Furthermore, a needless friendship is it which we seek. For hitherto without their help and in despite of their beard we continually have holden our own, and many times prevailed up on theyrr having thereforh tried their malice of 500. years to be contemptible, let us not without any need in the world accept their friendship now when it is most doubtful: least the title of love compass that which hatred could never come near. Lastly, as in common alliances, it is no credit to entertain a reiec ted friendship: so is this french alliance dishonorable to us, in respect it is the refuse of Scotland, who being weary of their pride and untruth, have cast them off now a good while since and all there old near fellowship, with resolute purpose so to continue because they find much more profit and safety in these more estranged terms of neighbourhode wherein they stand presently then in their false & insolent former friendship. And to speak truth, the honest late dealings of French are such, and they so renowned for an hateful seed of an hateful house, as, I suppose, they are not like to find friendship else where with any Christian prince of Majesty, especially to join with them in this friendship of marriage. which made their present king Henry the third as haughty as he is, to stoop to a mean man's daughter a vassal of his own And what if it were possible to make something of this no friend? to hold this wett Eele by the tail, as they say, and to have his friendship fast, and that the same would be in anything needful, profitable without peril and not dishonorable, which in no wise I admit: yet will our loss be otherwise far greater thē his friendship can yield. For first this new found french friend of fraunce, wilpresently cost us our old friend of Burgondy: which faithful society, if our vallant politîque auncesters preferred before that untrusty alliance with France, enen then when it was not yet married to Austrich, nor crowned with Spayn: when it was not yet enlarged with hir Italian dominions and midsea Isles, nor enriched with her golden Indians: & if also then it were more profitable to us then Frannce: how shall France be now to be preferred before it, or prove more profitable to us now then that? And it is not only for peace and war, that Burgondy hath ben entertained before France but even to this day, the merchaunts will tell you that the only low countries here at hand of that dominiō, are more worth to us for venting the surplusage and abundance of our country commodities, and for the transporting hither of the most necessary merchandise of foreign parts, then is all France. Secondly, we shall for this overthwart friend of France, a professed enemy of religion, which only knitts the trueloue knott: cast of Scotland a brother in Christ. whose profession as it hath made them new men in love and loyallty to us: so do our deserts toward them hither unto, & their need of our help henceforth, make them wholly ours & undoubtedly. And if we were in a brotherly perpetual league with that state, such as both our professions requires of us both, and such as our peculiar neighbourhode begs of us, who have one bounds of the sea, and but a small brook that partes us: doubtless our mutual friendship would prove more mutually strong and profitable, then with any potentate severed from us by seas, whose faith if we could assure our selves of: yet can we not have it at all needs but must tarry for the wind and tide. All the religious states of Germany, and other whosoever that have gone from Rome, will at once throw away their Christian estimation of us. Those protestant princes who having tried the faithlesnes of this generation, do set their bodies, possessions, and honors in the gap for defense of God's people in several countries, from sclauery of conscience, bodies, goods wives and children, will in their lour lament our unhappiness that will not not be warned by their harms: wherein I merueil not a little at some who regarding neither modesty nor conscience for the advancing of this marriage do slander those religious princes as recommenders to us of this marriage against which their deeds do speak and their words cry out.

And for all these losses I know not what new friend comes in by this house of Valoys in France, unless it be the house of Ottoman the great Turk. with whom though France have holden, not a truce for a time, but a continual amity, which mought well ynongh be the cause why the Pope decked him with his title of most Christian king: yet have we of England ever defyed him with the rest of those kingdoms that bear the name of Christ. and it will be for our Christian honor, that no match work the contrary, but that in this point we may still hold with them, as well in respect of our common detestation to his blasphemous Mahomet, as for that of all other Christians we least need to fear his might, being so far separate as Europe is large.

If any man think that we may hold all these old & latter friendships: and that thembracing with France is not streightwayes an unfolding with all the rest: he neither considers the difference in religion between Scotland and France, nor the diffidence between France and Spayn, for the low countries, the which as Spayn hath in possession so doth France many times mut-ter a title thereto. This universal persuader, I say, of all friendships and especially with France, forgets how in times passed, our king Henry the eyght could not be at once friend with the Emperor and the french king: but the league with one was present diffiance to the other: and that Scotland so long as they held France, was ever at deadly food with England, and since they clapped hand with England, they have not missed all most enemy like attempts of France,

And to put him out of doubt, how odious all Germanny will hold us for our fellowship sake with Monsieur: let him remember how far from the dignity of a prince, they enterteyned Henry, then not single Monsieur and only a brothrr of France, as is our Monsieur Francis, but elect king of Poland a piece of Germany: when, to take real possession thereof, he passed thorough their territories. some of them, with much ado and after many reproaches for his cruel falshods, sending him only a bare pasport which the devil might have had to be quickly packing, as did the duke of Saxony, to his worthy and princely praise. Some of them, granting him a more free saufconduit, yet would not vouchsafe to see this great French prince, as the prince Palatine, that good man. whose blame was more in that action for his overmuch mildness, then was his praise for courtesy. Other of those states, as Spire, bending & turning the mouths of all their great ordinauce upon him on which side of the city or streets soever he went, as it had ben at a common enemy of mankind. Other, as in Franckford, saluting him by the vnkingly name of the king of butchers in fraunce. which though it were by the mouth of one principal man among them: yet was it ratified by the whole state, when he complaing to the Burgmaisters of this reproach as of a high wrong, they thought it not cryminall nor to be pursued Exofficio against the accused, but only at the cōplaynants private action. wherein he fearing evidence enough so prove the saying true durst not put in cautiō but departed with shame enough and bare the reproach away on his back. In all those states and cities his welcome was such, as when he came again stealing out of Poland, he would not come back that way to thank them or to have the like, but chose rather to go about by sea and land the farther and more dangerous way. The small reckoning which that man like nation makes of France, appears by the many happy aids from thence which have bidden base to Valols at his own gole in his own field and at the gates of his strongest walls, hunting the French wolf in defense and relief of the french oppressed lambs.

A wise man without descending into these sensible particulars would in his understanding see the very general nature of suspicious friendship between neighbor kings: how like it is to the love between a jealous man and his wife in this one point: they be both of them fearful and jealous of their own states, & cannot patiently endure that their ally should be any thing great with another confine government, but streightway every countenance breeds a suspicion, and every suspicion a restraint of intercourse and trafique or open war.

I might fetch examples farther of and owt of tholder stories of Grecians and others. where ever the societye withone neigh bor was enemity with another state, according to that one great social law emong others, which is, that friends and enemies must be common. But it is more then manifest hereby how ungodly and dangerous, how incertain & needles, how dishonorable & unprofitable, this near French conjunction is in it self. again, it is detected as evidently, how many friends in Christ, how many confederacies in old friend ship, how many alliances in blood, and how many sworn brotherhoods in wars, this one forsworn brotherhode of France will loose us.

It followeth then necessarily upon that which hath ben said, that we who already bear the flour delice quartarly, receive no honor by joining with it Par pale. And since our Queen rightfully bears it, as king of France, and he occupieth it as actual french king: I believe it will pose the king of Heraltes of either realm to make alouing agreement and in one Eschocheon well to marshal, according to their rules, the self same cote of the usurper with the self same kingly cote of the right heir, having no difference. For, though it may be in other noble gentlemens cotes: it will hardly be don in kings cotes. For Heraltes which are upright judges in these causes must imagine but one king in a land, as but one son in the heavens. perhaps, to salve this sore they will take up the old french coat of crawling Toads. But the noble Lyon will choose him no such feere. his nature is to abide no venomous thing in his denn: how should he then embrace a Toade for his make? This difficultye of Heraltes is the least of a thousand & might soon be dispatched, were not those other great ones, which even by this small difficulty also in that kind, are bewrayed. that is, that this marriage seems to strive withal laws: that of arms and all.

Those therefore that persuade this band of strange alliance, must needs be such Englishmen as find themselves not advanced in this state according to that desert which they conceive in thē selves and therefore disdeyn at others good estate: or else such, as are past hope hear and having nothing, know they can loose nothing what change or tombling soever come. but these be degenerate dangerous Englishmen, who for the satisfieng of their disdainful or hongry humor care not to let the common weal blood even in her Basilica vain, who having now lived, by God's grace, and through the great love of hir subjects towards hir, many years in a miraculous peace: and ben a beholder and judge of other lands troubles: should now by this marriage throw, as it were, into the sea, not her ring with Policrates, but hir precious self: and putting hir prosperity to the plunge: send it to flote or sink, by drawing into England a great spark of that family which hath ben a fire brand in Europe. We cannot hold this fire in our bosom, and not be burned therewith. Now that which is hurtful to the whole common weal must be noisome to every part.

To begin wtih the chief thereof, hir Majesty, in whom as two persons or bodies (as they say) do presently fall in consideration, the one her natural body, such as other private ons have, the other, her body politique or common weal body which is her body of Majesty, incorporate in understanding of the laws: evē so several discommodities and hurts are here to fall in consideration also, in respect of these hir two bodies. which all beit they be of that nature as nothing can be harmful to one, but the same is full of harm to both: yet have I in speaking of the common wealth handled also her majesties civil body: as that which can no more be removed from the common weal then the head from the body: and as that which hath mutual suffering with the common weal in weal and woe, as hath the head with the body.

And for her very self or self self, as I may say, which is hir natural body, though it godly pleaseth hir, according to the laws of all well ordered realms, and manner of all good princes, to abide thaduise and consent of all her estates, not to conclude her marriage before she parle in parliament with her subjects, before she consult with the laws and call the commō weal as it were to common counsel, so as she on the one side may chaleng of it an assured maintenance of her doing with body and goods, as a thing which had their general consent, and the whole land, on the other side, may say, I have chosen such a Lord as I dare put in trust with my Queen, for so much as it also is to be married with her, and in sort to be governed by him that shall be her governor: yet is she for her part to have her particular liking and harts contentation in this match, in respect of that life she must lead with a husband, so as she may say within her self, I am gladly satisfied in this choice. else should she be in worse point thē the worst of her wards, of whom she doth not so absolutely claim the marriage by any tenur, but that yet her tender may be their choice. Let us then see whither this prince be a conuenable marriage in regard of her private person, who is already proved most unworthy and extremely dangerous for her princely personage.

Here comes first to our remembrance, her constant dislike & indisposed mind toward marriage frō the flower of her youth which in all that love her, bredes fear of a discontēted life, if at these years she take not her best heed and faythfullest advice in her marriage. Thys first difficulty on the part of her Majesty, offers a second as great a difficulty on the part of his excellency, that is that he should hardly be the man that choice man of choice in all respects to content both eye and mind.

And if any that persuades this marriage think to have quite himself substantially out of these two difficulties only by a bare objecting of them with referring over to be answered by her majesty, as in whose heart rests the best knowledge of her disposition to marriage, and contentation to this man: such one must be told, that he doth not his bounden endeavor, especially if his place give any leave to debate at large with her. In this point, belike, he is to learn of every parent or other whatsoever that hath a loving care of their daughter or deer friend. who upon a marriage moved will not set them down and rest in saying, you know whither it be fit for you to mary, and you know whither his mā be fit for you & to your liking: but cannot con tent themselves, unless they press to help hir with their best advise laying about to search and inquire, whether he be such as they wish. and if they find him otherwise, they lay the matter forth in time and frankly tell it her, least thorough their silence or negligence, she fall in danger of an ill husband, the greatest cross that may be laid on a poor woman's shoulders. The same should be much more diligently don in marriage of a Queen and her realm and it is a faythles careless part, to leave hir helpless in hir choice of the person and personal conditions of hir husband to hir own only consideration. which how so ever sufficient it be, so much the more hath she need of help, as the matter is more weighty in hir then in common matches. I marvel therefore they could not see, that as that meat brooks not well which is crammed in against the stomak: and as nothing is said to be don egregie which is undertaken inuita Minerva: so surely in this marriage the success of joy and contentation cannot be promised, if there be either a general untowardness to desire that state of life, or none hearty affection towards that person which seeketh.

And for the presence or show of this man's person, although I wot well, that as for most part the sweet and amiable or crooked conditions of mind ben (as I may say) written in the lines of a lovely or ill shape of body or face: so contrariwise that sometime a virtuous mind is meanly lodged and dwells in a homely cottage: yet do I not gladly medle with this particular, but will also refer it to hir Majesty's enteruieue, if it must needs come to that point, Only this I humbly beseech hir, that she will view it and suruieu it, and in vieuing she will fetch hir heart. up to hir eyes and carry hir eyes down to hir heart. And I beseech God grant hir at that time to have hir eyes in hir head even in that sense in which Solomon placeth a wise man's eyes in his head: and then I doubt not but upon conference of hir wise heart and hir eyes together, he shall have his dispaching answer. But of many circumstances of his body I cannot hold my peace because I hope being well conceived and digested with other things that are and may be said herein they will let this enteruieu.

I may not nor mean not to deny his great place that righte which is due to all men: that is to reckon reports and bruits as re ports and brutes. And though they speak in all laguages, of a marvelous licentious & dissolute youth, passed by this brotherhoode: and of as strange incredible partes of intemperance play ed by them, as those worst of Heliogabalus: yet will I not rest upon coniecturalls. Only this I touch lightly and cannot pass utterly in so high a matter as is the marriage of my Queen, that it is worth thinquiry after. For if but the fourth part of that misrule bruted should be true, it must needs draw such punishment frō God, who for most part punisheth these vile sins of the body, even in the very body and bones of the offenders, besides other plagues to third and fourth generation: as I would my poor life might redeem the joining of Queen ELIZABETH to such one in that near knot which must needs make hir half in the punishments of those his sins. Hir Majesty's father had a law passed by parliament in his time, that whoso had unlawfully known that woman with whom the king was to mary, and did not before marriage come in and bewray it, should upon the matter afterward detected, be holden little better then a traitor. Hys care to have a good woman was Christian and royal: he wyst well, as the preambles of those statutes purport, beside the private contentation to him self that as well the sins of father & mother as the plague of their sins descends to the children: and considering his children were to be left governors of the land, which mightso also have part in these punishments, his care was so much more to be approved because it was also for the common weal. The same reason is to move in us all a hearty desire thas hir Majesty should mary with such a house and such a person, as had not provoked the great vengeance of the Lord. And surely considering the haynousnes of the sin in every person, with the concurrant circumstances in this case of a prince, the law was a just law. we can have no such law against strangers: therefore, in hir Majesty's name I require at the hands of all English Ambassadors & other trauayling Englishmē abroad, & of all wise men at home, that they will be hir diligent espialls herein: giving faithful advertisement, not of such seldom or small faults as men corruptly call tryckes and pranks of a young gentilman, but whither his life hath ben so monstrously wicked as is reported. for it is no small matter for a Queen the head of the lande to join in any manner with that person over whom the inevitable plages of the most true Lord do hang. This is to approach to the plague when it cometh, and not, as Solomon's wise man doth, to withdraw himself when he seeth it.

His youth of years is an apparent inequality of this match, & a secret discovery of his mind not singlie affected with true and simple love to that he should chiefly seek. for emong us of the meaner sort, not one in a thousand of those younger men that seek there elder matches, but doth it in side respects. and how can we think other wise in a young prince, heir apparent of france. It is quite contrary to his young appeties which will otherwise have their desire. It is therefore either for want of living and maintenance to his mind, and then is he not fit for this realm: or else is it certainly for some other notable practice which must needs be dangerous, because so great a man must be the instrument and because it is not disclosed.

He is differing from hir Majesty in religion: thagreement where in as it worketh by God's blessing, a most near knot of good will and perfect liking in all things even emong strangers: so, by the words of Christ, a disagrement in this kind brings the sword between father and children, brethren and sisters, between a man and his wife. Yea we have seen in our days, parents and husbands being papists, thorough the unnatural cruelty of that Italian heresy, upon the least occasion and withal greediness to have delivered up to death their children & wife. And if all bands be little enough to hold love and to work a comfortable life here in earth against the many miseries of this noisome pilgrimage: let us not despise that which is the chiefest and strongest.

And which I may not forget who so marrieth with any popeworshipper cannot tell when to be sure of him. for they have one knife to unloose all alliances with kingdoms and faith givē to princes, that is the popes dispensation, which is so just in itself as whither it bind or loose it may not be examined. if therefore after our marriage (which God first let) the changeable decree of a pope will pronounce the marriage no marriage, either upon some new advantage to the church of Rome, either else because Monsieur could have no children by our Queen, & for that there must of necessity sit upon that throne some of the blessed seed of Medices, which was sent into France from a pope: no doubt this son of the pope in France is as much bound by popish obedience to leave against God's law his wife, as his son of Spain was to take against God's forbodd his own sisters dau •• ter. And as much conscience will the holy father make to break a lawful marriage for his advantage, as to license a lawles. what a fear of dishonor worse then the dishonor, were this, to depend upon the incertain pope whither we shall at any time hereafter be decreed to have lived in unlawful marriage yea or no. If any man anuswer hereto that this doubt is too far fetched and hath no reason to be conceived: let him at once take this reply for maintenance of this and diverse other like reasons that are & may be made. That whosoever is careful of the life and honor of a prince, casts more doubts then for a common person. In their palaces they must have more gards for night and day, more porters more hus shirs and more doers to come to them even in time of peace, then common persons have. But when the enemy of a prince comes to be considered of, then princes will use their longest hands of strength, their tendered nosed coūsailors & most percing sight of their wise and faithful servants. and who would not suspecte any treachery from that Roman enemy of enemies which like a juggling Aegiptian plays fast and loose with all the world and is singularly a deuowed enemy to our Queen as he was lately to hir Majesty's father, because he refused and rejected one of his like godless dispensations for a like lawles marriage.

An other reason might be made a gainst this marriage, that, if thorough his ambitious mind, not so blameworthy in such a prince as hurtful to such as should choose him, during the life of his brother he should be chosen king elsewhere: it might cause his absence little to hir majesties comfort. But this reason I bring not for the force of it or for want of other. for I suppose the late honorable leaving of Poleland will be a lesson to any kingdom or state of free election how they shall choose this brother. If therefore as Qu. Mary's counsailors had that respect to hir high honor that they did not mary hir to K. Phillip till he▪ was a king in the life of his father: so likewise these men would not talk of Monsieur, til he were hir majesties peer by being chosen king by the frank election of any▪ state: I would not fear this matter. The only cause therefore why I thought this reason worth any mention is by that occasion to show the strange answer that is made thereunto by these persuaders, who in their common discourse and talk for this marriage, objecting a gainst themselves this danger of his absence, do yet again bring in K. Phillip, as their example, that Monsieur need not be long absent from his wife, no more then was K. Phillip. First, all that they can say herein, is, that he need not belong absent. Then can we say that this K. Phillip was so long away that his absence pinched Qu. Mary's heart, and killed hir with unkindness. But in deed I fear not this inconvenient for his being chosen king anywhere.

One head reason yet remains which perhaps you think long for and me thinks I have said nothing in this last part till I have used it. That is the danger to her majesties person many ways, namely and above the rest, lest this should be but a frandulent se king of hir by him, the more easily to possess another afterward Of which meaning, there is such apparent presumption, and the great peril ensuing hath such evidence of being inevitable: as we may not rest in the credulous security of these smoth dangerous words: that, in good sooth, it is not so to be thought of by a christiā prince, but to be rejected as a senceles conceit, once to suspect, that he would seek to any other so far inferior to our Queen in Godlines, virtue, wisdom, beauty, and whose peer in many respects is not to he found. This is but Reinards flattering of our kingly byrd and well natured Chanticlere in his goodly sweet voice and fair feathers.

When noble men and princes in France, stood on their honor for all their actions, and would say nothing but true: they were worthily believed in the honorable word of a noble mā. Now that they have degenerate from the honor of ancient noble mē & their oaths ben traps to deceive: it were foolishness joined with peril, to clad such Idolnoblemen with that purple garment of credit in their honorable word, which is due only to true Nobility. Yea we are dearly taught, not to heleeue them in their oth. And this rule that they press us with, of not suspecting lightly, holds more straitly emong private men in their private matters, then for maiestrates and counsailors who in their charges for church and common weal, cannot lightly be to chary or suspicious. And that we may not here seem to forge our selves a doubt, but that we suspect such a thing as is very like to be meant by them: and the very like whereof hath ben committed by them heretofore: let us speak of this foreign prince saving his grace that which otherwise we could forbear even of reverence to a prince were it not that it makes necessarily to the health and weal of our natural princ.

What then is this Christian prince thus set before us whose credit must be so sacred as no charity must suspect it? he is the brother of the most Christian king, so called. many foul men have fair names All the popes canonized dead saints are not saints: no more are all his living treschrestiens, of the best sort of Christians. This most christiē family of kings, is that which ever made more deinty to fall out with the great Turk, then with other even popish Christians: and hath held peace with the Turk when others have ben in wars: without regard of that secrete society, which is, without speaking, contracted between men of one religion against a common enemy: and which, as a former faith, is implicatiuely excepted in any truce with an infidel. Yea which former faith ought to be kept, though with breach of express words of any subsequent league: and therefore more then treschres tienne heed to be taken in such leagues. This is that most Christien Prince, whose brother not long since, accepted a kingdom with promise and oth to maintain therein thopen exercise of Turkism, arrianisme, iewisme, papisme, anabaptisme, and such monstrous professions besides the truth of Christ's gospel. this is that most Christien prince, whose most christien brother, hath sworn to the toleration of our religion in his own kingdom: which yet he seeks to destroy by slieghte or force without choice. This is that most christien court, where Macciauel is their New Testament, and Atheism is their religion. yea whose whole policy and government, seems te set the Turkish tyranny as a patarne, and they draw as near to it as theyre ancient laws will any ways suffer in so small time. To conclude, this is that treschrestien thron, which to the shame of all kings (so much as in them lay) by the disceite of an oth, in person of a king with some hypocrisy in religyon, by the bayt of a marriage, by hope of assurance in foreign leagues, by the base abusing of his own mouth to speak fair, and personal visiting him in his sickness whose life he sought, stained themselves with the blood of a number of their subjects which resting upon their kings faith, came upon confidence under the lee, as it were, of rheyr protection. Insomuch as they are now bankrupt of all credit with their own subjects, and with their own brother in law, husband to their sisters. so as upon no royal oth they will come in▪ but stand on their gard, and keep towns for their defense, Neither would the king of Nauarr trust their sister so far, as to receive hir for his wife: til her mother rydyng round about France carried her to him, and together with her daughter put him in quiet possession of more towns for his fvrther defense. And yet we may not suspect this Christian prince a brother of the same brother and sister. and if we do suspect him in behalf of our Queens sauftie, we are streightwayes senseless and suspicious, without ground of our conceits: and who so forsooth, deviseth these doubts, will devise any thing that may hinder this marriage. This dare I boldly say that he who casts not these doubts, is not wisely suspicious. and he that passeth them over being once put in doubt, may pass over anything that makes for hir maiestes good estate. And a most strange dream it is of theirs who will have this match a bridle to the french king, a snaffle to Spayn, and a stopgamble to all practices of competition for popery, or any other traiterous attempt at home or abroad. whereas, all the contrary, it lays the reins at randon on the neck of this horse of hidden treason, and sets a rider of choice upon him for the nonce: yea and opens all the ports to foreign enemies.

For to come near the person of this our french prince: could all his countenances of being restrained upon his brothers first return from Poleland: and fallinges out with him afterward, his ronning from his mother: his secrete withdrawing from the Court: and the Queen mothers trotting between hir sons as a broker of reconciliation, win him so much credit emong the protestants in France: as they would trust him for a leader, and not hold him still for a suspect? could his goodly aids offered to the states in the low countries, with personal taking upon him their defense, prevail so far: that he could come any farther within them, then that they could by their own forces well avoid him? No no, the hurtful help of this shiuering reed hath appeared by the event in both countries, and that it is no staff of trust. Most unhappy therefore are they that may take heed by others, whose hands it hath hurt and will not. But let us against our con science admit Monsieur to be in this matter simply seely or simply bonest: yet is he set a work and ruled by his brother and mother, and this suit followed for him with the manifest goodwyll of his mother the motherpractiser of France. With the winking of the pope, who though against the marriage of the king of Navarre to their sister, and against Monsieurs voyage in to Flanders, he sent his legat. yet here he sits quiet, which is a token that he looks through his fingers. This suit is pursued with the good alowāce of the french king. For Monsieurs messenger hath continual conversation at home and abroad and one table with the kings Ambassador, a thing plainly arguing the kings good liking and continual intelligence with Monsieur for the proceedings herein. The strange papists and our rebels are in deep silence, not one opens his mouth against this marriage.

Thys prince cannot but, eythe • for love or fear, be great with the Guysian duke. and in deed of very late more theu ever, even when ît was said he should come over hither, he was nearly in ward and in deep conferences with that duke, who is to us an enemy by kind, and for near consanguinity a fast friend to the late scottish Queen. who is the most hidden and pestilent adversary creature that lives, to our Prince & state. The fairest daugh ter of the pope, and shotanchor of all papists. for as the holy league hath tied all these great ons together by oth and their duty to the pope whom they will not displease to hate to the death all religious princes: so have they voued it in the fourth degree against our prince, as chief support of religion, and in whose life or death (as they think) depends the exercise or not exercise of the Gospel in England and elsewhere. Again besides their afectiō in many other respects to this late Scottish Queen, they have set her down as the only loadestone, that should draw traitors together and rent our kingdom: that should set up I dolatrous altars from S. Michils mount to Barwick, and make all the Israel of England and Scotland to sin. Hyr injurious challenges in France, hir great and disloyal attempts in england, hir confederacies with the Spanish Generalls or regents in Flaunders: will easily tell a wise man, what devotion she hath to the Queen & what impatient greediness to snatch the crown from hir head by opportunity or importunity, which so ever come first. There open and violent attempts of this purpose have been by God's grace frustrate. as enemies they can do nothing against her Majesty. Now must some great mean be used, and that vndercloke of love, which is ever the last popish practice.

From no place more fitly then out of France can they fetch this instrument of our woe. France is a neighbor, therefore convenient by the place. It is a land full of a well trained soldiar, & hath all ready great numbers mustered that abide but their watch word. it is now at peace withal, and therefore at leisure: unless they will make wars to themselves. for cruelty they are approved, to execute anything. For treason they are so embrewed in blood, as they are like to assent unto whatsoever plat never so barbarous. And this is also a device fit enough for such a soliciter, as is that false Scot prelate Ross, mortal enemy hither, who is presently in France, and, like ynoug, her agēt to procure this devise. Yea, unless we our selves close our own eyes, we may see that it is a very french popish woeng, to send hither smooth tongued Simiers to gloss and glauer & hold talk of marriage: and yet in the mean while, Iaques Fitzmaurice who hath been in France and conversant with Ross, and even now came immediately thence into Ireland to invade our Queens dominion there and assemble the traiterous papists in nomine domini domini papae. Is it possible for the breath of marriage well meant to England, and war performed in Ireland, to come out of one mouth? She hath already cost us enough of our English blood, and she cares not though she make havoc of nobilitye & people: she seeks her own turn by hook or crook. Above all the dangers to hir Majesty I would she had one that might eueryday cry with a loud voice. TAKE HEEDE OH ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND, AND BEWARE OF SCOTTISH MARY. The Lord her God defend her from all her popish enemies.

Let other men's squaymish judgments keep them in what temper of suspecting, it lykes them: I cannot be so blockish but to think that it is more then lykely, he comes for this Mary: to the end that whereas, if there be any rebellious papists at home which can do naught for want of a leader, & those fugitive rebels abroad, can do nothing unless there be first some hurliburly in the land: this man may be he, where they shall first make head, and so grow into a body of rebelliō. which afterward they mean to aid with their foreign forces, to the destruction of those foolish rebels as well as of us. And though, in truth, without flattery, she be inferior to our Queen, in all the best gifts yet may I well enough think, that Monsieur will stoop to hir as well as king Phillip their old example, whom yet again they use even here, did stoop in Flaunders and other where, most lowly in that respect and beyond all courtesy even in Queen Mary's life. yea I do not see, why I should not make these gyfts and excellencies of our Queen, so many arguments to prove great likelihood of impossibilitye to knit fast to her, the mind of Monsieur so contrarily qualified. For love is a knitting of like minds together first, & then of bodies by accident. And though foul bodies be oft in love with the outward beauty of others: yet was there never foul vicious and Irreligious mind in love with a virtuous and religious soul. If any man yet again thinks it an unworthy suspicion of so high a prince, let him hear once again that one of that brotherhood did compass as unworthy a purpose: and all by laying to gage that worthiness which his majesty might challenge, and by his personal action, which he judged no man would once suspect, in a marriage of his sister as near to him as this brother is to the now king.

These times have new falshodes, which we must encounter by new foreseeing wysedomes. new diseases have taught phisitians to find new medicines: and since false frenchmen will do that which their forefathers would never do, let honest English men suspect that which their auncesters could neeuer misdeeme Especially in those matters, where popery comes between as the motif, and the french ben the instruments. For to do that Roman synagogue service, the french, do accompt as fair virtues, all foul lies, treasons, poysonings, massacres, and turning of realms upside down. And for recompense of their brave night xploit at Paris, they were brought immediately, as it were, in a carte of tryumphe in at Rome gates: where the world is witness of the panegyricall praises and solemn orations pronounced in their perpetual fame, with many joyful fyres in honor of that barbarous, vnmanlike, and treasonable victory upon the noble Admiral that slept in the oth of his king. But though the hope of like commendation may make these men attempt the like fact: yet are these wicked praysings of the pope but a shadow of praysings and make as much to the true honor of the french, as their paper excommunication and burning by image at Rome, do hurt the good Christian in body or soul.

Now the Spanish genet will soon champ this cakebread snaffle a sunder. for this great seat that should be don in bringing K. Phillip to some reasonable conditions of peace with his subjects and her majesty to have some maritime part to hir own behofe how shall it be wrought? by french forces only? They will not do it: they cannot do it▪ and if they would or could: why is it not don already? if by french and English forces joined: why then doth he not join and confer with us all this while, rather then under hand seek to trump both them of the religion there and the malcontent? If it should be don by English forces only, as it must be indeed, (for he hath none to command) unless they say that his brother will both man him and money him, and then they forgette that which they said of being a brydle to France. If, I say, English money and Englyshmen must do this enterprise it may be much better achiued, now while we have the law in our own hands, and may command: then when we shall be covert baron, and have put our sword into another hand. we have not so much need of him for a captain, as he hath of our strength to serve him. Neither do I think more truth in any of these their reasons, then that we should serve to work their will in those low countries. and if anything were gotten, that should wholly go to France: but our butin in England, should be even as good in these wars to be taken for france against Spayn, as it was under Queen Mary, in the wars for Spayn against France. at what time the whole loss, even a grievous loss to any Englishman that shall look from Dover castle over to the other side, fell on our part.

But in deed if it please her majesty to aid those low countries: as it will be most for our honor in the enterprise, and for our gain in achieving, to do it of our selves, while uve are at lybertye, and not under strange restraint: so is it now high time for the need they have, who by these delays shall be soon past help. and so the king of Spain have his will. And, in truth, the best welcome force and of most profit to those countries, must be the English without french. for the popish party of Arthois and Henault, never loved the french, and now dare not trust thē: and those of Gaunt hate them twice: Fyrst for religion, and then for the cause common to them with the Wallon, which is their overmuch intelligence with the common enemy the Spaynard. whatsoever peril therefore out of those countries, & from king Phillip by reason of his pease there, is spoken of by these persuaders, thereby alluring us unto this match with France: is easily met withal by our own forces in time. which will be much more willingly received of them then the French, for all the late foolish and lewd pamflettes there spread by the french in their own fauoer and our disgrace.

And it is more absurd that France would consent to send hither a brydle for himself. those that are of this mind, presuppose a jealousy between the French king and Monsieur: which we must first grant them. or else they fail to prove this in the beginning. Now, albeit I think, that the best faith cannot be meant, but between the best men: yet may we be assured that howe soever they stand between themselves for France, they will still agree to annoy England and hold together like brethren the change of that air for this and his coming over sea will not change that mind: and still shall he be his brother and son of his mother: who seeing that both of them do follow this marriage, no doubt they will provide against their own brydeling. And it is like enough, though Monsieur knows a piece of their purpose: yet knows he not the depth of this mischievous practice. For they do not use to impart more to him then falls to his part to play. The king remembers, that he himself when he was Monsieur, being made privy to the thē purposed horrible massacre, had like to have marred all, by lauishing out a word here of to one of his deerelyngs: had not Lignerolls mouth ben stopped with papp and the hatchet as they say. Besides, that Monsieur was never admitted so far in connsail as the present king nor esteemed so stanche.

And if a man may guess sometime, what a thing is, by reckoning up what it is not: we shall not find in the king, nor his bro there, nor mother, any loving cause to bring this new love in their mind. They never bare favor to hir majesties person, they never shown themselves lovers to the quiet of this state: they account not themseldes any way beholden to prince or state. Every word or deed of ours, showing never so little compassiō towards their murdered, or mislike of the murderers is depely laid up of them for so many wrongs. Much less will any man think she sends hir son hither to school for our religion. It is far from probability, to think that the king sends him hither, because he would be rid of him. as though he stood in fearful doubt of his greatness while he were in fraunce. It is sufficiently proved otherwhere, that he is not followed nor esteemed generally in France, by papist or protestant. And if there were any such jealousy in the kings head, this were no wisdom by advancing his brother to so puissant a kingdom to make him more dread.

And in Monsieur what do we find that may so earnestly send him hither. he is here apparent to France: dangerous therefore in respect of reasons otherwhere alleged, for him to be absent: espetially the present king being so far gone and spent in the disease, as some of these persuaders will say, when they will further this match. And if he should come in with that honorable show becoming his greatness, and as any other such man will come that wooeth with good meaning, and feareth not any detectiō of hidden trecheryes▪ his voyage hither would be mightily chargable. a thing ill becoming him, who is already drawn dry to the botom and extremely indetted with his other coloured voyage into Flanders. And onelesse some notable practice pricked him hither, the very passage over the sea would appall this fresh water soldiar, having read that between this and Normandye there perished in one bottom, three kingly children. but utterly would he be discouraged by thaduenture of honor which he makes in sailing hither, upon so slender likelihood of speeding or rather upon great reason of repulse: if his care of honor were not less then his greediness to accomplish his other mischief. And if he should speed (which God forspeake) yet must he come to a people that loves him not nor his trayne: and where neuerthe less he must have his gardes and trayne prescribed and limited in regard of the state. And this people if heretofore it hath been so manly as to master this generation of Capet in his own or rather our home of France: me thinks this Monsieur can come with small hope to find good service at our hands, whose fingers will itch at him in our home of England. But above all, who can think, that he being the last of his fathers ligne, and the only forlorn hope of raising up seed to his brothers, would match hear with so far gone hope of having issue: endaungering by that means a wylling translation of the crown of France from him and his fathers posterity, to another prince of the blood. No, no, no, the king, his brother, and his mother have some other meaning against the church, state, and person of our prince, even to have an eye in the head of our Courte if they can bring it to pass, and an hand in the heart of this realm, to work our ruin and their great hatreds: and that as the mother hath long time ruled and turned the wrong side outward of France, so she might have this land another while for her stage. she is dressing hir Prologue to send him in; trust him not. The players be tragical though he wear peacible laurell on his head Yea the words that escape from some of them that are come on this message, do bewray how loudly they will speak here after. I pray God they to whom it belongs may keep away such gamsters. And since the Lord for his own name sake & of his love to the gospel which we have emōg us hath weakened the hands of our foreign enemies & broken the devises of their heads hither to since he hath engravē such a searing love in her subjects harts as children bear to there mother, and such a reuercut note of souereignete in hir person as he is wont to set on them whom he calls by his own name and are his ordinances: in so much as it may be said of hir most truly, it is the Lord by whō kings reign since I say the blessed word of Christ hath made hir sword as the sword of G • deon, keeping hir safe from many practices against her person while other kings and Queens have (thorough God's judgment for their manifest sins) been subject to tombling and suffered change in person and estats: Let us still rest in those maenes and approve that which we have proved for good. It is a folly to seek foreign aid, but vpō extreme necessity. It is like desperate physic; when one is given up by all physicians, it sends him speedily either one way or other.

They suffer themselves to be abused which believe the french men when they say, that England is unfurnished of friends, neither in perfect league nor good opiniō nor, near allied with any prince in Christendom. Our alliances are better then his and more assured, as in another place it is shown. we have the Lord's right hand on ourside and all the hatts and hands of those of our religion. Yea we were able by God's mercy, to throw out popery even then when it had more friends within the land, and when diverse princes and multitudes were enemies to us for our religion, that are since become religious even to the death. we doubt not therefore but much more easily we shall be able to hold our prince worthy of her, & I cannot choose but say, that this prince of France, of all other unmarried princes, is moste unworthy of her, for even that Christianity which hir Majesty is called unto, and her princely priesthood in Christ Jesus, is as far above all his pride in flesh, as heaven is above earth: & hir earthly septer being added to the former excellency, sets him at hir foot or rather drives him from hir presence in judgment of God and men being but a subject in the kingdom of France & as yet no enrolled citesin in thouward kingdom of heaven.

The assured and great evils that grow here out to our head the Queen: make no less against the well doing of the lesser limes of the land. For, to let pass the doings of ancient and present kings, who, when by such means, they win a countye into their paws, first dispatch the ancient Nobility, destroy the greatest kindreds, and scatter the mean sort into servile, unlearned, and unarmed trades: for thentreaty that our Nobility and Gentry are to look for, I will note but this one word, even of this very family of Hugh Capet the first of this third and present kingly race in France when, by such means as their own chro nicles do mention, he had wrested the sceprer from the hands of their Mayster and sovereign seed of great Charles, Peppines son, the first deed they did was to provide that the chief of that ligne might die the death: perhaps some of them did choose some pinig death at Orleans, but die they must. This is a slip of Hugh Capet, and the practice of their mother and them in their own country at this present, is, to raze all ancient french houses and to rear up new, bringing all, as near as they can, A la Turkesque that all being there creatures may fall down and worship them. And if the present woeng messenger, a man of so bace place and petty companion in the french court is yet so sausie as to be checkmate with our Queen, and to enter malapart comparison with our Noble men: doubt you not but the friends of of the brydegroome will be every man a petty king over our English Nobility. Our honorable Counsailors, • udges, and other Maiestrates, may not hold their honors & authorities. For if the mother being a forraigner to France where all manner government is denied hir by their laws, can depose natural Maiestrates, and help hir coūtrimē to the richest offices, promote an Italian to be high Chanler there, & make hir half Italians to be marshals of fraunce: you may be sure, a french husband will easily advance his Italianate french mē to our English preferments. Our lawyers shall be fain to learn some other occupation. For new masters new men, and new Lord's new laws. No doubt the laws of fraunce will prevail against the laws of Normandy: yea the foreign law, called civil, w • l eat up our free customs & natural laws. Our soldiars of necessi • y must be sent out under some Joab, for some more desperate service then S. Quintin, one way or other to be dispatched and cut in pieces. For of all English people they will be worse loved of these french. Our Lord bishops may think it there greatest honor to take such part as other poor men do. sure they are all to loose their dignities and riches, and so many of them, as ever were votary priests, must part frō wives and children. Our Merchants and poor richmen, they may quickly without any counters cast up their books of reckonings, by that time such factors and malefactors as these men, have ransaked their coffers. Touching the meanest sort of men even in france it self, this ve ry day, all be contemptible pesants and Lackeys. And if there own natural poor laboring men, find no better condition of life under these vncourteyus kings. it were madness for us to look for so good. we must, doubtless, be one degree, at least, beneath vile pesants▪ & Lackeis. And if these new surueiers come into this land, we may bid farewell to thold English liberal measure of syxtene foot and a half to the pole: our Ortyards must be measured by the foot: our houses by the stories, windows, & chimnies, and accordingly new rents raised upon them: our children shall not come freely into the world, without some unnatural excise for every birth as the earnest penny of a trybu tarry life: our maidens who in some common weals are wont to be bestowed with the public purse, must under this vile stranger, yield a share of their own marriage portions. which Impositions I neither draw from old Tyrans: nor Imagin here of mine own head: but they are such as the french king very lately demanded and such as his subjects even now deny. whereupon the former troubles are like to revive, notwithstanding his mothers late ryding about france with fair promises for the release of such brutishe exactions Much might be said in these particulars, & by this little, the noble, gentle, and others whatsoever may learn to hate strange cōmaunders, and to esteem our natural regiment. to detest the Turkish tyranny of Valoys, & to thank God for the kind government of Queen Elizabeth: which the Lord grant hir happily to hold on, and finally to end, as she began. But I had rather we should feel our grief in the ache of our head the Queen, thē to esteem our gteuances apart.

Far from us then is this great assurance imagined to her Majesty's self, by thus matching, even as far as certain peril is from safety. where is the preservation of Religion? where is the strength and gayn to the land? where is this honor to our kingdom? even as far from this marriage, as preseruatife is from poison, gayn frō spoil and beggary, and honor from danger of perperual slavery. I should have been afraid to have spoken thus much, had not the straight of this necessity driven me and my words ben the words not of a busy body, speaking at all adventures: but of a true Englishman, a sworn liegeman to hir Majesty, gathering these necessary consequences by their reasonable causes. And since the faith of a man is broken sometime as well in not doing or not saying as in doing or saying: I humbly beseech, that whatsoever offense anything here said, may breed, it be with favor construed by the affection of my heart, which must love my country and Queen though it should cost me my life. yea rather let them of this land who excel severally in all good professions, having wisdom, disposition, & words at will, that hearing so publicly, famously & notoriously, a marriage to be practiced by the pope which is against all laws of God and man, unwritten and written, of nature and nations, of the land and of policy, of arms & peace, tending to the loss of our religion, to the subversion of our state and freedom to the captivity of our Queen and hir people, under our hateful foe the french: cannot yet be stirred up to any pietye towards their God, their country, or their prince, to handle this matter in their several skills as it requires. You Noble men and high counsailors join to your wisdoms courage, and adding to them both the fear of God, remember you be born & chosen for fathers of advise to the prince, and in a secondary degree assisting Tutors to the common weele. render to the Queen that faithful counsel which she may well challenge for advancing you to this honor, and pay to us again that duty of careful love whîch our reverence of honor most wyllingly acknowledged to you, doth deserve. You bishops and others, who sometime speak in the ears of our prince, let not your study be to leern french for the entertayning of this stranger, as though then you should be ioly gentilmen with the rest: but learn to speak the word of God, and speak it boldly, for keeping out this stranger. You, whosoever in Court, honored by hir Majesty with any special favor and grace, alas, that none of you will do her that right, as to tell her how far more precious hir royal person is, and with how far greater danger thereto it is: then that this odd fellow, by birth a french man, by profession a papist, an Atheist by conversation, an instrument in France of uncleanness, a fly worker in England for Rome and France in this present affayre, a sorcerer by common voice & fame, should have such free and gracious access to her chair of estate & great presence, who is not fir to look in at hir great chamber door. All England in a tenderiealous love to her person besecheth God to preserve hir, & prayeth hir to take heed of popish french men. You of the meaner sort throughout the land & all private ones know your place to be in all subjection & peaceable patience, with your prayers to solicit the Lord for his church, for this common weal, and for the Queen: that of his great mercy he will turn away this plague of a stranger in Christian Israel, and foreign frenchmen in England. The only noise of whose making hither toward, gave all these causes of fear, and wrong thus much hitherto said to be written, as it were with the tears of an english heart. And his sudden arryuall here with all the manner and circumstances thereof would yield new argumêts of another much longer discourse. For first his coming hither as it wer in a mask, bewrays a strange melancholik nature in himself: who delights to make all his iourneis in such sullē solitary sort, & therefore belike an ill companion to live withal in any fellowship. Then yt shows his extreme want of ability to defray the expense of woeng in a bountiful show sitting such a prince as cometh to obtain out Queen. This his secrete coming & departing, discovers a mistrustfulnes in him towards our people, and therefore no love, which must needs come frō his own ill conscience of fearing french measure in England. for on our part (the Lord be thanked) we have not committed such villenies. all men deem him unworthy to speed who comes in a net as though he were loath to avow his errand. Some men may think he is ashamed to show his face, but I think verily that he means not sincerely who loves not light & will not come abroad. The last noble princely gentlemā that went out of England to win a Queen in france gave trial & show of wisdom, manhod, behavior, and personage, by open cōuersatiō & performing all manner of knightly excercises: which makes us in England to find very strange, this vnmanlike, vnprincelike, secrete, fearful, suspicious, disdainful, needy french kind of woeng in Monsieur, & we cannot choose but by the same still, as by all the other former demonstratife remonstrāces, conclude that this french marriage, is the streightest line that can be drawn frō Rome to the utter ruin of our church: & the very rightest perpendicular downfall that can be imagined frō the point france to our English state: fetching in within one circle of lamentable fall the royal estate of our noble Queen, of hir person, nobility, and commons. whose Christian honorable, healthful, joyful, peaceful, and long, sovereign reign without all superior overruling commander, especially french, namely Monsieur, the king of kings hold on, to his glory and her assurance of true glory in that other kingdom of heaven.