Hidden Works of Darkness Brought to Public Light
The source for this document is https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A56171.0001.001
Project Note
This is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.
The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.
This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.
Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.
However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.
This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.
Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org
PROVERBS 11. 8.
The Righteous is delivered out of Trouble, and the wicked cometh in his stead.
A. The Arch-bishop of Canterbury.
B. The Gentleman Usher with his Black-Rod.
C. The Lieutenant of the Tower. D. The Bishops Council.
E. The Clarke that reads the Evidence.
F. The Table where the Books and Papers given in evidence lay.
G. The Members of the House of Commons, and Mr. Prynne standing in the midst of them. H. Mr. Henry Burton.
I. I. I. The Witnesses, Mistress Bastwick. Mr. Baker the Messenger.
K. K. K. The People and Auditors, within and without the Barre.
L. L. The LORD'S. M. M. The Judges and Assistants.
N. The Speaker of the Lord's House. T. The Hangings of 88. S. Mich. Spark.
HIDDEN WORKES OF DARKENES Brought to Public Light, OR, A NECESSARY INTRODVCTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBVRIE'S TRIALL.
Discovering to the WORLD the several secret dangerous Plots, Practises, Proceedings of the POPE and his Confederates, both at Home and in Forraigne Parts, to undermine the Protestant Religion, usher the whole Body of Popery into our Church, and reduce all our REALMS to their ancient Vassalage to the Sea of Rome, by insensible steps and degrees; from the first Marriage Treaty with Spain, Anno 1617. till this present. Together with the true Originals of the late Scottish Troubles, Irish Rebellion and English civil Wars: Manifested by sundry Instructions, Articles, Letters, Intelligences, Warrants, Bulls of Popes, Petitions of Parliament, Proclamations, Examinations, and other Papers, found among Secretary Windebankes, Master Thomas Windebankes, the Lord Cottingtons and Arch-bishop of Canterburies Writings, and some late intercepted Letters from Forraigne Parts.
By WILLIAM PRYNNE of Lincolns-Inn, Esq.
DAN. 2. 22, 23, 28.
There is a God in Heaven that revealeth secrets; he revealeth the deep and secret things; he knoweth what is in the darkness, and the light dwelleth with him: I thank thee and praise thee O thou God of my Fathers, who hast given me wisdom and might, and hast made known unto me what we desired of thee; for thou hast made known unto us the Kings matter.
It is Ordered by the Committee of the house of Commons concerning printing, that this Book, entitled ( Hidden works of Darkness brought to public light ) be printed by Michael Sparke senior. JOHN WHITE.
LONDON: Printed by Thomas Brudenell for Michael Sparke senior, dwelling in Green-Arbour in the Old-bailey, at the sign of the blew Bible. 1645.
TO THE HIGH AND HONORABLE COVRT OF PARLIAMENT.
H AVING not long since presented your Honorable Assembly with A Breviate of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Life, extracted out of his own Diary and Writings: I have been since much importuned by divers Members of both Houses, to set forth a complete History of his Crimes and Trial, with all needful Ingredients thereunto. Whereupon, I deemed it very expedient (by way of Prologue, or necessary Introduction to that Work) first, to compile and publish this following Peece (which here I humbly tender to your honorable Patronage) the materials whereof could not be conveniently inserted into the Passages of his Trial, though much conducing to the clearing of your Exemplary Justice in your equitable Proceedings and righteous Judgment against him, newly executed on his person.
Your Honors, in these my rude Collections (faithfully extracted out of many thousand scattered papers, the perusal and digesting whereof into order hath cost me no little pains) may behold as in a Mirrour, many hidden, or forgotten Romish Plots of darkness brought to Public Light and Memory (from the first Marriage Treaty with Spain, in the year 1617. till this present) to undermine our Protestant Religion, reduce both us and all our Dominions back to Rome by insensible degrees; together with the several Policy, A •• ifices, Negotiations, Conspiracies used, and Instruments employed between the Pope, his Confederates and Us, to accomplish this long-agitated Design; and hereby clearly discover the true Originals, the Principal Contrivers of all the late unhappy Commotions, Wars, Massacres, Desolations within our three distracted Kingdoms, now weltering in their own blood; with those mutual Negotiations we have held with Rome, not only of late years, but continued till this very instant even for Cardinals Cap • and such like Pontifician Wares.
His Majesty and your Honorable Assembly are (blessed be God) now at last (after three years bloody intestine Wars) upon a desirable Treaty of Peace, which I shall cordially implore the God of Peace effectually to crown with a most happy issue: towards the real achievement whereof, I humbly conceive these seasonable Collections may contribute some assistance; One of the nearest ways to procure a settled, lasting Peace on Earth, being first (by sincere Repentance and Reformation) to make our peace with Heaven, and then to provide effectual Remedies against the various Treacheries, Conspiracies, Policies of the common Enemies of our Peace on Earth, and principal Contrivers of all our present Combustions; (to wit, the Pope and his Confederates ) which I have here apparently detected, to the end they may with more facility be prevented by your honorable Vigilancy for the future.
As we must have no peace with Rome, so we cannot possibly expect any peace from her: Yea, the more we endeavor Reconciliation with this Babylonish S • rumpet (the grand Design of many late past years, and now) the remoter shall we be from any real Peace and Unity among ourselves, as we have seen by dear-bought experience: and it must necessarily be so, since Light and Darkness, Truth and Error, Christ and Antichrist, the Sons of God and Children of Belial, can never be cordially reconciled by all the Policies or Contrivements of men; God himself having put an everlasting irreconcilable Enmity, Antipathy between them.
If therefore your Honors ever hope to enjoy a sincere, solid, durable Peace in our Churches or Realms, you must now use all extraordinary Care and Vigilancy to provide sufficient remedies against all the Popes and his Confsederates Devices, stratagems, Engines, Instruments, who else will perpetually embroile us with fresh Conspiracies, Treasons, Rebellions, Powderplors, Wars, till they have wrought their own or our utter ruin, as many late Experiments (under which our whole three Kingdoms now bleed and languish) abundantly demonstrate. It therefore much concerns your Honors and our Realms in your intended Treaty, as much as in You lies, to provide the surest and most effectual Remedies against this viperous Generation of Romish Incendiaries, without which we can neither expect any substantial Peace for the present, nor en • oy any lasting Tranquility for the future; and, blessed be God, who hath long since put it into your zealous, pious hearts, to endeavor to effect it.
It may be some Court-Sycophants, may deem these Discoveries very unseasonable, yea perchance dishonorable (in some particulars) to his Majesty in his fore-past Proceedings, and suggest so much to his Highness, or your Honors.
To which I answer; that the Discovery of all Plots, Dangers is then most seasonable, most advantageous, when we are by special Laws or Treaties to establish future Remedies against them. It is over b • st searching festered wounds to the very bottom, and letting out all their corruption, when we are ready to incarne or glutinate them; else, if we citatrize before we sound them to the bottom, they will soon fester or break out again with greater pain and danger then before: As for the pretended wounding of his Majesty's honor, or his former proceedings by this Discovery, as it was most remote from my loyal heart and intentions in its Collection and Publication, so I hope his gracious Majesty and all faithful Counselors about him (who bear any real affection to his Highness, Religion, our bleeding Kingdoms, or really intend to close up their wounds by the approaching Treaty) will be so far from resenting these Detections to be any real eclipse of his Majesty's honor (purposely compiled to discover bona fide to his Highness and others, by what Romish Stratagems, Pollicies, Councils, Instruments they have been for sundry by-past years seduced, circumvented, abused, miscounselled, to the Kingdoms, Churches, Religions almost utter desolation, and ingul • ed in those bloody Civil Wars, Massacres, which have turned most of our pleasant Fields into Acheldama's and Golgotha's ) that they will interpret these timely Discoveries of them (of which, perchance they have been hitherto ignorant or unobservant) the highest expression both of my Duty, Loyalty to his Majesty, and my dearest Country, or at least a faithful impartial discharge of that solemn Covenant & Protestation We all have taken by your Honors Injunctions, which oblige me in point of Conscience, of Fidelity to bring them unto public knowledge; yea, I should in truth have violated both my Alleagiance and Covenant, had I concealed them at such a time as this, when God's admirable Providence had unexpectedly brought them to my hands: Since therefore the wisest King that ever reigned, yea, the King of Kings himself hath assured me, That righteous lips are the delight of Kings, and they love him that speaketh right; I doubt not but his Majesty and all true-hearted Protestants about him, together with your Honors, will deem this Publication a special Act of my Loyallest, Sincerest Service to his Majesty and all his Realms, which through God's effectual bssileng on them, may much conduce to their future Tranquility, Felicity, the things here principally aimed at.
I shall therefore become an humble Suitor to your Honors, to accept of these Collections (which I have with no small labor extracted, digested into method, whiles others have been taking their natural rests) as a pledge of my reallest Affection to my Country, his Majesty, Religion, Parliaments: yea, as a seasonable Preparative (not to be slightly read over as matter of mere News, but seriously perused, as a Discovery of highest consequence) to your intended much efflagitated Treaty of Peace: and as a necessary Introduction to the History of your Patient, upright, unparalelled Trial of, and righteous Judgment against that Arch-Incendiary and Enemy of our Peace, Religion, Laws, Parliaments (some of whose Seditious Popish practices are here lightly glanced at, others more fully detected, the rest reserved for their proper Place) who hath received with much Mercy and Moderation the due reward of his treasonable, violent, bloody, Romish Councils and Actions. I shall daily supplicate the God of Recompence that the effusion of his most Nocent blood by the AXE of Justice may put a speedy period to the spilling of anymore Protestant blood by that sword of civil War, which his Councils, Innovations, Oppressions first unsheathed, and his seconds, the Romanists, have since kept drawn and brandished among us, almost to the depopulation of our whole three Kingdoms.
Now the God of Peace that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus, that great Shepherd of the Sheep, through the blood of the everlasting Covenant, make you perfect in every good work, to do his will, working in you that which is well-pleasing in his sight, through Jesus Christ, and guide all your feet aright in the way of Peace, you are now entering into; that the end of it may be Peace indeed, and the effect of it, quietness and assurance forever, that so we may henceforth dwell in sure dwellings, and rest in quiet and peaceable Habitations; which is, and shall be the Prayer,
Of your Honors daily Orator and Servant WILLIAM PRYNNE.
To the READER.
C URTEOUS READER, I here present thee with a new Discovery of sundry Plots and Works of Darkness, as a necessary Introduction to the Relation of the Arch-bishop of Canterburies Trial; collected out of several Instructions, Articles, Letters, Petitions, Intelli • ences, and many thousand scattered Papers, which God's Providence brought unto my view; most of which never saw the public Light before; and will give thee true information of many Passages, Policy, Negotiations with Rome, to Usher Popery into all our Dominions by inperceptible steps, undermine our Protestant Religion, & engulf 〈◊〉 in those Wars, Miseries, under which our whole three Kingdoms now smart and languish almost unto death. I prese • ted thee formerly with some Collections and Discoverie • of this nature in my Rome's Master-piece and Royal Popish Favorite, which will add some light and luster unto these; but these far more illustration unto them, and will give a satisfactory Answer to that nameless Answerer of my Royal Popish Favorite, who (in his Loyall Vindication) confesseth all the matters of Fact, Letters, Warrants, discharges of Priests, Jesuits, & suspensions of Laws against Recusants, therein comprised, not • inding me tardy so much as in one of them, (the recital whereof is the far greatest part of his Book) but only shifting them off with poor slight Evasions, not worth the answering, which are here refuted by real, undeniable Evidence • , out of Original Letters, Records, Warrants, or faithful Transcripts belonging to such Counselors or Secretaries of State, as were employed in, or privy to the Negotiations herein recorded, so as none can justly question, suspect their Reality or Verity.
For myself, I can with good conscience protest, I have neither feigned nor all • ered ought in any the Papers herein published, but presented the full and naked truth of all things to thee, as I found them, without the least Sophistication. If the Republic, Church, Religion, or thou ( Curteous Reader) shall reap any advantage, useful Information, or God any glory by these Publications (as I trust they will) I have all I aim at; If anything be not so methodically digested, connected, or so polite as thou couldest desire, I hope my daily public Avocations, interloping occasions, distractions in the contexture of them, (collected for the most part when I should have been taking my natural rest) will be a sufficient Apology to gain thy Pardon. As for the particular Articles, Treasons & other high Crimes charged against the Arch-bishop (for which he was justly executed with far more mercy, favor, indulgence, then himself ever shown to any pious Christian that came under his heavy hands) thou must expect an account of most of them hereafter in the History of his Trial▪ yet here thou mayest scatteringly behold such evidences of his guilt (especially in the Scottish business & Popish Alterations in their Liturgy) as will sufficiently re • ute the bold pretences of his Innocency on the Scaffold at his death, apparently contradicted by sundry pregnant evidences at the Lord's 〈◊〉 d • ring his Trial, & by the whole tenor of his persecuting, oppressing, turbulent Life, especially since his greatness: And so without further preface, I humbly submit these Lucubrations to thy perusal and most serious consideration,
A necessary Introduction to the History of the Archbishop of CANTERBVRY his Trial.
B EFORE I enter upon the History of the Archbishop of Canterburies Trial, one grand part of his charge impeaching him; That he had traitorously endeavored to alter and subvert God's true Religion, by law established in this Realm, and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry, and that he hath traitorously and wickedly endeavored to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome; it will be necessary (by way of Introduction) to manifest to the World that there hath been for many years past, a secret plotted Conspiracy and serious endeavor, between sundry pretended Members of the Church of England, and Real Sons of the Church of Rome, to extirpate the Protestant Religion settled amongst us, and reduce our Dominions unto their ancient Vassalage to the Superstitions and Power of the Roman Sea; as likewise to demonstrate the principal means and policies exercised by them to accomplish this design; which (for brevity sake) could not be conveniently produced by way of evidence at the Trial.
The reality of this Conspiracy, (as ancient as the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign) is so experimentally visible to all men, especially in these present times; so fully rati • ied by all Acts, Proclamations, Petitions in Parliament against Jesuits, Seminary Priests & Popish Recus • nts, from the first of Queen Elizabeth till this instant; so abundantly manifested by our Histories, Writers of all sorts, and so apparent by the Policies used to effect this hellish Plot, that to spend time in proving it, would be but to add light to the Sun; I shall therefore confine myself wholly to the Arts and Instruments principally employed to bring it to perfection.
In the inchoations of the Reignes of Queen Elizabeth and King James, the Roman Party both abroad and at home endeavored first by Flatteries, Treaties, Insinuations; and when those prevailed not, then by several horrid Conspiracies, Treasons, Invasions, Rebellions and open hostility to erect their Romish Babel among us. But all these (through God's great mercy) proving abortive, they fixed at last of latter times upon a more prevalent and successful means then any of the former; to wit a project of marrying us to the Whore of Rome, by matching the heir of the Crown of England to a Romanist: They found many Presidents, Texts in Scripture, and Ecclesiastical story ascertaining them, That Idolatrous Queens and Wives, were a most infallible prevailing means to draw Kings and whole Kingdoms to Idolatry: For which very reason, God expressly enjoined the Israelites to make no marriages with the Canaanites, nor other Idolatrous Nations, nor to match their sons to their daughters: For surely they will turn away thy sons from following me that they may serve other God's; so will the anger of the Lord be kindled against you and destroy you suddenly.
Hereupon they projected, solicited a Marriage between our Sovereign Lord King CHARLES (then Prince of Wales, ) and the Infanta of Spain; which after some remote preparatory Conferences between the Ministers of both Crowns in the years 1615. and 1616. was the year following • ipened to a Nuptiall Treaty on King James his part, as these ensuing Instructions to Sir John Digby, (now Earl of Bristol) then Ambassdour in Spain (found among the Lord Cottingtons Papers, an Agent in this Treaty) manifest: of which I shall insert such only as concern Religion.
Instructions for our trusty and well-beloved Counselor Sir John Digby Knight, sent by Us, Ambassador Extraordinary to the King of Spain.
NO man can better inform you, then yourself do know (having been long Out Ambassador Resident with the King of Spain) that both informer times, and of late, speeches have passed between you and some Ministers of his, concerning a Marriage of our Deare son the Prince, and the Infanta or Lady Mary, second daughter of the said King; for the better assurance and strengthening of the Amity, which being begun, immediately after our succession to the Crown of England, hath ever since continued: Which speeches, although they have been so providently carried by your discretion all the time you were Ambassador there, as that you never appeared therein as a public Minister, but only in quality of a private Gentleman, and well-wisher to the continuance and increase of friendship between the King and Us: Yet since your return, and being of our Council, the same speeches have so far proceeded between you and the Ambassador of the King of Spain resident here, not without Our privity, as that we thought fit to acquaint a select number of our Council therewith; who having heard the report of the former proceedings▪ have delivered to Us their Opinion; that they find very probable ground for Us to enter into a public Treaty thereof, with as much assurance of good success, as in such a case may be had.
Whereupon we have given you A Commission under our great Seal, in due form of Law, Authorizing you to Treat and Conclude for a Marriage to be had and made between Our said Dearest son Charles the Prince, and the said Lady Mary, second daughter to the said King of Spain, as you shall perceive by the tenor thereof: And for your better directions in a matter of so great Moment, We have thought good to accompany the said Commission with these Instructions.
Wherein, first, we think good to let you know, that if at your arivall at the Court, you shall find by good probability and other Circumstances, that there is in the said King and his Ministers as ready a disposition as formerly you have found to proceed further in such a Treaty; you may open unto them, that you are come accompanied and Authorized with power sufficient on Our part to Treat and Conclude. But if you do discern any alteration or coldness from the former demonstration, not only of a sincere meaning, but of a very great desire to give us satisfaction; you may then forbear to make use of your Commission (which we must refer to your discretion) and advertise us what you perceive,
If you shall find things in such Case as you shall have cause to fall to Treaty of particulars, then for your direction therein, you shall understand.
That this business doth consist of two principal parts; The one concerning matter of Religion, and the other of civil considerations, matter of Portion, and other charges on their part; and Dower, and assurance of Dower on our part.
The matter of Religion is to Us of most pri • cipall consideration; for nothing can be to Us dearer, then the honor and safety of the Religion which we profess. And therefore, seeing that this Marriage and Alliance ( if it shall take place) is to be with a Lady of a different Religion from Us; It becometh Us to be tender, as on the one part to give them all satisfaction convenient, so on the other, to admit nothing that may blemish our Conscience, or detract from the Religion here established. And although We cannot for the present give you precise and particular direction and warrant for all points that will come in question in this subject of Religion, yet in general, we have thought good thus far to authorize you: that whereas while you were in Spain, certain Articles for matter of Religion, after a Consultation had by some of their Divines were delivered to you, as points they were like to insist upon; which seeming to you unworthy to be by Us hearkened unto, you did utterly reject and refuse; yet afterward upon a private conference between you and some others, to whom that cause had been committed, there was between you a qualification conceived therein, though never delivered as a matter approved there.
We have perused those Articles, and added something to them by way of explanation, for Our clearer satisfaction; and have signed them with our own hand in a Schedule hereunto annexed: And do let you know, that if they shall be admitted there as we have signed them, and no further matter in point of Religion urged, We can be content you proceed and express your liking, and that you hope it will give Us satisfaction: And that you will speedily advertise Us; but you shall not so far consent or conclude at to bind Us, until you have advertised Us, and received Our express pleasure and assent.
But if you find any hesitation or doubt made upon them, or any new matter added to any of those points, which you shall find to vary from the true sense of them, you shall suspend your proceeding to the approving of any such Alteration, and advertise Vs thereof, and attend Our further direction and pleasure, &c.
Given at Lincoln the 14. day of April 1617.
Tho. Lake.
The Articles for Religion (specified in these Instructions:)
THat for the taking away of all scruples, and the better Justification of the Match, The Dispensation of the Pope is to be procured, but thereof His Majesty need to take no kind of notice, but to be the mere Act of the King of Spain.
That the Children of this Marriage shall no way be compelled or constrained in point of Conscience of Religion, wherefore there is no doubt that their Title shall be prejudiced, in case it should please God that they should prove Catholics.
That the Family which the Infanta shall bring with her (being strangers) may be Catholics, and that the Nurses which shall give milk unto the Childre • , shall be chosen with her consent, and shall be accounted of her Family.
That the place which shall be appointed for Divine service shall be Decent, Capable, Free and public for all those of her Family, and that there shall be Administred in it the Sacraments and Divine service, according to the Use and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome.
That in case the Infanta her self shall only have a secret and particular Oratory: There, shall be appointed for her Family a settled Chapel for the Administring of the Sacraments, and for the burying of the dead of the said Family; and that this public Exercise of Religion begin from her first entrance into England.
That it shall be lawful for the Ecclesiastical and Religious persons of her Family, to wear their own Habit.
That after the Dispensation granted by the Pope, the Marriage shall be celebrated in Spain, per verba de praesenti, by a Procurator, according to the Instruction of the Council of Trent.
And that the years and ages • e without supplement, waiting the ten days; and the Infanta receiving the Nuptiall Benediction: But that within certain days to be Limited after her arrival in England, there shall be ( infacie Ecclesiae ) used such a solemnization, as by the Laws of England shall make the Marriage valid, and takeaway all scruple touching the Legitimation of the Issue.
That she shall have a competent number of Chaplains, and a Confessor, being Strangers; and that amongst them shall be one that shall have power and authority for the government of the rest of her said Family, in matters concerning Catholic Religion.
That there be sitting Assurances given for performance of the said Conditions.
Given at Lincoln the 4. of April 1617.
Tho. Lake.
KIng James being so far wrought upon by the Popish Faction, as thus publicly to engage himself in this Marriage Treaty with one of the Romish Religion, wherein the Popes own Dispensation must necessarily be first procured, ere the Match could finally be accomplished; they then begin to play their game to the best advantage, and by tedious delays and new demands, gain more and more ground upon the King in favor of the Roman Catholics, and their Antichristian Religion.
First, the Commissioners designed for this Treaty, multiply and enlarge the former Articles touching Religion, in reference to the Infanta and her Family; which after two years debate, were fully concluded on by the Commissioners, and both Kings: But their agreements were to little purpose; the consent of the Roman Pontife (the Archcontriver and Directer of this Plot for the best advantage of the Catholic Cause) must be likewise procured and super-added to complete the Articles; without which they were but Nullities, and no Dispensation could be expected from him; which is first of all provided for in the Conditions.
Hereupon the Articles were sent to Rome, to Pope Gregory the xv. who then held that Chair of Pestilence; who after many tedious consultations, alters and enlargeth divers of the Articles (by the advice of his Conclave) for the furtherance of the Roman Catholic Religion; and unless our King and Prince would condescend to those alterations, there was no possibility of any Match or Dispensation.
The answers and alterations of the Pope to each particular Article, you may read at large in the French Mercury in that language; but I shall represent you with the Articles, the Popes alterations of them and some additionals from Spain to them, with King James his answer thereto after their return from Rome and Spain, in Latin, found amongst the Lord Cottingtons Papers with this Indorsment.
Responsio Sanctissimi Domini PP. Gregorii xv. ad Articul • s Matrimonij Britannic • • actenus inter Reges conclusos.
Conditiones oblatae ex Anglia.
1 QUod Matrimonium perficiendum est per Dispensationem Papa, sed haec procuranda est per operam Regis Hispaniae, qui super verbo Regis • idem daturus est, Regi Magnae Britanniae se facturum, quod possibile est, ut Dispensatio Papae procuretur.
2. Quod Matrimonium celebrandum est in Hispani • & in Anglia; in Hispania, per Procuratore • secundum formam Ecclesiae Romanae, & in Anglia, secundum omnes ceremonias, quae Regi Magnae Britanniae convenientes videbuntur, modo nullae sint quae contradicant Religioni Dominae Infanta, sed de hoc statuenda est formula quomode sit hic, & • llic, perficiendum.
3. Quod serenissima D. Infanta servos & familia • secum hinc habitura est, per electionem & nominationem fratris sui serenissimi Regis Hispaniae, modo Rex nullum servum nominaverit qui fuerit vassallus Regis magnae Britanniae sine sua voluntate & consensu.
4. Quod serenissima D. Infanta habebit & habitura erit liberum usum, & publicum exercitium Religions Catholicae in modo & forma prout infra capitulatum est.
5. Quod habebit decens oratorium in suo Palatio, ubi missae celebrari possint, pro libito serenissimae D. Infantae, & quod hoc oratorium est adornandum cum tali decentia, quae serenissimae D. conveniens videbitur: In dicto oratorio vel capella, quod sacerdotibusejus licebit exercere liberum usum sui sacerdotii prout dicta serenissima D. ordinaverit.
6. Quod servi & servae serenissimae D. Infantae, & servi servorum & omnes pertinentes ad familiam suam poterunt esse Catholici liberi; quod non tamen intelligendum est ut quicunque fuerit servus obligetur ut servus esse Catholicus.
7. Quod servi supradicti qui fuerint Catholici, possint it a libere esse in forma sequenti.
8. Quod serenissima D. Infanta habebit in, vel contiguam Palatio, unam capellam tam capacem, ut dicti servi Catholici possint intrare & commorari in illa; in quà una sit porta publica & ordinaria per quam dicti servi possint intrare, & altera porta interior de Palatio per quam serenissima D. Infanta possit intrare in dictam capellam audire & celebrare officia.
9. Quod ista capella ornetur cum decenti ornatu altarium, ornamentorum & altarum rerum necessariarum pro cultu divino qui in ea celebrandus est, secundum usum S. R. E. & quod dictis servis li • ebit se confer addictam capellam omnibus horis prout videbitur.
10. Quod cura & custodia dictae capellae erit in manibus capellanorum sereuissimae D. Infantae, & ad hoc licebit constituere servum, vel servos, nequis possit intrare ad faciendum quid indecorum in ea.
11. Quod ad administrandum Sacramenta & serviendum in capella, erit numerus Ministrorum qui conveniens videbitur serenissimae D. Infantae, modo talem numerum non excedat; & isti ministri nominabuntur per dictam serenissimam Dominam, modo non sint vassalli Regis magnae Britanniae; aut si f • erint, sint cum sua voluntate & licentia.
12. Quod sit unus Minister superior cum authoritate necessaria ad omnes casus qui acciderint spectantes ad Religionem Catholicam.
13. Quod iste Minister superior poterit corrigere, emendare & castigare Catholicos qui deliquerint; poterit autem serenissima D. illos de suo serv • tio abdicare.
14. Quod licebit serenissimae D. Insantae & servis Catholicis adquirere Romae dispensationes, indulgentias, Iubileos, & in his qu •• videbitur conscientijs suis competere.
15. Quod Catholici qui in Angliam migrabunt suscipient juramentum fidelitatis Regi magnae Britanniae cum omnibus clausulis & cautionibus quae S. Majestas mandaverit, mode nulla sit clausula neque verbum in dicto juramento quod contradicat Religioni Catholicae, neque conscientiis Catholicorum, quem ad finem forma dicti juramenti concipienda est.
16. Quod leges quae sunt in Anglia spectantes ad Religionem, dictos servos Catholicos non attingent, qui cum legibus, tum poenis contra transgressores earum impositis erunt exempti, in quo opus erit videre quemode se res habeat.
17. Quod liberi ex hoc matrim • nio er •• ndi non cogentur neque compellentur in causa Religions vel conscientiae, neque leges contra Catholicos attingent illos, & in casu siquis eorum fuerit Catholicus, non ob hoc perdet jus successionis in Regna & Dominia magnae Britanniae.
18. Quod personae ecclesiasticae & Religiosae in familia D. Infantae poterunt retinere suum vestitum & habitum.
19. Quod nutrices quae lactabunt liber • s serenissimae D. Infantae eligentur & admittentur cum consensu dictae serenissimae Infantae, & familiae suae annumerabuntur.
20. Quod poterit castigare illos cum poenis et censuris ecclesiasticis, sed non cum poenis temporalibus: poterit autem serenissima D. illos de suo servitio abdicare▪
Responsio Papae.
Les deux parties sont d'accord sur ce point
This is in the Fr •• ch, not in the Latin Copy; but only by implication.
2. Matrimonium semel tantum celebrandum est in Hispania: verum si aliquae solennitates in Anglia faciendae sint ab declaritur formula solennizationis faciendae in Anglia, quae Religion • Catholicae & Romanae non contradicat.
Cest Article est aussi accord • .
Cest Article est aussi accord • .
5. Habeat etiam ecclesiam publicam Londini, & u • i serenissima Infanta morabitur, & utrobique omnia officia divin • publice celebrentur, verbum Dei praedicetur & Sacramenta ministrentur.
6. Quod servi & servae serenissimae D. Infantae, & servi servorum eorumque filii et descendentes ac familiares omnes quomodocunque inservientes debeant omnino esse Catholics & libere.
7. Quod servi et familiares supradicti debeant libere esse Catholici in forma sequent • .
8. Quod serenissima D. Infanta habeat in Palatio unam capellam tam capacem, ut dicti servi et familiares ut supra possint intrare et commorari in illa. In qu • una sit porta publica et ordinaria per quam dicti possint intrare, et altera interior per quam serenissima D. Infanta habeat ingressum in dictam capellam, ubi ipsa et alij ut supra divinis officiis interesse possint.
9. Quod ista Capella et Ecclesia publiea ornentur cum decenti ornatu altarium et aliarum rerum quae necessariae sunt pro cultu divino, qui in illis celebrandus est secundum ritum S. R. E. et quod dictis servis et aliis ut supra licebit se confer ad dictas cappellam et ecclesiam omnibus horis prout illis videbitur.
10. Quod curavel custodia dictarum Capellae et Ecclesiae erit penes cos qui deputabuntur a serenissima D. Infanta; cui licebit constituere custodes, ne quis possit intrare ad faciendum quid indecorum.
11. Quod ad administrandum Sacramenta, et serviendum in capella et ecclesia praedictis, erit numerus ministrorum qui conveniens videbitur serenissimae D. Infantae; & isti nominabuntur per dictam serenissimam D. mode non sint Vassalli Regi • , modo sint vassali Regis Magnae Britanniae; aut si fuerint, sint cum voluntate et licentia sua.
12. Quod sit unus Minister in ordine Episcopali constitutus superior, cum authoritate necessaria ad omnes casus qui acciderint spectantes ad Religionem; it Episcopo dificiente illius Vicarius.
13. Quod iste Minister superior poterit corrigere, emendare, castigare Catholicos qui deliquerint, et in illos omnem juris ditionem ecclesiasticam exercere, et ultra hoc poterit etiam serenissima D. illos de suo servitio abdicare.
14. Quod licebit serenissimae D. Infantae et servis ut supra, adquirere Romae dispensationes, indulgentias, Iubileos, et ea omnia quae videbuntur conscientiis suis competere.
15. Quod servi et familiares ut supra serenissimae D. Infantae qui in Angliam migrabunt, suscipient juramentum fidelitatis Regi Magnae Britanniae modo nulla sit clausula neque verbum quod contradicat Religioni et conscientiis Catholicorum; atque ideo forma dicti juramenti concipiatur per sedem Apostolicam approbanda; et si forte sint vassalli Regis Britanniae, idem juramentum suscipiant quod Hispani.
16. Quod leges quae sunt vel orunt in Anglia spectantes ad Religionem, dictosservos et alios ut supra laicos non attingent, qui tum legibus, tum poenis contra tra • sgressores earum impositis erunt exempti, Ecclesiastici vero nullis legibus subjaceant, nisi suorum superiorum Ecclesiasticorum.
17. Quod leges contra Catholicos latae vel ferendae non attingent liberos ex hoc Matrimonio oriundos, et libere jure sucessionis in Regnis et dominus Magnae • ritanniae fruantur.
18. Quod Episcopus, personae Ecclesiasticae et Religiosae in samilia D. Infantae poterunt retinere vestitum et habitum dignitatis et professionis more Romano.
19. Quod nu •• ices quae lactabunt liberos serenissimae D. Infantae omnino sint Catholicae, et ab ipsa serenissima D. Infanta eligantur, et familiae suae adnumerentur.
20. Quod Superior in ordine episcopali constitutus, velejus vicarius poterit servos et alios ut supra ecclesiasticos pun • re juxta leges et poenas ecclesiasticas, et illos etiam serenissima D. Infanta à suo servitio abdicare.
Ex Anglia.
1. Pro securitate quod non dissolvatur Matrimonium • irmtores obligationes excogitari non possunt quam re ipsa sunt Religio et lex Regni, cum repudium utrique vel maxim contradicat, neque aliud adhiberi potest vinculum quam illud honoris: fiet enim omne quod decenter et commode fieri potest.
2. Ad • am aetatem ad quam in usu est liberos Regum Magnae Britanniae permanere sub regimine et cura mulie • um, et hoc pro temperamento et valetudine liberorum brevius aut longius durabit.
3. Servi qui ex Hispania venerint nommabuntur per Regem Catholicum quotiescunque loci vacaverint.
4. Pro securitate quod totum ut • capitulatum est compleatur, Rex Magnae Britanniae et Princeps Walliae juramento obstringendi sunt: Consiliarij Regis tract tatum chirographo firmare debenti Rex et Princeps Walliae verbo Regio fidem daturi, sint se facturos quod possibile est, ut onmia capitulata per Parliamentum stabiliantur, & quoniam nullam recusat cautionem cui praestandi animus est, si Rex Hispaniarumquid aluid addiderit vel proposuerit quod congrue & cum honor fieri possit, illud Rex magnae Britanniae perlubens faciet.
5. Praesupponitur quod dispensatio Papae procuranda est antequam quid fiat uti capitulatum est in primo articulo.
Conditiones additae ex Hispania.
1. Quod declarandum est per sere • ssimum Regem magnae Britanniae, quae securitas detur quod in •• llo casu Matrimonium semel factum possit dissolvt.
2. Quod declaretur ad quam aetatem sererenissima D. Infanta habeat educationem liberorum ex hoc Matrimonio oriundorum.
3. Quod declaretur quod quandocunque loci servorum & servarum quos serenissima D. secum attulerit nominari per Regem Catholicum fratrem suum vacare contigerit, dictus serenissimus Rex Catholicus nominabit ali • s in loco aliorum quomodocunque vacaverint; sive moriantur, sive abdicantur servitio, sive sua sponte inde venerint.
4. Quod serenissimus Rex magnae Britanniae declaret securitatem quani potest dare; quod totum (ut capitulatum est) inviolabiliter compleatur.
5. Quod praesupponitur prius quam assentiatur & capituletur ill • d quod visum fuerit circa hoc matrimonium quod satisfi • ri & contentari debet P • pae.
Ex Papa.
1. Quia experientia docuit aliqua repudia evenisse in Anglia, majora vincula quam oblata requirere videntur quae Serenissima • s Infantam per totum tempus vitae Serenissi •• i Princip • s Walliae securam a repudio redd • nt.
2. Educentur liber • in Religion Catholica Romana penes Matrem: faeminae usque ad duodeci • annos; mares usque ad quaturdecim, & libere juresuccessionis Regni fruantur.
3. Subrogentur per Regem Hispaniae quomodocunque vacaverint sive moriantur, sive abdicentur servitio, sive sua sponte discesserint omnes servi & familiares Infantae.
4. Quae petenda sunt pro majori securitate, seren • ssimus Rex Hispaniae proponat Sanctissimo D. N. ut probari possint.
Quoniam praescriptae conditions a Rege Britanniae oblatae videntur securitatem tantum Religions & conscientiae Serenissimae Infantae & ejus familiae respicere, ad concedend • m vero Dispensationem petitam alia requirantur ad utilitatem, augmentum, & magnum aliquod bonum Catholicae & Romanae Religioni • spectantia. Haec proponenda erunt a Rege magnae Britanniae ut S. D. N. deliberare possit, an sint talia quae Dispensationem suadeant & Mereantur.
THese Articles, with the Popes exceptions, alterations, and the King of Spain's five last demands being sent into England to King James, in the year 1620. who answered these dema • ds as aforesaid; the King of Spain by his Ambassador Count Gondomar, moved King James in behalf of the English Papists, Priests and Jesuits, that all laws against them might be suspended and rescinded: To which the King gave this answer; That in the Word of a King, no Romish Priest or catholic should from thenceforth be condemned or proceeded against upon any capital law; that though he could not for the present repeal or rescind the laws inflicting only percu •• ary mulcts upon Roman Catholics, yet he would so mitigate them, as should please and oblige his Catholic Subjects to him; and if the Marriage proceeded, his Daughter-in-law should find him ready to indulge all favors that she should request of him in the behalf of these of her Religion; signifying likewise, that he had goven his Answer to the former Articles and demands of the King of Spain; as appears by this following Letter of King James to the Spanish King, found among the Lord Cottingtons papers.
A Letter of His Majesty's (King James) to the King of Spain.
JACOBUS Dei gratia Magnae Britanniae, Franciae & Hiberniae Rex, Fidei Defensor, &c. Serenissimo & potentissimo Principi Domino Phillippo eadem gratia Hispaniarum, Siciliae, &c. Regi, Archiduci Austriae, Duci Burgundiae Mediolani &c. Comiti Habspurgi & Tirolis▪ &c. F • atri Consanguineo, & Amico nostro Charissimo salutem, & faelicitatem. Serenissime & potentissime Princeps, Frater, Consanguinee & Amice Charissime literas Serenitatis Vestrae seprimo Augusti data • reddidit tandem Comes de Gondomar, expectatas ill quidem & pergratas mihi cui Ego pro litera • um vestrarum authoritate quae in mandatis acceperat uberius exponen •• , fidem hab •• non invitus. Ad Articulos viginti illos de quibus in Hispania jam ante cum Oratore nostro Barone Digbeio disceptatum suerat, plenius & liquidius respondi▪ quotquot ex ijs Gondomarius clarius & accuratius enucleandos censuit. Ad quinque porro capita quae postmodum sunt adjecta, sen • um animi mei sie exprompsi ut Serenitati vestrae cumula • e satisfactum iri non dubitem. Quod autem de re Religions alia quaedam ad subditos meos spectantia, Comes ill Vestro mihi nomine proposuit ac commendavit equidem Candorem illum vere Regium optime (uti par est) interpretari de • eo, quod subditis nostris gratiam & indulgentiam hanc omnem qualis ea cunque futura sit, alteri nemini cuiquam Principi nisi nobis metipsis debendam existimet; Ut quicquid eorum quieti atque commodo tributum fuerit, Nostraeid benignitati ac clementiae f • rant acceptum, meritoque id adeo ac benignitate Nostra non minus quam fide & officio astr • ng • se nobis agnoscant & devinciri. Quo certe exploratius Serenitati hoc vestrae constare pervelim quum Ego cum vestro hoc rogatu ac desiderio, tum meo imprimis Assinitatis istius persiciendae studio (quam utrinque mutuo exoptatam non diffido) totus afficiar atque commovear. Sane Romanorum apud nos Catholicorum incolumitati & vot is quantum etiam nunc indulserimus significabit Comes Gondomarius & vero quantum pro temporis ration commode ac decenter hactenus facere potuimus, factum haud dubie significabit: Ubi vero Nuptiae (favente numine) inter liberosnostros ex animi nostri sententia coalverint, prorsus aequum censeo atque statuo, propter istam quae intercedit illis Religions discrepantiam, lirum ut Infantae suaeque toli familiae immune suae Religions exercitium seorsim in • ra parietes domesticos in Principis aula permittatur. Nec vero aliunde, quantum hoc quidem provideri p • terit, quicquam ipsi Religions nomine gravius ailt molestius 〈◊〉 oboriri, Sancti insuper & verbo Regio pollicemur Catholicum aut Sacerdotem Romanum neminem Religious aut Sacerdotij causa dehinc capitis damnatum; Neminem Iuramentis ad rem Religions attin • ntibus (quibus in capitis discrimen vocari poterint) dehinc in posterum adactum aut irretitum iri. Quamvis enim abunde jam pridem orbi i • notuerit graviter nos hominum male conciliatorum inauditis machinationibus Religions praetextu susceptis & obtectis non semel ad ea remedia provocatos, quae facilitati & insit •• Clementiae Nostrae minu • erant cordi, procul tamen ab ingenio ac motibus Nostris abfuisse semper illam animi duritiem & severitatem presertim in causa Religions, cum reliqua vitae consuetudo, tum seripta nostra publice typis divulgata satis testatum reddiderunt. Alias vero leges nostrates quae mulctam Catholici • Romanis, non mortemirrogant, aboleri aut rescindi a nobis seorsim non posse, leniri it a posse cum erit us •• , exploratum habebit Serenitas Vestra, omnibus ut dictorum Catholicorum Romanorum animis mansuetudine ac lenitate Nestra conciliatis, non solum in officio jam illi ac fide permanere, quin omni in Nos studio, amore ac pietate cum caeter • s subditis dece •• are tenebuntur. Extremum illud addam & in me recipiam; sicubi Deo optimo maximo visum erit filiolam hanc Vestram mihi Nuram, Filio meo Conjugem dicare, Socerum experturam non difficilem, qui quod abs ipsa utique suorum in gratiam, quibus consultum velit, ex aequo et bono postulatumfuerit, pronis auribus sit accpeturus, Atque haec ego fusius meapte sponte profiteri volui planius & penitius; ut intelligeretis, neque studium satis Se • enltati Vestrae faciendi, neque in instituto hoc negotio serio & ingenue procedendi animum mihi defuturum, unde & Liberi nostri connubio felicissimo & nos arctissimo amoris fraterni vinculo uniamur & Subditi utriusque Nostri pace & amicitia perpetua perfruantur: quoe ego prae clara scilicet & eximia bona in istiusmodi Principum Christianorum aff • itatibus contrahendis precipue semper spectanda existimavi. Unum hoc superest ut a Vobis petam atque contendam, libere ac liberaliter in re proposita uti agatis Mecum proinde atqu • Ego in rebus Vestris omnibus vicem rependam, & ex amimo sum prestiturus. Ex multiplice Prole mascula superstitem nobis Haeredem unicum dedit Deus, filium nostrum Principem Carolum virili jam aetate, qui vigessimum Annum prope jam compleverit. Nec est in rebus humanis quod tantopere desideremus (Ipsi provectiores jam • acti) quam ut illum in illustri & idoneo Matrimonio quam primum collocemus, Regnaque quae Deus indulsit Nobis, in ipsius Progenie quasi constabilita ad posteros propaganda transmittamus. Rogamus itaque majorem in modum statuat taudem ac dece • nat Serenita • Vestra, ut negotium hoc omne ea celeritate conficiat, quanta res tanta confici potuerit: Erit hoc aequitatis & prudentiae Vestrae cogita • e quanti hoc Nostra intersit (qui filium habeamus hunc unicum) quantum porro conditio in hoc Nostra abs Vestra discrepet, quem Deus sobole tam multa & copiosa locupletavit. Quem & Vos Vestrosque omnes diu incolumes & volentes velit, etiam, atque etiam obtestamur.
Dat. ex aedibus Nostris Theobaldinis, 27. Aprilis 1620.
UPon this Letter and Liberty indulged by it, the Jesuits, Priests, Recusants in England, grew very bold, insolent, daring and multiplied exceedingly; insomuch that the King assembling a Parliament at London, Anno 1621. the Commons House taking notice of their formidable dangerous increase, and desperate designs to extirpate the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad, under pretext of this Nuptiall Treaty, drew up this ensuing memorable Petition and Remonstrance, with an intention to present it to King James.
The Petition and Remonstrance intended to be sent to King James by the house of Commons in December, 1621.
Most gracious and dread Sovereign,
WEE Your Majesty's most humble and loyal Subjects, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, now assembled in Parliament, who represent the Commons of your Realm; full of hearty sorrow to be deprived of the Comfort of Your royal presence; the rather for that it proceeds from want of your health, wherein we all unfeignedly do suffer: In all humble manner calling to mind your gracious Answer to our former Petition concerning Religion; which notwithstanding your Majesty's pious and princely Intentions, hath not produced that good effect which the danger of these times doth seem to us to require. And finding how ill your Majesty's goodness hath been requited by Princes of different Religion, who even in time of Treaty have taken opportunity to advance their own ends, tending to the subversion of Religion, and disadvantage of your affairs, and the estate of your Children: By reason whereof your ill affected Subjects at home, the Popish Recusants, have taken too much encouragement, and are dangerously increased in their number, and in their insolencies; we cannot but be sensible thereof: and therefore humbly represent what we conceive to be the causes of so great and growing mischiefs; and what may be the remedies.
1 The vigilancy and ambition of the Pope of Rome and his dearest Son, the one aiming at as large a temporal Monarchy, as the other at a spiritual Suptemacy.
2 The devilish positions and doctrines whereon Popery is built and taught without authority to their followers, for advancement of their temporal ends.
3, The distressed and miserable estate of the Professors of true Religion in foreign parts.
4. The disastrous accidents to your Majesty's Children abroad, expressed with rejoicing and even with contempt to their Persons.
5. The strange confederacy of the Princes of the Popish Religion, aiming mainly at the advancement of theirs and subverting ours, and taking the advantages conducing to that end, upon all occasions.
6. The great and many Armies raised and maintained at the charge of the King of Spain, the chief of that league.
7. The expectation of the Popish Recusants of the Match with Spain, and feeding themselves with great hopes of the consequences thereof.
8. The interposing of foreign Princes and their agents, in the behalf of Popish Recusants, for connivence and favor unto them.
9. Their open and usual resort to the Houses, and which is worse, to the Chapels of foreign Ambassadors.
10. Their more then usual concourse to the Citty, and their frequent Conventicles and Conferences there.
11. The education of their Children in many several Seminaries and houses of their Religion in foreign parts, appropriated only to the English Fugitives.
12. The grants of their just forfeitures intended by your Majesty, as a reward of service to the Grantees, but beyond your Majesty's intention, transferred or compounded for, at such mean rates as will amount to little less then a toleration.
13. The licentious printing and dispersing of Popish and seditious Books, even in the time of Parliament.
14. The swarm of Priests and Jesuits, the common Incendiaries of all Christendom, dispersed in all parts of your Kingdom.
And from these causes as bitter roots, We humbly offer to your Majesty, that we foresee and fear there will necessarily follow very dangerous effects both to Church and State: For,
1. The Popish Religion is incompatible with ours in respect of their positions.
2. It draweth with it an unavoidable Dependency on foreign Princes.
3. It openeth too wide a gap for popularity, to any who shall draw to great a party.
4. It hath a restless spirit, and will strive by these gradations: If it once get but a connivence, it will press for a toleration; if that should be obtained, they must have an equality; from thence they will aspire to superiority; and will never rest till they get a subversion of the true Religion.
The remedies against these growing evils, which in all humbleness we offer to your most Excellent Majesty, are these:
1. That seeing this inevitable necessity is fallen upon your Majesty, which no wisdom or providence of a pious and peaceable King can avoid, your Majesty would not omit this just occasion speedily and effectually to take your sword into your hand.
2. That once undertaken upon so honorable and just grounds, your Majesty would resolve to pursue, and more publicly to avow the aiding of those of our Religion in foreign parts, which doubtless would re-unite the Princes and States of the Union, by these disasters disheartened and disbanded.
3. That your Majesty would propose to yourself to manage this War with the best advantage, by a diversion or otherwise, as in your d • ep judgment shall be found fittest, and not to rest upon a War in these parts only, which will consume your treasure and discourage your people.
4. That the bent of this War, and point of your sword, may be against that Prince (whatsoever opinion of potency he hath) whose Armies and treasure have first diverted, and since maintained the War in the Palatinate.
5. That for the securing of our peace at home, your Majesty will be pleased to review the parts of our humble Petition, formerly delivered unto your Majesty, and hereunto annexed, and to put in execution by the care of choice Commissioners to be thereunto especially appointed, the laws already and hereafter to be made for the preventing of da • gers by Popish Recusants, and their wonted evasions.
6. That to frustrate their hopes for a future age, our most Noble Prince may be timely and happily married to one of our own Religion.
7. That the Children of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, and of others ill affected, and suspected in their Religion, now beyond the Seas, may be forthwith called home by your means, and at the charge of their Parents or Governors.
8. That the Children of Popish Recusants, or such whose Wives are Popish Recusants, be brought up during their minority with Protestant Schoolmasters and Teachers, who may sow in their tender years the seed of true Religion.
9. That your Majesty will be pleased speedily to revoke all former licences for such Children and Youth to travail beyond the Seas, and not grant any such license hereafter.
10. That your Majesty's learned Council may receive commandment from your Highness, carefully to look into former grants of Recusants lands, and to avoid them if by law they can; and that your Majesty will stay your hand from passing any such grants hereafter.
This is the sum and effect of our humble Declaration, which We (no ways intending to press upon your Majesty's undoubted and regal Prerogative) do with the fullness of our duty and obedience, humbly submit to your most Princely consideration. The glory of God, whose Cause it is, the Zeal of our true Keligion, in which we have been borne, and wherein by God's grace we are resolved to die; the safety of your Majesty's person, who is the very life of your people, the happiness of your Children and Posterity, the honor and good of the Church and State, dearer unto us then our own lives, having kindled these affections truly devoted to your Majesty: And seeing out of our duty to your Majesty, We have already resolved to give at the end of this Session, one entire Subsidy for the present relief of Palatmate only, to be paid in the end of February next, which cannot well be effected, but by passing a Bill in a Parliamentary course before Christmas; We most humbly beseech your Majesty (as our assured hope is) that you will then also vouchsafe to give life by your royal assent to such Bills as before that time shall be prepared for your Majesty's honor and the general good of your people; and that such Bills may be also accompanied (as hath been accustomed) with your Majesty's gracious pardon: Which proceeding from your own mere grace, may by your Highness direction be drawn to that latitude and extent as may best sort with your Majesty's bounty and goodness; and that not only 〈◊〉 and criminal offenders may take benefit thereof, but that your good Subjects may receive case thereby; and if it shall so stand with your good pleasure, that it may extend to the relief of the old debts and duties to the Crown, before the first year of your Majesty's reign; to the discharge of Allienations without license, and mis-sueing of Liveries and Oustrelemaine, before the first Summons of this Parliament; and o • concealed Wardships, and not suing of Liveries and Oustrelemains before the twelfth year of your Majesty's reign, which gracious favor would much comfort your good Subjects, and ease them from vexition with little loss or prejudice to your own profit.
And we by our daily and devont prayers to the Almighty, the great King of Kings shall contend for a blessing upon our endeavors, and for your Majesty's long and happ • reign over us, and for your Children's Children after you for many and many Generations.
KIng James having private intelligence, and a Copy of this Petition and Remonstrance sent him to New-market, endeavored to suppress it in the birth; an • thereupon sent a Letter to Sir Thomas Richardson Speaker of the Commons House dated Decemb. 3. 1621. to prohibit the House, That none therein should from thenceforth persume to meddle with any Mysteries of State; and namely not to speak 〈◊〉 his dearest Sons Match with the Daughter of Spain, nor to touch the honor of th •• King: And to inform them, that if they had already touched any of those forbi •••• points, in any Petition of theirs to be sent unto him, except they reformed it herein before it came into his hands, he would not deign the hearing nor answering of it. The C • mmons conceiving this a great infringement of their Privileges, drew a Petition to the King in answer of this Letter, justifying their former Petition and Remonstrance; and assuring him; That the miserable estate of those of the Religion abroad obliged them in part of duty, not only to turn their eyes on a War abroad, but also to take care for the securing of our peace at home, which the dangerous increase and insolency of Popish Recusants, apparently visible and sensible, did lead them unto, and necessarily drew them to present to his Majesty. Complaining withal, of the abridgement of their undoubted ancient Privileges and Liberty of Parliament, by his Majesty's letter to the Speaker. Which Petition, together with the former, they sent by some Member to King James to New-Market. The King wholly rejects the first Petition and would not receive it, but returns a long and sharp answer to the latter: Wherein he protests, That he knew not of any fit Match for his dearest Son among any Protestant Princes; • rofessing that he was so far engaged in that Match, that he could not go back in honor, unless the King of Spain performed not such things as he expected at his hands; and that they might rest secure, he would never be weary to do all he could for the propagation of our Religion, and repressing of Popery in the general: But the manner and form of doing it they must remit to his Care and Providence, who could best consider of times and seasons: And that his care of Religion must be such, that he must not by the persecution of Recusants here at home, irritate foreign Princes of contrary religion, and teach them the way to plague the Protestants in their Dominions: Severely checking the House for meddling thus busily with religion and the Spanish Match. This Answer bare date at New-Market December 11. The House of Commons much discontented at this harsh answer, drew up and made this notable Protestation, in vindication of their Parliameniary Rights and Privileges; entered in their Journal and Voted in the House, Decemb. 19. 1621.
THe Commons now assembled in Parliament, being justly occasioned thereunto▪ concerning sundry Liberties Franchises and Pr • viledges of Parliament amongst others here mentioned, do make this Protestation following: That the Liberties, Franchises, Privileges and Jurisdictions of Parliament, are the ancient and undoubted birth-right and inheritance of the Subjects of England, and that the Arduous and urgent affairs concerning the King, State and defense of the Realm, and of the Church of England, and the maintenance and making of Laws, and redress of mischiefs and grievances which daily happen within this Realm, are proper Subjects and matter of Council and debate in Parliament: and that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses, every Member of the House of Parliament hath, and of right ought to have freedom of speech to propound, treat, reason, and bring to conclusion the same; and that the Commons in Parliament have like Liberty and freedom to treat of these matters, in such order as in their judgments shall seem fittest. And that every Member of the said House hath like freedom from all impeachment, imprisonment, and molestation (other then by censure of the House it self) for or concerning any speaking, reasoning, or declaring of any matter or matters, touching the Parliament or Parliament business. And that if any of the said Members be complained of, and questioned for anything done, or said in Parliament, the same is to be shown to the King by the advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament; before the King give credence to any private information.
The King hereby discerning the Commons resolution against Popery, and the Spanish Match, chose rather to break off the Parliament, then this Marriage Treaty: And upon the sixth of January following, dissolved the Parliament by proclaimation without a Session, to the Commons great distaste, & then pursued this Match more eagerly then before. The chief remora whereof being at Rome, to wit, the Popes demurring to grant • Dispensation till all his, and his Conclaves demands in favor of all our Roman Catholics were condescended to by King James, a Letter was thereupon sent from the King of Spain to Rome, to quicken the Pope and expedite the Dispensation; what effects it produced (at least in show, though not in substance) will appear by this passage of Francis (now Lord) Cottingtons Letter to Secretary Calvert from Madrid, July 7. 1622. Master Gage writes from Rome, so doth the Friar, that a late Letter come thither from this King, hath put the business in such terms as they were hourly expecting the Friars dispatch; and I can assure you, that here they speak loud when any danger is mentioned of the Popes denial. My Lord Digby hastens the business bravely and seems very impatient of any delay at all. But these fair pomises were only to circumvent King James, who in the mean time to ingratiate himself with the Pope, releaseth divers thousands of Popish Recusants out of prison.
The number of Priests and popish Recusants then enlarged out of duresse by King James throughout his Dominions, if we may believe Gondomar's Letter from hence to the King of Spain; or the Letter of Sirica Secretary to the Spanish King to Mr. Cottington, dated at Madrid, Julij 7. 1622. was no less then 4000. which the Spaniards, professed, to be a great demonstration of King James his sincere affection to confirm the correspondency and Amity between both Crowns; but in the mean time, we hear not of one of our Protestants released out of the Spanish or Romish Inquisition. And that this enlargement of theirs might be more expeditious, notorious, and less chargeable to Recusants; the King directed this ensuing Letter to the Lord Keeper Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, under the privy Signet, to issue forth Writs for their release.
TRusty and Welbeloved, We greet you well; whereas we have given you a former warrant and direction for the making of two several Writs for the enlargement of such Recusants as are in prison at this time, either for matters of Recusancy in general, or for denying the taking the Oath of Supremacy, according to the Statute, by removing them from the general Goales of this Kingdom, to be bailed before the Justices of our Bench; finding by experience, that this course will be very troublesome to the poorer sort of Recu • ants; and very chargeable unto Us, who out of our Princely clemen • y, and by the mediation of foreign Princes were desired to bear out the same. We will and require you to make and issue forth two other Writs in nature and substance answerable with the former, to be directed to our Justices of Assizes; enabling and requiring them and every of them to enlarge such Recusants; as they shall find in their several Goales, upon such sureties and recognizance, and other conditions as they were enlarged by the Judges of our Bench. And this shall be your warrant so to do.
Dated at Westminster, July 25. 1622.
Hereupon this Lord Keeper (though a Bishop) not only issued out these Writs, but likewise writ this Letter to the Judges.
AFter my hearty Commendations to you: His Majesty having resolved (out of deep reasons of State, and in expectation of like correspondence from foreign Princes to the professors of our Religion) to grant some grace and conveniency to the imprisoned Papists of this Kingdom, hath commanded me to pass some Writs under the broad Seal for that purpose, requiring the Judges of every Circuit, to enlarge the said prisoners according to the tenor and effect of the same.
I am to give you to understand (for His Ma • esty) how His Majesty's royal pleasure it, that upon receipt of these Writs, you shall make no niceness or difficulty to extend that his Princely favor to all such Papists as you shall find prisoners in the Goales of your Circuits, for any Church recusancy whatsoever, or refusing the Oath of Supremacy, or dispersing Popish books, or hearing saying of Mass, or any other poy • t of recusancy which doth touch or concern Religion only, and not matters of State, which shall appear into you, to be totally civil and political: And so I bid you heartily farewell.
Your loving friend John Lincoln.
Westminster College, August 2. 1622.
This enlarging of all Recusants (with many Priests and Jesuits by color of those Writs) throughout all the Kings Dominions, was deemed by King James and others; a most prevailing means to induce the Pope to grant a Dispensation for this much • desired Marriage, without any further procrastination, and to draw on the King of Spain to expedite and consummate it without more tergiversations. But they on the contrary feeding King James only with good words and promises, protracted the Match and Dispensation under-hand, with much art and policy, all they might. The Spaniard under pretext of this Treaty seizing all the Palatinate, extirpating the Protestant Religion abroad, and propagating popery, multiplying the number of Roman Catholics at home: Whereupon the King to prevent all further excuses, and accomplish the Match; returns his resolution to the Popes forecited Exceptions and Answers to the Articles concerning the Marriage, in form following:
Resolutions upon the Answers given by the Pope unto the several Articles agreed on betwixt the late King of Spain and Us, concerning the Marriage of Our dear Son the Prince, with the Infanta Donna Maria.
TO the second Article. We marvel that there hath been so necessary a point omitted, when the Articles were sent to Rome by the King of Spain, to procure the Dispensation, that the form agreed upon for the celebration of the Marriage, and the Oath of fidelity for the Infanta's Servants were not also sent thither with the rest, being (as they were) agreed on, and so essential to the business. We have now delivered Copies of them both to Gage, to make such use thereof as shall be requisite for the furtherance of the business of himself, since he is a person trusted by the Court of Rome in this affaire, but not as from Us, who having nothing to do with the Pope, treated not with him, but with the King of Spain only.
To the fifth Article concerning the public Church, besides the Chapel▪ We are verily persuaded that this would not have been demanded if they had been well informed, it being more then either We Our Self have or the Prince Our Son. And if there be no other reason for the demand of such a Church, then that the World may take notice of the Religion she professeth in a public manner, that may be as well in the Chapel assigned for her and her Family, to which she and they may publicly and openly resort in the sight of all whosoever shall desire to behold it, it being in effect a Church with a Church-yard belonging unto it, and not simply a private Oratory.
To the sixth Article, where it is said that her Servants, &c. ought in any case to be Catholics; that concerns not us, but the King of Spain, who is to appoint them.
To the twelfth Article, where it is required, that the superior Minister having ecclesiastical authority over her Family, should be in ordine Episcopali. We are well contented to leave that to the King of Spain, to allow of it if he think fit.
To the sixteenth Article, where it is required by the Pope, quod Ecclesiastici nullis legibus subjaceant nisi suorum superiorum Ecclesiasticorum. Our answer is, that the exemption seems strange, and as we verily believe is not allowed them in all States and Countries that are Roman Catholics; We hope that the Clergy-men, who shall come hither to attend the Infanta, will give no cause for the Civil Magistrate to proceed against them in that manner, except it be for great and heinous causes and that for faults merely civil.
To the nineteenth concerning the Nurses, it belongs unto the Infanta, and she may do in it as she pleaseth.
Resolutions upon the other five Articles brought out of Spain by the Count of Gondomar, and answered by Us.
TO the first, concerning security against Divorce, the doubt which the Pope makes is very needless, and the answer which we gave unto the King of Spain, is so full, as more cannot be offered nor said.
To the second, touching the education of the Children; we consider that these Articles now to be agreed on, will hereafter become public, and that for Us to declare unto the World, that we have engaged Our Self, to have our Grand-Children brought up usque ad annos Nubiles, in a Religion which we profess not, not is publicly professed in Our Kingdom; We leave it unto the King of Spain's wisdom to consider indifferently and u • partially, how unfit it is for us in many respects to yield unto it. And therefore further then you have already assented unto in that Article in the general, which leaves the Children under the tuition and care of the Mother, longer or shorter, according to their constitutions and healths (which may possibly reach unto the time required by the Pope) we can by no means condescend, unless the King of Spain think fit to limit the time to a certainty for the Mother to have the ear of the Children, so as it exceed not seven years old which We can be contented to yield unto.
Thus far concerning the demands made by the Pope particularly unto several Articles.
For the close of all, wherein it seems he expects some offer to be made by Us for the general good of the Roman Church; the same is explicated more plainly in a discourse held by the Cardinal Bandino with George Gage; whereof a Copy is sent with these Articles. But for that matter, you are to put the King of Spain in remembrance, that we treat with him, and not with the Pope: That the Articles concerning Religion agreed upon betwixt his Father and Us, were such and so full to the satisfaction of that Church, in the opinions of the learnedst and greatest Clergy of Spain, as we have been often told, that they have been ever of opinion, the Pope could not upon those Articles, nor ought to refuse the Dispensation. The Cardinal acknowledgeth as it seems in that discourse, that the Pope is satisfied with the reasons given both by the Padre Maestro and Gage, that We of Our own authority cannot give a general & free liberty of exercising the Roman Religion. What is it then they would have? Setting that aside, We have in a manner already done that which is desired, as all the Roman Catholics have found, out of Our gracious clemency towards them, especially of late, and will no doubt acknowledge. Which if the Pope had known when these answers were given by him to the Articles, it is to be presumed, he would not so much have insisted upon that point. But for whatsoever may concern that business, We have so fully declared Our Self unto the late King of Spain by Our Letter of the 27. of April 1620. under Our hand and Seal, as We hope the King of Spain rests satisfied, both with the extent of Our promise in that behalf, and with the assurance of performance; which is as much as in honor can be required at Our hands, or as We can grant, considering the •• ate of Our affairs and government. And therefore since whatsoever is already agreed unto, either in the Articles or by that letter, We intend sincerely and religiously to perform, and can go no further for no respects, without notable prejudice or inconvenience.
We desire to know whether the King of Spain will resolve to conclude the Match upon those terms▪ or not, that there may be no time lost for us to provide some other Match for Our Son, if that shall not succeed; and so to press a present resolution, without sending too and fro, betwixt Rome and Spain, which spends time, and may serve still for a color, to draw the Treaty in infinitum. Nevertheless, if you find that it is a thing impossible for them to resolve without a reply to Rome, and that they do earnestly desire it, We are contented that you shall yield them two months time after your audience, and no longer, so as before Christmas at the furthest, We may be advertised finally, what we ar to trust unto; beyond which time, we can expect no longer.
Thus you may observe how far We are pleased to express Our Self, as well to manifest Our desire and intention to continue forever on Our part, the strict amity betwixt Us and Spain; as also to take away all just exception that may hinder the speedy conclusion of the Match, as We have been contented now to enlarge Our Self further in divers particulars, then was before agreed on or desired; as namely in condescending that the superior Minister may be in ordine Episcopali, that the limitation of the time for the education of the Children be for six or seven years, and in other points as you will find in this answer. Of all which we require you to give special notice to that King, that he may thereupon take into his Consideration the sincerity of of Our affection, who have so roundly and really proceeded in this business, so as in all reason We may and do justly expect the like dealing from him, which cannot better appear, then in the speedy dispatch thereof.
These resolutions he sent post into Spain to the Lord Digby by Gresly, inclosing in this Letter, the Copy whereof (with other ensuing papers) were seized on by the sequestrators of the Lord Cottingtons goods and writings.
RIght trusty, &c. Your dispatch of the ninth of August gave us so much contentment, and so great hopes of satisfaction in all those businesses which you have there to treat with that King, as we could not expect any further difficulties. Notwithstanding by that which hath come unto Our hands immediately after, as well by George Gage from Rome, as from Our Ambassador Sir Richard Weston at Bruxelles, and our Ministers in the Palatinate; We find that neither the Dispensation is granted for the march, nor the treaty of Cessation so near a Conclusion as we conceived it would have been, now that the Auxiliaries and all other Obstacles are removed: But on the contrary side, that new delays and excuses are invented, our Garrisons in the Palatinate in the mean time blocked up, and Heidelburg it self actually besieged. Which proceeding though our Ambassador hath expostulated with the Infanta and the Commissioners as injurious to Vs, and ill-beseeming their professions hitherto, yet is there not that readiness shown to give Us such contentment therein as we might justly expect, but answers still protracted and put off for advantage, whilst our Forces there remain in great distress, and the Town and Castle of Heidelburg likely in a few days to be lost, for it cannot hold out longer as we are informed. This dealing seems the more strange unto Vs, for that the late dispatch of the King of Spain was (before the news of this siege, and that our Ambassador had propounded anything concerning it) come unto the Infanta: But because you shall be particularly informed of the • hole carriage of the business, We have given order that Copies shall be sent you 〈◊〉 all the dispatch, and then you shall see how these proceedings agree with the hopes and promises which are given Us, from thence. Hereupon therefore Our pleasure is▪ that you shall immediately and with as much speed as you may, crave audience of that King, and represent unto him the merit which We may justly challenge unto Our Self for Our sincere proceedings with the Emperor and Him, in all the course of this business, notwithstanding the many invitations and temptations which We have had to engage Our Self on Our Son in laws part: That We have had both from the Emperor and Him hopes given us from time to time of extraordinary respect, howsoever Our Son-in-law had deserved, which We have attended and expected even to the very last with much patience, and in despite as it were of all the opposition that hath been made to shake Our resolution in that behalf, If now when all impediments are removed, and that the way is so prepared, as that the Emperor may give an end unto the War, and make some present demonstration of his respects towards Us, in leaving Us the honor of holding those poor places which yet remain quietly and peaceably until the general accommodation, the same shall nevertheless be violently taken from Vs; what can we look for when the whole shall be in his hands and possession? Who am • sing Vs with a treaty of cessation, and protracting it industriously as We have reason to believe, doth in the mean time seize himself of the whole Country; which being done Our Ambassador shall return with scorn, and we remain with dishonor. I shall not need to furnish you with Arguments for the unfolding and laying open this unfriendly dealing more plainly unto them, your own reason and observation will find enough out of the dispatches whereof Copies are sent unto you, as namely, the withdrawing of the Spanish Forces, and leaving the business wholly in the hands of the Emperor and the Duke of Bava • ia; the style of the In • anta in answering Our Ambassador with recriminations, which was not her manner heretofore; the slight and frivolous answer given by the Marquess of Bedmar unto Our Ambassador when he acquainted him with the siege of Heidelburg: The quarrellous occasion taken by the Emperor for calling the diet at Ratisbone contrary to his own promise, which in his Dispatch to Vs he confesseth to have broken, as you will see by the Copy. All which and many more which your own judgment in the perusal of the dispatches, will suggest unto you, do minister unto Vs cause sufficient of jealousy on the Emperors part, as you shall, plainly tell that King, although We will not do him that wrong as to mistrust that he gives the least consent unto it: In this confidence with must earnestness We shall still solicit Him, that for the affection He bears Us, and the desire which We suppose he hath, that there may continue forever a perfect Amity betwixt Us and the whole House of Austria, he will not cease to do all good office▪ herein; letting him know directly that in these terms We cannot stand with the Emperor, but that if Heidelburg be won, and the siege continue, or the Cessation be longer unnecessarily delayed, We must recall Our Ambassador from Bruxelles and treat no more, as We have already given order, hoping that whatsoever unkindness We shall conceive against the Emperor upon these occasions, it shall not be interpreted to re • lect in any sort upon the entire affection that is at this present, and as We hope shall always continue betwixt Us and the Crown of Spain, And therefore as We have sundry times heretofore promised, in testimony of the sincerity of Our proceedings, and of Our great desire to preserve the Amity inviolable between Us and the whole house of Austria; that in case our Son-in-law would not be governed by Vs, that then We would not only forsake him, but take part and join Our Forces with the Emperors against him; so you may fairly represent unto that King, that in like manner We have reason to expect the same measu • e from him that (upon the Emperors averseness to a cessation and accommodation) He will likewise actually assist Vs for the recovery of the Palatmate and Electoral dignity unto Our Son-in-law, as it hath been oftentimes intimated from Spain. To conclude, We shall not need to say anymore unto you touching this point, but to let you see, that Our meaning is to carry all things fa • re with that King, and not to give him any cause of distrust or jealousy, if you perceive that they intend to go really and roundly on with the Match. Wherein nevertheless We must tell you, that We have no great cause to be well pleased with the diligences used on that part, when We observe that after so long an expectance of the Dispensation, upon which the whole business (as they will have it) depends, there is nothing yet returned but Queres and Objections. Yet because We will not give over Our patience a while longer, until We understand more certainly what the effect thereof is like to be, wherein We require you to be very wary and watchful, considering how Our honor is therein engaged; We have thought • it to let you know how far We are pleased to enlarge Our Self, concerning those points demanded by the Pope▪ and set down by way of Postill unto the Articles agreed upon betwixt Spain and Vs, as you will see by the power which Gage brought Vs from Rome, whereof We have sent you a Copy, and Our Resolutions thereupon signed with Our own hand, for your warrant and instruction. And further then that, since We cannot go without much prejudice, inconvenience and dishonor to Our Self and Our Son, We hope and expect the King of Spain will bring it instantly to an issue without further delay, which you are to press with all diligence and earnestnesle, that you may presently know Their final resolution and what We may expect thereupon. But if any respite of time be earnestly demanded, and that you perceive it not possible for them to resolve until an answer come from Rome, We then think it fit that you give them two months time after your audience, that We may understand that King's final resolution before Christmas next at the furthest.
September 9. 1622. from Wansted.
By this letter the whole world may discern, how grossly King James was abused, and how much the Palsgrave and other Protestant Princes suffered in for • eigne parts without any assistance from England, under pretext of this Nuptiall Treaty.
Upon these Letters, the Lord Digby presented this ensuing Memoriall to the King of Spain, the 3. of October 1622. truly translated out of the Spanish Copy.
SIR, the Baron Digby Ambassador Extraordinary of the King of great Britain saith, that it is near six months since they had treated to make a Marriage between the Prince of Wales, and the Infanta Donna Maria sister to your Majesty.
That it is five months since they settled in Spain the Articles in matter of Religion, His Majesty (now in glory) having first asked the opinions of many learned men, which were joined to consult upon this business.
That the King of great Britain dealt clearly in all the Articles, and therein hath complied in all things, and hath promised by his word and in a letter written the sixth of April 1620. particularly declared, what he would do in favor of the Catholics.
That it appeared the business was then well founded to ask the Popes Dispensation, and thereupon they dispatched Father Diego de Fuente. for to solicit it in Rome; but now at the end very near of two years, his Holiness (without reply hither) hath sent directly for England, propounding to the King, not only many alterations in the said Capitulations, but something new, which the King would by no means yield unto.
That this to the King his Master seemed much different from that which he expected.
First, for that having Capitul • ted the Dispensation should only move from this place, and the King having not treated at all with the Pope, therefore he expected what the Pope would reply, should be sent unto your Majesty, from whence came the demand of the Dispensation.
Secondly, for that he thought, that with the Agreement and the rest perused, all things concerning Religion had been settled and that the learned men did think, that upon these conditions they might, and that his Holiness ought to consent to the Dispensation, and now they demand new things and impossible, which seems very strange.
Wherefore the King his Master desiring that in this business he make short expedition (for that it imports Him and His Kingdom very much that they marry the Prince His only Son presently, going upon 23. years, having fo • borne to marry for six years past only in respect of this Treaty.) He is commanded to declare plainly to your Majesty, how far he may condescend in matter of Religion, and if with this your Majesty be content, to proceed to a conclusion of the Marriage, without more delays; and if this be not enough to give satisfaction to your Majesty, as he hopes it will seeing he hath yielded to much more then what was capitulated in the time of the King. Father to your Majesty, now in glory, your Majesty also would be pleased to declare on the part of your Majesty, that without loss of more time his Majesty may dispose of the Prince his son, and your Majesty of the Infanta, as you best please.
The same day ( Octob. 3. 1622.) King James discerning the Emperors and Spaniards strange proceedings in the Palatinate, to gain the total possession of 〈◊〉 under color of this Teaty, dspa • ched this ensuing Letter into Spain to the Lord Digby, and the next day after, this Minute of second Instructions, sent by Master Porter.
RIght Trusty, &c. There is none knows better then yourself, how We have labored ever since the begin • g of these unfortunate troubles of the Empire, notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary, to merit well of Our good Brother the King of Spain, and the whole house of Austria, by a long and lingering patience, grounded still upon his friendship and promises, that Care should be had of Our Honor, and of Our Children's Patrimony and Inheritance. We have acquainted you also from time to time since the beginning of the Treaty at Bruxelles how crossly all things have there proceeded, notwithstanding all the fair professions made unto Us, both by the King of Spain, and the Infanta and all his Ministers, and the Letters written by him unto the Emperor, and them effectually (at the least, as they endeavored to make Us believe.) But what fruits have We of all these, other then dishonor and scorn? Whilest We are treating▪ the Town and Castle of Heidelburg are taken by force, Our Garrison put to the sword, Manheim besieged, and all the hostility used that is within the power of an enemy, as you will see by the Relation which We have commanded Our Secretary to send you. Our pleasure therefore is that you immediately as soon as you can get audience, let that King understand how sensible We are of these proceedings of the Emperors towards Vs, and withal are not a little troubled to see, that the Infanta having an absolute Commission to conclude a Cessation and suspension of Arms, should now at last when all Objections were answered, and the former (solely) pretended Obstacles removed, not only delay the conclusion of the Treaty, but refuse to lay her command upon the Emperors Generals, for abstaining from the siege of Our Garrisons during the Treaty, upon a pretext of want of authority: So as for avoiding of further dishonor, We have been forced to recall both Our Ambassadors, as well the Chancellor of our Exchequer, who is already returned to Our presence, as also the Lord Chichester, whom We intended to have sent unto the Emperor to the Diet at Ratisbone. Seeing therefore that merely out of Our extraordinary respect to the King of Spain, and the firm confidence We ever put in the hopes and promises which he did give Vs (desiring nothing more then for his cause principally to avoid all occasions that might put Vs into ill understanding with any of the house of Austria) We have hitherto proceeded with a steadfast patience trusting to the Treaties, and neglecting all other Means which probably might have secured the remainder of Our Children's Inheritance (those Garrisons which We maintained in the Palatinate being rather for honors sake to keep a footing until the general accommodation, then that We did rely so much upon their strength as upon his friendship) and by this confidence and security of Our • , are thus exposed to dishonor and reproach: You shall tell that King, that seeing all those endeavors and good Offices which He hath used towards the Emperor in this business, on the behalf of Our Son-in-law (upon confidence whereof that security of Ours depended, which he continually by his Letters and Ministers here labored to beget and confirm in Vs) have not sorted to any other issue, then to a plain abuse both of His trust and Ours, whereby We are both of Vs highly injured in Our Honor, though in a different degree. We hope and desire that out of a true sense of this wrong offered unto Vs, he will as Our deer and loving Brother, faithfully promise and undertake upon his Honor, confirming the same also under his hand and seal, either that the Town and Castle of Heidelburg shall within threescore and ten days after your audience and demand made, be rendered into Our hands, with all things therein belonging to Our Son-in-law or Our Daughter (as near as may be in the state they were when they were taken) • nd the like for Manheim and Frankendale, if both or either of them shall be taken by the enemy whilst these things are in treating; As also, that there shall be within the said term of 70. days a Cessation and Suspension of Arms in the Palatinate for the future, upon the several Articles and Conditions last propounded by Our Ambassador Sir Richard Weston; and that the general Treaty shall be set on foot again upon such honorable terms and conditions as We propounded unto the Emperor in a Letter written unto him in November last, and with which the King of Spain then (as We understood) seemed satisfied. Or else in case all these particulars be not yielded unto and performed by the Emperor, as is here propounded, but be refused or delayed beyond the time aforementioned, that then the King of Spain do join his Forces with Ours for the recovery of Our Children's honors and Patrimony, which upon this trust hath been thus lost: Or if so be his Forces at this present be otherwise so employed, as that they cannot give Vs that assistance which We here desire, and (as We think) have deserved, yet that at the least he will permit Vs a free and friendly passage thorough his Territories and Dominions, for such Forces as We shall send and employ into Germany for this service. Of all which distinctively if you receive not from the King of Spain within ten days at the furthest after your audience and proposition made, a direct assurance under his hand and seal, without delay or putting Vs off to further Treaties and Conferences; that is to say, of such restitution, Cessation of Arms, and proceeding to a general Treaty, as is before mentioned; or else of assistance and joining His Forces with Ours against the Emperors, or at least permission of passage for Our Forces thorough His the said Kings Dominions; that then you take your leave and return to Our presence without further stay; otherwise, to proceed in the Negotiation for the Marriage of Our Son according to the Instructions We have given you. Given, &c.
Hampton-Court, Octob. 3. 1622.
RIght Trusty, &c. We have given you certain Insturctions signed with Our hand, to direct you how to express unto the King of Spain, the feeling We have of the dishonor put upon Vs by the Emperor, through Our trust and confidence in that Kings promises, wherein you have order to come away without further delay, in case you receive not satisfaction to your demands, in such sort as We have commanded you to propound them. Nevertheless We are to put you in remembrance of that which We have heretofore told you, in case a Rupture happen between the King of Spain and Vs, that We would be glad to manage it at Our best advantage. And therefore howsoever you do not find the satisfaction which We in those Instructions crave from the King of Spain, and have reason to expect, yet would We not have you instantly come away upon it, but advertise Vs first, letting Vs know privately (if you find such cause) that there is no good to be done, nor no satisfaction as you judge intended Vs, though publicly and outwardly you give out the contrary, that We may make use thereof with Our People in Parliament, as We shall hold best for Our service. And this see you do notwithstanding anything in your other Instructio •• to the contrary.
The Pope and Spaniard upon these Letters and new Instructions, seemde very desirous to proceed to the accomplishment of this Match; but their chief design being to advance the Romish Catholic Religion, and reduce England by degrees thereto; the Pope to make sure work, insisted stiffly on this Article; that the Children of this Marriage SHOVLD BE BROVGHT VP CATHOLIQVES VNDER THE MOTHER VNTILL THEY WERE 12. OR 14. YEERES OLD. He well knew the verity of the ancient Proverb,
Horace.
King James to show his willingness to consummate the March, though he refused totally to condescend to this Article in open show, to preserve his Honor, yet he was contented privately to oblige himself, that the Mother should have their education till they were nine years old, as is evident by this ensuing Letter of Master Secretary Calvert to the Earl of Bristol, sent by Vaccan • a • y.
My very good Lord,
BEcause I would not omit anything that should conduce to the accomplishment of that work which your Lordship hath in hand, and which His Majesty desires so much to bring to an issue. Although I conceive Master Porter had directions to tell your Lordship (which he will transmit unto you by Letter, now he cannot go him • self) that whereas it is insisted upon by the Pope, that the Children of this Marriage should be brought up Catholics under the Mother until they be twelve or fourteen years of age, His Majesty having limited their education under the Mother only to seven years; His Majesty is contented to yield thus much farther, that howbeit in the public Articles (which in that point he desires not to be altered) he mention but seven years, he will oblige himself privately by a Letter to the King of Spain, that they shall be brought up sub Regimine Mairis, for two years longer, that is, until the age of nine years, if that will give any satisfaction: which your Lordship may manage as you see best for His Majesty's service: And so I rest▪
Saint Martens-lane, Octob. 14. 1622.
After this about the 25. of October, King James writ a private Letter with his own hand to the Earl of Bristol, which Secretary Calvert sent away with all speed and secrecy by Master Gage, to limit the Spaniard unto two months to gain the Popes Resolution and Dispensation from Rome, as is evident by the Copy of this Secretaries Letter to the Earl from St. Martens-lane, Octob. 26. 1622.
The King of Spain hereupon deludes King James with fair dilatory promises, as if he intended the hastening of the Marriage; but how far he was from any such real intention, is evident by this Letter of his to his grand favourite, Condé of Olivares, dated the fifth of Novemb. 1622. found among the Lord Cottingtons papers.
THe King my Father declared at his death, that his intent never was to marry my Sister the Infanta Donna Maria with the Prince of Wales, which your Uncle Don Baltazar understood, and so treated this March ever with intention to delay it; notwithstanding it is now so far advanced, that considering all the averseness unto it of the Infanta, it is time to seek some means to divert the Treaty, which I would have you find out, and I will make it good whatsoever it be: but in all other things procure the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain (who hath deserved much) and it shall content me, so that it be not in the Ma • ch.
To color the matter the better, he pretended no Dispensation would be granted at Rome, unless the Pope received further satisfaction in the time of the Children's education by the Mother, and point of Ecclesiastical persons exemption from all secular jurisdiction; to remove with obstructions, King James was content to comply in these particulars further then he had done before, as His ensuing Letter to the Earl of Bristol clearly demonstrates; which Letter was drawn and written for his Majesty's signature by Master (now Lord) Cottington, theu Secretary to the Prince.
To the Earl of Bristol.
RIght Trusty, &c. We have seen your Letters of the 21. Octob. both those directed unto Our Self, as also to Our Secretary Sir George Calvert, and in them do observe your discreet proceeding, both in the business concerning the restauration which We expect to be made to the Prince Palatine Our Son-in-law, as also in the Treaty of the Marriage of Our dear Son the Prince of Wales. Touching the first, We perceive what professions the King and his Ministers have again made unto you, of a resolution to assist Us with his Arms, in case by a fair Mediation and Treaty the restitution may not be obtained, and how much in that kind he hath engaged his Honor and his word unto you, And howsoever the order given to the Infanta for the relief of Manheim, arrived so late, and after the Town was yielded into the hands of Tilly, yet must We acknowledge it to be a good effect of your Negotiation, and an Argument of that Kings sincere and sound intention. By what We have now given in charge unto Our Secretary to advertise you in his Letters, you will understand the present estate of this business, and how constantly We do still expect the performance of that engagement from the King of Spain, without giving way to anything that on Our behalf may any way disturb it: And therefore you shall now do well (in Our name) to press him to a final and effective resolution, representing to him and to hi • Ministers how much it concerns Us in honor and in reputation (besides the interest of Our Son-in-law) not to admit any further delay.
And as touching the two points in the Treaty of the Marriage, wherein you desire Our further direction and resolution, you have by this time understood by the dispatch which George Gag • carried you, how We were contented to permit the breeding and education of the Children under the government of their Mother until the age of nine years, which We doubt not will give good satisfaction, seeing their demand is but until ten; yet seeing it is but one year more, in case you shall not be able to draw them to be contented with nine, We will not sticks at it. And for the other point which concerns the exemption of the Ecclesiastic from secular jurisdiction, We shall be contented, that the Ecclesiastical Superior do first take notice of the offense that shall be co • mitted, and ••• cording to the merit therenf, either deliver him by degradation to the secular Justice, or banish him the Kingdom, according to the quality of the delict: which We conceive to be the same that is practiced in Spain and other parts. Your dispatches are in all points so full, and in them We receive so good satisfaction, as in this We shall need nor to enlarge any further, but only to tell you that We are well pleased with the diligence and discreet employing of your endeavors in all that concern • s Our service, and so are We likewise with the whole proceedings of Our Ambassador Sir Walter Aston: Thus We bid you heartily farewell.
From New-market, 24. Novemb. 1622.
The King of Spain after many delatories and much pressing by King James and his Ambassador for a final answer to his demands, touching the Pala • mate and Match, on the 12. of Decemb. 1622. returned this Answer in writing.
The Answer appointed by his Majesty to be given unto the Earl of Bristol, Extraordinary Ambassador from the King of Great Britain, touching those things which he hath represented from the said King unto his Majesty, concerning the Marriage now in Treaty, and the business of the Palatin • te, is this which followeth.
Touching the Marriage.
THat his Majesty hath given order that his resolution be delivered unto him in writing and therein (as the Earl of Bristol himself hath seen) hath endeavored what he may to conform himself with that which the King of Great Britain hath answered unto the Popes propositions; so desirous hath his Majesty been from the beginning to overcome all difficulties that might hinder this Union; that both here and at Rome he hath not slacked to use all possible care to facilitate it, and will so continue until the conclusion; and at this present according to what is agreed with the foresaid Earl, a Post (to go and return with speed) is dispatched unto Rome▪ to the end, that his Holiness judging what is agreed upon sufficient (as here it is held to be) do grant the Dispensation; and in the interim whilst the Pope sendeth it, the which his Majesty will procure shall be done before the end of March or of April at the furthest; the remaining temporal Articles shall be treated and concluded, to the end that no time be lost, but the Infanta may immediately after the granting of the Dispensation, be delivered the next spring, as is the intention of his Majesty.
Touching the Palatinate.
THe forenamed Ambassador well knoweth what his Majesty hath done therein already to the end it may appear to the world how much he esteems the friendship of his dear Brother the King of Great Britain, and how just he acknowledgeth it to be to give him content in all things, and particularly, in those which concern the conveniency of both Crowns; his Majesty hopeth that by his late dispatches into Flanders, there hath been taken such course to settle all things as can be desired, and those orders are now again renewed and re-enforced, to the end, that all may be accommodated to the satisfaction of his Majesty of Great Britain, the which orders shall be shown to the foresaid Condé▪ that he may rest satisfied of the reality and sincerity wherewith his Catholic Majesty doth proceed in this business; but until it be known what effect these dispatches have taken, and what the Emperor will reply, no answer can be well given in writing to the particulars contained in the memorial of the foresaid Condé, for the reasons which have been delivered unto him by word of mouth, and shall be represented unto his Majesty of Great Britain, by Don Carl • s Coloma, his Catholic Majesty's Ambassador.
Madrid, Decemb. 12. 1622.
Soone after this, the King of Spain sent a draught of such Articles touching Religion, as he insisted on to King James, who together with the Prince to (hasten the Dispensation) accommodated them in the ensuing manner, and then readily signed them.
The Accommodation of the differences in Religion.
All those Articles which came from Rome, to which his Majesty took no exception in his directions to the Earl of Bristol under his hand of the ninth of September, passed as not disallowed by his Majesty; those wherein there remained any difference are accommodated in the form following.
THe form of the Celebration is allowed in such sort as it was agreed of in England, so likewise the oath to be taken by the Infanta's Servants.
The Article for the Church is thus to be understood, that at one standing house Saint James, or where the household is to remain, there must be a Church for bu • ying and marrying, and christening▪ &c. it being altogether unfit that all mean people, belonging to her service should be married or christened in her Chapel within liar Palace, but this is not understood of any Church in London, but one to be built adjoining to the Palace.
Whereas it is said, that her Servants are precisely to be Catholics, for that it seemed not sitting to capitulate anything that might be exclusive to the Protestants, it is le • t indifferent that her Servants may be Catholics.
Where it is required by the Pope, quod Ecclesiastici nullis legibus subjaceant nisi suorum superiorum Ecclesiasticorum. The Divines unanimously delivered their opinion, that this King cannot by capitulation subject the Clergy to the Civil Magistrate▪ neither hath he that power himself in Spain, and they presuppose that those of the Infanta's Family are to have the same immunity as in Spain, but they have qualified the Article what is possible, and they say some such course may be settled therein as may give his Majesty, satisfaction either by banishing them, or sending them with their process into Spain, or some other course which may be agreed upon, and it will be in his Majesty's power in any foul case, to do that by way of fact which they cannot capitulate; howsoever, it was not held fit to break so great a business upon the dispute of a case which is like never to happen.
Concerning the Nurses it is left indifferently without any exclusion of the Protestants as in the sixth Article.
Touching the Articles brought out of Spain.
COncerning the security against the Divorce, they are to rely on the Kings and Princes word of honor.
Touching the education of the Children, quod educentur in Religion Catholica, is absolutely omitted; and whereas the Pope requires they should be in the government of the Mother, the Sons until fourteen, the Daughters until twelve, the Article is only till seven, with a private Promise until nine, and this King pressing it may be until ten.
As for the bonum publicum required by the Pope, all particulars which were propounded, as the suspending the penal Laws, &c. are now omitted, only that the Catholics may live without persecution, not giving scandal, and this to be done by his Majesty's own Grace and Clemency, without any public Capitulation; only the King and Prince to promise it unto the King of Spain by their private Letters.
The Articles of Religion being thus accommodated between the two Kings, King James who had formerly by his Agent Gage sent Letters to Rome to the Pope (wherein he styled him, most holy Father) and likewise to some great Cardinals, to speed the Dispensation, with private instructions not to deliver them, unless he saw a present likelihood of granting the Dispensation, sends now two express Letters to Gage unto Rome (the one from himself, the other from Calvert his principal Secretary, dated the 5. of Ian. 1622.) to present t • ose Letters to the Pope and Cardinals, assuring himself, that since he had ratified all the Articles concerning Religion without any alteration, the Pope could not in justice but speedily grant the long- • ought-for Dispensation. The Copy of these two Letters (sent by Master Lawson) here follow in order.
TRusty, &c. By Letters which We have lately received from Our right Trusty and right worthy Cousen and Counselor the Earl of Bristol, We understand how dutifully and discreetly you have carried yourself in the furthering Our service, whilst you remained in the Court of Spain, for which We return you Our gracious thanks. He hath also acquainted Us with the directions which he gave you, touching the delivery of the Letters you carried from hence; that if you saw a likelihood of present granting the Dispensation upon the Articles now agreed on, you should deliver them, unless you received order from Us to the contrary. We would therefore now have you understand, that there is no cause why you should forbear the delivery of any of them, if you find the Dispensation will certainly be granted: And thereof We hope there shall be now no doubt, considering that We have condescended unto, approved and ratified all and every the Articles concerning Religion, without changeing or altering any one word, as they are agreed upon and concluded between the King of Spain's Commissioners and Our Ambassador at Madrid in December last: which being transmitted unto Vs, both Our Self and Our Son the Prince have subscribed the same, and so have sent them back again unto Our said Abassadour for a final conclusion of all things concerning matter of Religion or conscience, although the formality needed not, Our Ambassadors having obliged Vs before sufficiently according to the large power given them by their Commission. And thus much We have thought sit to let you know that if any further scruple should remain there touching Our absolute consent, you may be able to remove it.
SIR,
MAster Porter is safely here arrived the second of this Moneth, with the conclusion of all those difficult Articles that hitherto have retarded the proceeding of the Match. He was long looked for, and a welcome man when he came both to his Majesty and the Prince; insomuch, as I must tell you, I have no rest since with our young Master, for being called upon early and late to hasten away the dispatch of all to yourself and my Lord of Bristol, which I have done with as much diligence as possibly I could.
His Majesty and the Prince have both of them subscribed all the Articles as they were sent hither from my Lord of Bristol, in this manner; Hos supra memorat • s Articulos omnes ac singulos approbamus, & quicquam in its ex nostra parte seu nostr • nomine conventum est, ratum atque gratum Habe •• ,
- Jacobus Rex.
- Carolus Pr.
And in the full performance of whatsoever was agreed upon concerning the Bonu • Publicum, his Majesty and the Prince likewise have written their several letters unto the King of Spain, faithfully promising in the words of a King and of a Prince, to cause the same to be observed inviolably in the very same Termes verbatim, as it is set down in the last Article of all sent hither from my Lord of Bristol, which I am 〈◊〉 you have seen and remembered, viz. Quodea omnia prestituri sint quae ministris Regis Hispaniae ante hac verbotenus R. M. Britt. pollicitus est, Hoc est, quod regnorum suorum Romano-Catholics persecutionem nullam patientur, molestiave afficientur Religions suae causa, vel ob exercitium ullorum ejusdem Sacramentorum mode us utantur absque scandal (quod intelligi debet intra privatos parietes) nec juramentis a • t sub alio pretextu qualicunque ordinem religions spect ante vexabuntur.
With these dispatches M. S. Digby (who is within these four or five days returned out of Germany) is to be sent away tomorrow for Spain with all possible speed. Don Carlos hath advertized to the Duke of Alberquerque, the Padre Maestro, and your self as much as I do. Now you know all that is done both in Spain and here concerning this point; I must leave you to such directions as you have received from the Earl of Bristol, how much of this to silence, and how long to silence, and what to discover, as his letter and you have there thought fittest for the good of his Majesty's service.
For the token which I send to Aristides, I pary you be sure that he deserve it well, for I do not mean to be at that cost with him, unless you be sure he do me that curtisie which I expect, and as he hath often made me believe. It is an hundred to one but you shall find him at Alexandria if you miss him elsewhere. Aeneas recommends unto you again secrecy in this business above all things, and that you be certain of speeding before you deliver the letter to Padre Maestro.
POSTSCRIPT.
From White-hall, 5. Ian. 1622
I Need not tell you how graciously his Majesty accepts of the good service you have done since it hath pleased him to acknowledge it under his own hand, and I must not forget one charge more that I have received from him, which is, that I should will you in his name to salute the Padre Maestro affectionately from him, and to let him know also how sensible and thankful his Majesty is for those singular good offices and diligent endeavors which he hath used from the beginning of this business until now, and still continues them, as his Majesty understands particularly from Don Carlos 〈◊〉 , I pray you also commend my service unto him.
I have order for a Privy Seal of 300. li. more, which the Earl of Bristol delivered you in Madrid, to be paid to Master Wake at Antwerpe.
What Gage did at Rome in pursuance of these two Letters, and what opinion the Pope and Cardinals held of King James, will appear by this ensuing L • tter of Ma • te • Gage sent to his Majesty from Rome, and thence dated the 24. of April 1623.
SIR,
IT may please your Majesty to understand that in a Congregation held the 22. of March, stilo novo, the Dispensation was finally resolved, and order taken, that the Cardinal Bandino should draw the Articles in form, the Cardinal la Susanna make the Breve, and Monsignor Aquas the Popes Secretary (who was present at the two last Sessions) draw some Instructions for Monsignor de Massini the Nun • io▪ now resident in the Court of Spain. And in the following Congregation held the 29. these things were seen and allowed▪ and the next day presented to the Pope, and allowed by him. Concerning the particulars of the proceeding here, of diffi • ulties overcome and of wh •• yet remaineth to be done. I have given a large account to Master Secretary Calvert; by which if your Majesty receive not that entire satisfaction which we, who have labored therein, have most earnestly desired. I shall most humbly beseech your Majesty to believe; first, that we have left no diligence undone by which we could hope to remove impediments; and secondly, that such difficulties as are either spent or yet to be admitted have been laid hold by the Cardinals, neither to frustrate or prolong this Treaty, but out of an opinion that they could not otherwise secure their Conscience, proceed upon a just and valuable ground, and satisfy the judgment of such discreet persons as may in times ensuing understand the passages of this great business. And this point I am the • older to represent to your Majesty's gracious consideration, because jointly with all their protestations to this effect, their actions have concurred also to give good testimony thereof. They hold most honorable language of your Majesty, they profess a great desire to have occasions of doing you all humble service; they have a • ume opinion that the former rigours used towards your Catholic Subjects have risen from others but the graces then given from your Self; and they are confident that your Majesty, now that so potent intercessions have been used with you and all grounds of civil jealousies removed, will not only command a real performance of what you are pleased to promise in their favor, but suitably to your own royal heart enlarge the benefit of your Princely goodness. I have therefore (Sir) • inding them thus affected thought it suitable to your service to let them understand, that since they expect these things from a Prince who yieldeth to no man, either in esteeming or returning a Benefit▪ they may safely promise themselves all good success and give way to their own good dispositions of respect and affection towards your Majesty; and the rather I have done so, because I persuaded myself that your Majesty is of the same opinion with him, who speaking of the Romans to King Bocchus, said Licet P •• entes abunde habeamus, Amicorum neque Nobis, neque cuiquam morta • um satis fuit.
I send your Majesty Letters from the Cardinals Bandino and Lodevisio, which they writ in answer of your Majesty's to to them, who above all others sought to oblige your Majesty, as by Letter to Master Secretary you will perceive. After the Easter-Holy days I shall begin my journey towards Florence and Parma to perform your Majesty's commands there whereof I will give your Majesty account in due time. It will be the end of May before I shall get out of Italy during which time I shall with de • otion expect your Majesty's orders if in anything further you shall be pleased to command my service. So I humbly pray the divine goodness to give your Majesty many fair years of life thereby, to enjoy the fruits of this noble alliance, and to make happy your Subjects by your gracious government.
Your Majesty's most humbble and loyal Subject, George Gage
After which, on the 7. of January these two Letters from King James and Secretary Calvert, were sent into Spain by Master Digby to the Earl of Bristol.
RIght Trusty, &c. The dispatches which We have received from you by Endimion Porter, do give Us sufficient assurance that there hath not wanted in you nor in Our ordinary Ambassador Sir Walter Aston, that faithful endeavor and diligence, to expedite those great businesses you have in charge, which We could expect or require at your hands, for which We are pleased to return you both Our gracious acceptation and thanks. You will see by that which We have subscribed unto the Article • you sent Vs, and by the Letters which We and Our Son have both written unto Our Brother the King of Spain, how well We approve of what hitherto hath been done, and what you have promised and undertaken in your name; which being, as We hope the period of all their demands in that kind, We wish you to proceed unto the temporal Articles, and to conclude and consummate the whole business now, according to the Commissions you have, as soon as possibly you may, that there may be no further delay. Concerning that other unfortunate knotty affaire of the Palat •• ate, to say the truth, as things stand, We cannot tell what you could have done more then you have already. And whereas you write that the King of Spain and his principal Ministers there, did find Our last Propositions somewhat strange, you shall understand that the cause why We sent you such strict and peremptory Instructions was, for that the Chancellor of Our Exchequer found nothing but palpable and gross delays at Br •• • llet, whilst in the mean time Heidelburg was besieged, and afterwards taken Manheim beleaguer • d▪ and all hostility used that might be. Besides, Gage coming from Rome about the same time, instead of bringing the news which was expected of the Dispensation granted, presents Vs certain exceptions taken against the Articles by the Pope, with an intention as it seems, to engage Vs in a Treaty, or dispute with him about the said Articles, which was never the meaning, but that the King of Spain should have undertaken that business himself. This was the reason that moved Vs at the earnest instance and persuasion of Our Council to urge the matter, so as to bring it to a speedy point; not but that the very precisest of them, were always of opinion, that if the March were once concluded, the other business would be accommodated to Our satisfaction. Nevertheless these doubts and causes of jealousy, occurring, they did all una voice represent unto Vs, how highly and importunately it concerned Our estate and service to be at some certainty, and to know what to trust to; neither is the usage and respect We yet find from the Infanta at Bruxelles and that Kings Ministers anything at all amended, notwithstanding all the great demonstrations We have made of Our confidence and good correspondency with them, and the means We have always sought to oblige them, as no doubt you have understood by sundry late dispatches from Our Secretary. And now lastly, when We out of Our especial trust in the Infanta, had made an offer of late to • equester the Town of Fran • endale into her hands, upon no other assurance then she her self had offered Vs before Manheim was lost, by Don Carlos Coloma, which was to restore it, and those other places again which were at that time also required, either upon the conclusion of the peace with the Emperor, or upon a ruptur • in case that proceeded not; the same propositi •• being now again revived by Vs, she is fallen away from the conditions first propounded by Our Self, offering only to accept it upon trust if We will put it into her her hands, without obliging her self to restore it again; which We take to be a great disrespect, if not a scorn. And therefore being resolved not to treat with her anymore about it, it is Our pleasure that you shall presently deal with the King of Spain to the same purpose, and to make him an offer of Frankendale from Vs by way of sequestration, upon the condition aforesaid, of restitution in the State as it now stands, whether the peace with the Emperor succeed or not; and if he accept it, that he will signify so much to Vs under his hand, and give order for the present receiving it accordingly, for the case will not admit any long time of treaty.
In your last dispatch you advertise Vs, that the King of Spain hath written again very effectually unto the Emperor about these affairs of the Palatinate. We do much desire to know what the particulars of that Letter were, and to what effect, and what other endeavors that King intends to use for procuring Vs satisfaction therein, whereof We require you to inform Vs as particularly as you may, because you know it concerns Vs much to have that business at a point. There are some other matters concerning Our service which We have commanded Our Secretary to impart unto you, and therefore will hold you no longer now, but wish you health and a good success in your affairs.
White-hall, 7. Ian. 1622.
My very good Lord,
BEcause I know you will with much longing expect an answer to the dispatch • rought by Master Porter, and his Majesty's service requires it; this Bearer Master Digby is sent to you with all speed that may be, being specially chosen by his Majesty, both out of the former experience he hath had of his diligence, and for that he is best able to inform you how all things have passed in Germany; for Frankendale your Lordship will understand by • is Majesty's own Letter in what state it now remains, and this morning I have received a Letter from Cap • aine Burgh who is the Governor, that they have not above four months Bread and Wine, beginning to reckon from the 24. of November, which was the time that T • lly departed from thence: since that time Colonel Papenheim blocks us the Town with twelve Companies of Horse and some few of Foot, to whom are since joined two Regiments more of the Dukes of Saxen and Holsten, which makes 2000. Horse come out of Brabant, which have girt them up so close as there is no further means left to relieve them. He writes to me further, that they have it from many places, how the Imperiali •• s do laugh to think, that we had any hope out of that Letter from the King of Spain to the Infanta, saying, that they know that those of Frankendale must seek to them before Summer, and entreat them to take the Town. It will therefore much import his Majesty's service that your Lordship do procure some answer and resolution from the King of Spain concerning that Town, and that with all speed.
To leave those businesses of the Palatmate of which I have no more to say, sa • ing only this, which his Majesty commanded me the other day to write unto you, that your Lordship should use all the means possible to stir up that King for diverting the Translation of the Electorate at this Diet.
Your Lordship shall understand, that there hath been no want of care here to make all things sure, which you have promised there on his Majesty's behalf; and therefore as your Lordship shall receive a confirmation of all under his Majesty's and the Princes hands, subscribed to the paper it self, which you sent hither, so you may please also to know, that least it should be discovered, that the assent you gave there unto the Propositions was but conditional, and to re • ard the proceedings at Rome; his Majesty hath likewise dispatched an Extraordinary▪ who is this day already gone with much diligence to find our Master Gage at Rome or elsewhere, to whom his Majesty hath been pleased to write himself, taking notice of the report your Lordship made of his good service at Madrid, and requiring him now, if he saw that the Dispensation would certainly be granted, to deliver his Letters, thereof to be first sure and secret. I have written unto him also, and told him all that is done here, how his Majesty and the Prince have confirmed the Articles, and to that purpose they have both written unto the King of Spain, promising favor to the Catholics; and Don Carlos Coloma hath written the like unto the Duke of Alberquerque, and to Padre Maestro, so as there needs be no scruple now, nor color of deferring the Dispensation.
For the 300. li. which your Lordship hath laid out to Master Gage, I shall take order for a privy Seal here to repay it unto Master Lyonell Wake of Antwerpe upon whom it is to be charged, as I understand from Master Secretury Cottington; I shall not need to remember your Lordship, were it not that his Majesty hath commanded me, because I perceive by your Letters you are careful enough of it yourself, no • to deliver those private Letters of his and the Princes, concerning the favor intended to the Catholics until the Dispensation • e granted and the Match fully concluded. His Majesty hath further commanded me to put your Lordship in mind of that which must necessarily be thought on before the solemnization of the Marriage, and that is, what person of that Court is fittest to be deputed by his Highness for that office, and to send him word of it betimes, that he may dispatch away his Commission to him for that purpose: and if your Lordship please to cause the form thereof to be drawn there, such a one as will give them contentme • t and is fitting for his Highness to sign, I should think it were not amiss.
Your Lordship will not forget also to send Vs word when it is time for his Highness to send Love Letters and tokens to his Mistress. I hope your next dispatch will in • orme Vs of all these things, in the mean time, &c.
White-hall, 7. Ian. 1622.
After this, Secretary Calvert writ this ensuing Letter to the said Earl having some relation to the Match, and the use the Spaniards made of it.
My very good Lord,
YOu will understand before these come to your hands by Master Secretary Digby who was dispatched away from hence with much Diligence, that Master Porter was safely arrived here, and to the dispatch which he brought with him, your Lordship by Master Digby receives full and particular answer to all points that required it; nevertheless upon the hazard of one man's person, I have sent your Lordship herewithal by the Ordinary, Duplicats of that dispatch.
Yours of the 20. of the last month old style, came safely into my hands, and for the matter of Orm •• , his Majesty hath commanded me to tell you, that he had heard of it before by a flying report, but never the certainty thereof till now, wherefore his Majesty would have your Lordship to let the King of Spain understand, that he is very sensible of the accident, desiring him to rest assured, that he will do his utmost endeavor to discover the verity of the fact, and upon the discovery thereof will afterwards proceed as a just Prince ought to do, and as a faithful friend to that King.
Within these few days here hath happened an accident that hath put Vs into some disorder: The Prince taking notice of two of his Musicians Angelo, an Italian, and Drew an English man, that were at the Spanish Ambassadors on Christmas-Eve assisting with their voices and music at the midnight Mass; (at which his Majesty and his Highness were much displeased) turned them both out of his service: The Spanish Ambassador mediated for them by an earnest Letter which he writ unto his Highness, but could not at first prevail, though since, as I understand, he hath obtained remission for them; it was not well done of them to go, and an ill fortune I doubt that so much notice is taken of it.
Upon a complaint of the said Ambassador in his Majesty's name of certain spoils and depredations, as he terms them committed by his Majesty's Subjects trading into the East Indies, upon the Portuguesses there, and thereupon demanding justice; he obtained a Commission directed to some seven or eight of the Counsel under the great Seal of England, to examine upon oath the verity of the accusation, and informing his Majesty thereof, a legal course afterwards to be directed for the further proceeding and sentencing the fact. Of this Commission amongst divers others of the Board I am one, and we have met once or twice about it: Yesterday my Lord Admiral representing unto his Majesty how derogatory this course of commissioning was to the Jurisdiction of his Court of Admiralty, as in truth I think it be, his Majesty hath given order, that there shall be no further proceeding upon it, but the business left to a legal trial in that Court to which it appertains, and I am commanded to speak with the Spanish Ambassador to that purpose; I pray God I may give him satisfaction, howsoever I shall do my best; and so kissing your Lordships hands I rest.
White-hall, 14. Ian, 1622.
The Articles concerning Religion being thus concluded and signed by the King and Prince; the Laws against Jesuits, popish Priests and Recusanis by promise suspended for the future, all imprisoned Roman Catholics of all sorts enlarged throughout his Majesty's Dominions, the free exercise of their Religion without molestation, promised in express terms, and the Marquess of Buckingham hereupon then writing into Spain (as the French Mercury informs us) That our Informers, Pursevants, Prisons, should from thenceforth serve no more but for our own Ministers and other persons zealous of our Religion, (which hath ever since experimentally proved most true) King James made no doubt at all, but that the Pope would presently grant the Dispensation, and the Spaniard without more delays consummate the marriage. To hasten which King James (as the same Mercury records, and I have credibly heard the same from others) assembling his Privy Counsel together, Febr. 25. 1622. made a long Oration to them (which he recites at large) the sum whereof was this: That the Roman Catholics in England had sustained great and intolerable surcharges, imposed upon their goods, bodies, consciences, during Queen Elizabeth's reign, of which they hoped to be relieved in his; that his Mother suffered martyrdom in this Realm for the profession of the said Catholic Religion; a Religion which had been publicly professed for many ages in this Realm, confirmed by many great and excellent Emperors, and famous in all Ecclesiastical • Histories, by an infinite number of Martyrs, who had sealed it with their blood: That the Catholics well knew that there was • n him a grand affection to the Catholic Religion, insomuch that they believed at Rome that he did but dissemble his Religion to obtain the Crown of England. That now he had maturely considered the penury and calamities of the Roman Catholics, who were in the number of his faithful Subjects, and was resolved to relieve them; and therefore did from thenceforth take all his Roman Catholic Subjects into his protection, permitting them the liberty and entire exercise of their Religion, and liberty to celebrate the mass, with other divine offices of their Religion without any inquisition, process, or molestation from that day forwards; and likewise will and ordain that they shall be restored to all their estates, lands, fees & cignor • es and re-established in them; commanding all his Magistrates, Instices, and other Officers whatsoever in this behalf to hold their hands; and for what cause soever it be, not to attempt hereafter, to grieve or molest the said Catholics, neither in public nor private, in the liberty of the exercise of their Religion, upon pain • of being reputed guilty of high treason, and disturbers of the Kingdoms peace and repose; this being his will and definitive sentence.
But notwithstanding all these compliance • and favors to the Roman Catholics, those crafty Machiavillians had a further deeper plot, both upon King James, the Prince, the old and young Prince Palatine▪ and Protestant Religion, which they must effect by delays; namely, to betray the Prince into the Spaniards power, by engaging him in a private journey into Spain, upon pretence to expedite the Match; and there by force or slattery to pervert him in his Religion, and induce him publicly to profess himself a Roman Catholic, and likewise to put the young Prince Palatine into the Emperors hands, under pretext of a match with his Daughter, and to train him up in his Court in the popish Religion, and by this hellish policy to screw up King James, and the old Prince Palatine to whatever conditions the Pope, Spaniard, or Emperor should propose unto them, for the advancement of Popery, or of their own temporal greatness.
In pursuance of this infernal design, the Prince and the Marquess of Buckingham accompanied with Cottington and Porter, on the 17. day of Febr. 1622. departed privately from the Court disguised to Dover, and posted through France into Spain: to what desperate purposes and by whose procurement, these ensuing Articles of the Earl of Bristol exhibited to the Lord's against the Duke of Buckingham (whom he accused of high-treason upon them in open Parliament) May 1. 1626. with the cross Articles exhibited against the Earl of Bristol in Parliament, by Sir Robert Heath the Kings Attorney general, by his Majesty's special command, May 6. 1626. (both of which you may find recorded in the Lord's Parchment Journal of that Parliament) will most clearly discover to all the world, to the deserved infamy of these detestable Projectors.
Articles of the Earl of Bristol, wherewith he chargeth the Duke of Buckingham, May 1. 1626.
THat the Duke of Bukingham did secretly combine and conspire with Condé Gondomar, [ 1] Ambassador for the King of Spain, before the said last Ambassadors return into Spain in the Summer 1622. to carry his Majesty (the Prince) into Spain, to the end, that he might be informed and instructed in the Roman Religion, and therely have perverted the Prince, and subverted the true Religion established in England: from which misery this Kingdom, next under God's mercy, hath by the wise, religious and constant carriage of his Majesty, been almost miraculously delrvered, considering the many bold and subtle attempts of the said Duke in that kind.
That Master Porter was made acquainted therewith, and sent into Spain, and such [ 2] Message at his return framed, as might serve for a ground to set on foot this conspiracy; the wich was done accordingly, and thereby the King and Prince highly abused, and thereby their consents first gotten to the said journey (that is to say) after the return of Master Porter, which was about the end of December 1622. whereas the said Duke had plotted it many months before.
That the Duke at his arrival in Spain nourished the Spanish Ministers, not only in [ 3] the belief of his own being popishly affected, but did both by absenting himself from all exercises of Religion constantly used in the Earl of Bristols house and frequented by all other Protestants English, and by conforming himself to please the Spaniard to divers rites of their Religion (even so far as to kneel and adore their Sacrament from time to time) gave the Spaniard hope of the Princes conversion; the which conversion he endeavored to procured by all means possible, and thereby caused the Spanish Ministers to propound far worse conditions for Religion, then had been formerly by the Earl of Bristol and Sir Walter Ashton settled, and signed under his Majesty's hand, with a clause in the King of Spain's answer of the 12. of December 1622. that they held the Articles agreed upon sufficient, and such as ought to induce the Pope to the granting of the Dispensation.
That the Duke having several times in the presence of the Earl of Bristol, moved [ 4] his late Majesty at the instance of the Condé Gondomar, to write a Letter to the Pope, and to that purpose having once brought a Letter ready drawn, wherewith the Earl of Bristol being by his Majesty made acquainted, did so strongly oppose the writing of any such Letter, that during the abode of the said Earl of Bristol in England, the said Duke could not obtain it: Yet not long after the said Earl was gone, he procured such a Letter to be written from his late Majesty unto the Pope, and have him styled therein Sanctissime Pater.
That the Pope being informed of the Duke of Buckinham his inclination and intention [ 5] in point of Religion, sent unto the said Duke a particular Bull in Parchment for to persuade and encourage him in the pervertion of his Majesty then Prince, &c.
[ 12] That the Earl of Bristol did reveal unto his Majesty, both by word and Letter, in what sort the Duke had deceived him and abused his trust, and that the King by several ways sent him word, that he should rest assured that he would hear him, but that he shovld leave it to him to take his own time; and thereupon few days before his sickness the sent the Earl word, that he would hear him against the Duke, as well as he had heard the Duke against him, which the Duke himself heard; and not long after, his blessed Majesty sickned and died, having in the interim been much vexed and pressed by the said Duke.
All these Articles with six others of like nature, the Earl of Bristol preferred to make good against the Duke by Letters and Witnesses; but the Duke by his overswaying potency and instruments (whereof Bishop Laud was chief) dissolved the Parliament before any answer given to them.
The Articles exhibited to the House of Peers against the Earl through the Dukes procurement, by way of recrimination, were many, I shall only recite the most pertinent to the present business of Religion.
Articles of several High-treasons & other great and enormious Crimes Offences and Contempts, committed by John Earl of Bristol, against Our late Sovereigne Lord King James of blessed memory decreased, and Our Sovereigne Lord the Kings Majesty which now is, wherewith the said Earl is charged by his Majesty's Attorney general on his Majesty's behalf, in the most high and honorable Court of Parliament, before the King and his Lord's.
[ 5] THat the said Earl from the beginning of his Negotiation, and the whole managing thereof by him, during his ambassage into Spain, he the said Earl contrary to his faith and duty to God, the true Religion professed by the Church of England and the peace of this Church and State, did intend and resolve, that if the said marriage so treated of as aforesaid, should by his ministry be effected, that thereby the Romish Religion and the professors thereof should be advanced within this Realm, and other his Majesty's Realms and Dominions, and the true Religion and the professors thereof discouraged and discountenanced: And to that end and purpose the said Earl, during the time aforesaid by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise, often counseled and persuaded the said late Kings Majesty, to set at liberty the Jesuits, and Priests of the Roman Religion, which according to the good, religions and political Laws of this Realm were imprisoned or restrained, and to grant and allow unto the Papists and professors of the Romish Religion a free toleration, and silencing of the laws made and standing in force against them.
[ 7] That at the Princes coming into Spain, during the time aforesaid, the said Earl of Bristol, cunningly falsely, and traitorously moved and persuaded the Prince (being then in the power of a foreign King of the Romish Religion) to change his Religion; which was done in this manner: At the Princes first coming to the said Earl, he asked the Prince, for what he came thither? The Prince at first not conceiving the Earls meaning answered you know as well as I: the Earl replied, Sir, servants can never serve their Master industriously, although they may do it faithfully, unless they know their meanings fully; give me leave therefore to tell you what they say in the Town is the cause of your coming, THAT YOU MEANE TO CHANGE YOUR RELIGION, AND TO DECLARE IT HERE: and yet cunningly to disguise it, the Earl added further; Sir, I do not speak this that I will persuade you to do it, or that I will promise you that I will follow your example, though you will do it, but as your faithful servant, if you will trust me with so great a secret, I will endeavor to carry it the discreetest way I can. The Prince being moved with this unexpected motion, again said unto him; I wonder what you have ever found in me, that you should conceive I would be so base or unworthy, as for a Wife to change my Religion? The said Earl replying, desired the Prince to pardon him, if he had offended him, it was but out of his desire to serve him: which persuasion of the said Earl was the more dangerous, because the more subtle: Whereas it had been the duty of a faithful servant, to God and his Master, if he had found the Prince staggering in his Religion to have prevented so great an Error, and to have persuaded against it, so to have avoided the dangerous consequences thereof, to the true Religion and to this state, if such a thing should have happened.
8. That afterward during the Princes being in Spain, the said Earl having conference with the said Prince about the Romish Religion, he endeavored falsely and traitorously to persuade the Prince to change his Religion as aforesaid, AND BECOME A ROMISH CATHOLIKE, and to Become OBEDIENT TO THE VSVRPED AVTHORITY OF THE POPE OF ROME: And to that end and purpose the said Earl traitorously used these words unto the said Prince; That the State of England did never any great thing, but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome, and that it was impossible they could do anything of note otherwise.
9. That during the time of the Princes being in Spain as aforesaid, the Prince consulting, and advising with the said Earl and others, about a new offer made by the King of Spain touching the Palatinate, which was, that the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine, should marry with the Emperors Daughter, but must be bread up in the Emperors Court: The said Earl delivered his opinion, that the Proposition was reasonable; whereat when Sir Walter Ashton then present falling into some passion said; that he durst not for his head consent unto it: The Earl of Bristol replied, that he saw no such great inconvenience in it, for that he might be there bred up in the Emperors Court in our Religion. But when the extreme danger, and in a manner the impossibility thereof was pressed unto the said Earl, he said again, That without some such great action the peace of Christendom would never be had. Which was so dangerous and desperate a council that one so near to the Crown of England should be poisoned in his Religion, and put into the power of a Foraigne Prince, Enemy to our Religion, and an unfreind to our state, that the consequence thereof both for the present and future times were infinitely dangerous, and yet hereunto did his disaffection to our Religion, the blindness in his judgment, caused by sinister respects, and the too much regard he had to the House of Austria, lead him, &c. Ro. Heath
These Articles were exhibited against the Earl by the Kings own special direction, and perused, corrected by him before they were put in, as appears by the Lord's Iournall, the Kings Atturny averring it openly in the House of Peers. It seems therefore a great Wonder to many observing men, that he who was thus impeached by his Majesty's special command, as the worst of Counselors, and a strong persuader of him to become a professed Roman Catholik, an advancer of Popery and Papists then, should become his principle Cabinet Counselor to advise him to side with the Popish party in England, Ireland, Scotland, against his Parliament, and Protestant subjects, now.
But to pretermit his present Councils, which seem to justify the former Articles, the Earl of Bristol himself in his answer to the 7th. Article, confesseth, that there was a general received opinion in the Spanish Court, that his Majesty's coming thither was with intention to become a Roman Catholic, and that the Condé Gundimar, that very morning pressed the Earl, not to hinder so pious a work (for so he termed it) of his Majesty's conversion, & seemed to be assured of the Duke of Buckinghams assistance therein: whereupon he told his Majesty; That the General opinion in that Court was, that his Majestyes coming thither was, WITH INTENTION TO BE A ROMAN CATHOLIKE AND THERE TO DECLARE IT, &c. Whereupon he entreated him not to suffer his business to be overthrown by permitting that conceit of his conversion any longer to remain with the Spaniards, not to do anything that might give them hope therein; alleging, that it was impossible the Marriage could be without a dispensation. And so long as the Spaniard, who were to procure the dispensation, should have hope of his Majesty's conversion, they would rather clog the Dispensation then hasten it, for whiles they should have hope of all by his convertion, they would never content themselves with a part, to which they were tied by the Articles agreed upon; At which time his Majesty was pleased to aprove of his opinion, and said, he would expect the dispensatory, and did thereupon, afterward send Master Andrew's to Rome to hasten it.
By all these Articles and passages▪ it is most perspicuous that there was a professed design in the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Bristol, Secretary Calvert, Cottington, Porter, Gage, and other instruments, who contrived the Princes dangerous Journey into Spain, to pervert the Prince in his Religion, to make him and all his Children professed Roman Catholics, and the Prince Palatine too, and by this means to set up Popery in their Dominions, to suppress the Protestant Religion, and Professors of it in all places, that so the Pope might become Lord Paramount over them and all their Subjects, and they his sworn Vassalls. How far the Archbishop was privy and assistant to this design, you may partly read in the Breviat of his life, P. 3. 14. and shall hear more hereafter in its proper place.
What the aims of the Pope and Spaniard were in contriving the Princes progress into Spain, appears, First, by the forementioned common report in the Spanish Court, that it was to become a professed Roman Catholic, &c.
Secondly by this notable Letter of the Pope to the Bishop of Conchen (one Copy whereof I found in the Archbishop of Canterburies Study, indorsed with his own hand, and another among Secretary Windebankes and the Lord Cottingtons sequestered Papers) exhorting him to take this happy opportunity, to convert, subject and reconcile the Prince and his Dominious to the Sea of Rome.
Greg. P p: 15 us. Venerabili Fratri Episcopo Conchen in Hispaniarum Regnis Inquisitori generali.
VEnerabile Frater, salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem, Orthodoxae Religions, tutelam fae • citer existimamus in amplissimis Hispaniae Reg •• s commendatam esse Fraternitati tuae: scimus enim quàm vigilanter excubant in illustri ista station, Caveas ne ulla impiorum D • gmatum monstra in ecclesiasticae vineae sepes irrepant. Verum occasio tibi hoc tempore divinitus oblata est, per quam pictatis tuae beneficia e regnorum istorum sinibus educere, et ad exteras Nationes proferre possi • . Accepimus istuc nuper appulisse Walliae principem, Brittaniae R • gis silium spe ductum Catholici Matrimonij. Cupimus eum non frustra commorari in illorum Regum aedibus, quibus illustre Catholici Cognomentum, Ponti • icae Authoritatis defensio, et Religions proferendae studium, peperit. Quare, Apostolicis litteris horramur Catholicam Majst • tem, ut eum Principem redigere suaviter cone • ur sub Romanae Ecclesiae ditionem, cui veteres magnae Brittaniae Domini, Coronatum Caput, et Imperij fasces (Caelo plaudente) submi • erunt. Ad hanc autem victoriam comparandam, quae victis aeternos caelestis beatitudinis pollicetur triumphos atque principatus, non Regalis Ae • arij vis • era exhauriend • , non saevientium militum legiones conscribendae sunt, sed Arma lucis e Caelo petenda, quae divini luminis splendore ejus Principis oculos alliciant, atque ex illius animo errores omnes mansuetudine prostigent. In ijs vero tractandis quae sit vis, et ars Fraternitatis tuae, jampridem accepimus. Quare • e monemus, ut ad Catholicum Regem Religiosus consiliarius accedas, easque rations dispicias, quibus insigne aliquod beneficium Brittaniae Regnis, et Romanae Ecclesiae, in presenti rerum opportunitate comparetur. Re • ipsa magna, atque gravissima est, quare eam verbis amplificate non debemus, Regnum Caelorum Britaniae Principi patefacere, Regnum Brittaniae sedi Apostolicae restituere incipiet, qui Regijistius Adolescentis animum, Catholicae Religions studio instamaver • t, a • que haereticae impietatis odio impleverit. In tantae Gl • riae possessionem nomen dubitamus, ut gladio Charitatis armata pervenire cupiet fraternitas tua, cum qua uberius hac de re disseret, venerabilis frater, Innocentius Episcopus Britonorirensis, Nuncius Apostolicus, cui fidem habere poteris, Nos autem accuratisimis precibut divina auxilia parere conabimur fraternitati tuae, cui Apostolicam benedictionem peramanter impertimur. Dat. Romae apud S. Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris. Die 19. Ap • ilis. 1633. Pontificatus Nostri Anno tertio.
Thirdly by this following Latin Oration of a Jesuit made to the Prince in Spain to pervert him in his Religion, and reduce him and our Dominions into the bosom of the Roman Church, one coppy whereof was found among Secretary Windebankes Writings.
SIquid mortalibus unquam oculis hilarem & gratum aperuit diem; Si quid peramantibus subditorum tuorum animis gaudium attulit, peperitue laetitiam; Si quid salutem Patriae, faelicitatem civium, securitatem imperij, Christianae Reipublicae pacem & incolumitatem promisit n • bis unquam, nobis unquam spospondit (Clarissime et Serenissime Princeps) faelicem pr •• cto, Tuum ad Hesperias oras accessum, faelicem in Hispaniam adventum, novum 〈◊〉 & inauditum promisisse peperisse, attulisse fatemur. Aurea mihi optarem verb • 〈◊〉 Ciceronis Eloquentiam, os alterum Chrysostomi, Nazianzeni animum ut cloqu •• , 〈◊〉 patefacerem tibi, quam in animis de te spem concepimus, quem in animis ergate amorem gerimus, quas ex intimis animis pro te preces ad D • um quotidie fundimus, quam libenter denique non unius alicujui • sed omnes omnium animas pro animae tuae salute, pro sospitate Septri, pro presenti et futura, pro occidua hac aeterna tuafaelicitate, gloria & honor in hostias & holocusta damus, consecramus, devovemus. Ausim dicere (florentissime Princeps) neminem non dico Religiosum, Saoerdotem, Collegam out Consodalem, sed nec Catholicum quidem existere, qui amplissimo Britaniae subjacet imperio, qui ut animae tuae servire, animam tuam bear possit, animam suam ammo cupient non perdat, vitam, inquam, ad pedes tuos non deponat, eamqne lacerato corpore, cenfosso pectore, exhansto sanguine lubens g • udensque non profundat. Sedet profecto, sedet (clarissime Princeps) laetissima facies tua, amabilis vultus, jucundissimus & humanissimus aspectus in omnium tuorum Civium et subditorum ore, oculis & animis, suavitatem tuam, humanitatem, moderationem, et benignitatem nemo est qui non miret • r, & cum mi • atur, non admiretur, et admirando, non veneretur. O faeliccm et fortunatam Britaniae magnae Insulam, quae talem & tam illustrem procreasti Principe • ; Cujus splendoris immensitatem proprijs tuis metiri terminis ne cogites, major est quam ut tuis cingatur maenijs, aut quae Britannico tantum affulgeat hemisphaerio. In exteras ecce se diffundit oras, in novos irrumpio horizontes, foris lucere, gaudet & effulgere, foris suae gloriae ejaculari radios, qui quidem et si ad plenissimos fulgurantum Imperatorum accedant splendores, ea tamen luce, ea claritate coruscabunt, ut si pre modestia superare recusaverint, tamen, licet quantum velint dissimulaverint, non maximos fulgores assequi & adequare. Testesmihi, O Hispania, Caesaris, tui Majestas angustissima, testes Heroum tuorum nobilitas luoidissima, testes Magistratum gravitas, concursus cujus, Plebis universus applauses, quiquidem ijsdem te (Prelucentissimus Princeps) quibus preprium et potentissimum Monarcham suum obsequijs, Officijs, honoribus prosequuntur. Sed quid? Annon eitam muta et anima carentia gloriam et fulgorem tuum persentiseere videntur? Admove, silubet, occulos, advirte compita, platcas tircumspice, universum Madritum diligentius intuere; agnosces profecto non exiguo persundi gandio non mediocriter letari quod honoris & glory tue effectum. sit Thratrum, quod Te praesente. Te cornscante intrat, resplendeat, fulgeat, frequentetur Et si Augustum Philippi Basilicam attentius contemper • s, gloriari quodamodo et super • ire dixeris, quod duorum incipiat Principum esse Regia, quae unumsensiper hactauni non plures pariter agnovit Dominos. Sed quo me divexet oratro? quo me (Dij boni modo me a me ipso abr uit? Perdidi me fateor, 〈◊〉 merosa, exultantium iurba, et fascinavit me (ut ita l • quar) insolià hilaritatis solemnitas. Sed da veniam perbeingnissime Princeps) canam receptui: vertam jam tandem vela, & in proprium portum remeare conabor. Ad valles aletanum contendo Collegium, ad diui Albani, primi Britanniae Martyris Seminarium. Salutârunt Te Caefares, salutârunt Te Principes, salutârunt Te Heroes, salutânunt Te Consules, Praetores, Senatores, omnes adventum Tuum approbârunt, acclamâcunt, honorarunt, imo quasi cael •• us te missum receperunt. Et quid? An demus nostra vallis • oletana seminarium nostrum, Collegium nostrum, nostrum? quid dico? Domus, inquam, Tua, seminarium T • um Tibi congratulari, manum Tuam sacram deosculari, animorum nostrorum gaudia pectorum laetitiam, jubilium cordium explicare praetermittat? Procul hinc, procul ite prof •• i, ne istam nobis appi • gite, i •• rite notam. Quod ser ô accessi • us quod ultimi acc • ssimus, qui prin •• fuisse debuimus, non officii fecit ignorantia, non affectus ign • via, non defectus voluntatis, aut desiderii tepiditas, verecunda, fateor & m • d • stareverentia praesumere nos vetuit ad Te (Princeps potentissime) ad Te, inquam, accedere, priusquam Celsitudinis Tuae benevola & perbenigna gratia viam nobis sternere dignata fuerit, aditum{que} res • rare. Accipe igitur (Screnissime Princeps) accipe communem om • iu • laetitiam, commune • audium, gratulationem communem▪ acclamationem commu •• m, accipe singulorum obsequium, singulorum amorem, pium & constantem singulorum affectum, omni qua possumus laetitia, gaudio, • ongratulatione, •••• lamat • one sospitem tuu • & faelicem congra • ulamur Tibi adventum, maximo, quo 〈◊〉 obsequio, amore, affectu o • nia Tibi nostra & nosmetipso • tradimus. Si quid studi • 〈◊〉 • cubrationes nostrae, si quid preces & vota, si quid ulla pietatis officia apud supremam 〈◊〉 statem, immortalem Regeni Regum, communem omnium Patrem ac Domi ••• valer 〈◊〉 & obtinere; hac omnia & singula (auspicatissme Princeps) observantissimis animis, devotissimis affectibus, venerabundis obsequiis ad laetas & Augustas Tuas fortunas, ad prosperos & faelices auspitiorum • uorum successus, ad beatas & optatas Tuorum amorum messes, ad salutem tuam immortalem, faelicitatem perpetuam, immarcessibilem honorem dirigimus. Macte gloriâ (invictissime Princeps) prosper procedas & regnes: Nescio enim profecto an gl • riosius Tuo viderit unquam, universus orbis imperium. Relege, si libet, titulos, dignitatem agnosce. Quid Anglia? Primogenita Ecclesiae, Dos Mariae, Regnum Dei, quo • erax fructu? Qua faecunda sobole? Duodetriginta Reges, Reginae Duae-deviginti, antegenitores Tui in caelestem Sanctorum senatum relati numerantur, & conscripti. Episcoporum sanctorum turba trigesimum supra centesimum transcendat • umerum. Archimandritas & Caenobia • chas sexaginta octo in cives acceperunt caeli. Martyrum si palmas, si Confessotum numerarem coronas, nec lingua sane, nec latera suo satissacerent officio. Se • eheu? quo jam exulat avita pietas? ubi jacet pia Religio? ubi delit • scit religiosa pie • as? Per Te (serenissime Princeps) pro te & sub Te confidimus, & spiritum aliquando▪ & sanguinem, & vitam, & patriam recipient [quae—horum temporum improbitas exiliis punivit, & relegavit. In simum Tuum consugit labefacta Resp: dilacetata Patria; carceres & rapinas, mortes & exilia, passa & perpes • a diu fides & Religio Catholica] * Tu nobis a Deo datus▪ Tu nobis natus (dulcissime Princeps) ad patriam nostram sublevandam, ad pacem & pietatem restaurandam, ad imperium Christi dilatandum, ad Regiam proginiem amplissima serie propagandam, ad mundum universum • aelicibus Tuis Hymenaeis perbeandum. Vive igitur (Augusta Caesarum Prosapia) vive, & vive ad Nestoris annos, Regia Tua gaude, & triumpha compare.
Fourthly by the Popes own Letter to the Prince during his residence in Spain, and the Princes answer thereunto, printed in diverse languages and Authors, which I shall here once more present unto you only in English, truly translated out of the French Copy.
The Popes Letter to the King when Prince of Wales, and in Spain.
MOst noble PRINCE, health and light of the divine grace: Forasmuch as great Britain hath always been fruitful in Virtues, and in men of great worth, having filled the one and the other world with the glory of her renown; She doth also very often draw the thoughts of the holy Apostolical Chair▪ to the consideration of her praises. And indeed the Church was but then in her infancy, when the King of Kings did choose her for his inheritance, and so affectionately, that we believe the Roman Eagles have hardly out-pa ••• d the Banner of the Cross. Besides that many of her Kings, instructed in the knowledge of the true salvation, have preferred the Cross before the royal Scepter, and the discipline of Religion before covetousness, leaving examples of piety to other Nations, and to the ages yet to come. So that having merited the Principalities and first places of blessedness in heaven, they have obtained on earth the triumphant ornaments of holiness. And although now the s • ate of the English Church is altered, we see nevertheless the Court of great Britain, adorned and furnished with moral Virtues, which might serve to support the charity that we beat unto her, and be an or •• meant to the name of Christianity, if withal she could have for her defense and protection the orthodox and catholic truth; Therefore by how much the more the Glory of your most noble Father, and the apprehension of your Royal inclination delights us, with so much more zeal we desire that the gates of the kingdom of Heaven might be opened unto you, and that you might purchase to yourself the love of the universal Church. Moreover, it being certain that Gregory the great, of most blessed memory, hath introduced to the English people, and taught to their Kings the Law of the Gospel, and the respect of Apostolical authority, We, as inferior to him in holiness and virtue, but equal in name and degree of dignity, it is very reasonable that we, following his blessed foot-steps, should endeavor the salvation of those Provinces, especially at this time, when your design (most noble Prince) elevates us to the hope of an extraordinary advantage: Therefore as you have directed your journey to Spain, towards the catholic King, with desire to ally yourself to the house of Austria, we do commend your design, and indeed do testify openly in this present business, that you are he that takes principal care of our Prelacy. For seeing that you desire to take in marriage the daughter of Spain, from thence we may easily conjecture that the ancient seeds of Christian piety, which have so happily flourished in the hearts of the Kings▪ of great Britain, may (God prospering them) revive again in your soul. And indeed it is not to be believed, that the same man should love such an alliance, that hates the Catholic Religion, and should take delight to oppress the holy Chair. To that purpose we have commanded to make continually most humble prayers to the Father of lights, that he would be pleased to put you as a fair flower of Christendom, and the only hope of great Britain, in possession of that most noble heritage, that your Ancestors have purchased for you, to defend the authority of the Sovereign High Priest, and to fight against the monsters of heresy. Remember the days of old, inquire of your Fathers, and they will tell you the way that leads to heaven, and what way the temporal Princes have taken to attain to the everlasting Kingdom. Behold the gates of heaven opened, the most holy Kings of England, who came from England to Rome accompanied with Angels, did come to honor and do homage to the Lord of Lord's, and to the Prince of the Apostles in the Apostolical chair; their actions and their examples being as so many voices of God, speaking and exhorting you to follow the course of the lives of those to whose Empire you shall one day attain.
It is possible that you can suffer that the Heretics should hold them for impious, and condemn those whom the Faith of the Church testifies to reign in the heavens with Jesus Christ, and have command and authority over all Principalities and Empires of the Earth? Behold how they tender you the hand of this truly happy inheritance, to conduct you safe and sound to the Court of the Catholic King, and who desire to bring you back again into the lap of the Roman Church: Beseeching with unpeakable sighs & groans the God of all mercy for your Salvation, and do streteh out to you the Arms of the Apostolical Charity, to embrace you with all Christian affection; Even you that are her desired Son, in showing you the happy hope of the Kingdom of Heaven. And indeed you cannot give a greater consolation to all the people of the Christian Estates, then to put the Prince of the Apostles in possession of your most Noble Island, whose authority hath been held so long in the Kingdom of Britain, for the defense of Kingdoms, and for a divine Oracle; the which will easiely arrive, and that without difficulty, if you open your heart to the Lord that knocks, upon which depends all th • happiness of that Kingdom. It is from this our great Charity that we cherish the praises of the Royal Name; and that which makes us desire that you and your Royal Father might be styled with the names of Deliverers and Restorers of the ancient & paternal Religion of Great Britain. This is it we hope for trusting in the goodness of God, in whose hands are the hearts of Kings, and who causeth the people of the Earth to receive healing, to whom we will always labout with all our power to render you gracious and favorable; In the interim take notice by these Letters of the care of our Charity, which is none other then to procure your happiness; and it will never grieve us to have written them, if the reading of them stir but the least spark of the Catholic Faith in the heart of so great a Prince, whom we wish to be • illed with long countinuance of joy▪ and flourishing in the glory of all virtues▪
Given 〈◊〉 Rome in the Palace of S. Peter the 20. of April, 1623. in the Third year of o • r Popedom.
The Prince of Wales having received this Letter, made this following answer, which was after published in print.
MOst Holy Father, I received the dispatch from your Holiness with great content, and with that respect which the piety and care wherewith your Holiness writes, doth require: It was an unspeakable pleasure to me to read the generous exploits of the Kings my Predecessors▪ to whose memory, posterity hath not given those p • aises and Elogies of honor, as were due to them: I do 〈◊〉 that your Holines hath set their examples before my eyes, to the end that I might imitate them in all my actions, for in truth they have often exposed their estates and lives for the exaltation of the holy Chair; And the courage with which they have assaulted the enemies of the Cross of Jesus Christ, hath not been less than the care and thought which I have, to the end that the peace and Intelligence which hath hitherto been wanting in Christendom, might be bound with the bond of a true concord: for like as the common Enemy of peace, watcheth always to put hatred and dissention between the Christian Princes • , so I believe that the glory of God requires that we should endeavor to unite them; And I do not esteem it a greater honor to be descended from so great Princes, than to imitate them in the zeal of their piety. In which it helps me very much to have known the mind and will of our thrice honored Lord and Father, & the holy intentions of his Catholic Majesty to give a happy corcurrence to so laudabl • a design: For it grieves him extremely to see the great evil that grows from the division of Christian Princes, which the wisdom of Your Holiness foresaw, when it judged the Marriage which you pleased to design, between the Infanta of Spain • and myself, to be necessary to procure so great a good; for 'tis very certain, that I shall never be so extremely affectionate to any thi • g in the world as to endeavor alliance with a Prince that hath the same apprehension of the true Religion with myself: Therefore I entreat Your • olinesse to believe, that I have been always very far* from encouraging Novelties▪ or to be a partisan of any Faction against the Catholic, Apostolic Roman Religion: But on the contrary, I hav • • ought all occasio • s to take away the suspicion that might rest upon me, and that I will employ myself for the time to come▪ to have but one* Religion and one Faith, seeing that we all believe in one Jesus Christ. Having resolved in myself▪ to spare not • ing that I have in the world, and to suffer all manner of discommodities, even to the hazarding of my estate and life, for a thing so pleasing unto God: It rests only that I thank Your Holiness, for the permission which you have been pleased to afford me, & that I pray God to give you a blessed health, and his glory, after so much travel which Your Holiness takes within his Church.
Signed, CHARLES STEWARD.
Fifthly by dedicating and writing Books unto his Highness, to seduce him to the Romish Religion, by inviting him to behold their solmne Processions, to induce him to reverence and adore their ambularitie Hostia, or Breaden God▪ carrying him to their most religious places, persons (famous for pretended miracles) especially to the holy Nun of Carion, to whom the Popes Nuncio sent a special dispensation, to entertain the Prince, and to discourse with him, as a thing necessary for the good of the Catholic Church.
Sixthly by presenting him with Popish Pictures, as with the beautiful Pictures of our Lady, of Saint Joseph, and of sweet Jesus, to omit all other Artifices.
Some Months after the Princes arivall in Spain, the long expected dispensation for the marriage came from Pope Gregory the 15. to the Spanish Court, before which time the Prince was not admitted to speak with the Infanta in quality of a Suitor, but of a Prince: but it came clogged with an unhappy unexpected clause, thrust in of purpose to retard the proceedings: Namely, That whereas there were certain Articles condescended to by King James, in favor of the Roman Catholics in England, and other his Majesty's dominions, the Pope demanded caution from the King and Prince for performance of them, before the Marriage consummate: To which the King answered; That he could give no other caution but his own, and the Princes Royal words and Oaths, confirmed by his Council of State, and exemplified under the great Seal of England: which security was tendered; but this would not satisfy, unless some Sovereign Catholic Prince would engage himself for them. Thereupon all matters were like to go off the hinges; and a brute went abroad, that the Prince intended to get away covertly: At last Condé Olivares propounded three ways of accommodation; The first was▪ that Prince Charles should become a Papist. The second, that th • Infanta should be delivered to him upon the former security, without further condition. The third was, to bind him as fast as they could, and not trust him with anything.
Whiles matters were thus canvasing and gathering ill blood; the King of Spain proffered to engage himself by Oath for the Kings and Princes performance of the Articles, to satisfy the Pope, provided he must first consult with his Ghostly Fathers, whether he might do it with safe Conscience, or no.
Whereupon the business was referred to a Committee of Learned Divines; Whether the King of Spain might with safety of Conseience take an Oath in the behalf • of the King of England, and Prince Charles, for performance of such and such Articles as were in favor of the Pap • sts throughout the Kings Dominions? who after a long demure and protraction of time, concluded at last affirmatively, that he might: and in case they faild to • xecute what was Capitulated, the King of Spain was to vindicate his Oath, and right himself by the sword.
While things were thus agitating in Spain, diverse well affected persons stiffly opposed the match in England, and writ against it; Among others Doctor George Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury made this Remonstrance to His Majesty against the match, and toleration indulged to the Roman Catholics, one transcript whereof was among Windebanks Papers; agreeing with that recorded in the French Mercur • e.
I Have been too long silent, and am afraid by my silence, I have neglected the duty of the place, it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me • n. And now I humbly crave leave, I may discharge my Conscience toward God, and my duty toward Your Majesty. And therefore I beseech you (Sir) to give me leave freely to deliver myself, and then let Your Majesty do what you please with me. Your Majesty hath propounded a toleration of Religion: I beseech you (Sir) take it into your con • ideration, what your Act is, what the consequence may be. By Your Act you labor to set up that most damnable and heretical doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon▪ How hateful will it be to God, and grievous unto your good Subjects, the true pro • essors of the Gospel, that your Majesty who hath often disputed and learnedly written against those wicked heresies, shou • d now show yourself▪ a Patron of those doctrines which your pen hath told the world, and your Conscience tells yourself are superstitious, idolatrous, and detestable. Add hereunto, what you have done in sending the Prince into Spain without the consent of your Counsel, the privity and approbation of your people. And though you have a larger interest in the Prince, as the Son of your flesh, ye • have the people a greater, as the Son of the Kingdom, upon whom next a • ter Your Majesty, their eyes are fixed, and welfare depends. And so tenderly is this going apprehended, as believe it (Sir) howsoever his return may besafe, yet the draw • s of him to that action so dangerous to himself; so desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, unpunished, Besides, this toleration which you endeavor to set up by your Proclamation, it cannot be done without a Parliament, unless Your Majesty will let your subjects see, that you will take unto yourself a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at your pleasure. What dreadf • ll consequence (Sir) these things may draw after, I beseech Your MAJESTIE to consider, and above all, least by this toleration & discontinuance of the true profession of the Gospel, wherewith God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdom hath these many years • lourished, Your Majesty do not draw upon the Kingdom in General, and your sel • e in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation. Thus in discharge of my duty toward God, to Your Majesty, and rhe place of my calling▪ I have taken humble boldness, to deliver my Conscience. And now (Sir) do with me what you please.
This Remonstrance of his was seconded by Vox Populi, Doctor Hackwell and others; But all in vain the King being so resolutely bent upon it, that he would permit none to contradict it, and committed the Earl of Oxford prisoner to the Tower for some • peeches against it.
At last the difficulties in Spain and Rome being surmounted and the Pope satisfied by the King of Spain's engagement for the performance of the Articles, and Propositions ( for the • ight▪ augmentation, and Weale of the Roman Catholic Religion: as the Cardinals for the propagation of the Faith, styled them) there was exceeding great joy, and all the Capitulations were thereupon soon after engrossed, sealed, subscribed, and solemnly sworn to by both the Kings, the Prince, and Privy Council: the Copy of which Articles both concerning the Infanta, her family, and the Papists in general, I shall here insert in Latin, as I find them printed in the French Mercury, and in written Copies belonging to the Lord Cottington and Secretary Windebancke agreeing with it.
NOS Jacobus Dei Gratia, Angliae, Scotiae, Galliae, Hiberniae &c. Rex: Relation • atque notitia hujus Instrumenti atque scripturae Obligationis▪ Approbationis▪ Confirmationis, Ratificationis et novi contractus, atque ad perpetuam ejus memoriam, Notum facimus, et manifestum omnibus Regibus, Principibus, Potentatibus, Rebuspublicis, Communitatibus Vniversitatibus, et Privatis Personis cujuscunque status et conditionis sint et inpertuum fuerint. Quemadmodum ad gloriam et honorem Dei cum maxim optaremus, ut novis strictioribusque Ami • itiae nexibus consanguinitatis et a •• initatis vincula quae Nos et s • renissimum Carolum Walliae Principem, nostrum charissimum atque am • ntissimum Filium Vnicum cum Serenissimo Principe Phillippo quarto Catholico▪ Hispa ni •• , Neapolis▪ Siciliae, Jerusalem, Indiarum Orientalium et Occidentalium, Insularum et continentis Maris Oceani R • ge, Archiduci, A • striae conjungunt, constringantur arctius, et con • irmentur atque ut in Nobis, Successoribusq • e Nostris fraternitatis coneordia, 〈◊〉 inter utramque Coro • am mutua Benevolentia ad majus utriusque bonum et felicitatem concilietur stabili • tur atque p •• maneat. Actum est, et agitur de Matrimonio contrahendo inter predictum Serenissimum Walliae Principem, & Sereniss • mam Infantem Mariam, Catholicae Serenitatis sororem. Ad cujus • ei tractatum & conclusionem, predictum Serenissimum Principem • ilium Nostrum, ad Regem Hispaniarum & Regiam missimus, • bi nunc reperitur, Inter quem, pro Se & pro Nobis & Nostro nomine, una cum Georgio Vilersio Buckinghamiae Duce, Maris Anglicani Praesecto, Garterij ordinis periscelidi insign • , a Concilio Nostri status, & Nostri Equitis Praeposito • tum etiam Joanne Digbeio Bristoliae Comice, Vice-camerario Hospitij Nostri & Nostri status conciliario, & Gualtero Astone. Nostris a • ud Catholicam Serenitatem Ora • oribus, ordinario & extraordin • rio, Francisco adhuc Cotintone Baranetto, praefati • ilij Nostri Secretar • o; ut virtute praes • ripti atque Instructionis quam a nobis habuerunt & habent, • t omnibus necess • riis ad dictum Matrimonium tractandum & conficiendum in •• rsint. Et exaltera parte, inter Ser • nitatem Catholicam, pro se, ac tanquam fratre & legittimo administratore praedictae Serenissimae Infantis Mariae, & de ejusdem voluntate et conse • su, Commiss • on • rios • tiam ad id ipsum designtos. Joannem Mendozium & Lunam, Marchionem Montium Clarorum, & Castelli Barbellae Marchionem, a consiliis status & Belli S • renitatis Catholicae, & Didacum Sarmiento de Acuna Comitem Gondomarij a praedictis consiliis, unacum Joanne de Cirica sanctioris Consilij Seorei • rio, & Liberae commendatar • a Praefectura insignito, Praemiss •• t praemissae fuerunt, fa •• ltate et Dispensationibus suae Sanctitatis, & alijs quae necessaria requiraban •• r. Postquam magna & matura deliberatione, vl • ro, citroque propter ea ratio •• m momenta q • ae retulimus, quaeque hujus Matrimonij convenientia & commoda certo suadent, & ostendunt, & re • gravissima • discep • arunt. Hi omnes communi consens • atque judicio in aliquot captulationes, & conditions, ad rem terminandam & absolvendam accomodata, quae sic se habent, convenerunt.
1. Quod Matrimonium perficiendum est per Dispensatinem Sanctissimi Domini Papae, sed haec per operam Catholici Regis habenda est.
2. Quod Matrimonium semel et • am celebrandum est in Hispania▪ & in Anglia raratificari debet in forma sequenti. Mane postquam Serenissima Domina Infans dev • tiones suas in capella abselverit; Ipsa & Serenissimus Princeps Carolus, in capella Regia, seu in aliqua Palatij Aula, ubi magis expedire visum fuerit, conve • iant, ibique procurationos omnes quarum virtute, Matrimonium in Hispan • a fuerit celebratum, legantur, et tam Serenissimus Princeps, quam Serenissima Infans, praefatum M •• rimonium in Hispania celebratum, ratum h • beant, cum omni solemnitate, ad hujusm • di actum necessaria, modo enim nulla Ceremonia seu res aliqua interveni • t, quae Religi • ni Catholicae Apostolicae Romanae contradicat.
3. Quod Serenissima Infans, s • rvos et familiam pro suo servitio convenientem secum deferat; quam familiam et personas omnes ad illam attin • ntes elig • t et nominabit C • tholica Serenitas, modo nullum servum nominaverit qui sit vassallus Regis magnae Brittanniae sine s • a voluntate et consensu.
4. Quod tam Serenissima Domina Infans quam servi et univers • ejus familia habebunt liberum usum, et publicum exercitium Religions Catholicae in modo et forma, pr • ut infra capitulatum est.
5. Quod habebit Oratorium et Cap • llam decente • in suo Palatio, ubi Missae pro libito Serenissimae Infantis celebrari possint, et similiter Londini, et ubicunque morabitur, Ecclesiam publicam et capacem habebit prope Palatium, ubi omnia offic • a solenniter celebrentur, cum cemiterio, et omnibus alus • ecessariis pro publica verb • Dei praedicatione, et omnium Sacramentorum Ecclesiae Catholicae Romanae celebratione & Administratione; proque sepeliendis Mortuis & • aptizandis Parvulis: & quod praefatum Oratorium, Capella & Ecclesiae cum tali dec • ntia ornabuntu • , qu • Ser. Infants conveniens videbitur.
6. Quod servi & servae Seren • ssimae Infantis, & servi servoruns, eorumque filij & descendentes, ac familiares omnes quomodocunque suae Celsitudini inservientes, valea • t Catholici esse libere & publice.
7. Quod Serenissimae Infantis servi & familiares praedicti valeant Catholic • esse in forma sequenti.
8. Quod Serenissi • a Insans h • beat in Palatio suum Oratorium & Capellam 〈◊〉 c • pacem ut Dicti servi & familiares (ut supra) possint intrare, & commorari in ill • . In qua una sit porta publica & ordinaria • ro illis, & altera interior per quam Sere • ssima Domina Infans habeat ingressum in dictam Capellam, ubi ipsa, & alij, ut supra, divinis offi •• s interesse possint.
9. Quod Oratorium, Capella & Ecclesia publica ornentur cum decentiornatu Altarum & all • arum rerum quae necessariae sunt pro cultu divin • , qui in illis secundum ritum S. R. Eccl. celebrandus est, & quod dictis servis, & aliis ( 〈◊〉 supra) licebit se confer ad dictas Capellam & Ecclesiam omnibus horis prout illis videbitur.
10. Quod cura et custodia dictarum capellae et Ecclesiae erit p • nes eos qui deputabuntur a Seren • ssima Domina Infanta, cui licebit constituere custodes, ne quis possit intrare ad f • ciendum quid indecorum.
11. Quod ad administrandum Sacramenta, et serviendum in Capella et Ecclesia praedictis viginti-quatuor Sacerdotes et Assistentes nominabuntur, qui per Hebd • mada aut menses, prout Ser. Infanti visum fuerit inservient, et eorum electio ad praefatum Serenissimum Regem Catholicum et Serenissimam Infantem attinebit, mod • non sint vassalli Regis magnae Brittanniae, aut si fuerint, ejus voluntas et consensus prae • edat.
12. Quod sit unus Minister in ordine Episcopal • constitutus superior, cum authoritate necessaria, ad omnes casus qui acciderint spectantes ad Religionem; et Episcopo de • icient • illius Vicarius • andem habeat authoritatem et Iurisdictionem.
13. Quod iste Episcopus et Minister superior poterit corrigere, emendare et castigate Ca • holicos qui deliquerint, et in illis omnem Iurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam exercere; et ultra hoc, poterit etiam Serenissima Infans illos de servitio su • abdicare quando illi visum suerit.
14. Quod dictus Superior in ordine Episcopali constitutus, vel ejus Vicarius, poterit servos et alios (ut supra) Ecclesiasticos punire juxta leges et poenas ecclesiasticas, et illos etiam Serenissi • a Domina Infans a suo servitio abdicare.
15. Quod licebit Serenissimae Dominae Infanti et servis (vt supra) adquirere Romae Dispensationes, Indulgentias, Iubileos, et omnes gratias quae videbuntur Religioni et conf • ientiis suis competere, • t undecunque libros qu • stibet Catholicos sibi comparare.
16. Quod servi et familiares Serenissimae Dominae Infantis qui in Angliam migrabunt, suscipient juramentum fidelitatis Reg • magnae Brittanniae, modo nulla sit clausula neque verbum quod contradicat Religioni Ro • anae, et conscientiis Catholicorum, et si forte sint vassalli Regis magnae Brittanniae, idem juramentum suscipient quod Hispani, utrique in sequ • nti forma.
Ego N. juro et promitto fidelitatem Serenissimo Iacobo magnae Brittanniae Regi, et Serenissimo Carolo Principi Walliae, et Mariae Hispaniarum Infanti, quam firmiter et fideliter observabo: et si quid contra personas, Honorem, et dignitatem Regiam praefactorum Regis et Principum, statumve et commune bonum Regn • rum intent • ri cognover • , sta ••• renunciabo dictis Domino Regi, et Principibus aut Ministris ad id constitutis.
17. Quod leges quae sunt vel erunt in Anglia et aliis Regnis, spectantes ad Religionem, dictos serv • s, et alios (ut supra) laicos non attingent: qui tum legibus tum poenis contra transgressores earum impositis erunt exempti. Et contra Ecclesiasticos solummedo eorum Superior ecclesiasticus Catholicus procedere valeat, prout apud Catholicos fieri cons • evit: quod si Iudex aliquis secularis, ecclesiasticum virum compre • ender it propter aliquod delictum, ad hoc • nim faciet ut praedicto suo Superiori eccles • astico statim tradat & remittat, qui contra illum juxta canones et regulas juris procedat.
18. Quod leges contra Cat • olicos latae, vel f • rendae in Anglia et aliis Regnis Regis magnae Brittanniae subjectis, non attingent liberos ex hoc Matrimonio ori • ndos, et libere jure su • cessionis in Regnis et Dominis Mag. Brit. fruantur.
19. Quod Nutrices quae lactabunt liberos Ser. Dom. Infantis Catholicae valeant esse, carumque electio ad praefatam Dominam Infantem spectet, sive sint ex natione, Anglicana, sive ex alia quacunque, prout Ser. Infanti placuer it, et sa • iliae suae annumerentur, ejusque privilegijs gaudeant et potiantur
20. Quod Episcopus, personae ecclesiasticae et religiosae ex familia Dom. Infanti • poterunt retinere vest • tum et habitum suae Dignitatis, professionis, Religions more Romano.
21. Pro securitate quod dictum Matrimonium nulla • enus aliqua ex causa dissolvetur, Rex Mag. Brit. et Carolus Princeps verbo Regi • pariter et honor astringendi sunt, Prestabu • t insuper quicquid a Rege Catholico propositum fuerit, si enim decenter et commode fieri possit.
22. Quod filij et filiae qui ex hoc Matrimon • o nascentur penes, Seren • ssimam Infantem, ut minmum usque ad decennium educentur, et libere jure successionis in praedictis Regnis (ut dictum est) fruantur.
23. Quod quomodocun{que} loci servorum et servarum, quos Serenissima Domina Infans secum attulerit, nominatos per Regem Catholicum fr • trem 〈◊〉 , v ••• re contigerit, sive pe • mortem, sive per absemiam, sive ex aliqua alia 〈…〉 accidenet, subrogentur per dictum Regem Catholicum omnes servi & familiares, ut supra.
24. Pro s ••• ritate quod totum ut capitulatum est compleatur: Rex mag. Brit. & serenissimus Carolus Pr. juramento obstringendi sunt, ut omnes Consiliarij Regis, tractatum Chyrographo firmare debent: insuper quod praedicti Rex & Princeps, verbo Regio sidem 〈◊〉 sunt, se factucos quod possibile est, ut omnia supra capitulata per Parliamentum siabiliantur.
25, Quod conformiter ad ea quae tractata sunt, • mnia ista proponenda & exponenda sunt Sanctissimo Domino Papae, quatenus ea approbare, Apostoliamque Benedictionem, 〈◊〉 necessariam Dispensationem ad effectum Matrimonij con •• dere dignetur.
Nos tractatum praedictum ac omnia & singula capitulata in eodem comenta ac spectificata rata & grata habentes, ea omnia & singula ex certa scientia Nostra quatenus Nos, Haredes, vel Successores Nostros concernunt, approbamus, landamus, confirmamus, ae rati • icamus: Et inviolabiliter, firmiter, been & fideliter, tenere, observare, perimplere, tenerique, observari & perimpleri sacere cum effectu, bona fide, in verbo Regio promittimus per praesentes, omni exceptione, seu contradictione cessante: Eademque in praesentia illustrium & nobilium virorum Ioannis de Mendoza, & Caroli a Coloma serenissimi Regis Catholici Oratorum in curia Nostra residentium, sacrosanctis Ev angelijs per nos tactis, jurejurando firmanus, n • n obstantibus quibuscunque opinionibus, sententiis aut legibus in contrarium. In quorum omnium & singulorum praemiss • rum fidem ae testim • nium • is • e Arti • ulis manu Nostra subscriptis, magnum sigillum Nostrum apponi • e • imus, praesentibus R • ver • ndissimo in Christo patre Georgio Archiepiscopo Canturiensi totius Angliae primate, Reverendissimo in Christo patre Ioanne Episcopo Linco • niensi, magni sigilli Angliae custode, & predictis cons • nguineis Nostris Lionello Comite Middlesexiae, summo Thesauraio Nostro Angliae, Henrici Vice-Comite de Maundevill in Consilio Nostri status praesidente, Edvardo Comite Wig rniensi, privati sigilli Nostri custode, Ludovico Du • ae Richmondiae & Lenoxiae, Hospitij Nostri Seneschallo suprema, Jacobo Marchione Hamiltoniae, Jacobo Comite Carlionensi, Thoma Comite de K • lleij, Oliverio Vice comite Grandis • n, & Reverendissimo in Christo patre Lanceloto Epis •• pa Wintoniens • , Sacelli Noctri Regij Decano, & praedilectis, & fidelibus Nostris Georgio Barone Caresse de Clopino rei Nost •• tormentariae majoris in Anglia praefecto, Arthuro Barone Chichister de Belfart, Regni Nostri Hiberniae summo Thesaurario, Thoma Edmond's milite, es • sdem Nostri Hospitij Regij Thes •••• rio, Joanne Suckling Milite ejusdem Nostri Hospitij Contrarotulatore, Georgio Calvert Milite uno • e Secretarijs Nostris pri •• anrijs, Edvardo Conwei • Milit • altero e Secretarijs Nostris prim •• ijs, Richardo Weston Mili • e, Seactarij Nostri Ca •• ellario & sub Thesa • eario, & Julio Caesare Milite, Archiverum Nostrorum praefecto, omnibusque a Consilijs Nostris Sanctioribus. Dat. apud Palatium Nostrum Westmonasterijs, 20. die Julij, Anno Regni Nostri magnae Brittanniae, &c. 21.
S. S. Jacobus Rex.
The solemnity observed in swearing these Articles of the Match in England by King James, you may read at large in the French Mercury, who likewise informs us, That there arose these two difficulties between King James and the Spanish Ambassadors▪ about the taking of this Oath. The first was about this title of the Pope MOST HOLY; which King Iatmes refused to give (openly) to the Pope, in the Oath which he was to prononnce in the Chapel ( at White • hall ) alleging the repugnancy thereof to his Religion, and that this would be a reproach, and by consequence pre • ud •• all to him for the future: but the Amb • ssadours refused to proceed further, if his Ma •• sty would not consens to give kiss the for said title, to which at last he consen • ed. The second difficulty was, that some reported to the Ambassa • ours that they should have such prayers in the Kings Chapel when they came to see the Articles sealed and sworn to by the King, and such •• nging as were used in the Protestant Church and Kings Chapel. , at which prayers they could not be present, since they came thither to 〈◊〉 other end • but to a •• ure, maintain and warrant the Catholic Aposto • icall and Roman Church: whereupon the King commanded that nothing should be there sung but what was chau •• ed w •• n the Constable of Castile took his Oath there, to swear the peace betwe • n the two Crowns, which was an hymn of joy in praise of peace; and • o out all 〈◊〉 the King c • used the Register of his Chapel to carry the hymn to the 〈◊〉 • peruse, and so all difficulties were removed: the King yielding to these Popish •• bass • do • rs, to grati • ie the Pope in his Antichristian title, but they not 〈◊〉 one 〈◊〉 bred • h to him in honor or approbation of our Prayers P • alms • or Prot • stant Religion, which must give place to their Catholic plea • ures.
The Articles being solemnly sworn in the forenoon▪ the King made an extraordinary Feast to the Ambassadors: Which ended, the King and th • y went to the Council Chamber, where all the Lord's of the Council sealed an • subscribed the ge • erall Articles of the Marriage; which done the Ambassadors came • o the King, who took this solemn Oath and swore these private Articles to them in fa • our of Papists and advancement of the Romish Religion; which I shall here truly set •• wne both in Latin and English.
JACOBUS D • i gratia magnae Britannis, &c. Rex, • ides defensor, &c. Omnibus ad quos hoc praes • n • scriptum per • encrit salutem. In quantum inter mult • 〈◊〉 q • c in tract ••• de Matrimonio, inter Charissimuns Filium Nostrum Carolum Wal •• ae Principem, & Serenissima • D • minam Donnam Matiam, Screnissi •• Prin •• pis & per-d • l • ct • sratris nostri Phillippi quarti Regis H • spaniarum Sororem contin • ntur, conventum est, quod Nos juramento N • stro approbar • mus, r • t • sque • aceremus Articulos infra ad verbum expressos.
1. Quod nulla lex particularis contr • Catholicos Romanos lat • . sub qua alij Regn • rum Nostrorum Vassalli non compraehenduntur, & ad cujus observationem omnes ge •• ralit • r non • bligantur▪ ne • non leges gen • ral • s sub quibus omnes ex aequo compraehenduntur, modo ejusmodi sint quae Religioni Romanae repugnent, • llo unquam tempore • llo omnino modo, aut casi • direct, vel indirecte, quoad dictos Catholicos Romanos ex • cutioni mandabitur; & essiciemus ut Consiliarij nostri idem praestent juramentum, quantum ad illos perti • et, & 〈◊〉 ad exe • utionem quae per manus eorum & ministrorum s •• orum solet exerceri.
2. Quod nullae aliae leges imposterum de integro f • rentur contra dictos Catholicos R • m • no▪ sed tolerat • o perpetua exercij Rel • gio •• s Catholicae Rom • n • inter privatos p • rictes per • mnia nostra Regna & Dom • n •• quod int • lligi volum • s tam in Regnis nostris Scotiae & Hibe • ae quam in Anglia, ijs concedetur modo & • orma prout c • pitulatum, declaratum & concessum est in Articulis tractatus de Matrimonio.
3. Quod n •• per Nos, nec per all • am ullam interp • sitam personam direct • vel indire ••• privatim vel publice rem ullam cum S • r • uissima Domina I • f • nta Donna Ma • ia tractabimus, quae repugnet Religioni Catholicae Romanae: illique nequaquam p •• s •• d • bimus, ut in substanti • vel form • • idem unquam renunciet, aut delinquat, aut ut agat aliquid ijs quae continentur in trac • atu de Matrimonio rep • gnans a • t contrarium.
4. Quod authori • atem Nostram interpone • us, f • ciemusque quantum in Nobis erit, Parliamentum omnes & singulo A • ticulos ra •• one hujus Matrimo • ii in •• vorem Catholicorum Romanorum inter Serenissi • os Reges capitulatos approbet, con • i • met, ratosque • aciat, & ut dictum Parliamentum revocet abrogetque leges particul • res contra dictos Catholicos Romanos latas, ad • ujus observationem reliqui item subditi, & vess • lli non obligantur, n • cnon leges etiam generales, sub quibus omnes ex aequo compraebenduntur, nimium quoad Catholicos Romanos, modo ejusmodi sint, uti dictum est, quae Religioni Cathocae Romanae repugnent, & quod imposterum non consent • emus ut dictum Parliamentum ul • o u • quam tempore alias de integro contra Catholicos Romanos sanciat aut conscribat,
Nos omnia & singula capitula praecedentia rata & grat • habentes▪ ex certa s • ientia Nostra quate • is Nos, Haeredes vel Success • res nostros concernunt approb • mus, ratify amus, landamus, & inviolabiliter, sirmiter, been, & fideluer tenere, observare, & perimplere, tenerique, observari & perimpleri facere cum effectu, bona • ide, & verbo Regio promittimus per praescntes, omni exceptione, seu • ontradictione cessante, cademque sacris Evangeliis per Nos tactis • irm • mus, non obstantibus quibuscunque▪ opinio • bu • , sententiis, au • legibus in contrarium: in praesentia illustrissimorum Dominorum D. Jonnis de Mendoza Marchionis de Inoiosa & D. Caroli Coloma Regis Catholici Legatorum extraordinariorum, Georgij Calvert Militis, unius Secretariorum nostrorum • rim • riorum, Edwardi Conway Militis alterius Secretariorum nostrorum primariorum, Francisci Cottington Baronetti, Filio nostro Principi a Secretis, Francisci de Carondelet prothonotarii Apostolici & Archidiaconi Cameracensi. Dat in Palatio nostro Westmonasteriensi 20. die Julij, Anno Domini millessimo sex centessimo vigessimotertio, stilo Angliae.
Jacobus Rex.
JAMES by the grace of God of great Britain▪ &c. King defender of the Faith. &c. To all to whom this present Writing shall come▪ greeting. In • s much as among many other things w •• ch are contained within the treaty of Marriage between Our most dea • e Son Charles Pri • ce o • Wales, and the m • st renowned • ady Donna M • r • a. Sister of the most re •• un • d Prince and Our well-beloved • roth • r Phillip 〈…〉 Ki • g of Spain; it is agreed that W • by Out Oath shall approve the Articles under express • to a word.
1. That part • cular laws made against Roman • atho • iques, under which other vassals of Our Rea • mes are not compreh • nd • d, and to whose obse • vation all generally are nor obliged▪ as likewise general la • s under which all are equally comprize • ▪ it so • e they ar • such which are repugnant to the Romish Religion shall not at any time hereafter by any mean • s or chance whatsoever directly, or indirectly, be commanded to be • ut in execution against the said Ro • an Catholics; & We will cause that Our Coun • ell shall take the same Oath, as far as it pe •• aines to them and belongs to the execution, which by the hands of them and their Ministe • s is to to be exercised.
2. That no other laws shall hereafter be made anew against the said Roman Catholics, but that there shall be a perpetual toleration of the Roman Catholic Religion within private houses throughout all Our Realms and Dominions, which We will have to be understood, as well of Our Kingdom of Scotland and Ireland, as in England, which shall be granted to them in manner and form as is capitulated, decreed and granted in the Articles of the Treaty concerning the Marriage.
3. That neither by Us • nor by any other interposed person whatsoever, directly or indirectly, privately or publicly, will We treat (or attempt) any thing with the most Renouned Lady Infanta Donna Maria, which shall be repugnant to the Romish Catholic Religion▪ neither will We by any means persuade her that she should ever renounce or relinquish the same in substance or form, or that she should do anything repugnant or contrary to those things which are contain • in the treaty of Matrimony.
4. That We will interpose O • r authority and will do as much as in Vs •• all lie, that the Parliament shall approve confirm and ratisie all and singular Articles in favor of the Roman C • tholiques capi • ulated between the most renowned Kings, by reason of this Marriage; and that the said Parliament shall revoke and abrogate the particular laws made against the said Roman Catholics to whose observance also the rest of Our Subjects & Vassals are not obliged; as likewise the general laws under which all are equally comprehended, to wit, as to the Roman Catholics, if they be such as is aforesaid which are repugnant to the Roman Catholic Religion: and that hereafter We will not consent, that the said Parliament should ever at any time enact or write any other new laws against Roman Catholiqu • s.
We accounting all and singular the preceeding Articles, ratified and accepted▪ out of Our certain knowledge▪ as •• rre as they concern Vs, Our Heirs or Successors, approve, ratify, applaud, and promise bona fide, and in the word of a King by these presents, inviolably, firmly, well and faithfully to keep, observe, and fulfill the same, and to cause them to be kept, observed and fulfilled without any exception or contradiction, and do confirm the same by Oath upon the holy Evangelists, notwithstanding any opinions, sentences or laws whatsoever to the contrary; in the presence of the most illustrious Don John de Mendoza, Marquess of Inojosa, and Don Charles Coloma, Extraordinary Ambassadors of the Catholic King of George Calvert Kt. one of Our chief Secretaries, of Edward Conway Knight, a • other of Our chief Secretaries, of Francis Cottington Baronet, of the Privy Counsel to Our Son the Prince, of Francis de Corondelet, Apostolical (or the Popes) Protho •• tory, and Arch-deacon of Cambray.
Dated at Our Palace at Westminster the 0. day of July, An. Dom. 1623. in the English style.
Jacobus Rex.
A compared and true Copy.George Calvert, then chief Secretary.
The form of the Oath which the Lord's of the Counsel took to the former Articles 〈◊〉 this which followeth, (found among the Lord Cottingtons papers.)
Formula Juramenti a Consiliarijs Praestandi.
FGO • N jur • me debite pleneque observe ••••• m, qu • ntum ad me spect • t, 〈…〉 Carolum, Walliae 〈…〉 , et serenissim • m Domin un Donnam Mariam Hispaniarum 〈…〉 . Iuro etiam quod neque per me, nec per Minis ••• aliquem inferiorem mihi 〈◊〉 , lege 〈…〉 contra 〈…〉 .
These things thus acted in England by the King. I shall next inform you what was acted in Spain by the Prince,
These later strange Articles in favor of the Roman Catholics (originally contrived by the Pope himself and his Cardinals) being thus sworn & signed by the King and Prince gave great distaste to those of the Protestant party in England who had notice of them; whereupon King James soon after perceiving the Spaniards juggling with him▪ and that this Match notwithstanding all the former Articles sworn and sealed, might receive a rupture (though at first he was so confident of it, that he said openly in Court; That now all the devils in hell could not hinder the Match) thereupon made this Protestation (sent to Salisbury) by way of explanation of the latter Articles (found among Secretary Windebanks and Cottingtons papers) sufficiently ma • ifesting the verity of the said Articles▪ printed long since, Cum Privilegio, in the French Mercury (one of the truest Histories in this latter age, how ever the Author of A Royal Vindication, in answer to the Royal Popish Favorite▪ lights it as most false, fabulous) and making a kind of Commentary on them.
Whereas his Majesty obligeth himself by oath, that no particular Law now in force against the Roman Catholics▪ to which the rest of his Subjects generally are not liable, nor any general Laws which may concern all his Subjects equally and indifferently, being such nevertheless as are repugnant to the Roman religion, shall be executed at any time, as to the said Roman Catholics in any • anner or case whatsoever, directly or indirectly: And that his Majesty shall cause the Lord's of his Pivy Council to take the same oath in so much as concerns them, or the execution of the Laws afore mentioned, so far forth as the same appertains unto them, or any officers or Ministers under them.
And whereas further his Majesty obligeth himself by the oath, that no other Law • shall hereafter be enacted against the said Roman Catholics, but that a perpetual toleration to exercise the Roman Catholic Religion within their private houses shall be allowed unto them; throughout all his Majesty's Kingdoms and Dominion • ; that is to say, as well within his Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland as of England, in manner and form as is capi • ulated, declared, and granted in the Articles concerning the Marriage.
His Majesty intendeth really and effectually to perform what he hath promised touching suspension of Laws against his Roman Catholic Subjects, but with this protestation: That if they shall insolently abuse this his Majesty's high grace and favor to the danger of imbroyling his State and government, the safety of the Common-wealth is in this case suprema Lex, and his Majesty must notwithstanding his said oath, proceed against the offenders, yet so, as that before he do it, the King of Spain • and all the world shall see he hath just cause.
And whereas also his Majesty obligeth himself by the like oath, that he will use his power and authority, and procure as much as in him lies, that the Parliament shall approve, confirm, and ratify all and singular the Articles agreed upon betwixt the two Kings in favor of the Roman Catholics, by reason of this Match, and that the said Parliament shall revoke and abrogate all particular laws made against the said Catholics, whereunto the rest of his Majesty's Subjects are not liable. As also all other general laws, as to the said Roman Catholics, which concern them, together with the rest of his Majesty's Subjects, and be repugnant to the Roman Catholic Religion: and that hereafter his Majesty shall not give his royal assent at any time unto any new laws that shall be made against the said Roman Catholics. His Majesty hath ever protested and doth protest, that it is an impossibity which is required at his hands, and that he may safely and well swear it, for he is sure that he is never able to do it.
And last of all, his Majesty protesteth, that this which he now undertakes to do and is sworn, is merely in respect and favor of the Marriage intended betwixt his Son and the Infanta, and unless the same do proceed, he doth hold himself, and so declareth by this Protestation, acquitted and discharged in conscience of every part of his Oath now taken, and that he is at full liberty to deal with his Roman Catholic Subjects, according to his own natural lenity and clemency, and as their dutiful loyalty and behavior towards his Majesty shall deserve.
These Articles being thus sealed and sworn Don Carlos Coloma the Spanish Ambassador laid the first stone for a Chapel which was to be built for the Infanta at the Princes Palace at Saint James, which building was advanced with all expedition, to the great regreet of many Protestants, and to the contentment of most Roman Catholics, to see a Catholic Church built in the Metropolitical City of the Realm by public authority, after one hundred years space, during which, they did nothing else but destroy such Churches. All Catholics that were Prisoners throughout England, Ireland and Scotland were released, all Pursevants and Informers established to search for, apprehend, and prosecute the Catholics, were prohibited to attempt anything against them: They had all free ingress into, and egress out of the Realm without taking the Oath of Supremacy, having only a pass-port: They resorted freely to hear Mass at the Spanish Ambassadors Chapel in so great number, and so publicly that they were sometimes two or three thousand persons, so the French Mercury truly records. Besides, the Papists grew so insolent, that they had open Masses and Sermons in divers private houses about London and elsewhere. Among others their meeting at Black-fryers in a large chamber at a Sermon on the fifth of their November is most remarkable, where Drury the Priest that preached, and neeere an hundred Roman Catholics were slain and smothered with the fall of the floor of the chamber (which they over-burdened with the multitude of people) and many sore hurt and bruised, to their great astonishment.
The Marriage was now thought to be completed;
But here comes in the new anti-dated Loyall Vindication of the King, and demands this silly question by way of objection; If King James and the Prince had really condescended ane sworn both to the general Articles of the Marriage (being such as the Pope with his Cardinals of the Conclave had approved) and likewise to those private Articles (being so infinitely advantageous and for the weal of the Roman Catholic Religion) how could the match (being fully concluded on all parts) be broken off?
Had this Objector well remembered that of the Poet;
Pope Gregory the 15. soon after the dispensation granted, departed this life, which the Spaniards promised should be no remora to the match, as is evident by this letter of the Earl of Bristol to Mr. Francis Cottington▪ then Secretary to the Prince.
GOOD Mr: Secretary, yesterday Master Clerke went from he • ce, but I wrote not by him, neither have I now much to tell you: Especially • or that I am in doubt whether these letters will find you in England or not▪ Yesterday we had the •• wes of the Popes death, but this King out of his ow • e mouth, and the Co • de de Olivares, and the Nuntio do assure the Prince, that this accident will neither mak • alteration, • or delay in his • usines, they being all of Opinion that it will be dispatched by the Dean of the Cardinals & the Conclave. The Insanta is now by all the Court▪ and by this Kings approbation called la Princessa d • Inglaterra, and she m • kes not nice to take it upon he • . She now cometh Pu • liquely to th • Commody, and ••• teth by the Queen▪ and I am told, that as soon as two papers, which are already drawn, are signed by the King and Prince, they will give her the right hand of the Queen, come a knefreda, which I conceive the Prince will not be displeased withal, for by that means it will • all out that the Prince and his Mistress will ever sit together. This day Don Fernando de Giron invited my Lord Duke, myself and Sir Walter Ashton to di • ner, where we were accompanied by Don Augustine • exa, the Marquess of Montes Cla • os, and the Condé de Gund • mar, and conceive we shall again fall to good • ell • wship. You have heard that the Marquess of Montesclaros, is made President 〈◊〉 Hasi • nda, the other in the • unta began to speak invectively, and against the match, thereupon the King the same night discharged him of that place, and bestowed it upon Montesclaros
For • ine own particular, I protest unto you the rate that I am forced to live at is such, and the necessity of those preparations, that I must make at the disposorios, for that our Nationbeginneth to loose much reputation for the • anner they l • ve in without Liveries or Coaches, or • orses, so that I am • orced to bolner por la honra, de la nation, and will make the best Lyvery in Spain, and if his Majesty take not consideration of me I am undone. I l • ave all to the negociation, and if you settle not somewhat for me, I will despair of any good.
I hope we shall shortly see you, for I never longed more for anything. God bless yo • and send you as much happiness as I wish unto you, and so I rest.
Ma • : Saint James day, Silo Novo 1623.
Your faithful friend to s • rve you BRISTOLL.
Yet notwithstanding the Spanish Machiavils to puzzle the business pretended that the dispensation, which the Pops Nuntio had in his hands at Madrid was suspended by the Popes death; and that there was a necessity to attend the election of a new Pope, who ought to ratify it. Moreover the Spanish Divins firmly insisted, that the espousals & consummation of the marriage ought to be deferred till the following year, proposing so many dificulties, that it was impossible for his Highness to condescend unto them. Besides the King of Spain demanded certain Ports and Fortresses in England • or further security of performing those Articles, then what was formerly given, which seemed very unreasonable. Further; the extraordinary Ambassadors of the Emperor and of the King of Poland proffered a marriage with the Infanta for the sons of their Masters, which gave some retarding to this affaire. The Condé of Olivares (the grand favorite of Spain) and the Duke of Buckingham (I need not mention the occasion so well known, embraceing Nubem pro Iunone ) entered into ill intelligence one with another: The Prote • taunt party and Parliament in England, disliking the match, opposed it all they could here; and some of the Princesfollowers, who were Zealous Protestants, did the like in Spain: Sir Edmond Vernie struck an English Sorbon Doctor, called Maillard, a blow under the ear, • or visiting one of the Princes Pages, sick of a mortal • eaver whereof he died, and laboring to pervert him: which gave great offense, insomuch that they had much ado to keep him out of the Spanish Inquisition: Other of the English derided and mocked the Catholic Ceremonies and fashions of the Spaniard; which much retarded the business, and helped forward to dissolve the match; Besides, the Secretary of the Prince Palatine a • iving at Madrid under pretence of praying the Duke to be Godfather to one of his Highness Children, labored to engage the Duke (disgusted▪ • ormerly by Olivares) against the marriage, to promote the Palatines affairs. In fine, the Prince himself discovers that the Spaniard really intended nothing else but to abuse and tire him out with delays, without hopes of any success at last; whereupon he contrived how to get himself fairly off and return for England with convenient speed The Spaniards pressed the Prince to espouse the Infanta presently, but to delay the consummation of the marriage and the carrying of her over into England till some further time the ensuing year. The Prince on the contrary was advised, not to espouse her at all unless the marriage were presently consummated, and he might instantly transport her into England: which the Spainards not yielding unto, King James dispatched two Posts one after another to the Prince to hasten his return into England, upon just and necessary reason with which the King of Spain and his Council being acquainted, after some debate, condescended that the Prince should depart t • ence the ninetenth of September following upon oath first given, as well by his Catholic Majesty as by the Prince, to accomplish the marriage, and to make the espousals ten days after the receipt of the dispensation fro • his holiness ( Urban the 8.) elected Pope, after many divisions then new among the Cardinals about his election, to which end the Prince made a Pro • uration to the King of Spain▪ and Donne C • loss his brother to make the espousalls accordingly, which we left in the Earl of Bristolls hands, the Copy whereof I shall here insert.
IN nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti &c. Relatione & notitia hujus Instrumenti, omnibus cujuscunque gradus, et dignitaris Personis notum sit et manifestum, quod Regali Caenobio, Dino Laurentio sacrato, sito apud Escurialem, Serinissimus Dominus Carolus Walliae Princeps, Majestatis Iacobi hujus nominis primi Mag: Britanniae Regis, Serinissi • i silius unicus notum fecit. Q • od cum ad gloriam et honorem Dei quo mgnis, consanguinitatis et a •• ini • atis vi • cula, quae illum et Iacobum M: Brit: Regem, Patrem suum colendissimum, cum S • rm • : Prin •• pe Philippo 4. Hispanie Rege Catholico conjungunt, co • stringantur arctius et confirmentur, in ipsisque successioribus suis amoris pignora, & m • t • a inter u • ramque coronam benevolentia ad commune, majusque vtriusque bonum & felicitatem, concilientur, stabiliantur, & permaneant; Actum, conventum, & conclusum est inter praefatos Sereniss. Philippum Regem Catho. & Carolum Walliae Principem, accedentibus consensu & voluntate expressis Maj: Iacobi Mag: Brit: Regis, pro • t latius constat ex Scriptures acceptationis, ratificationis, & confirmationis ej • sdem in • am causam habitis (quae paenes me infra scriptum Notarium extant) (quod attestor) de celebrando jucundoque Matrimonio, inter memoratum Seren: Carolum Walliae Principem, & Sereniss: D • minam Mariam, Hispa • iarum Infantem, Regis Catholici Sororem, juxta id quod in praedicto Tractatu Matrimoni •• praescriptum & capitu • atum est, & in ejus executionem, & effectum; quoniamque aliqu • magni ponderis & momenti se obtulerunt Negotia Regiam Majestatem Britanniae P • trem suum spectanti • , & in ejus commodum & Subditorum suorum utilitatem cessura, quae si praesentia sua non foveret, magnum posset prejudicium irrogari, nec amplius ob id immorari permittant. Quamobrem per semetipsum praedictas Nuptias & Matrimonium c • lebrare non p • terit; Sed legitimo Commissario & Procuratore interveniente; propria personal • ex post facto ratihabit • one subsecuta approbans, laudans, & ratum babens, prout se laudare, approbare, ratum, gratumque habere professus est omnia & singula in praedicto Tractatu Matrimoniali inter Ipsum & Majestatem Catholicam 4. die Augusti habito & celebrato, • ontenta illumque denu • in omnibus ex certa scientia, grata & spo • tanea voluntate acceptans & confirm • ns, satis superque certior & securus utilitatis inde provenient • is & rationum hujus Matrimonii convenientia & commoda cer • o su ident & ostendunt, item vim ac substantia • Matrimonii ag • oscens, perpetuamque ejus naturam, & indissolubile vinculum, Personam nominaturus magnitudine rei, ita praeexcelsae, parem, & quae nomine suo, seque ipsum repr • sentando, qua par est dignitate & authoritate actui adeo solenni, honorifico & summo possit satisfacere, & praedictum Matrimonium celebrare & ad exitum perducere; Serenissimi Regis Catholici Philippi 4. Majestatem eligit, item & Carolum Hispaniarum Infantem ejus f • a • rem, unicuique corum in solidum vices • suas committendo prout de facto & cum effect • , & melioribus via & forma commisit & dedit, & utrumquem q • e eorum facit & constituit suum verum & legitimum & indubitabilem Procuratorem, concedens unicuique plenam, tenore praesentium, potestatem, authoritatem & mandatum, cum plenissima generali & specially facultate, & • aom • quae jure necessaria esse possit & debeat, ut pro dicto Serenissimo Carolo • alliae Principe, & ejusnomine, propriamque illius Personam referendo, representando, Nuptias & Matrimonium contrahat, per verba formalia & expressa quae verum & legitimum Matrimonium de praesenti faciant & constituent cum praedicta Serenissima Domina Maria Hispaniorum Infante & praedictorum verborum virtue ac potestate eam in propriam & legitimam praedicti Serenissimi Caroli Walliae Principis uxorem accipiet, & eum Serenissimae Infantis Mariae verum & legitimum Sponsum & Maritum constituat prout ex nunc pro tune Serenissimus Prin-ceps talem se dat & constituit, & ut illum possit obligare & obliget; Quod Dominam Seremssimam Infantem uti suam talem Sponsam & uxorem legitimam accipiet, & quod ratum habebit, & denuo per semet-ipsum approbabit & confirmabit praedictas Nuptias & Matrimonium hu • us Mandati & facultatis vigore, nomine suo per dictos Seremssimum Philippum 4. Regem Catholicum vel per Serenissimum Carolum, Hispaniarum Infan-tem fratrem suum, celebratum & contractum; & quod in eo perpetuo & individue dural it & permanebit, & si necessarium fuerit, illud denuo per semetipsum contrahet, & celebrare, iuxta forma • u in praedicto Tractatu Matrimoniali inter ipsum, & Majestatem Catholicam habito praescriptam, verboque & side principalibus promisit se approbaturum, confirmaturum & ratificaturum, gratum ratumque habiturum, & inviolabiliter, firmiterque been & sideliter observaturum cum effectu & bona side, omni exceptione & contradictione & causa cessante, quicquid hujus facult • tis virtute modo & forma expressis, factum fuerit, non obstantibus quibuscunque rationibus, causis, legibus, & opinionibus in contrarium; & quod hujusmodi mandatum nec in toto aut in parte nusquam revocabit, neque in aliquo detrahet aut derogabit, sed in omnibus sirmiter & inviolabiliter observabit, & tandem declarabit suae esse voluntatis, ut praedictus • erenissimus Rex Catholicus, vel Carolus ejus frater hoc mandato uti possint, usque in diem Nativitatis Dominieae proxime venturum, nec in longius tempus protrahi, aut extendi permittet. Quod totum actum fuit praesentibus Testibus ad id vocatis Georgio Viller sio Buckingamiae Duce, Maris Anglicani Praefecte, Garterii Ordinis Equite, Magnae Britanniae Regi a Consiliis Secretioribus & Equitis sui Praeposito; juncto Iohanne Digbeio Bristolensi Comite, & de Secretioribus Regis Magnae Britanniae Consiliis, & in Aula Catholicae Majestatis Legato extraordinario; Gualtero Aston Equite Baronetto Balnii, Regis Magnae Britanniae Cubiculario intimo, & ejusdem in Aula Majestatis Catholicae Oratore ordinario, Emmanuele de Fonseca y Azuedo, Comite de Monterey & de Fuentes, Supremi Italiae Senatus Praeside, & Majestati Catholicae a consiliis; Didaco Sarmento de Acunia Comite de Gondomar, a secretioribus ejusdem Majestatis Consiliis, & Aulae Praefecto; Didaco Capato Comite de Barajas, Commendatariae de Montealegre, Ordinis Divi Iacobi Praefecturae insignito, & Aulae Praefecto; Et manu propria subscripsit praedictus Serenis simus Princeps, & suo sigillo munivit.
Carolus P.
Et eg • Johannes de Cirica publicus Majestatis Catholicae Notarius in omnibus suis Regnis & Dominiis supradictis omnibus intersui, una cum Serenissimo Carolo Walliae Principe, quem me cognoscere testor, & testibus supramemoratis, & omnium fidem facio in eorum testimonium subscripsi & signavi.
Joannes de Citica.
The King of Spain likewise promised to the Prince to consummate the Marriage at Christmas, if the Prince would stay so long, as this Instrument manifests.
PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA Hispaniarum, utriusque Siciliae, Jerusalem, Indiarum Orientalium & Occidentalium, Insularum & continentis Maris Oceani, &c. Rex Catholicus, Archi-Dux Austriae, Dux Burgundiae, Mediolani, &c. Comes Abspurgi, Flandriae, Tirolis, &c.
Postquam Instrumento nuper transacto & concordato super futuro Matrimonio inter Serenissimum Carolum eadem Divina Providentia Magnae Britanniae, Franciae, Scotiae, & Hiber • ia Principem, & Serenissimam Mariam Infantem Hispaniarum Sororem meam charissimam conventum & stipulatum fuisset, ut ea • dem Sororem meam praefato Principi, vel ejus Procuratori seu Procuratoribus ad id delegandis in manus tradere tene •• tempore pri • veris Anni proxime sequentis Millesimi Sexcentesimi Vigesimi qua •• . Idem Serenissimus Carolus Walliae Princeps a me instanter petiit, ut propter quasdam rations & considerationes, Termini seu Temporis praememorati compendium facerem: Itaque desiderio Ipsius quantum in me est satisfacere exoptans, indulsi & consensi, ut si Ipse proximis Festis Natalitiis hic Madriti fuerit, tum Ma • imonium per verba de praesenti pri • s contractum, consummare & ad desideratum sinem possit perducere. Quae autem de traeditione Serenissimae Sororis meae praefato Instrumento capitulata sunt, immutata & firma, uti concordata sunt, remanent, quemadmodum extera omnia. In quorum fidem, hoc praesens Scriptum manu mea subsignavi, & Sigillo meo communiri feci. Datum Ma • riti Anno Domini Mille si • o Sexcentessi • o Vigesimo tertio, Mensis Augusti, die 8.
Philippus. Johannes de Cirica
This being done, the Prince prepares for his return into England, what the solemnities and manner of his departure were, and what presents were given on both sides, you may read at large in the French Mercury, What jewels the Prince there gave away, appears by these two Warrants, extracted out of the originals in parchment under the Princes own hand and Seal. found among the Lord Cor •• ingtons writing • .
Charles P.
WEE will and Command you to present in our name these our Jewels and precious stones herein mentioned, unto such several persons as are in this our warrant, nominated and particularly appointed, (that is to say • ) To the Kings Majesty of Spain the rich Sword that was lately our dear Brother Prince Henries garnished with Diamonds of several bignesses. To the Queen of Spain, the Eye Diamond with a fair peare Pearl at it. To Don Carlos, A Ring made of a great pointed Diamond that was in the Coller of Roses and Cyphers, weighing fourteen Carrats, To the Infanta Cardinal, A Cross of six Table Diamonds, the middle stone being the greatest in our round Jewell, which was broken to supply many others herein mentioned: the other five stones were taken out of the Jewell of twelve stones bought of Sir Peter Van Lore, and broken for the same use, and one of the round Pearls of the head attire hanging to it; To the Infanta Donna Maria the Chaine of great round Pearls, to the number of two hundred threescore and sixteen weighing nine ounces, the two Pendant Diamonds being the two lesser of the three, were taken from a Necklace, A pair of pendant Pearls of the fairest. The great Table Diamond set open without foil with a pendant Jewell in form of an Ancor, made of two long sancet Diamonds without foil, with a fair Diamond pendant. To the Condé de Olivares a great table Diamond weighing eighteen Carrats which was the Duke of Buckinghams, set in a Coller with one of the fairest pendant Pearls. To the Countess of Olivares, the Jewell in form of the letter I, set with two large table Diamonds, and a Diamond cut in faucets, with a small table Diamond and a fair peare Pearl pendant. To the Condé de Olivares his Daughter, A Ring with a fair pointed Diamond taken out of the Rose Coller. To the Dutches of Gandia, a Cross of seven table Diamonds, the middle stone belonged to the Dukes Jewels; the rest were taken out of the said Jewel of twelve stones, and one of the round Pearls of the head attire hanging at it, To Don Maria De Lande, a Cross of ten thick table Diamonds bought of our servant Sir Edmond Varney. To the Ladies of the Infanta's side these sixteen Jewels following: viz. the picture case wherein the Pictures of our dear Parents the King and Queen were, and a little Pendelock of six small Diamonds, and two great furnished by our Jeweller. A pair of Pearl Bracelets, to which is added one small Rubie furnished by our Jeweller. The Jewel of Diamonds in form of a Pelican, with a pendant Diamond (furnished by our Jeweler) added to it, The Jewel of Diamonds in form of a Phoenix with a Peare pendant Diamond, fellow to that on the Pelican, and one other lesser pendant Diomond, both furnish by our Jeweler. A pair of Diamond bracelets made of the eighteen pieces of Rose Diamonds heretofore in the Dukes Hasband, A watch furnished by our Jeweler garnished with Diamonds, to which hangs one of the round Pearls, taken from the head attire. A Jewel furnish by out Jeweler in form of a burning heart, with a large table Diamond in the midst three faucet Diamonds on the top, and garnished about with small Diamonds, with one of our pendant Pearls hanging at it. A Jewel furnished by our Jeweler in form of a blew Lily, all Garnisht with Diamonds of several sizes. A Jewel of a branch of Roses set all with Diamonds (furnished by our Jeweler) to which is added a large faucet Diamond taken out of our round Jewel, which was broken as a foresaid. A pair of Diamond Braceletts furnished by our Jeweler with two table Diamonds, taken out of the Rose collar, A Cross of thick Table Diamonds, bought here with a round Pearl taken from the head attire. A Ring with four great faucet Diamonds and sundry smaller table Diamonds set after the Spanish fashion and bought here, A Jewel in form of a Cross with sixteen large table Diamonds and divers small ones bought here, A head-Lace of Diamonds with a large Rose of Diamonds in the midst bought here, A nother head-lace or a Pretadoz of Diamonds with a large Rose of Diamonds in the midst, bought here, A pair of pendants for the Ears, all set with Diamonds, bought here.
To the Duke of Infantado a Ring with a thick Table Diamond, that was in the Duke of Buckinghams Jewel. To the Matquesse of Montesclaro, a Ring of three large table Diamonds that were the Dukes: To the Marquess of Modejar a Ring of two table Diamonds taken out of our round Jewel, and two square Table Diamonds furnished by our Iewellet, To the Admiral of Castile, a Ring with a large thin Table Diamond, that was the Dukes, To the Marquess of Castile Rodrigo, a Ring with a large Diamond, and two Diamonds of a lesser sizetaken out of our round Jewel. To Don Iaime de Cardenas, a Ring of a large faucet Diamond taken out of our round Jewel and two table Diamonds furnished by our Jeweler. To the Duke of Ijar a Ring with a larger thick table Diamond that was the Dukes and two Diamonds furnished by our Jeweler. To the Duke of Zea, a Ring with a square Table Diamond, taken out of our round Jewel, and two Diamonds furnished by our Jeweler; To the Marquess of Carpio a Ring with a large table Diamond, and two lesser, taken from our round Jewel. To the Marquess of Itona, a Ring with a long table Diamond that was the Dukes. To Secretary Cerica, a Ring with three faucet table Diamonds, whereof one was the Dukes, the other two were taken from the Rose Coller. To the Condé de St. Estephen a Ring with a long table Diamond, and two lesser taken out of our round Jewel. To Don Lewis de Haro a Ring with a Square Table Diamond, and two lesser taken out of our round Jewel. To the Condé de Portalegre, a Ring with a large Table Diamond that was the Dukes, and two lesser Diamonds furnished by our Jeweler. To the Marquess of Vtlada, a Ring with two long thick table Diamonds that were the Dukes, and two lesser square Diamonds taken from our round Jewel, To the two Secretaries Alvis and Antonio de Aloca, two Rings, one with a great faucet heart Diamond, taken out of the Hatband of great Diamonds, the other with a large thick Table Diamond furnished by our Jeweler. To the Condé de Buena vente, a Ring with a great pointed Diamond taken out of the Rose Coller. To the Condé de Monteriey the great Diamond Ring that was the Earl of Bristolls. To the Condé de Gondomar, the Ring with a large pointed Diamond cut in faucets without foil brought out of England. To the Condé de Barajas, A Ring with two long table Diamonds, that were the Dukes, and two other Diamonds taken out of our round Jewel. To the Bishop of Palencia; a Ring in form of a Crownd heart, with large faucet Diamond, and set round with Diamonds, all furnished by our Jeweller. To the Condé de Chinchone, a Ring with many Diamonds, set after the Spanish fashion, bought of our servant Thomas Washington.
To the Cardinal Zapata the Cross of Gold having four large Diamonds cut in fancets, and twelve small triangle Diamonds and a table Diamonds for the middle stone, supplied out of the broken Coller. To the Kings Confessor the old Cross with four Diamonds cut in faucets, and three Pearls pendant. To Don Farnando Giron, A Cross with seven large table Diamonds, two of them were taken out of out round Jewel, and five of them were the Dukes, with a Pendelock of a faucet Diamond, furnished by our Jeweller. To the Bishop of Segovia, the Cross of five large Diamonds cut in saucets, with a pendant Pearl newly added to it. To Don Augustine Mexia, a fair Brooche of Gould, set full of Diamonds of several siezes, and bought of Sir Peter Van Lore, in the midst whereof is a large table Diamond that was the Dukes. To the Marquess De Flores, A great thin table Diamond set in a Collet, heretofore belonging to the Duke. To the Condé de la Puebla, the chain of Gold of eight and forty pieces, whereof four and twenty are great, and four and twenty are small, Garnished with Diamonds, and a picture Case furnished by our Jeweller, garnished with Diamonds, having our picture and a Cypher of our name. And these our letters shall be your sufficient Warrant for the same. Signed with our own hand, and given under our Signet at Madrid, the six and twentieth day of August, In the one and twentieth year of the Rain of our dear Lord and Father, James by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. And of Scotland the seven and fiftieth, 1623.
Charles P.
WEE will and Command you; That you deliver to our use and service unto the hands and Custody of the Right honorable John Earl of Bristol, Lord Ambassador extraordina • ie for his Majesty of great Britain our dear Father to the King of Spain, such Jewels and precious stones as are mentioned in this our Warrant, (That is to say) A Coller of Gold containing thirteen great Ballaces, and thirteen pieces of Gold, with thirteen Cinque of Pearl betwixt them, A long Chaine of two large Ropes of fair round Pearls weighing ten ounces and an half, and two penny weight, containing in number seven hundred three score and five. A looking Glass set in Gold, the backside richly garnished with fair Diamonds and six pieces of Chaine to hang at, garnished with Diamonds on both sides. One and twenty Buttons of gold, each one having a fair Table Diamond; The Remainder of a neck-lace of Queen Annes, having in the midst thereof a large Triangle Diamond, with a small Diamond pendant at the same, also thirteen small pendent Diamonds, and seaventeene great round Pearls. A Coller of Gold containing thirty pieces, whereof fifteen are Roses, in each was a great pointed Diamond, and fifteen Crowns. Ciphers of the King and Queens names, having in each a Table Diamond heretofore, out of which was taken for our use four of the pointed, and six of the Table Diamonds, So there are to be delivered to the said Earl of Bristall eleaven pointed and nine Table Diamonds with the Coller, five great Emeraldes, and five round Pearls that were taken out of a head attire. And this our letters shall be your sufficient warrant for the same. Signed with our hand, and given under our Signet at Madrid the eight and twentieth day of August; In the one and twentieth year of the Rain of our Deare Lord and Father James by the Grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the Faith, &c. And of Scotland the seven and fiftieth. 1623.
THe ( ) 12. of September, 1623. After dinner the Prince took his solemno leave of the King, and Court of Spain, and departed from Madrid towards Saint Andrew's, where the 24. of September he feasted all the Spanish Dons who accompanied him aboard his ship, and then • et sail for England; where he arrived at Portsmouth, Octo. 5. and came thence into London, Octo. 6. to the great rejoicing of all socts of people, signified by their bonfires, ringing of bells, with other external expressions of joy. Upon his return thence Doctor Andrew's made these Latin verses.
The Prince upon his departure commanded the Earl of Bristol not to deliver the Procuration left in his custody, until he received further order from him: And upon his arrival in England the Duke of Buckingham, and Lord's of the Council, testifying their dislike of the match, endeavored to engage King James to break it off by degrees; to which end they persuaded him to demand restitution of the Palatinate and Electorship to the Pal • grave from the King of Spain, to write to this purpose to the Earl of Bristol, to that end and likewise to delay the Disposorios till Christmas, To which Leettters the Earl returned this answer. to Mr. Secretary Calvert.
GOOD Mr. Secretary Calvert, I have not presumed in my present letter unto his Majesty, to write anything in answer to his letters of the thirtieth of December, but only in that point which toucheth my obedience to his Commandment for my present return, for the rest I entreat you to present unto his Majesty this my humble Answer; Whereas his Majesty is pleased to say, that having seen the Answer to our third Memoriall, he doth not a little wonder, that I then took his affairs to have been in so good a condition that I would have proceeded to the disposories of the Prince contrary to his order given; It is true his Majesty hath just cause to wonder, if he look upon that Memoriall without the letter that accompanied it, or if he consider the estate of the affairs as they stood when the letter bore Date, which was the sixth of December; for then they stood by the infringing of the capitulation, as they here do understand it, all disordered and embroiled, in such sort as I had foreseen and advertized his Majesty. But the estate of affairs ten or fiveteene days before, when I intended to have passed to the disposotios, I confess I supposed to be such, that I wish I had suffered much that they were again upon the same term, if his Majesty have a desire to proceed with this Allyance and to settle the business of the Palatinate, by this Kings help and mediation.
First for the business of the Match, against which it hath been the main objection that it was never really meant, but only held in Treaty to abuse and entertain the King, it was now certainly to have taken effect within three days, viz. on the twentieth of November, had not the restraint arryved here on the 26th: and all things would have been most exectly and punctually performed according to the capitulation, and here was no thought of anything but of providing Presents for the King and Prince, and settling of the Princesses Family, and preparations for the journey the first day of March, and the Princesse had begun to draw the letters which she intended to have written the day of the desposories to the Prince her Husband, and the King her Father in law.
For the business of the Palatinate, as it will appear by the joint dispatch which: Sir Walter Aston, and myself wrote of the 23. of November, that we were assured not by the Condé of Olivares only in this Kings name, but severally by all the Counselors, that a settled resolution was taken in Council on the 16. of November That this King should procure his Majesty's entire satisfaction, and hereof the Cardinal Capata and divers other Counselors that professed themselves particularly affected to the King and Princes service, came to give Sir Walter Ashton and myself the Parabien.
The Condé of Olivares entreated us both in this Kings name, to assure his Majesty thereof upon our honors, and upon our lives if need were and thus much was to have been delivered unto us in writing before we would have passed to the Disposorios as will plainly appear by this above mentioned dispatch of the 23. of November.
Besides the Princes had now made this business her own, and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother, and written unto the Condé of Olivares, and had set her heart upon the making of her self grateful and welcome to the King and Kingdom by overcoming this business: further, I conceive it hath been and is the general opinion of wise men, that his Majesty could have no such assurance of this Kings real intention of giving his Majesty satisfaction, in the business of the Palatinate as that he proceeded really to the performance of the Match, and that this was the opinion of his Majesty, and all my Lord's, and the ground whereupon I was to frame all my Negotiation in this particular; I shall procure very authentical proof, and if I had but half so clear a warrant for the hazarding of the Match by the deferring of the Disposorios as I have for the making of the concluding of the match, the rule for my proceeding in the business of the Palatinate, I should not have replied for a further explanation of his Majesty's pleasure, nor have been questionable for an intention of going against my Order.
For the point of the Portion, it was agreed that I should have had three hundred thousand Crowns paid at Twelfe-tide the other 30000. which were formerly spoken of to have been carried in Jewels with the Infanta, they were content that the Princes should have carried 20000. Crowns in ready money, and only 10000. in Jewels: for the rest, if the manner of payment that was propounded had not liked his Majesty, they were resolved to have given his Majesty other satisfaction at reasonable days, as should be agreed of, although I must here crave leave to let his Majesty know, that having two Months before advertized this offer, I never understood of his Majesty's dislike or rejection of it by his letters of the thirteenth of November, which likewise commanded the putting off of the disposorios.
And this was the true estate of his Majesty's affairs, as it appeared unto me and those with whom I was to communicate his Majesty's business, when I intended to have proceeded to the disposorios if in the interim I should not receive his Majesteis directions to the contrary, which I was most assured of in case his Majesty should not like of that intention.
As for the other point, that I should have intended to have passed the disposorios contrary to the order given me, certainly I erred not with any malice or intention of having stolen a Marriage upon my Master against his will, for if I had, supposing I wanted sufficient warrant to have stayed the Disposorios, I would have concealed it, and so passed on, and not have, sent with so much diligence to have a clear u • derstanding of his Majesty's pleasure, neither would I with so great industry and great displeasure have prolonged the twenty four to thirty days, and then so exactly and readily obeyed, when I had a cle • e understanding of my Masters will: for the first thing I did, was instantly within few hours to send back Peter Killigrew to let his Majesty know, that his orders should be most punctually obeyed, and soe they should have been before, if I had not understood that the nomination of a holy day in Christmas (whereof I wonder how his Majesty could want due information of the expyring of the the Powers) had not overthrown all his Majesty's intention • and desires in his very letter expressed, and hereof by due obedience unto the Prince his order formerly, upon the scruple of the Infantaes entering into Religion, may be a sufficient argument.
I will not trouble you with any further Apology, only I shall humbly offer unto his Majesty and my Lord's consideration: First, that I understood the Infanta to be my young Masters Wife, or spouse at least, for such was now her style, and as such was I enjoynd to serve her, and as such my Lord Duke and myself, and all the English kissed her hands, as her servants and Vassalls.
Secondly the Powers were drawn by the intervention of both parties, The King of Spain accepting the substitution, and the Prince delivering of them legally to the King of Spain and his Brothers use.
These powers were deposited in my hands upon trust as Embassador of the King of great Britain, with public Declaration, how and when I was to deliver them, and this drawn into an Instrument by Iuan de Cirica as public Notarie; and this point is here much pressed, and I conceive many Pens will be employed about the case.
Thirdly I ever understood, that my Master infinitely desired the Match, and the Prince in his letters at the very same time expresseth, that he much desireth it: besides the engagements that have here passed recyprocally, are public to the world.
I shall willingly now submit myself to any censure, which, whether were the honester, dutifuller, or more prudent way upon inference and collections to have put a disgrace and disrespect upon so great and worthy a Princesse that was to be his Masters wife, to have no way insisted for the making good of the public trust reposed in him, by two so great Monarchs, when the powers were deposited in his hands, but to have put a great scorn upon the King of Spain by nominating a day for the Marriage when the powers should be expired, to have hazarded the overthrowing of so great and important a business (for to that issue it was brought, and I required to take or leave, either to proceed according to their capitulations, or that this King would hold himself freed of them, and the issue now showeth the truth thereof (or on the other side) to have represented unto his Mastjesty with truth and sincerity the true estate of all things, with his humble opinion the wrong and disgrace that the putting off the Marriage will be esteemed to the person of the Infanta, the scorn that would be judged to be put upon the King of Spain, by the nominating of a day when the powers were expired. The hard construction that would be made upon the detention of the powers without some new and immergent cause. The danger that the Marriage would be in if hereby it should be disordered; The likelihood that the Match would be the greatest security for the restitution of the Palatinate, and i • case these reasons should not be able to persuade his Majesty to proceed, then there was intimated, that there wanted sufficient warrant for the detaining of the powers, which was desired might be clearly sent unto him. In this interim all the above • said inconveniences were deferred, & that business held up upon fair terms, that his Majesty might have his way and choice unsoild before him, until his Majesty was pleased clearly and positively to declare his pleasure in the point, whereunto there was ready and exact obedience given: soe that I shall willingly submit myself to the censure of the world, whether an inintention so well and honestly grounded, seconded with so exact and ready an obedience shall make me blame worthy, I must confess that if without clear and sufficient warrant, I had so much disordered the affairs of his Majesty as I now conceive them to be, I should have had a heavy and sad heart, which I thank God I now have not; but confident of mine own innocence, I can be no ways diffident of my Masters accustomed Grace and favor. And so earnestly entreating you to present this my humble Answer to his Majesty and my Lord's the Commissioners, I remember my service affectionately unto you, and leave you to God's holy protection.
Mad. the 28. Octb. 1623.
Your affectionate friend to do you service. BRISTOLL.
To this Letter the King returned this ensuing Answer.
WEE have read your Letters of the 28. of October and the copy of that power which was left by Our deer Son, We have examined and approved your reasons, and we do assure you • that if we had seen the power left by our son before our last Letters, we had not written to you in the form we did in ours of October the ninth, touching the time of Christmas. For we are so far from having affection to defer the Desposorios, or make them fruitless, as we desire to hasten them to a speedy good conclusion, being of the like affection with our deer brother of Spain, with one act to make a match, and an entire friendship according to the Count, of Olivares his ground formerly delivered to our Son and Buckingham, and mentioned in your own letter, for the real effecting of which we have thought good to command our deer Son to defer the present execution of the powers left, and to renew the power by another herewith sent, that there may be no fault in us not in our Son, if that King cannot give us satisfaction in the just things we desire, (which will contain the main ground of our friendship) in so short a time in which the first power should become inualid.
And yet we must tell you, we have almost with astonishment observed one action of so great Checque and contradiction of our hope of the restitution of the Palatinate, as we know not what construction to make of it. The Berkstrot in the Palatinate (the prime flower of our son in Laws Revenue which is the main motive that causeth us thus carefully and speedily to seek satisfaction, and urge so earnestly till we may receive it) and which was taken by the Arms and assistance of Spain, and as we are informed in the possession of the Spanish Garison, or under their command, the Country or the revenue thereof (which is a fortifying of their ancient claim) freshly delivered into the hands of the Bishop of Mainz, contrary to the last contract between his Majesty and the Infanta at Bruxelles, and that without form of justice, upon an old pretence which must imbroyle it the more, especially being to another person then any of these to whom interest or mediation hath been formerly thought of; These being only the Emperor, Spain, and the Duke of Bavaria. The consideration of which new difficulties done in the presence, or without the contradiction either of Verdugo, or any other Officer or Minister of the Infanta's, or knowledge given to us, gives us infinitely to think, and to find it requisite to deal clearly and plainly with you, and to charge and require you to deal as plainly with our dear Brother, that we are so much bound in honor, natural affection, and interest to see our Son-in-Law have restitution of his estate and honor; without which effect, we cannot rest satisfied, as you have often heard the Declaration of our mind in that point: the rather, because it would be a great discouragement to our Son-in-Law (without whom we can do nothing) and a great disproportion to receive one daughter in joy and contentment, and leave another in toares and sighs. And to the end we may be assured of the effects, we require you (before you deliver our deer Sons power, or move to any contracting of him) that you procure from that King by act, or answer to you under his hand, or by Letters to us, that he will help us to the restitution of the Palatinate and dignity by meditation, or other wise assist us, if mediation fail, and within what time the mediation shall determine, and the assistance of arms begin.
The honorable conditions of restitution (we hope) remain with you. And to show you how we desire to comply with our deer Brother of Spain: We shall be ready to propound good ways to satisfy the D. of Bavaria, in point of title and honor, and to continue our negotiation for the match of Our Grand-Child (the eldest son of our Son-in-Law) with the Daughter of the Emperor.
Our Son-in-Laws Letters we send you herewith, and because we know his averseness to our Grand-Childs breeding with the Emperor, as we do the other parts disaffection to have him bred at the Hagh, (which we cannot wonder at) our own care considered for his breeding in Religion, which cannot well be provided for there, we shall be ready to proceed to the conclusion of that Treaty: And so soon as the Infanta shall be arrived in our Court, to bring our Grand-child to be bred with our Son and her, and in her presence.
And for the temporal articles which are so meanly presented in those heads you sent us, we forheare to tell you what we think of the offers.
And concerning the portion, we absolutely reject both Jewels or yearly revenue (as contrary to the first agreement) and expect the total sum in Specie, according to such reasonable times as shall be agreed upon. So as we likewise require you punctually to conclude the Temporal Articles before you deliver the power.
At Westminster 13. Novem. 1623.
Edw. Conwey.
To this Letter the Earl of Bristol returns this answer.
May it please your most Excellent Majesty;
I Have received Your Majesty's Letters of the 8. of October, on the 21, of the same month, some hours within night, and have thought fit to dispath back un-Your Majesty with all possible speed, referring the answer to what Your Majesty hath by Letters commanded me, to a Post, that I shall purposely dispatch when I shall have negotiated the particulars with this King and his Ministers, wherein God willing all possible diligence shall be used.
But for as much as I find both by Your Majesty's said Letters, as likewise by Letters which I have received from the Prince His High • esse, that you continue your desires of having the match proceeded in, I held it my duty, that Your Majesty should be informed, that although I am set free in as much as concerneth the doubt of the Infantaes entering into Religion, for the delivering of the powers left with me by his Highness, yet by this new direction I now receive from your Majesty, that the Desposorios should be deferred until Christmas, the said powers are made thereby altogether useless and invalid, it being a clause in the body of the said powers, that they shall only remain in force until Christmas and no longer; as Your Majesty will see by the Copy of them, which I send here enclosed: Your Majesty, I conceive, will be of opinion, that the suspending of the execution of the powers, until the force and validity of them be expired is a direct and effectual revoking of them, which not to do how fa • re his Highness is in Honor engaged, Your Majesty will be best able to judge by viewing the powers themselves.
Further if the Date of these Powers do expire (besides the breach of the Capitulations) although the Match it self should not by jealousies and mistrusts be hazarded, yet the Princesses coming at the spring into England will be almost impossible; for by that time new Commissions and Powers shall be (after Christmas) granted to the Prince, which must be to the satisfaction of both parties, I conceive so much of the year will be spent, that it will be impossible for the Fleets and other preparations to be in a readiness against the Spring; for it is not to be imagined that they will here proceed effectually with their preparations, until they shall be assured of the Desposorios, especially when they shall have seen them several times deferred on the Princes part, and that upon pretexts that are not new nor grown since the granting of the Powers, but were before in being, and often under debate, and yet were never insisted upon to make stay of the business, So that it will seem, that they might better have hindered the granting of them then, then the execution of them now, if there were no staggering in former Resolutions: which although really there is not, yet cannot it but be suspected, and the cleating of it between Spain and England will cost much time, I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon if I write unto you with the plainesse of a true-hearted and faithful servant, whoever have co-operated honestly unto your Majesty's ends, if I knew them. I know your Majesty hath long been of opinion, that the greatest assurance you could get that the King of Spain would effectually labor the entire restitution of the Prince Palatine, was, that he really proceeded to the effecting of the March, and my Instructions under your Majesty's hand were to insist upon the restoring of the Prince Palatine, but not so to annex it to the treaty of the Match, as that thereby the Match should be hazarded, for that your Majesty seemed confident, they here would never grow to a perfect conclusion of the Match, without a settled resolution to give your Majesty satisfaction in the business of the Palatinate; the same course I observed in the carriage of business by his Highnes, and my L. Duke at their being here, who though they insisted upon the business of the Palatinate, yet they held it fit to treat of them distinctly, and that the Marriage should precede as a good pawn for the other. Since-their departure my Lord Ambassador, Sir Walter Aston, and myself have much pressed to have this Kings resolution in writing concerning the Palatinate, and the dispatches which your Majesty will receive herewith concerning that business were written before the receipt of these your Majesty's Letters, and doubtless it is now a great part of their care that that business may be well ended before the Infantaes, coming into England; And his Highness will well remember that the Condé de Olivares often protested the necessity of having this business compounded and settled before the Marriage, saying; otherwise, they might give a Daughter and have a War within three months after, if this ground and subject of Quarrell should be still left on foot, The same language he hath ever since held with Sir Walter Aston and my self, and that it was a firm peace and amity, as much as an alliance which they sought with his Majesty, so that it is not to be doubted, but that this King concluding the Match, resolveth to employ his utmost power for the satisfaction in the restitution of the Prince Palatine.
The question now will be, whether the Prince Palatine, having Relation to many great Princes that are interested therein (living at a great distance) and being indeed for the condition and nature of the business it self impossible to be ended, but by a formal Treaty (which of necessity will require great length) whether the conclusion of the Match shall any way depend upon the issue of this business, which I conceive to be lat from your Majesty's Intention, for so the Prince might be long kept unbestowed, by any averseness of those that might have particular Interest in the Princes remaining unmarried, or dislike of his Matching with Spain: But that which I understand to be your Majesty's aim, is only to have the conclusion of this Match accompanied with as strong engagements as can be procured from this King, for the joining with your Majesty, not only in all good offices for the entire Restitution of the Prince Palatine, but otherwise if need require, of his Majesty's assistance. Herein I have these days past labored with all earnestness, and procured this Kings public answer, which I am told is resolved of, and I shall within few days have it to send unto Your Majesty, as likewise a private proposition which will be put into your hand, and shall not fail further to pursue Your Majesty's present directions of procuring this Kings declaration in what sort your Majesty may rely upon this Kings assistance in case the Emperor or the Duke of Bavaria shall oppose the entire restitution of the Prince Palatine; But I conceive it to be Your Majesty's intention, that I should procure here first this Kings peremptory answer, in the whole business, and how he will be assistant unto your Majesty, in case of the Emperors, or Duke of Bavaria's averseness, and that I should send it unto your Majesty, and receive again your answer, before I deliver the powers for the Desposorios, the match would thereby if not be hazarded, yet I conceive the Infanta's going at Spring would be rendered altogether impossible; for if upon the artivall of the Popes approbation, which is hourly expected, the Powers be demanded of me, according to the Princes public Declaration, and the agreement in the Temporal Articles, by which the Desposorios, are to be within 10. days after the coming of the said approbation, I cannot refuse them but upon some ground • If I allege you Majesty's desire of having the Desposorios deferred until Christmas, they know as well as myself, that his Highness Proxy is then out of dare (besides the infringing of the Capitulations) and they will judge it as a great scorn put upon this King, (whoever since the Princes granting of his Powers, hath called himself the Infanta's Desposado, and to that effect the Prince hath written unto him in some of his Letters:) besides it will be here held a point of great dishonor unto the Infanta, if the powers called for by her friends they should be detained by the Princes part, and whosoever else may have deserved ill, she certainly hath deserved neither disrespect nor discomforts: Further, upon my refusal to deliver the powers, all preparations which now go on cheerfully and apace, will be stayed, and there will enter in so much distrust and so many jealousies, that if the main business run not hazard by them, at least much time will be to clear them.
I must therefore in discharge of my duty, tell Your Majesty, that all your businesses here are in a fair way. The match and all that is capitulated therein, they profess punctually to perform: in the business of the Palatinate, they protest that they infinitely desire and will to the utmost of their powers, endeavor to procure His Majesty's satisfa • tion. The Prince is like to have a most worthy and virtuous Lady, and who much • oveth him, and all things else depending on this match are in a good and a hopeful way.
This is now the present estate of your Majesty's affairs as it appeareth unto me and to Sir Walter Aston, with whom I have communicated this dispatch, as I do all things else concerning your Majesty's service: And I must clearly let your Majesty understand, that I conceive by retaining of the powers when their King shall call for them, and offering to defer the Desposorios until Christmas, that your Majesty's businesses will run a great hazard, what by the distastes and distrusts that will be raised here, and what by the art and industry of those which are enemies to the Match, whereof every Court of Christendom hath plenty; That therefore which I presume with all humility to offer unto your Majesty is, that you would be pleased to give me order with all possible speed, That when the business shall come cleared from Rome, and that the powers for the Marriage shall be demanded of me on the behalf of this King, that I may deliver them, and no ways seek to interrupt or suspend the Desposorios, but assist and help to a perfect conclusion of the match. And that for the business of the Palatinate, I continue my earnest and faithful endeavors to engage this King as far as shall be possible, both for the doing of all good Offices for the Prince Palatines entire restitution, as likewise for this Kings Declaration of assistance in case the Emperor or Duke of Bavaria shall oppose the said restitution. Herein I will not fail to use all possible means, and I conceive the dispatch of the match will be a good pawn in the business, and the help and assistance which the Princes being once betrothed would be able to give in this Court to all Your Majesty's businesses, would be of good consideration. So fearing I have already too far presumed upon Your Majesty's patience, I humbly crave Your Majesty's pardon, and recommend you to the holy protection of God, Resting
Your Majesty's most humble Subject, and Servant, BRISTOLL,
Madrid: 24. Octo. 1623.
About the beginning of December the Dispensation from the new Pope arrived at Madrid from Rome; whereupon the King of Spain to satisfy his Oath made to the Prince of Wales before his departure, (to make the espousalls within ten days after the arrival of the dispensation, caused Bonfiers of joy to be made throughout all Spain on the 9th of Decem. intending that on this day the assiances should be made at Madrid, with the magnificence of the Court there. All things seemed then disposed to a conclusion of this great business which had been in treaty eight or nine years. But the Princes forementioned) suspension of the procuration, and the demand of those new conditions arriving in Spain, the news of them seemed very strange and unseasonable. To which the King of Spain, promising to give a resolution in due time, signified to the Earl of Bristol, that he should in the mean time present no more Letters to the Infanta, nor demand anymore audience, and that from thenceforth, none should style the Infanta, Princesse of England, or Wales. Upon this there was a resolution taken by our Lord's of the Council to break both the Match and Treaty with Spain, and to gain the Palatinate and Electorship by force of Arms; to which end a Parliament was summoned at London to begin, Feb. 12 • 1623. but put off till Febr. 16. On Febr. 24. The Lord Duke of Buckingham made a large Relation of the whole Negotiation with Spain about the Princes Marriage, to both Houses of Parliament, recorded in the Lord's Iournall & enrolled in the Rolls; wherein most of the premises are related to the full, and some of them concealed: which the dishdent Author of the Answer to the Royal Popish Favorite, (who so much undervalues the French Mercury, and other histories, who have written anything of this Match,) may peruse at his leisure, to satisfy his judgment, Conscience in the verity of the premises, and of this Mercury to.
The Parliament upon this relai • on ad • vised the King to break off the Spanish treaty and to proclaim an open war with Spain for recovery of the Palatinate and defense of the protestant Religion: whereupon the King on the 23 of February; declared to a Committee of Parliament appointed for that purpose; That he would send a Messenger presently into Spain, to signify to that King, that his Parliament advised him to break of the Treaties of the Match and the Palatinat, and to give his reasons of it, and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he might. Hereupon Bonefires were made in the City by the forwardness of the people, for joy that we should break with Spain.
In this Parliament to maintain the war in which they had engaged the King, the Clergy granted him four entire Subsidies of four shillings the pound: and the Temporalty three entire Subsidies, and three fifteens and tenths; The end of granting them is expressed in the Prologue of the Temporalities Act of Grant.
MOST Gratious Sovereign, we your Majesty's most humble, faithful and loving Subjects, by your Royal Authority now Assembled in your High Court of Parliament, having entered into serious and due consideration of the weighty and most important causes, which at this time more then at any other time heretofore, do press your Majesty to a much greater expense and charge then your own Treasure alone can at this present support and maintain, and likewise of the injuries and indignities, which have been lately offered to your Majesty and your Children, under color, and during the time of the Treaties for the Marriage with Spain, and the restitution of the Palatinate, which in this Parliament have been clearly discovered and laid open unto us; and withal what humble advice with one consent and voice, we have given unto your Majesty to dissolve those Treaties, which your Majesty hath been graciously pleased (to our exceeding joy and comfort) fully to yield unto, and accordingly have made your public declaration for the real and utter dissolution of them, by means whereof your Majesty may happily be engaged in a sudden War. We in all humbleness most ready and willing to give unto your Majesty and the whole world an ample testimony of our dutiful affections, and sinceere intentions to assist You therein, for the maintenance of that War that may hereafter ensue, and more particularly for the defense of this your Realm of England, the securing of your Kingdom of Ireland, the assistance of your Neighbors, the States of the united Provinces, and other your Majesty's Friends, and Allies, and for the setting forth of your Royal Navy, we have resolved to give for the present the greatest aid which ever was granted in Parliament, to be levied in so short a time, &c.
In this Parliament the Commons presented a sharp Petition to the Lord's against Popish, Recusants, desiring the Lord's to join with them in it to the King; of which King James having notice, writ with his own hand this following letter to Secretary Conway, which I have truly extracted out of the very original.
I doubt not but you have heard what a stinging Petition against the Papists, the lower House have sent to the higher House this day, that they might jointly present it unto me: ye know my firm resolution, not to make this a War of Religion. And seeing I would be loath to be Connycatched by my people, I pray you stay the Post that is going to Spain, till I meet with my Son, who will be here tomorrow morning, do it upon pretext of some more letters ye are to send by him and if he should be gone, hasten after him to stay him upon some such pretext, and let none living know of this, as ye love me: and before two in the afternoon to morrow you shall without sails hear from me: Farwell.
James R.
This Petition was sent up to the Lord's (as appears by their Iournall Book) upon the 3. of April 1624. the Copy whereof is therein recorded in form following.
Die Lunae quinto Aprilis 1624. The Petion against Popish Recusaurs which the Commons desire to be presented unto his Majesty, and that the Lord's join with them therein.
May it please your most Excellent Majesty.
WE your Majesty's most humble and loyal Subjects the Lord's & Commons in this present Parliament assembled, having to our singular comfort received your Princely resolution upon our humble Petition to disolve the two treaties of the Match and of the Pallatinate, and having on our parts with all alacrity and readiness humbly offered our assistance to your Majesty to maintain the War, which may insue there upon, yet with all sencibly finding what seditious and Traiterous positions those Incendiaries of Rome, and professed Engines of Spain, the Priests and Jesuits, infuse into your natural borne Subjects, what numbers they have seduced, and do daily seduce to make their dependence on the Pope of Rome, and King of Spain, contrary to their Allegiance to your Majesty their Liege Lord: what daily resort of Priests and Jesuits into your Kingdoms, what concourse of Popish Recusants much more then usual is now in and about the City of London, what boldness, yea what insolency they have discovered, out of the opinion conceived of their foreign patronage, what public resort to Masses and other exercises of the Popish Religion in the Houses of foreign Ambassadors, there is daily, to the great grief and offense of your good Subjects; what great preparations are made in Spain fit for an Invasion; the bent whereof is as probable to be upon some part of Your Majesty's Dominions, as upon any other place; what encouragement that may be to your Enemies, and the Enemies of Your Crown to have a party, or but the opinion of a party within Your Kingdoms, who do daily increase and combine themselves together for that purpose; What dishartning of your good and loving Subjects, when they shall see more cause of fear from their false hearted Country-men at home, then from their professed adversaries abroad, what apparent dangers by God's providence and Your Majesty's wisdom and goodness they have very lately escaped, which the longer continuance of those treaties upon such unfitting conditions, fomented by your own ill affected Subjects, would surely have drawn upon Your Majesty and Your State; do in all humbleness offer to your sacred Majesty these their humble petitions following.
1. That all Jesuits and Semminary Priests, and all others having taken Orders by any authority derived from the Sea of Rome, may by Your Majesty's Proclamation be commanded forthwith to depart out of this Realm, and all other Your Highness Dominions, and neither they nor any other to return or come hither again upon peril of the severest penalty of the Laws now in force against them; And that all your Majesty's Subjects may hereby also be admonished, not to receive, entertain comfort or conceal any of that viperous brood upon the penalties and forfeitures which by the Laws may be imposed upon them.
2. That your Majesty would be pleased to give straight and speedy charge to the Justices of Peace in all parts of this Kingdom, that (according to the Laws in that behalf made, and the orders taken by Your Majesty's Privy Council heretofore for policy of State) they do take from all Popish Recusants legally convicted, or justly suspected; All such Armor, Gunpowder, and Munition of any kind, as any of them have either in their own hands, or in the hands of any other for them, and to see the same safely kept, and disposed according to the Law, leaving for the necessary defense of their House and persons, so much as by the Law is prescribed.
3. That Your Majesty will please to command all popish Recusants, and all others, who by any Law or Statute are prohibited to come to the Kings Court, forthwith under pain of your heavy displeasure, and severe execution of your Laws against them, to retire themselves, their wives and families from or about London, to their several dwellings or places, by your Laws appointed, and there to remain confined within five miles of their dwelling places, according to the Laws of this your Realm, And for that purpose to discharge all by-past Lycences granted unto them for their repair hither. And that they presume not any time hereafter to repair to London, or within ten miles of London, or to the Kings Court, or to the Princes Court wheresoever.
4. That Your Majesty would forbid and restrain the great resort and concourse of your own Subjects for the hearing of Mass, or other exercise of the Romish Religion to the houses of Forreigne Ambassadors, or Agents residing here, for the service of their several Princes or States.
5. That where of late in several Counties in this Realm, some have been trusted in the places of Lord Leiutenants, deputies Leiutenants, Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, Justices of Peace, and Captains in their Countries, which are either popish Recusants or non-Communicants by the space of a year now last past, or which do not usually resort to the Church to Divine service, and can bring no good certificat thereof, that your Majesty would be pleased to discharge them from those places of trust, by which they have that power in the Country where they live, as is not fit to be put into the hands of persons so affected.
6. That your Majesty would be pleased generally to put the Laws in due execution which are made and stand in force against Popish Recusants, and that all your Judges, Justices and Miniisters of Justice to whose care these things are Committed may by your Majestyes Proclamation be Commanded to do their duty therein.
7. That seeing we are thus happily delivered from that danger which those Treaties now dissolved, and that use which your ill affected Subjects made thereof, would certainly have drawn upon us, and cannot but foresee and fear, least the like may hereafter happen, which would unevitably, bring such peril to your Majesty's Kingdoms. We are most humble suitors to your Gracious Majesty to secure the hearts of your good Subjects by the engagement of your Royal word unto them, that upon no occasion of Marriage, or Treaty, or other request in that behalf from any foreign Prince or state whatsoever, you will take off, or slacken the execution of your Laws against the Popish Recusants.
To which our humble Perions proceeding from our most Loyall and dutiful affections towards your Majesty our care of our Countries good, and our confident perswation; that this will much advance the Glory of Almighty God, the everlasting honor of your Majesty, the safety of your Kingdom, and the encouragement of all your good Subjects: We do most humbly beseech your Majesty to vouchsafe a gracious Answer.
This Petition of the Commons after some debate and Conference between both Houses was reduced to this ensuing form, and so presented to King • James.
Die Sabbathi (viz) decimo die Aprilis 1624.
May it please your most excellent Majesty
IT having pleased you, upon our humble suit and advise, to dissolve both the Treaties to our great joy and comfort.
We your Majesty's most faithful and Loyall Subjects the Lord's and Commons Assembled in Parliament, do in all humbleness offer unto your sacred Majesty these two Petitions following.
1. That for the more safety of your Realms, and better keeping your Subjects in their due obedience, and other important reasons of state, your Majesty would be pleased by some such course as your Majesty shall think fit, to give present order, that all the Laws be put in due execution, which have been made, and do stand in force against Jesuits, Semenary Priests, and all others having taken orders by Authority derived from the Sea of Rome, and generally against all Popish Recusants. And as for disarming, that it may be according to the Laws, and according to former Acts and directions of state in that Case, and yet that it may appear to all the world, the favor and clemency your Majesty useth towards all your Subjects of what condition whatsoever. And to the intent the Jesuits and Priests now in the Realm may not pretend to be surprised; That a speedy and certain day may be perfixed by your Majesty's Proclamation, before which day they shall depart out of this Realm, and all other your highness Dominions, and neither they nor any other to return or come hither again, upon peril of the severest penalties of the laws now in force against them. And that all your Majesty's Subjects may thereby also be admonished, not to receive, entertain, comfort, conceal any of them, upon the penalties and forfeitures which by the laws may be imposed on them.
Secondly, seeing we are thus happily delivered from that danger which those Treaties now dissolved, and that use which your ill affected Subjects made thereof, would certainly have drawn upon us; and yet cannot but foresee and fear, least the like may hereafter happen, which would inevitably bring such peril upon your Majesty's Kingdoms: We are most humble Sutors to your gracious Majesty, to secure the hearts of your good Subjects by the engagement of your royal word unto them, that upon no occasion of marriage or treaty, or other request in that behalf from any foreign Prince or State whatsoever, you will take away or slacken the execution of your laws against Jesuits, Priests and popish Recusants.
To which our humble Petitions, proceeding from our most loyal and dutiful affections towards your Majesty, our care of our Countries good, and our own confident persuasion, that these will much advance the glory of Almighty God, the everlasting honor of your Majesty, the safety of your Kingdoms, and the encouragement of all your good Subjects; we do most humbly beseech your Majesty to vouchsafe a gracious answer.
This Petition being presented to the King by a Committee of both Houses; the King after some deliberation, gave this Answer to it; That the laws against Jesuits, and popish Recusants, should be put in • due execution from thenceforth, &c. Whereupon the Commons soon after sent another Petition to the Lord's (desiring their concurrence with them in presenting it to his Majesty) for removing popish Recusants, and those whose Wives were Papists, from offices of trust which by law they were disabled to execute, which the Lord's taking into consideration. It was after reported to the Lord's, and entered in their Journal in this manner.
Die Iovis (viz) vicessimo die Maij, 1624.
The Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury reported, that at the meeting this day with the Commons, they presented an humble Petition to the King, desiring this House to join with them (therein as heretofore.)
The which Petition was read in haec verba, viz.
WE your Majesty's loyal and faithful Subjects, the Commons (by your royal Authority and commandment called to, and Assembled in this present Parliament, out of all the parts of your Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales ) do in all humility give your Majesty most humble thanks, that you have so religiously and openly published, that your laws and acts of State against popish Recusants shall be put in due execution; and now we hold it our bounden duty (amongst other important affairs of your Realm) to inform your Majesty of the growth of this dangerous sort of people in this your Kingdom, and of their insolency and boldness in all the parts thereof, insomuch as many of them (unknown to your Majesty) have crept into offices and places of government and authority under you, to the disheartening of you good Subjects, and contrary to your Majesty's laws and acts of State, whose names (in discharge of our allegiance and duty without respect of persons) we in all humbleness present to your Majesty, &c.
Now in consideration of the great countenance hereby given unto popery, the grea • grief and offense to all your best affected, and true and loving subjects, the apparent danger of the whole Kingdom, by putting the power of Arms into such men's hands, as by former acts of your Majesty's counsel, are adjudged persons justly to be suspected • and fit themselves to be disarmed; your said royal and faithful subjects do most humbly beseech your Majesty, graciously to vouchsafe, that the said Lord's and Gentlemen hereunder named for this important reason, and for the greater safety of your Majesty, and of this your Realm, and dominion, may be removed from all your Majesty's commissions of great charge and trust, commissions of Lieutenancy, Oyer and Terminer, and of the peace, and from all other offices and places of trust:
The names of all such persons as are certified to have places of charge or trust in their several Counties, and are themselves Popish Recusants or Non-communicants, that have given over suspicion of their ill affection in Religion, or that are reported or suspected so to be.
THe right Honorable Francis Earl of Rutland, is certified to be Lord Lieutenant in the County of Lincoln, and a Commissione • of the peace, and Custos Rotulorum in the County of Northampton, and a Commissioner of the peace, and of Oyer and Terminer in Yorkshire, and in other counties, and that he and his wife are suspected to be popish recusants.
The right honorable, the Earl of Castlehaven is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace, and of Oyer and Terminer in Wiltshire, and to be suspected to be ill affected in religion, and that some of his family either are or lately were recusauts.
Sir Thomas Compton Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace, and of Oyer and Terminer in Warwickeshire, and he and the Countess his wife are certified by same, to be suspected to be popish recusants.
The right honorable Henry Lord Herbert is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Monmouthshire, and to favor the popish religion, and to forbear the Church.
The right honorable the Lord Viscount Colchester is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Essex, and (by report) that he cometh not to the Church, nor receiveth the communion.
The right honorable the Lord Peter is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Essex, and (by report) that he cometh not to the church, nor receiveth the communion, and that his wife and family are generally suspected to be popish recusants.
The right honorable Henry Lord Morlay, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Lancashire, and to be suspected to be a popish recusant.
The right honorable the Lord Windsor is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Buckinghamshire, and (by common fame) to be a popish recusant.
The right honorable William Lord Evre is certified to be a Justice of the peace in the county of Durham, and to be a popish recusant convicted.
The right honorable the Lord Wooten is certified to be in place of authority in Kent, and that he and his wife do forbear the church, and are justly suspected to affect the Roman religion.
The right honorable the Lord Teynhani is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Kent, and (by common report) to be a popish recusant.
The right honorable the Lord Scroope is certified to be a Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of York, of the City of York, and of Kingston upon Hull, and to be a Commissioner of the peace, and of Oyer and Terminer in the said Counties, and in sundry other Counties, and that his Lordship hath not received the Communion once every year in the last three or four years, and that his Lordship hath given overt suspicion of his ill affection in Religion, by his departure from the Communion on sundry days, when his Majesty's Counsel there resident, and others of the Congregation staid behind to receive the same, sometimes on Easter-day, and sometimes on the fifth day of November; and it is testified by witness, that the Lord Archbishops grace of York, and others of his Majesty's Counsel there resident were present, did receive the Communion once when his Lordship went away; and that his Lordship doth rarely repair to the Church on Sundays and Holy-days in the forenoon, and not above twice to the afternoon Sermons (whereunto former Lord Presidents with his Majesty's Counsel there residing, have frequently repaired, and whereunto the Counsel now there resident do ordinarily repair) since he was made Lord President; whereof notice is taken by all his Majesty's Subjects in those parts, to the great grief of such as are truly affected in Religion.
Sir William Courtney Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace, and a Deputy Lieutenant in D •• onshire, and is a Colonel of a thousand trained Soldiers of that Country, and is Vice-Warden of the S ••• neries, and that he is suspected to be: popish Recusant, and that he hath not received the Communion in many years last past.
Sir Thomas Brudenell Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace, and a deputy Lieutenant in Northamptonshire, and that he is a suspected Recusant.
Sir Thomas Somerset is certified to be a Commissioner, of Oyer, and Termi • et in Glocestershire, and that he is reported to be a Popish Recusant.
Sir Gilbert Ireland Knight, and Richard Sherborne and John • leming Esquires, are certified to be Commissioners of the peace in Lancashire, and that they are suspected to be Popish Recusants.
Sir Francis Stoners Knight, is certified to be a Justice of the peace, or a Deputy Lieutenant, or both, in Oxfordshire, and to be a Popish Recusant.
Sir An • honey Brown Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in the County of Norfolk, and that he is reported to be a popish Recusant.
Sir Francis Howard Knight, is certified to be a Justice of the peace, and Custos Rotulorum in Surre • and is suspected to be ill affected in Religion.
Sir William Powell Knight, is certified to be a Justice of the peace in Staffordshire, and to be a Non-communicant, and that his Wife cometh not to Church.
Sir Francis Lacon Knight, is certified to be a Justice of the peace in Shropshire, and that he is suspected to be a popish Recusant.
Sir Lewis • ewkner Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Middlesex, and that he and his Wife are justly suspected to be popish Recusants.
Sir William Awbercy Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Breck • nockeshire, and that he is reported to be a popish Recusant.
William Ie •• son Esquire, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Newcastle upon Tyne, and that he is suspected to be popish and backwasd in Religion.
Sir John Gage and Sir John Shelley Baronets, and John Thecher Esquire, are certified to be Commissioners of the Sewers in the County of Sussex; and to be known Papists.
Sir Henry Carvell is certified to be a Captain of a Foot-band in the County of Norfalke, and to be a Commissioner of Sewers, and that he is reported to be a popish Recusant.
Sir Thomas Wiseman Knight, son of Sir Thomas Wiseman Knight, that is a Justice of peace, is certified to be a Captain of a Foot-band in Essex, and to be a professed Papist.
Sir Thomas Gerard Knight, is certified to be a Captain of a Company of the Freehold-band in Lancashire, and that he is suspected to be a popish Recusant.
Sir John Philpot Knight, is certified to be a Captain of a foot Company in Hampshire, and that he, and his wife, and his Children are Papists.
Sir Thomas Russell Knight, is one of the Deputy Lieutenants, and a Justice of the peace within the County of Worcester, and is justly suspected to be a Papist.
The names of all such Persons as are cercified to be in places of charge or trust in their several Counties, and that have Wives, Children or Servants that are popish Recusants or Non-communicants, or that are suspected so to be.
SIr Henry Bedding field Knight, is certified to • e a Commissioner of the peace, and Deputy Lieutenant in Norfolk, and Captain of the Lances there, and that his Wife and children are reported to be popish Recusants.
Sir William Wrey Knight, is certified to be a Deputy Lieutenant in Cornwall, and that his wife is a Recusant.
Sir John Conway Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace, and one of the Deputy Lieutenants in Flintshire, and that his wife is held to be a popish Recusant.
Sir Charles Jones Knight, and William Jones Esquire, are certified to be Commissioners of the peace, and two Deputy Lieutenants in Monmouthshire, and that their wives are popish recusants.
Sir Ralph Conyers Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace, and a Deputy Lieutenant in the Bishopric of Durham, and that his wife is generally reported to be a popish recusant.
Sir Thomas Lamplough Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Cumberland, and that his wife is a recusant.
Sir Thomas Savage Knight and Baronet, is certified to • e a Commissioner of the peace in Cheshire, and that his wife is suspected to be a recusant; and by common same is reported that the said Sir Thomas Savage is a Deputy Lieutenant there, and that he is suspected to be a Non-communicant, and his children are suspected to be recusants.
Sir William Mossey Knight is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Cheshire, and that his wife is a recosant.
Sir Hugh Biston Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Cheshire and that his daughter and hei • e apparent is a recu • ant.
Sir Thomas Riddall Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in the Bishopric of Durham, and that his wife is a popish recusant.
Master Thomas Petre Esqu-brother of the Lord Petre, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in Essex, and that his wife and family are suspected to be recusants.
Sir Mar • aduke Wyvell Knight and Baronet, is certified to be a Commissioner of Oyer and Terminer, and lately made one of his Majesty's Counsel in the North, and that his wife is a popish recusant convicted.
Sir John Townshend Knight, is certified to be a Commissioner of the peace in the County of Hereford, and that his wife is reported to be a Papist.
Sir William Norris Knight, is certified to be a Justice of the peace in Lancashire, and that he hath a daughter that is a recusant, and that he hath two sons that do serve under the Arch-dutchesse.
James Anderson Esquire, is certified to be a Justice of the peace in Lancashire, and that his wife and his eldest son and Heir apparent are recusants.
Edward Morgan and George Wilbourne Esquires, are certified to be Commissioners of the peace in Munmouthshire, and that their wives are recusants.
Sir Phillip Knevit Baronet, is certified to be a Justice of the peace in Norfolk • and that his wife is a recusant.
Sir John Tasbrough Knight, and Anthony Hubbard Esquire, are certified to be Commissioners of the peace in Norfolk, and that their wives are reported to be recusants, and Master Hubbards children are popishly educated.
Sir William Selby Knight, and Cutbert Heron Esquire, are certified to be commissioners of the peace in Northumberland, and that their wives are recusants.
Sir Richard Tichborne Knight, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Hampshire, and that his wife is of the popish religion.
Sir John Hall Knight, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Hampshire, and that his wife and her daughter are Papists.
Sir George Perkins Knight, Robert Pearpoint, and Fulke Cartwright Esquires, are certified to be commissioners of the peace in the county of Nottingham, and that their wives are thought to be recusants.
Thomas Oatly Esquire, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Shropshire, and Richard Gibbins Gent. to be crowner there, and that their wives be recusants.
Rice Williams esquire, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Carwarthenshire, and that his wife is a popish recusant convicted.
Sir Thomas Penrodduck • night, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Middlesex, and that his wife is a recusant.
Valentine Sanders esquire, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Middlesex and that his eldest son is a recusant.
Thomas Rookell esquire, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Saint Edmunds Berry in Suffolk, and that his eldest son is reported to be a popish recusant.
Anthony Thorold Esquire, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Lincolnshire, and that he hath a son that is suspected to be a popish recusant.
Sir Nicholas Sanders Knight, is certified to be a commissioner of the peace in Surrey and his wife is suspected to be a popish recusant.
Which Petition being read, the House did defere the debate thereof at this time, for that the day was far spent.
And answer was given to the commons (who attended for the same in the painted chamber) that the Lord's will send them an answer of this Petition hereafter, when they are resolved thereof.
Whether any of these were displaced upon this Petition, I find not in any Memorials, it being certain some of them were not, but continued still in these offices of trust.
And thus I have given the World a full account of the unhappy, tedious Spanish Treaty, of the advantages the Pope and Papists made thereof, and its final rupture in and by the Parliament. I shall now proceed to the French which was short and more successful.
T He Spanish match being thus at last dissoved (after so long a treaty) in discontent and war, the popish party here and beyond the seas, endeavoring to make good the ground, liberty and immunities they had gotten by the former treaty of Marriage, and to carry on their forementioned design, by the same prevailing means, engaged the King and Prince in a new marriage-parley with France, to the Lady Henrette Maria Sister to the French King, a Princesse of the Roman Religion. To what end this Marriage was propounded by the Roman party, is evident by this observable passage of le Maistre, (a French Author & Sot • on Priest) in his Instauratio antiqui Episcoporum Principatus, printed at Paris, Cum Privilegio, Anno 1633. & dedicated to Cardinal Richelltus, l. 2. c. 15. p. 273, 274. where thus he writes with reference to the English Roman affairs, anno 1624. What then forbids the same things, and others which are of greater pompo in England, especially where the heat of persecutions hath ceased, through the dignity of a Magnanimous King, and most invincible Prince, by the Borbonian Star which hangs over these countries in a most dear Wife: by which Stars, as by the Dioscury, peradventure the tempest of persecution will in time be appeased, and the generous Prince may acknowledge the same Christ, under whom his Ancestors have so gloriously triumphed, &c.
This Match was soon concluded in the life of King James, the Articles concerning Religion being the same almost verbatim with those formerly agreed on in the Spanish treaty, and so easily condescended to without much debate; I shall give you the principle of them relating only to Religion, out of the Record it self, the printed French Mercury, and Manuscript Copies as they were subscribed and signed by the Earls of Carlisle and Holland, extraordinary Ambassadors and Commissioners for the King and Prince on the one side, and by the French Commissioners on the other side; and after that signed, sealed, and sworn to by King James, Prince Charles, and the French King, the 10. of Novemb. 1624. and upon King James his death re-signed, resealed, and re-swore to by King Charles and the French King, the 8. of May 162 • . after the French account.
1 That the above named the Lord's Ambassadors have promised, and do promise for and on the behalf of his Majesty of great Britain now reigning, 〈◊〉 he shall take • to Marriage, for his dear Consort and Wise, the Lady Henretta Maria Daughter of France, and sister to his foresaid most Excellent Majesty, in person, or otherwise by Proxy, so soon as conveniently the same may be done, and that also the foresaid Lady at the good pleasure and consent of his foresaid Christian Majesty, and of the Queen her Mother, after his FORESAID MAJESTY HATH OBTAINED A DISPENSATION FROM THE POPE, d • th promise to take for her dear Consort and Husband, Charles the first, King of great Britain, and according to the foresaid reciprocal promise, he shall be assianced and contracted after the manner accustomed in the CATHOLIKE AND ROMISH CHURCH.
• 7. It is likewise agreed upon, that the said Lady and all her Followers, as also the Children which shall be borne to her Officers, shall have free exercise of the Catholic Apostolical and Roman Religion; and to that end the foresaid Lady shall have a Chapel in each of the Kings Palaces or Houses, or in any other place of his Majesty of great Britain, where he shall chance to come and continue; and that the foresaid Chapel shall be adorned and decked as it is sitting; and that the keeping thereof shall be committed to whom it shall please the said Lady to appoint; in which the preaching of God's Word, and the Administration of the Sacraments, the MASSE and all other Offices shall be freely and solemnly done, according to the use of the Romish Church; yea, all Indulgences and Jubilees which the said Lady shall obtain or get from THE POPE, may be done and executed there. There shall be also one Church-yard in the City of London, given and appointed to interre and bury such of her said Ladyships followers, as shall chance to depart this life, according to the manner and form of the Church of Rome; and that shall be modestly done the whi • h Church-yard shall be in such sort enclosed or walled about, that no person shall come therein to profane the same.
8. It is also agreed upon, that the said LADY SHALL HAVE A BISHOP FOR HER GREAT ALMONER, who shall have all Jurisdiction and necessary authority for all matters and causes concerning Religion, and who shall proceed against the Ecclesiastical persons which shall be under his charge, according to the Canons constituted and appointed.
9. And if it shall at any time happen, that any secular Court shall take any of the foresaid Priests into their power, by reason of any crime or offense against the State by him commiited or done, and do find him to be guilty thereof, yet shall the said Court send him back to the said Bishop, with the Informations which they find by him. because the said Priest is privileged from their power; and the said Bishop when he shall understand and know so much, shall degrade the said Priest, and afterwards send him back unto the foresaid secular Court to do justice upon him. And for all kind of other faults, the aforesaid Priests shall be sent to the Bishop, to the end that he may proceed against them according to the Canons in that case provided, and in the absence or sickness of the said Bishop, the Priest which is by him appointed to be his great Vicar, shall have the same power and authority.
10. It is likewise agreed upon, that the said Lady shall have 28 PRIESTS, or Ecclesiastical persons in her house, comprehending therein her Almoner and Chaplains, to serve and keep the foresaid Chapel according • they are appointed: and if any of them be a regular or canonical person, living under more prescript rules then the rest, yet he may hold and keep his habit.
Also the KING OF GREAT BRITTAINE, is by OATH BOUND NOT TO ENDEAVOUR, BY ANY MEANS AT ALL TO HAVE HIS SAID QUEEN TO RENOUNCE THE CATHOLIKE APOSTOLIKE AND ROMISH RELIGION, NOR COMPELL HER TO DOE ANY THING WHATSOEVER THAT IS CONTRARY TO THE SAME RELIGION.
11. The said Queens house shall be maintained with so much Dignity, and with so great a number of Officers as ever any had that was Queen of England; all the household servants which the said Lady shall carry into England, shall be Priests, catholics, and French by birth, and chosen and appointed by his most Christian Majesty; And if it happen that any of them die, or that the foresaid Lady shall be willing to change her said servants, then She will take in their steads other Papists catholics, French or English; always provided that his Majesty of great Britain consent thereunto.
16. The children which shall by reason of the said inter-marriage, be born and live, shall be nursed and brought up near unto the said Lady and Queen, from the time of their birth, until they come to the age of fourteen years.
Besides these general Articles of the Match, the French Mercury informs us of these particular ones, concluded and agreed on in favor of the Roman Catholics; the same in substance with those of Spain, forementioned (as Master James Howell himself confesseth) the heads whereof were three.
1. The first touching the Catholics, as well Ecclesiastics as secular, imprisoned since the last Proclamation ( upon the Parliaments forementioned Petition and breach with Spain) that they should all be set at liberty.
2. The second to this effect, That the English Catholics should be no more searched after (or molested) for their Religion.
3. The third, that the goods of the Catholics as well Ecclesiastics as secular, that were seized on since the last Proclamation published against them, should be restored to them.
Upon the 1. of May 1625. after our English computation, the marriage between the King and Queen was celebrated at Paris. The 4. of May (but three days after the marriage, and scarce six weeks after the descent of the Crown to his Majesty) the King in pursuance of these Articles, granted this special pardon to no less then twenty several Priests and Jesuits therein named, of all offenses by them committed against any laws and statutes then in force against any Priests, Jesuits, or popish recusants; on which I desire the nameless, incredulous Author of the Answer to the Royal Popish Favorite (who will neither credit the French Mercury, nor the Records themselves, that there were any such Articles as are fore mentioned, but rejects them as Forgeries, without any color or ground of reason, but a pretended royal prosecution against Papists, at the Parliaments importunity only, which was never real or cordial) to chew the cudde upon; which, because he shall not deny, he may peruse and view at his leisure in the Records at the Rolls, Patent. 4. pars. 10. Caroli Regis Numero 12.
REX omnibus ad quos, &c. Salutem. Sciatis quod Nos pietate moti, de Gracia Nostra specially ac ex certa scientia & mero motu Nostris, pardonavinimus, remissimus & Relaxavimus, ac per praesentes pro Nobis, haeredibus & Successoribus Nostris pardonamus, remittimus & Relaxamus Joanni Piercy Clerico. Henrico Hopkins Rico. Bapthorpe Clerico. Benjam. Medcalfe Clerico. Thomae Mushe, Thomae Cudworth, Christophero Ibotson, Willielmo Brooksby Clerico. Christophero Clough, Toby Clay, Rico, Robinson Clerico. Edwardo Ditchfield Clerico. Joanni Melling, Willielmo Nayler, Jacobo Eckersall, Richardo Whaley, Laurencio Lanshaw, Rico, Sharrocke, Rico. Gill & Willielmo Berrey, quocunque nomine vel cognomine aut additione nominis vel cognominis, dignitatis, Artis professions, misterij, Loci vel Locorum idem Joannes Piercy, Henricus Hopkins Ricus, Bapthorpe, Brianus, Medcalse, Thomas Mush, Thomas Cudworth, Christopherus Ibotson, Wilhelmus Brooksby, Christopherus Clough, Tobias Clay, Richardus Robinson, Edwardus Ditchfield, Joannes Melling, Wilhelmus Nayler, Jacobus Eckersall, Richardus Whaley, Laurencius Lanshaw, Richardus Sharrocke, Richardus Gill & Wilhelmus Berry sciantur, cenceantur aut huncupantur, aut nuper sciebantur, censebantur aut nuncupabantur, aut eorum aliquis, Sciatur, censeatur aut nuncupatur, aut nuper sciebatur, censebatur aut nuncupabitur, ac eorum cuilibet omnes & singulas proditiones, proditorias offensiones misprisiones proditionum, felonias & offensiones & Malefacta Felonica quaecunque per ipsos aut eorum aliquem sive aliquos per se solum, sive cum aliqua alia persona, sive aliquibus alijs personis quibuscunque, contra forman Statuti in Parliamento Dominae Elizabethae nuper Reginae Angliae anno Regni sui vicessimo rertio fact. & edit; intitulat, An act to retain the Queens Majesty's Subjects in their due obedience: Seu contra formam Statuti Parliamenti Dominae nuper Reginae Anno regui sui vicessimo septimo fact. & edit, intitulat. An Act against Jesuits, Seminary-priests and such otherlike disobedient persons; seu contra formam Statuti in Parliamento praecharissimi nuper patris Nostri Iacobi nuper. Regis Angliae anno regni sui tertio fact. & edit. intitulati: An Act for the better discovering and repressing of popish Recusants, seu contra formam alicuus alterius legis sive Statuti ante hac fact. concernen. Iesuitas, Sacerdotes Presbiter, Seminar. seu allos Presbiteros, Sacerdotes Diaconos, aut personas religiosas seu ecclesiastic. sact. & ordinat. seu provis: per aliquam authoritatem sive jurisdictionem derivat, calumniat. aut pretens. a seed Romana, aut concernen. reconcilitionem alicujus subditi sive aliquorum subditorum hujus regni Angliae, Episcopo, Sedi auc Eccleliae Romanae adhuc fact. Commiss. sive perpeirat. ac omnia & singula ostens. & Malefacta de Premuniresen cog • lt. per nomen de Premunire contra formam Statuti predicti anno regni prefat. nuper Patris Nostri precharissimi tertio edit; aut alicuus alteri act. sive Statuti Comiss. in recusando vel non recipiendo Sacrament, devisat & provis. in Statuto predicto anno Regni Domini nuper Patris Nostri precharissimi Angliae tertio edit. ac omnia & singula alia offenss. & delict. quaecunque in recusando vel non recipiendo Sacrament. praedict. ac omnia imprisonamenta ration praemissorum seu eorum alicujus, aut ration recusanciae in non accedendo ad aliquam Ecclesiam, Capellam seu usual. loc, come. Precationis juxta leges et Statuta in ea parte •• abilita, aut ration alicujus offens. contra formam alicujus Statuti sive aliquorum Statutorum contra papales Recusantes stabilit, ac fugam & fugas superinde fact. li • t idem Johannes Piercy, Henricus Hopkins, Richardus Babthorpe, Brian Medcalfe, Thomas Mush, Thomas Cudworth, Christopherus Iborson, Gulielmus Brooksby, Christopherus Clough, Tobias Clay, Richardus Robinson, Edwardus Ditchfield, Johannes Melling, Wilhelmus Nayler, Jacobus Eckersall, Richardus Whaley, Laurentius Lanshaw, Richardus Sharrock, Richerdus Gill et Wilhelmus Berry, de eisdem proditione, misprisione proditionum, feloniorum offenss, et malefact. sive de eorum aliquibus vel aliquo indictat. imperit. appellate. rectat. ut lagat. condemnat. convinct. attinst. sive adjudicar, existunt vel non existunt, vel • orum aliquis existit, vel non existit, aut inde indictari, impetiri, appellati, rectari utlagari condempnari, convinciri attingi sive adjudicari contigerint vel eorum aliquis vel aliqui contiger. in sutur. Ac omnes & singulos si quae utlagar. versus ipsos vel eorum aliquem vel aliquos ration premissorrum, seu eorum alicujus promulgat. fuerunt sive imposterum erint promulgand. ac etiam judicium et iudicia pro premiss, seu aliquo premissorum versus ipsos seu eorum aliquem vel aliquos habit. fact. reddit sive adjudicat, aut imposterum habend. siend. reddend. sive adiudicand. ac executionem et executiones hujusmodi iudicii et judicionum versus ipsos vel eorum aliquem vel aliquos pro premiss. vel aliquo premissorum habend. fiend. vel exequend, nec non omnes • et singulas paenas mortis, paenas corporales, forisfacturas, • ines et executiones quascunque quae Nos versus prefat, Jo • net • Piercy, Henricum Hopkins, Richardum Bapthorpe, Btianum Medcalfe, Thomam Mush, Thomam Cudworth, Christopherum Ibotson, Willielmum Brooksby, Christopherum Clough Tobiam Clay, Richardum Robinson, Edwardum Ditchfield, Joannem Melling, Willielmum Naylor. Jacobum Eckersall, Richardum Whaley, Laurencium Langshaw, Richardum Sharrocke, Richardum Gill & Willielmum Berry, seu versus eorum aliquem vel aliquos ration vel occasion premissorum, aut eorum alicujus habuimus, habeamus seu in futur, habere poteritrius, aut haered. vel successor Nostri habere poteri •• in futur. sectamque pacis Nostrae quae ad Nos haered. & successores nostros versus ipsos vel eorum aliquem vel aliquos pertinere poterit. Et s • mam pacem Nostram & hanc perdonacionem Nostram ejs & eorum Cuilibet inde damus & concedimus per praesentes. Mandamus etiam ac pro Nobis, haeredibus & successoribus Nostris sumiter injuugendo precipimus omnibus & singulis Commissionarijs pro causis ecclesiasticis, Justiciarijs, Vice-comitibus, Escaetoribus Ballivis, Custod. prison. & alijs officiarijs et Ministris Nostris haeredum et Successorum Nostrore quibuscunque. Quod si praefat. Joannes Piercy, Henticus Hopkins, Richardus Bapthorpe, Brianus Medcalse, Thomas Mush, Thomas Cudworth, Christopherus Ibotson, Wilhelmus Brooksby, Christopherus Clough, Tobias Clay, Richardus Robinson, Edwardus Di • chfield, Joannes Melling, Wilhelmus Naylor, Jacobus Eckersall, Richardus Whaley, Laurencius Lanshaw, Richardus Sharrocke, Richardus Gill et Wilhelmus Berry, vel eorum aliquis vel aliqui ration premissorum per praesentes pardonari seu mentionati fore perdonari, incarcerati vel imprisonati existunt vel existit; Quod ipse, et eorum quilibet super solam demonstrationem praesentium inde deliberentur, et eorum aliquis deliberetur absque ulteriori warranto, proinde a Nobis, haeredibus et successoribus Nostris obtinendo seu prosequendo. Nolentes quod ipsi per Justiciar. Vice-come. Escaetores, Ballivas seu aliquos alios Ministros Nostros haeredum vel successorum Nostrorum occationibus praedict. sen eorum aliquis molestentur, perturbentur, seu in aliquo graventur, licet ipse bonam et sufficientem securitatem non inveniat, aut eorum aliquis inveniat secundum formam & effectum Statuti Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae tertii, progenitoris Nostri, Anno regni sui decimo apud Westnionasterium, tent. edit, de Se been-gerend, extunc. erga Nos, haered. et Successor. nostros et cunctum populum nostrum. Et ulterius de uberiori gratia Nostra, certa scientia et mero motu nostris concessimus, ac per praesentes pro Nobis Haeredibus et Successoribus Nostris concedimus prefat. Joanni Piercy, Henrico Hopkins, Richardo Bapthorpe Briano Medcalfe, Tho •• ae Mush, Thomae Cudworth, Christophero Ibotson, Willielmo Brooksby, Christophero Clough, Tobiae Clay, Richardo Robinson, Edwardo Ditchfield, Joanne Melling, Willielmo Naylor, Jacobo Eckersall, Richardo Whaley, Laurentio Lanshaw, Richardo Sharrocke, Richardo Gill et Willielmo Berry, quod hae literae Nostrae Patentes favourabiliter, et in maximum ipsorum et eorum eujus • bet, commodum et beneficium, construentur, capientur et acceptabuntue, et stabunt et existent • irmae, validae et effectuales lege, erga, versus et contra Nos, Haeredes et Successores Nostros secundum veram intentionem earundem; statutis praedictis aut eorum aliquo, aut aliquo alio statuto, Actu, Proclamatione, provisione, vel restrictione • aut aliqua alia re, causa vel materia quacunque in contrarium, inde in aliquo non obstante. In cujus rei testimonium, &c. teste Rege apud Westmonasterium, quarto die Maii anno primo Caroliregis.
Convenit cum recordo et examinatur per me Joannem Claydon. Per ipsum Regem.
After this, May 11. the Duke of Buckingham was sent into France to meet the Queen, and conduct her into England: The now Archbishop of Canterbury to show his good affection to promote this match, sent letters after him the selfsame day. The 19. of May he writ second letters to the Duke, then staying at Paris: and May 29. he sent other letters to him by the hands of the Bishop of Durham, to be delivered to him at his first arrival in England: June 5. this Bishop received letters from the 〈◊〉 out of France being Whitsunday, as he was going to divine service, to which he returned an answer the next morning early. June 12. the Queen arrived in England; and June 16. the King and Queen came both to London, where a new Chapel was f •• one after built for her and her Family at Somerset-house to say Mass in: with a Mo • astery thereto adjoining for Capuchin Friars, who were therein placed, and walked abroad in their Friars-habits, seducing his Majesty's Subjects.
Hereupon the Papists (though formerly much daunted by the dissolution of the Spanish Match) began to lift up their heads, elevated their hopes, and resorted openly to Mass in great multitudes; Seminary Priests and Jesuits repaired into the Realm from all foreign parts without restraint, and grew very numerous and bold: which the Parliament then sitting, taking into their pious and serious consideration, in the beginning of August 1625. both Houses presented the King at Oxford (whither the Parliament was then adjourned by reason of the plague) with this ensuing Petition against Recusants, Priests and Jesuits; whereunto I have annexed his Majesty's Answer to each branch thereof, which was very plausible (to ingratiate himself with his people in the beginning of his reign) had it been really performed.
To the KINGS most excellent Majesty.
Most gracious Sovereign:
IT being infalliby true, that nothing can more establish the Throne and assure the peace and prosperity of your people, then the unity and sincerity of Religion; We your most humble and loyal Subjects, the Lord's spiritual and temporal, and Commons of this present Parliament assembled, hold ovr selves bound in conscience and duty to represent the same to your sacred Majesty, together with the dangerous consequences, and what we conceive to be the principal causes thereof, and what may be the remadies.
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The dangers appear in these Particulars.
- 1. First, in their desperate ends, being both the subversion of Church and State, and the restlessness of their spirits to attain these ends; the doctrine of their Teachers and Leaders persuading them, that therein they do God good service.
- 2. Secondly, their evident and strict dependency upon such foreign Princes, as no way affect the good of your Majesty and this State.
- 3. Thirdly, the opening a way of popularity to the ambition of any, who shall adventure to make himself head of so great a party.
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The principal cause of the increase of Papists.
- 1. First, the want of due execution of laws against Jesuits, Seminary-priests and Papist Recusants, occasioned partly by the connivency of the State, partly by defects in the laws themselves, and partly by the manifold abuse of Officers.
- 2. Secondly, the interposing of foreign Princes by their Ambassadors and Agents, in favor of them.
- 3. Thirdly, their great concourse to the City, and frequent conferences and Con •• nticles there.
- 4. Fourthly, the open and usual resort to the houses and Chapels of Forreigne Ambassadors.
- 5. Fifthly, the education of their children in Seminaries, and houses of their Religion in foreign parts, which of late have been greatly multiplied and enlarged for entertaining of the English.
- 6. Sixthly, that in some places of your Realm, your people be not sufficiently instructed in the knowledge of true Religion.
- 7. Seventhly, the licentious printing and dispersin of popish and seditious books.
- 8. Eighthly, the employment of men ill affected in Religion, in places of government, who do, shall, or may countenance the popish party.
The Remedies against this outrageous and dangerous disease we conceive to be these ensuing.
1 • That the youth of this Realm be carefully educated by able and religious School-masters, and they to be enjoined to catechize and instruct their Scholars in the grounds and principles of true Religion; and whereas by many complaints from divers parts of the Kingdom, it doth plainly appear that sundry popish Scholars dissembling their Religion, have craftily crept in, and obtained the places of teaching in divers Countries, and thereby infected and perverted their Scholars and so fitted them to be transported to the popish Seminaries beyond the seas: that therefore there be great care in choice and admitting School-masters, and that the ordinaries make diligent inquiries of their demeanors, and proceed to the removing of such as shall be faulty, or justly suspected.
His Majesty's Answer. This is well allowed of, and for the better performance of what is desired, letters shall be written to the two Arch-bishops, and from them letters to go to all the ordinaries of their several Provinces to see this done; the several ordinaries to give account of their doings herein to the Arch-bishops respectively, and they to give account to his Majesty of their proceedings herein.
2. That the ancient discipline of the Universities be restored, being the famous Nurses of literature and virtue.
Answ. This is approved by his Majesty, and the Chancellor of each University shall be required to cause due execution of it.
3. That special care be taken to enlarge the word of God through all the parts of your Majesty's Dominions, as being the most powerful means for planting of true Religion, and rooting out of the contrary; to which end among other things, let it please your Majesty to advise your Bishops by fatherly entreaty and tender usage, to reduce to the peaceable and orderly service of the Church, such able Ministers as have been formerly silenced, that there may be a profitable use of their ministry in these needful and dangerous times; and that Non-residency, Pluralities and Commendams, may be moderated; where we cannot forbear most humbly to thank your Majesty for deminishing the number of your own Chaplains, nothing doubting of the like princely care for the well bestowing of the rest of your Benefices, both to the comfort of the people, and the encouragement of the Universities, being full of grave and able Ministers unfurnisht of livings.
Answ. This his Majesty likes well so as it be applied to such Ministers as are peaceable orderly and conformable to the Church-government; for pluralities and Non-residencies, those are now so moderated, that the Arch-bishops affirm, there be now no Dispensutions for pluralities granted, not no man now hath allowed above two Benefices, and those not above thirty miles distant: and for avoiding Non-residence, the Canon in that case provided shall be duly put in execution; for commendams they shall be sparingly granted, only in such case where the exility and smallness of the Bishopric requireth. Also his Majesty will cause that the Benefices belonging to him shall be well bestowed, and for the better propagating of Religion, his Majesty recommendeth to the House of Parliament, that care may be taken and provision made, that every parish shall alow a competent maintenance for an able Minister, and that the owners of personages impropriate, would alow to the Vicars, Curates and Ministers in Villages and places belonging to their personage, sufficient stipend and allowance for preaching Ministers.
4. That there may be straight provision against transporting of English children to the Seminaries beyond the seas and for the recalling of them who are already there placed, and for the punishment of such your Subjects as are maintainers of those Seminaries, or of the Scollers, considering that besides the seducing of your people, great sums of money are yearly expended upon them, to the impoverishing of this Kingdom.
Answ. The law in this case shall be put in execution, and further, there shall be letters written to the Lord Ireamrer, and also to the Lord Admiral that all the P • rts of this Realm and the creeks and members thereof be strictly kept, and •• eight 〈◊〉 made to this end: a Proclamation shall be to recall both the children of Noble men and the children of any other men, and they to return by a day: also 〈◊〉 of Seminaries, or Scholars there, shall be punished according to the law.
• That no popish Rec • san • be permitted to come within the Court, unless your Majesty be pleased to call him upon special occasion, agreeable to the Stature of 〈◊〉 5. And whereas your Majesty for the preventing of any apparent mischiefs both to your Majesty and the State, have in your princely wisdom taken order 〈◊〉 none of your natural borne Subjects, not professing the true Religion, and by law established, be admitted into the service of your royal Consort the Queen, we give your Majesty most humble thanks, and desire that your order herein may be observed.
Answ. If his Majesty shall find or be informed of any concourse of Recusants to the Court, the law shall be strictly followed; and his Majesty is pleased • that by proclamation the British and the Irish Subjects shall be put in the same case: and as his Majesty hath provided in his treaty with France so his purpose is to keep it, that 〈◊〉 of his Subjects shall be admitted into his service, or into the service of his royal 〈◊〉 sort the Queen, that are popish Recusants.
6. That all the laws now standing in force against Jesuits, Seminary-priests and others, having taken orders by authority derived from the Sea of Rome, be put in due ex ••• ion; and to the intent they may not pretend to be surprised, that a speedy and certain day be prefixed by your Majesty's Proclamation for their departure out of this Realm, and all other your Dominions and not to return, upon the severest penalties of the law now in force against them, and that all his Majesty's Subjects may be thereby admonished, not to receive • comfort, entertain or conceal any of them, upon the penalties which may be lawfully inflicted and that all such Papists, • esuits and Recusants, who are and shall be imprisoned for recusancy or any other cause may be so strictly restrained, as that • one shall have conference with them; thereby to avoid the contagion of their corrupt Religion, and that no man who shall be suspected of 〈◊〉 be suffered to be keeper of any your Majesty's prisons.
Answ. The law in this case shall be put in execution, and a Proclamation shall be to the 〈◊〉 , desired and such restraint shall be made as is desired, and no man that is justly suspected of popery shall be suffered to be keeper of any of his Majesty's prisons.
7. That your Majesty be pleased to take such order as to your Princely wisdom shall be expedient that no natural borne Subject, or strange Bishops, nor any other by authority from the Sea of Rome, confe •• e any ecclesisticall orders, or exercise any ecclesiastical Function whatsoever, toward or upon your Majesty's natural Subjects, within your Dominions.
Answ. This is 〈◊〉 to be ordered, according as it is provided, and it shall be so published by Proclamation.
1. That your Majesty's learned Counsel may receive order and commandment to consider of all former grants of Recusants lands, that such of them may be avoided as are made to the Recusants use or interest, our of which the recusant receiveth any benefit, which are either void or voydable by the law.
Answ. The King will give order to his learned Counsel to consider of the grants, and will •• e according as is desired.
9. That your Majesty will be likewise pleased strictly to command all your Judges and • inisters of justice ecclesiastical and temporal to see the laws of this realm against Papist recusants to be duly executed; and namely that the censure of exc • mmun •• 〈◊〉 declared and certified against them, and that they be not absolved but 〈◊〉 satisfaction by yielding to con • ormity.
〈…〉 leaves the laws to their course, and will give order in the point 〈…〉 as is desired.
〈…〉 your Majesty will be pleased to remove from all places of authority and government, all such persons as are either popish Recusants, or according to direction of former act of State, to be justly suspected.
Answ. This his Majesty thinks fit, and will give order for it.
11. That present order be taken for disarming all popish Recusants, legally convicted or justly suspected, according to the laws in that behalf, and the orders taken by his late Majesty's privy Counsel, upon reason of State.
Answ. The laws and acts in this case, shall be followed and put in due execution,
12. That your Majesty be also pleased, in respect of the great resort of Recusants to and about London, to command forthwith, upon pain of your indignation and severe execution of the laws, that at they retire themselves to their several Countries, there to remain confined within five miles of their places.
Answ. For this, the laws in source shall be forthwith executed.
13. And whereas your Majesty hath strictly commanded and taken order, that none of the natural borne Subjects repair to the hearing of Masses, or other superstitious service at the Chapels or houses of foreign Ambassadors or in any other places whatsoever; We give your Majesty most humble thanks, and desire that your Order and commandment therein may be continued and observed, and that the offenders herein may be punished according to the laws.
Answ. The King gives assent thereto, and will see that observed which herein hath been commanded by him.
14. That all such insolencies as any popishly affected have lately committed, or shall hereafter commit, to the dishonor of our Religion, or to the wrong of the true professors thereof, be exemplarily punished.
Answ. This shall be done as is desired.
15. That the Statute of 1. Eliz. for the payment of 12. d. every Sunday, by such as shall • be absent from divine service in the Church without a lawful excuse, may be put in due execution, the rather for that the penalty by law is given to the poor, and therefore not to be dispenst withal.
Answ. It is fit that this Statute be executed, and the penalties shall not be dispenst withal.
16. Lastly, that your Majesty would be pleased to extend your Princely care also over the Kingdom of Ireland, that the like courses may be there taken for the restoring and establishing of true Religion.
Answ. His Majesty's cares are and shall be extended over the Kingdom of Ireland, and will do all that a religious King should do for the restoring and establishing of true Religion there.
And thus (most gracious Sovereign) according to our duty and zeal to God and Religion, to your Majesty and your safe • y, to the Church and Common-wealth, and their peace and prosperity, we have made a faithful declaration of the present estate, the causes and remedies of this increasing disease of Popery, humbly offering the same to your Princely care and wisdom. The answer of your Majesty's Father our late Sovereign of famous memory, upon the like Petition did give us great comfort of Reformation, but your Majesty's most gracious promises made in that kind, do give us confidence and assurance of the continual performance thereof; in which comfort and confidence reposing ourselves, we most humbly pray for your Majesty's long continuance in all Princely felicity.
This Petition (as I find by the Commons Iournall) was ordered to be drawn up by a special Committee upon a complaint made in that House, of the liberty of Priests and Jesuits, 21. Iun •• 1. Car. On the 7. of July following it was voted in the House, answered by the King the 7. of August, and the Answer thereunto reported Aug. 8.
But this Parliament being unhappily dissolved in discontent, the twelfth of that August, these plausible answers vanished into smoke; and notwithstanding them the execution of Priests and Jesuits apprehended during and after the Parliament, and the proceedings against Recusants by well affected Justices and people, were stayed in some places by warrants under the privy Signet, and other under-hand means.
Yet in December following, the King being necessitated to summon a new Parliament, to prevent clamours and complaints, in not making good his Answers to the foresaid Petition, caused a Commission to be awarded under the great Seal, for executing the laws against Recusants which was read in all the Courts of Justice at Redding, and withal sent this Letter to the then Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Abbot, to be by him conveyed to all the Bishops of his Province, to present and exco • municate all Recusants within their Duresse; as will appear by this Letter of the said Archbishop to Doctor Land, then Bishop of Saint David's, and his Letters to his Officials in pursuance of it, the Original whereof is in my custody.
AFter my hearty commendations, &c. It will appear by the several Copies under written, from his royal Majesty to the Lord's Grace of Canterbury, and from my Lord's Grace to me, what care his Majesty hath for the preservation of true Religion, settled and established in this Kingdom; the tenor of these Letters are as followeth,
Right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord, I have received from the Kings Majesty a Letter, the Tenour whereof here followeth,
MOst Reverend Father in God, Right trusty, and Right Well beloved Counselor, We greet you well. Whereas upon sundry weighty considerations, Vs especially moving, We lately awarded Our Commission under Our great Seal of England, for the due and effectual putting in execution of the several law • , and statute • remaining in force against popish Recusants, and did cause Our said Commission to be publicly read in Our several Courts, holden the last term at Redding. That all Our loving Subjects might take notice of Our princely care and special charge for the advancement of true Religion, and suppression of Su • erstition and Popery. We have now thought fit out of the same care, to add a further charge to you, and all others having Ecclesiastical jurisdiction under Us; that no good means be neglected on Our part, for discovering, finding out, and apprehending of Jesuits, Seminary-priests, and other Seducers of Our people to the Romish Religion; or for repressing popish Recusants and Delinquents of that sort: against whom you are to proceed by Excommunication and other censures of the Church, not omitting any other lawful means to bring them forth to public justice. And as Our pleasure is, that due and strict proceeding be used against such as are open and professed Papists, of whom Ou • temporal laws will more easily take hold: So We do recommend to the vigilan • care of you, and the rest of Our Clergy, for the repressing of those, who being ill affected to the true Religion here established, do keep more close and secret, their ill and dongerous affections that way, and as well by their example, as by secret and underhand slights and means, do much encourage and increase the growth of popery and Superstition in sundry parts of this Kingdom. And therefore We do not only require, that none of them may have any manner of cover protection, countenance or connivance from you, or any of the rest, as you tender Our royal commandment in that behalf; but that all possible diligence be used, as well to un •• ske the false shadows and pretences of those, who may possibly be won to conformity; letting all men know that We cannot think well of any that having place and authority in the Church, do permit such persons to pass with impunity, much less if they give them any countenance to the imboldning of them or their Adherents: and because We understand that the number of Recusants is much more increased in some Dio • esses then in others, We shall impute the same to the negligence of those Bishops, who have the same means and power of restraint, unless they can show Us some particular reason by which that contagion is become greater under them then others, and not by their defaults: and We do hereby require you to send transcripts of these Our Letters to all the Bishops and Ordinaries within your province, for the present execution of this • Our general direction: and also to transmit the same our Letters to the Lord Archbishop of York, that he may take the like course within his Charge and Jurisdiction.
Given under Our Signet at Our Castle of Windsor the fifteenth day of December, in the first year of Our Reign.
By this you see the Royal and Christian care which his Majesty hath, for the advancement of true Religion within this Kingdom and the suppressing of the contrary; I doubt not but your Lordship will take it into serious consideration, and by your Officers and Ministers, give execution thereunto; so that presentments be duly made and excommunication against the obstinate be issued forth, as: some few years past was accustomed: and his Majesty doth expect, that to show your diligence and zeal therein, yout Lordship soon after Easter return unto me the list and number of all Recusant Papists within your Diocese, which without fail I do expect: and so I leave you to the Almighty, and remain
Your Lordships loving brother, G. Cant.
Croydon, the 21. of Decemb. 1625.
These are therefore to will and require you and every of you, through the several Arch-deaconries within my Dioceses, that there be all possible care taken of such as are any way backward in points of Religion, and more especially of known and professed Recusants: that they may be carefully presented, and proceedings had against them to excommunication, according to form and order of Law; and that there be a true List and Catalogue after every Easter yearly sent unto me, that according to the order of these Letters I may be able to have it ready, and deliver it up to my Lord of Canterbury; and for the better effecting of this, I must and do further require, that the Register do write out several Copies of these Letters, and issue them into the several Arch-deaconries, that none may plead ignorance of their duty in this behalf, as you must look to answer it further if fault be found to rest upon you: Thus not doubting of your religious care and duty to the Church and State, I leave you all to the grace of God, and rest
Your loving Friend and Diocesian, Gul. Menevensis.
Westmin. Ian. 14. 1625.
To the right Worshipful, my very loving Friends, Doctor Aubrey, Chancellor of the Dioceses of Saint David's, and all his Surrogates and Deputies within the several Arch-deaconries, these be delivered.
Upon this, the names of some few Recusants were certified to the Bishop, out of Carmarthen and Pembrokeshire in June following, but what other proceedings were used against them, I am yet to seek.
After this a new Parliament being assembled at Westminster in February 1625, they appointed a special Committee for Religion, to examine the forementioned abuse of stopping proceedings against popish Recusants, Priests and Jesuits, by Letters under the privy Signet; who issued out this ensuing Warrant to the Signet-Office, found among Secretary Windebanks papers.
Lunae, 6. of March 1625.
at the Committee for Religion
- M. Moore.
- M. Will. Whitaker.
- M. L • u. Whitaker.
- M. Nubery.
THese Sub-committees are appointed to search at the Signet-Office what warrants have passed for the stay of the execution of Priests and Jesuits, or of any other legal proceedings against popish Recusants, since his Majesty's gracious Answer to both Houses of Parliament, delivered at Oxford in August, and they are to bring Copies of all such Warrants, or of the Dockets to that Commitee at their sitting upon Thursday next.
John Pym.
This is a true Copy of the Order delivered at the Signet-Office by Master Mo • re, Master Lau. Whitaker and Master Newbery, examined with the Order it self the tenth of this instant March, 1625.
John Grymesdyche.
What the ground of this warrant was, appears by the report of Master Pym, in the Commons Iournall of that Parliament.
Iovis 23. Mart, 3. Car. Regi.
MAster Pym reporteth from the Committee for religion, a Letter written to the Major of Yorks, for repriving of some Jesuit • , Priesis, and other Recusants; there being doubt made of the Letter, being under the Sign • a Sub-committee was appointed by the Committee of religion to examine this Letter, with the Original at the Signet-Office, they going thither an Answer was returned by Mr. Windebanke, the then Clarke there, that he cannot show them that they desire without order from the King.
After which this Order was made in the Commons House. Sab. 29. Apr. 2. Car. Regis.
THe Committee for Religion is to have power to make Sub-committees to go and examine any that be sick, or in prison, or have other lawful impediment, concerning saying of Mass, or printing of popish books, or other things in that nature.
In the month of May following, the House took divers Examinations concerning popish School-masters, and re •• sants that were in office, and particularly of a Jesuit that had a lodging, and was in Commons in Graye-Inn; and at last they agreed upon a Petition against recusants in office, and to present their nature therewith to the King, to the end they might be removed.
Martis 6. Iunij. 3. Car. Regis.
THe Petition against Recusants in authority, was • grossed, read and allowed to'be presented to his Majesty, and this to be done by the Privy Counsel of the House, and Sir John Fulleston, which was done accordingly: but with what real success, I can give no exact account.
In this Parliement these ensuing articles against Popish Recusants were consulted of in the Common House, with an intent to draw them into an act.
-
Articles consulted upon in Parliament for a Law against Recusants.
- 1. THat where by former Statutes the King was to have 20. li. a month from Recusants, hereafter his Majesty shall take two parts of the lands of every Recusant.
- 2. Church-wardens monthly to present the names, quality and ability of every person in their parish absenting from Church to Justices of peace.
- 3. A new Oath with more additions to be taken concerning the Supremacy.
- 4. His former Law to be explained and confirmed, that the Husband shall pay for the recusancy of his Wife.
- 5. That Recusants shall not keep any weapons in their houses, but what shall be allowed by Justices of the peace, and shall nevertheless be assessed for provision of Arms.
- 6. All papistical books to be prohibited from coming over from beyond the fear, o • here received upon a great pain.
- 7. If any shall discover a Papist, or any other at Mass, whereby they may be apprehended, he shall have the third part of their Lands and Goods for his pains and inteligence.
- 8. Every Recusant shall cause his child to be baptized in his parish Church, within a month after birth, upon great pain.
- 9. No Recusant to bear office of Justice of peace or otherwise, or any man whose wife shall be a Recusant, or practice law common or civil, or physic nor have command in war; and no Recusant being Patron of any Benefice, shall have power to present unto it; but both Vniversityes shall present unto it alternis vicibus.
- 10. All persons convicted of recusancy shall stand excommunicated (ipso facto) No Recusants shall hold any lands or Tenements by curtine; no woman recusant shall have dower or thirds of her Husbands lands or goods by any custom or usage of place.
- 11. That the children of Recusants above the age of five years shall be taken from their Parents, and placed for education by Justices or peace in every parish, and to be maintained at their Parents charge, and they not to have power to dis-inherit them.
- 12. No Recusant shall be Guardian in Socage; Chivalry, or pour-nature to any person, &c.
- 13. That no person shall go beyond the seas without taking the new Oath, unless by warrant from the King, or • ix of the privy Counsel.
- 14. If any of the Kings Subjects shall be reconciled to the Pope in any part beyond the • ease, and return to any of the Kings Dominions, it shall be treason, as if it had been done in England.
Pope Urban the eighth having intelligence of this Parliament • strict proceedings against popish Priests and Recusants in England, sent this enming consolatory Bull unto them (found among Secretary Windebankes papers) at the end whereof I find the torme of an Oath which the English Priests take, before they be admitted into any Ecclesiastical Office in the Church of Rome; both which I shall here subjoin.
Urbanus P P. Octavns.
DILECTI FILII Salutem & Apostolicam Re • edictionem. Non semper terrena faelicitas est beneficium coeli & patrimonium p •• tatis, pacemenim cum p • etate v • olens ecclesia, non rare experta est potentiam mortalium esse stipendium sceleris; quare Catenas martyrum anteferimus Coronis triumphantium, & Deus sempiter ••• principatus coelestes policetur, non 〈◊〉 qui superbo pede jura proterunt, sed qui p • rsecutionem pati • ntur propter justitiam, Veritatem hance thesa • ris divinitatis delatam in terris contemplans Apostle •• , non modo animam non despondebat, sed superabundabat gaudio in omni tribulatione fideli ••• . Qui enim digm habentur pro nomine Jesus contu •• liam pats, ii toss • ram divin • 〈◊〉 videntur possidere & eo pretio abundant, quo sunt venalia diademata ater • tatis. Mallemus • quidem human • imbecilitatis memores gloriam & divitias esse in Tabernaculis •• storum, 〈◊〉 onim eum Vestras miserius contemplantur • Dilect: Filij, tantups Vestre virtut • & Christo propugnants fidimus • t Vobis audeamus gratulari segetem triumphorum. Speravit quidem Ecclesia fore, ut potentissims Regis animus, qui e Catholica Conjuge procreare optavit, haredes patr • s Rega • s imperaturos, delmitus suspir •• s ••• ori • pietatis, pateretur Regalis connubit dotem, esse libertatem side • . Nunc autem formidantur vota & consilia • nimicorum Vestrorum: Et cum Religio Orthodoxa Regali diademate in optima Reg • a coronetur, • stic tamen non desunt qui F • lus Nostris andeant Careerem & supplicia 〈◊〉 . • redimus esse inter Vos qui mortificationem Jesus Christi proprio corpore circumferre cupiant, & blanditias vol • ptatis atque ambition • s titulos posthab • ant lamenae carnisicum ac vinculorum cont • meli • s: si qui tamen istic sunt quos present setiam prosperitatis defiderium teneat, eos certiores fieri cupi •• s de illoru •• salute 〈◊〉 fice solicitam esse Pontificiam charitatem. Nullum a Nobis relinquitur officium quod minacem ingruentis tempestatis caliginem possit in optatam consolationes auram co • vertere. Tamen sid • latet Infernus o • 〈◊〉 & Martyrum sangume • fittat impacata erudelitas, armari debetis scuto inexpugnabili bonae voluntatis, & coelum in curcere, coronam in equ • lco, immortalitatem in morte cogitare. Inter Britann • cos naafraganti • religions scopulos 〈◊〉 Christi suit tabula quae Nos perduxit 〈◊〉 portum bon • voluntatis Vestrae. H • Copus est amplexari 〈◊〉 praesentia, cujus virtute dalcesect amari 〈◊〉 , Cogitate dilect • filij in qua slatione commormint & quorum 〈…〉 fitis spectaculum. Vos Angelicae legiones circumvolitant que ph • alis 〈◊〉 desideria 〈◊〉 excipiunt, & ad sanctuarum serunt misericordia 〈◊〉 . Patefactis coeli sori ••• , spectator Idem & muncrator Christus, Vebis sacros civ • um Vestroram 〈◊〉 o •• endit, quos Anglia proprio sangume intulit coeluum con • th • s. Anxia pre • es suspirantis Ecclesia Vobis a Deo petunt spirituns charitattis & fortitudons. Vestram salutem jurant concilia Sonatus Apostolici & vota Christianitatis. In tanto Coeli Terrarumque Theatro quem Vobis conscientiae victricis vigorem, quam animi trumphantis sublimitatem inesse d • oet? Fuerunt in consimili diserimine consilia majorum Vestrorum, lumina spiritus Saacti & arma Iucis sint verba vestra oracula sapientiae, sint actiones vestrae exempla fortitudinis: quos si eo usque vis progrediatur, ut Vos ad Nox •• m iliud & illicitum Anglicanae sidelitatis juramentum adigat, mementote nationem Vestram ab universo Angelorum spectantium concessu audiri, & adhaertat lingua Vestra faucibus Vestris, priusquam authoritatem Beati Petri, eajurisjurands formula 〈◊〉 eatis. Noa e •• s • b •• d solum agitur, uti fides Regi servetur, sed ut fa • rum •• versa ecclesiae sceptrum eripiatur Vicaijs Dei omnipotents; quod fa • licis recorda ••• nis Paulus quintus predecessor Noster 〈◊〉 tam gravi deliberatione decrevit, id omnino 〈…〉 veritatis servive debetis, dilectis filij. Tributunt hoc Principi Apostoiorum debitum nullae h • minius minae a • t blindesiae unquam a Vobis extorqueaut: qui vero suadent ii visionem mendacem & divinationem frauduleutam prophetaat 〈…〉 enim viro Christiano debet patcutium gladius vitam eripere quam sidem. Quod si Angelus 〈◊〉 de Caelo descendeus, Vos aliter quam veritas Apostolica doceat. 〈◊〉 sit. Nos interea Pairem luminum orabimus, ne exaecari 〈◊〉 cor 〈◊〉 Regts qui certs discero debeb • t, quanta in ijs quae policers potesbis sides habendajis 〈◊〉 sub •• t • s, qui ne se perjurij aligent, 〈◊〉 spiritum emitteri quam 〈…〉 vir •• s Vestra 〈◊〉 prae • osior auro, qued igne prob tur, docete Regaum 〈◊〉 tantum non mess 〈◊〉 hostium saevitia, ut in cordibus Vestris possit aeternum 〈◊〉 ignem extiaguere.
O ate pro persequentibus Vos: humilitas, patientia concordia, 〈◊〉 oratio • rmae sunt, que intam saecadimicatione debetis distriagere. ut 〈◊〉 caelestis • m triumphorn* • lorsant 〈◊〉 mambus vestris. • um enim ipsius etiam Christi Carnisices vetatis sic beatus Petrus gladio vnluerate, hortansur vos praesens ecclesi • bonum prae oculis habeutes, ut cogitetis •• rea cogitations pacis, & Reg • etiam dum mortalem vitam adimit, 〈◊〉 vitam exoptetis. Ita belligerare fas est milites Christ sub vexillo Crucis: Confundantur ora loquentum iniqua, cum odisse etiam nesciatis, qui vos exeructant, Caeterum Dominus qui potest tristitiam Vestram in gaudium convertere, erit a dextris Vestris ne commoveamini, & illius testamenti nunquam obliviscetur quo haereditatem Regni •• elestis imitatoribus suis legavit. Compiectimur Vos Apostolicae charitatis brachijs, dilecti filij, quibus pateruum patrocin • um pollicemur, & benedictionem Nostram perma • enter impartimur.
Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die 5. Maij 1626. Pontisicatu • Nostri tertio. A tergo; Dilectis Filijs Catholicis Anglicanis Ionnes Campholus.
Fo • ma Juramenti quod praestant Sacerdotes Angli qui ad aliquod ossicinum Ecclesiasticum assumuntur.
〈…〉 Preshiter in verbo sacerdotis Iuro & pro ••• quod ab hac hora fidelis Re • e ••• dissima Domino R. Episcopo Chalced; O •• , Angli • & Scotia Successorum ejus parebo mandatis. Clero em Anglieano seculari cujus sincerum membrum me esse prositeor, fidelis & devotus semper existam, Illiusque dignitatem tuebor ac bonum ejus tam spiritual tam temporale pro posse meo & essicaciter procurabo: N • hill in ejusdem Cleri damnum aut projudicium sciens & volens faciam, aut attentabo, vel ab alijs siert aut attentari permittam, neque sciam qued non revelabo praefato Domino ordin arto meo & ejus successoribus vel saltem per quem possit ad ejus & successorum ejus notitiam sine fraud & dolo aperto celeriter pervenire itame Deus adjuvet.
Haec forma Juramenti nemini ostendatur nisi illis ad quos spectat.
This Parliament dissolving in discontent, on the 15. of June 1626. not long after this Bull; the popish Recusants were so far from being in danger of any open persecution against them within our Realms, needing such a Cordial as this from Rome, that on the contrary, this very year, even when the Parliament was sitting, they were upon the point of gaining a public Toleration of their Religion in Ireland, where they plotted first openly to erect the same (being furthest out of the Parliaments and people's view) and then to set it up openly by degrees nearer home.
This Toleration there, by their powerful Court-friends and purses, was so far resolved on and proceeded in, that the Protestant Bishops of Ireland knew of no other meants to prevent it, but by joining in a public Protestation against it; the Copy, occasion and manner whereof I shall here present you with, as I found them in the Arch-bishop of Canterburies Study, sent (as it seems) to the then Arch-bishop out of Ireland.
The judgment of the Arch-bishops and Bishops of Ireland concerning a Toleration of the popish Religion, by public Protestation.
THE Religion of Papists is superstitious and idolarous, their faith and doctrine erroneous and heretical, their Church (in respect of both) Apostolical; to give them therefore a Toleration of Religion, or to consent that they may freely exercise their Religion, and profess their Faith and Doctrine is a grievous sin, and that in two respects. First, it is to make ourselves accessory not only to their superstitious Idolatries; Heresies, and in a word, to all the abominations of Popery; but also (which is a consequent of the former) to the perdition of the seduced people, which perish in the deluge of the Catholic Apostasy. Secondly, to grant them a Toleration in respect of any money to be given, or contribution to be made by them, is to set Religion to sale, and with it though souls of the people's, whom Christ our Savior hath redeemed with his blood. And as it is a great sin, so it is a matter of most dangerous consequence, the consideracion whereof we leave to the Wife and Judicious, beseeching the Zealous God of Truth, to make those who are in authority Zealous of God glory and of the advancement of true Religion, zealous, resolute and conragious against all popery, superstition and idolatry.
There were likely to be granted unto the Papists in Ireland many privileges, and withal a Toleration for their Religion, in the consideration of the payment of a great sum of money. This Easter • term 1626. there was a great meeting of all the chiefest of the whole Kingdom, and the Arch-bishops and Bishops, &c. and it was likely to be concluded: Doctor Dowman Bishop of London-derrey April II. preached at Dublin before the Lord Deputy and the whole State; his Text was Luke I. at the 79. In the midst of his Sermon he openly read this Protestation above written, subscribed by the Arch-bishops and Bishops of Ireland, and at the end he boldly said, and let all the people say, Amen. And suddenly all the whole Church almost shook with the sound, that their Amen made, &c. the Lord Deputy called from the Bishop of Derry a copy both of his Sermon and Protestation to send to the King; the learned and courageous Bishop gave this answer, that there was nothing he either spake or read in the Pulpit but he would willingly justify it before his Majesty, and feared not who read or saw it. So now by God's mercy nothing may yet be done, or will be till the Lord Deputy hear from the King.
The Bishop hereupon was sent for into England, and after some attendance here, returned back into Ireland, where he died at his Bishopric.
How bold the popish Titular Bishops were in Ireland, and how they there ordained Mass-Priests, by authority from the sea of Rome before this Protestation, will appear by these ensuing Letters of Orders, conferred by Thomas Bishop of Meath; which I found in the Arch-bishop of Canterburies Study, thus indorced with his own hand, May 27. 1637.
The form of an Ordination by the Bishop of Meath in Ireland, according to the form of the Sea of Rome.
THOMAS, Deiet Apostolica gratia Medensis Episcopus, Universis singulis praesentes Nostras literas visuris salutem, in eo qui est vera salus. Notum facimus quod Nos Ordines in Cameris privatis Hereticae persecutionis metu celebrantes. Dilectum Nobis Nolanum Feranan, Dereusis diaecesios Diaconum, ideoneum repertum and Sacrum Presbyteratus ordinem, Sabatho sancto die 5. Aprilis, Anne 1625. juxta 〈◊〉 Calendarij computum, promovendum duximus, et promouemus, rite in Domino 〈◊〉 Messarum solemnia, virtute dinissorialum sui Ordinarij. Datum in loco Mansionis Nostrae die & Anno praedictis.
Signed Thomas Medensis, and sealed with his Episcopal Seal.
A Copy of the Certificate for the order of Priesthood. This is a true Copy of that Copy of the Certificate, which was this 27. of May 1635. sent in unto the Counsel-board.
Sir E. Nicholas.
How popery and Papists have since increased in that Kingdom, notwithstanding this Protestation, and what open Toleration of popish Bishops, Priests, Mass, Monasteries, Nunneries, and a College of Jesuits, &c. hath been in that Realm, you shall hear anon, in the continued seris of this Design, which transports me into France for a time, from whence it had its second birth.
Not long after the Kings Match with France, there was a design in that Realm to extirpate the Protestants, and surprise all their fortified Towns in that Kingdom, whereof Rochell was the principal; which being a maritane Town, furnished with a good Fleet of Ships, able to make good their Harbor, and furnish themselves with provisions and supplies from all their Protestant friends, maugre all the Sea-forces of the French King; thereupon the French Cardinal Richelieu and his confederates taking the advantage of their new interest in the King of England, by reason of this marriage; importuned him to lend his Brother of France the Vaunt-guard, one of the Vessels of his royal Navy, and seven Merchant-men of War, to be employed in his service by sea: which the King condescending to, sent the said Ships under the command of Captain Pennington into France, to be employed as the French King and his Counsel should prescribe. Who designing them for service against Rochell, to surprise their Ships, block up their Haven, and intercept their trade and relief, contrary to their expectation; the Captains, Masters and Mariners of the Ships were so much discontented, that they were designed against the Rochelers, who were not only their friends, but the chief professors and maintāiners of the Protestant Religion in those parts, and that they should be made the instruments of their ruin, and draw the guilt of their innocent Protestant blood upon their souls, that they all unanimously resolved, they would rather die, sink, or be hanged up at the Masts of their Ships, then stir one jot, or weigh anchor for such an unchristian detestable employment. Captain Pennington their Admiral, and the French used all the rhetoric and persuasions they could to alter this their heroic and most Christian resolution; but they continued inflexible, and would neither by allurements, rewards, nor threats be drawn to such an unworthy action, resolving rather to sink then stir therein. Whereupon Captain Pennington acquainted his Majesty and the Duke of Buckingham by Letters with this their peremptory resolution, and desires their direction herein; the King (I know not by whose ill advice) returns him this answer both by word of mouth and this ensuing Warrant (the copy whereof was found among Windebankes and the Lord Cottingtons Papers.)
CHARLES R.
Pennington:
THese are to charge and require you, immediately upon sight hereof; that without all difficulty and delay, you put Our former commandment in execution, for the consigning of the Ship under your charge, called the Vaunt-guard, into the hands of the Marquess de Effort, with all her Equipage, Artillery and Ammunition, assuring the Officers of the said Ship whom it may concern, that we will provide for their indemnity: and We further charge and command you, that you also require the seven Merchants Ships in Our name, to put themselves into the service of Our dear Brother the French King, according to the promise made unto him: and in case of backwardness or refusal, We command you to use all forcible means in your power, to compel them thereunto, even to their sinking: and in these several charges, see you fail not, as you will answer the contrary at your utmost peril; and this shall be your sufficient Warrant.
Given as Our Court at Richmond the 28. of July 1625. To Our Trusty and well-beloved, John Pennington, Captain of Our Ship called the Vaunt-guard.
Upon receipt of this Warrant Captain Pennington (as I have been certainly informed from very credible persons of note, privy to the transactions of this business). threatened to shoot and sink the Ships, and hang up the Mariners that refused to yield obedience, and serve against Rochell; but they all unanimously declined the service, bidding him do his pleasure with them; for go against the Rochelers they would never; but if they were commanded upon any other service not against the Protestants, they would obey: Whereupon those who refused to serve in this expedition, were commanded to quit the Ships and return into England; which all did but two, (who soon after came to desperate ends, the one being blown up with Gun-powder, the the other drowned or slain.) Upon this, the English Ships were according to this direction, delivered to the French, manned with French-men and other Foreigners, and joining with some more Vessels of the French King, destroyed the Rochell Fleet, blocked up their Haven, & ruined that famous Protestant City, with most of the Protestants in it; which after a long and sharp siege by sea and land, was through famine surrendered into the Papist hands, the loss whereof was generally, if not justly imputed to our ill Counsellers; who after they had been instruments to destroy their Ships, the principal means of their safety, support, and preservation, by an unfortunate voyage of the Duke of Buckingham to the Isle of Ree (to what end but to ruin Rochell and the Protestant party in France, or to revenge the disappointment of his lust, as many muttered, is yet unknown to the world) exhausted their Ammunition, Victuals, provisions, men to supply our necessities at Ree, and after our departure thence, left our sick and may • ed soldiers there to help devour the residue of their emptied stores, and then suffered them to be totally blocked up at sea: when we had thus engaged them on our behalf, neglecting to send them timely supplies of Victuall, Ammunition, shipping, men (which was strangely delaid from time to time contrary to promise) and when our ships went at last, they gave over the design of relieving is as desperate, before ever they assayed whether it was feasible ( 〈◊〉 Master Henry now Lord Iermin, and some others in that unfortunate expedition informed me) and then making only a Bravado towards the Barracado, as if they meant to force it with their fireships, and engines made with great stones (brought to London to repair Paul's, & so unlikely to do any good service for Rochell) they discharged their Ordnance very valiantly above a league or two from the Works they were to force, and without adventuring nearer or attempting to force the Barre, returned presently with infinite dishonor for England, leaving all their fireships and Engines in them to the French in a most unwarlike manner: but in their return homewards many of these Ships were wrecked drowned in a tempest, who would not adventure sinking in a fight, and the whole Navy shattered. Soon after which, poor Rochell (thus deferred and betrayed) was surrendered into the French Kings & Cardinals possession, and all the Protestant Towns in France surprised, yeeded, pillaged, dismantled; so as they have since no Town or Fort of strength to retire unto, to preserve themselves from the force or massacres of their bloody Adversaries to whose merciless cruelties they are now wholly exposed upon all occasions by our means. I pray God this 〈◊〉 against them, and the blood of those many thousand Protestants then shed in France by our occasion, be not one principal cause why God (by way of retaliation) hath permitted the Papists in Ireland and England to shed so much Protestant blood in these Realms as they have done of late, lot our refusing or neglecting to avenge their blood upon those romanized Conspirators, who were the occasion of this their irreperable loss and bloodshed.
But to return home again from this deplorable action; the second Parliament in King Charles his Reign being dissolved suddenly in disgusts, as you have heard, there was a desperate plot laid to blow up our Religion, Liberties, Properties, all at once by the Jesui •• call, Arminian and Prelatical Faction.
To effect this, they set on foot an enforced Loane or Benevolence to the King, to which every man must be summoned and compelled to lend money according to his ability: to which end there were Commissions and Instructions, together with special Commissioners senc into every County, to summon all Free-holders and men of estate to lend what the Commissioners should asse •• e them: and to prepare the people the better to contribute, Doctor Manwaing preached two Sermons before the King and his Court at White-hall, and Doctor Sibthorpe another Sermon at the Assis •• at Northampton (by the now Arch-bishop of Canterbury his instigation, who perused, and caused these Sermons to be printed, by the Kings special Command, with some additions and purgations of his own) to preach the people out of their just rights in point of Conscience; and the Judges were likewise enjoyed in their charges and circuits, to declare the legallity of them (and so enthrall the Subjects to this and all other arbitrary taxes) in point of Law. And that this malevolent enforced Benevolence might pass more currently and plausibly among the people, the aiding of our Protestant Allies in Germany, Denmark, France (and particularly the relief of Rochell, then besieged) against the Papists and their potent enemies was made the principal end thereof, and a Parliament was promised to be summoned if this loan succeeded, otherwise not, though the issue proved, a Parliament was rather pretended, then really intended by the chief Advisers and Promoters of it, to wit, the Duke of Buckingham, Bishop Laud and their Confederates.
The total sum designed to be levied proportionably upon all Counties by this loan (as appears by Secretary Windebanks memorials concerning it) was 173411. li. His Majesty's Letter, to the several Counties to draw on this Contribution (as Secretary Windebanks own Copy manifests) were as followeth, being all dated in February 1627.
CHARLES REX.
IT is now known to all men, that Our dear Uncle the King of Denmark, is brought into great distress, that without present succor the Sound will be lost, Our Garrison in Stoad broken by the Emperors Foroes, which now straitly besiege it, Our Eastland Trade (which maintains Our Shipping) and the Staple of Hamborough (which vents Our Cloath) both gotten from Vs: Besides, it is known likewise, that two great Kings of Spain and France, and the Pope with them are joined to root out Our Religion; that their Admirals the Duke of Guise and Don Frederick de Toledo, are at this present before Rochell and endeavoring to block it up: that they have store of Land-men ready upon the coast of Britain, with them and other forces ready to invade us.
Of these imminent dangers to true Religion, to Our Allies, Our Countries, and the Trade of Our people, We assure Our selves every well-affected Subject will be very sensible, as We are; and certainly there is a necessity come upon Vs, not so much of debating as acting Our defense; and unless there be a present means found to set a Fleet to Sea to disband them that lie before Rochell, that Town and Our Religion in those parts are sure to be ruined.
We have (beyond the custom of Our royal Progenitors) spared neither Our Jewels nor Plate, nor Our Lands, to supply public occasions; We now expect speedy and proportionable supply for this service from the love and duty of Our People, whence that charge for their own preservation should ever come.
We find further in the debate of this business with Our privy Counsel, that it is not possible this I lect of Ours now to be set forth, can stay safely till a Parliament be assembled; and We think it neither wise nor safe for Our Selve or you to be taken sitting, in a Parliament, and so proclaim to the world that We consult too late; therefore though We are issuing out Our Writs for a present Parliament, yet because We find the business cannot stay so long (since that must have the ordinary course of Summons) We expect your present performance of this service, not doubting but that the Parliament when it comes will consider the urgency of the thing, and the hast of the time • and give Us thanks for this timely provision.
Now this We must let you know, that if you make this present supply, We will then go on with Our Parliament, if not, then We must think of a more speedy way: and yet it is not We that put this condition upon you but the moere necessity of the time and the service; which if you neglect, then it is not Our fault but your own that ye have not a Parliament; for We must put you in mind, that it is not possible the affairs of Christendom should receive a turn to Our advantage, but only by God's blessing and Our speed; and we assure you that your making us and yourselves by this present aid to sit safe in Parliament, nothing shall then divert us from meeting you at our day prefixed.
And since all men see that it is not safe to set down now without this Fleet to back us, it will be less sit then when the year is further advanced, and though this may seem to you a great charge, yet we have been so careful in ordering and proportioning the business, that we have laid a greater sum upon Our Self then upon You.
And we further recommend upto you, that Our former distractions (the only causes of Our disadvantage abroad) may be laid down, that so God's blessing may come in to Our success: that as Our last devisions did us more harm then the common enemy, so our present union testified in this foregoing sign of preparing this Fleet (which is of greater consequence and will add more credit then the money it self) may be the happy forerunner of a future happiness.
And last of all, since this great business of setting out Ships used to be chaged upon the port Towns and neighbouring Ships, is too heavy for them to bear alone in this great proportion; therefore we have thought sit, with the advice of Our privy Counsel, and agreeable to the presidents of former times, to cause the whole charge of this Fleet to be cast up and distributed among all the Counties at a proportionable rate, according to which proportion the sum to be raised in.
And because we are confident of your forwardness and zeal to the service so deeply concerning the interest and safety of you all; we give you the power, but commit the trust for the manner of levying thereof to your care; yet in such sort, that you will not make the uneven rate of Subsidy your only rule of proportion, but proceed according to the true worth of men's-lands and estates within the County, that so the poorer may be eased, and yet the business be done.
The time assigned for Our said Fleet to beat sea, is the first of March next; and 〈◊〉 fore you are presently upon receipt of these Our Letters to assemble yourselves, and to apportion the several sums to each devision or hundred, and within three days after to repair to the said several places, and to take order for the settling of Collectors, which you are with all speed to 〈◊〉 to Our Counsel, and to take order or the return of the montes before the said first of March.
What further instructions shall be thought necessary, you shall receive from Our Counsel; but thus much We are pleased to signify under Our own hand that you and all men may know, that the necessary preservation of the Church and Commonwealth presieh Vs to this hast, and that We for Our part will not be wanting to Our duty of protection; and We are confident our Subjects will not desert either Vs or themselves, the Church or Common wealth; neither doubt We but that God's blessing will be upon our mutual accord and endeavors, which We hope the present ensuing Parliament will (to our great comfort) manifest to the World.
How illegal this Loane was, and what an unlawful Oath and instructions followed this Letter, you may read in the Petition of Right, 3. Caro •• .
The Papists were very forwards to advance this • oane, since it made much to promote their designs, and would have been a means to keep off a Parliament, the only obstacle to their proceedings growth and intentions; insomuch that Doctor 〈◊〉 in his Sermon, page, 30, 31, 32, urg • th their example, to periwade submission to this loan; and Doctor S • bthorte in his Sermon entitled Apostoticall Obedience, hath this passage to induce Protestants to contribute cheerfully and largely to this Loane. The Papists lie at wait, it they could find a rent between our Sovereign and his Subjects to reduce Superstition unto England: I speak no more then 〈◊〉 from themselves; whiles I have observed their forwardness TO OFFER DOVBLE, according to the current of a later law; yea to profess, that THEY WOVLD DEPART WITH THE HALFE OF THEIR GOODS: And how or why can this FORWARDNESSE be in them, but in hop to cast the 〈◊〉 of Frowardness upon us, and to seem that (which the Jesuits will not suffer 〈◊〉 to be) loving and loyal Subjects, &o. You may guess at the end of this projcst by the Papists forwardness to advance it.
But notwithstanding this forwardness of the Papists and others to promote this Benevolence the best affected Gentlemen to Religion, Parliament • and the common Liberty in all Counties, considering the danger thereof strenuously 〈◊〉 it; for which di •• of them were enforced to dance attendance on the Counsel & others imprisoned; by whose examples, this project was in a great in cause frustrated and a new Parliament resolved to be summoned by the Major Vote of the Counsel Table. Ian. • 9. 1627. though the now Arch-bishop with some others opposed it, and accordingly a Parliament was summoned and assembled in March following.
A little before the beginning of this Parliament, a College of Jesuits who kept to other in Commons, and had their officers and books of account duly kept, was discovered in 〈◊〉 - well, near the Church; their Books. Vestments, Relics, were seized on, and some of their persons (hid in private owners of their College) 〈◊〉 ended by Justice Long, and sent to Newgate: But when they were to be 〈◊〉 they were by their powerful friends at Court (I know not by what War •••• and special commands) ••• cased upon baile, and conveyed out of harms way, 〈◊〉 great offense and discontent both of the people and Parliament, which examined this • rand abuse, but could not apprehend the Jesuits to do exemplary justice on them to potent were their Patrons. Among their papers there was found the copy of 〈◊〉 newly directed by them to their Father Rector at Braxels; the extract whereof; I met with in the now Arch-bishops Study, thus indorsed with his own hand.
March 1628. A Jesuits Letter sent to the Recter at Brussels, about the ensuing Parliament.
Wherein there are these memorable passages, not fit to be concealed.
FATHER RECTOR, let not the damp of astonishment seize upon your Ardent and Zealous Soul in apprehending the sudden and unexpected calling of a Parliament: We have not opposed, but rather furthered it, so that we hope as much in this Parliament, as ever we feared any in Queen Elizabeth's days. You must know, the Counsel is engaged to assist the King by way of Perogative, in case the Parliamentary way should fail; you shall see this Parliament will resemble the Pelican, which takes a pleasure to dignity out with her beak her own bowels.
The election of the Knights and Burgesses hath been in such confusion of apparent faction, as that which we were wont to procure heretofore with much art and industry (when the Spanish match was in treaty) now breaks out naturally as a both or boil, and spets, and spues out its own rankor and venom.
You remember how that most famous and immortal States-man, the Count of Gondamare, fed King James his fancy, and rocked him asleep with the soft and sweet sound of peace, to keep up the Spanish treaty. Likewise we were much bound to some States-men of our own Country, to gain time in procuring these most advantageous cessations of Arms in the Palatinate, and advancing the honor and integrity of the Spanish Nation, and villifying the Hollanders, remonstrating to King James, that that State was most ungrateful both to his predecessors (Queen Elizabeth) and his sacred Majesty; that the States were more obnoxious then the Turk, and perpetually injured his Majesty's loving Subjects in the East Indies; and likewise they have usurped from his Majesty, the regality and invaluable profit of the narrow Seas, in fishing upon the English coast, &c.
This great States-man had but one principal means to further their great and good designs, which was to set on King James, that none but the Puritan Faction which plotted nothing but Anarchy and his confusion, were averse to this most happy Union. We steered on the same course, and have made great use of this anarchicall election, and have prejudicated and anticipated the great one, that none but the Kings enemies and his are chosen of this Parliament, &c.
We have now many strings to our Bow, and have strongly fortified our faction, and have added two Bulwarks more; for when King James lived (you know) he was very violent against Armininisme, and interrupted (with his pestilent wit and deep learning) out strong designs in Holland, and was a great friend to that old Rebell and Heretic the Prince of Orange.
Now we have planted that sovereign Drugge Armintanisme, which we hope will purge the Pretestants from their Heresy, and it flourisheth and 〈◊〉 fruit in due season.
The materials which build up our other Bulwark, are the projectors and beggars of all ranks and qualities whatsoever. Both these Factions cooperate to destroy the Parliament, and introduce a new species and form of government, which is Olligarchy.
These serve as direct mediums and instruments to our end, which is the universal Catholic Monarchy: Our foundation must be mutation, this mutation will cause a relaxation, which will serve as so many violent diseases, as the Stone, Gout, &c. to the speedy destruction of our perpetual and insufferable anguish of the body, which is worse then death it self.
We proceed now by counsel and mature deliberation, how and when to work upon the Dukes jealousy and revenge, and in this we give the honor to those which merit it, which are the Church Catholics.
There is another matter of consequence which we take much into our consideration and tendor care, which is to stave off the Puritans, that they hang not in the Dukes ears, they are impudent subtle people.
And it is to be feared left they should negotiate a reconciliation between the Duke and the Parliament; 'tis certain the Duke would gladly have reconciled himself to the Parliament at Oxford and Westminster; but now we assure ourselves we have so handled the matter, that both Duke and Parliament are irreconcilable.
For the better prevention of the Puritans, the Arminians have already locked up the Dukes cares, and we have those of our own Religion which stand continually at the Dukes cha • ber, to see who goes in and out; we cannot be too circumspect and careful in this regard. I cannot choose but laugh to see, how some of our own coat have re-encountered themselves, you would scarce know them if you saw them: and 'tis admirable how in speech and gesture they act the Puritans. The Cambrige Scholars to their woeful experience shall see, we can act the Puritans a little better then they have done the Jesuits; they have abused our sacred patron Saint Ignatius in jest, but we will make them smart for it in earnest. I hope you will excuse my merry digression, for I confess unto you, I am at this time transported with joy, to see how happily all Iustruments and means, as well great as lesser, cooperate unto our purposes: But to return unto the name fabric: our fouaedation is Arminianism, the Arminians and Projectors, as it appears in the Premises, affect mutation: this we second and enforce by probable arguments. In the first place, we take into consideration the Kings honor and present necessity, and we show how the King may free himself of his ward, as Lewis the XI. did, and for his great splendor and luster, he may raise a vast revenue, and not be beholding to his Subjects, which is by way of imposition of Excise: Then our Church Catholics proceed to show the means how to settle this excise, which must be by a mercenary army of Horse and Foot: for the Horse, we have made that sure, they shall be Foreigners and Germans, who will eat up the Kings Revenues, and spoil the Country whensoever they come, though they should be well paid; what havoc will they make there when they get no pay, or are not duly paid? they will do more mischief then we hope the army will do.
We are provident and careful that this Mercenary army of 2000. Horse and 20000, Foot shall be taken on and in pay before the excise be settled: in forming the excise, the Country is most likely to rise; if the mercenary army subjugate the Country, then the Soldiers and projectors shall be paid out of the confiscations; if the Country be too hard for the Soldiers, then they must consequently mutiny, which is equally advantageous unto us. Our superlative design is to work the Protestants as well as the Catholics to welcome in a Conqueror, and that is by this means. We hope instantly to dissolve trades, and hinder the building of Shipping, in devising probable designs, and putting out the State upon Expeditions, as that of Cales, in taking away the Merchants Ships, that so they might not easily catch and light upon the West India Fleet, &c.
By this Letter we see how Jesuits were the first planters of Arminianism among us how they haunted the Dukes lodgings, and projected the bringing in of the Germane Horse and Excise, the Commissions for both which were realities, not fancies afterwards discovered, read and cancelled in Parliament.
In this Parliament the now Archbishop Doctor La • d was questioned for licencing Doctor 〈◊〉 and Sibthorps Sermons, concerning the Loane, for maintaining, favoring Arminians and persons disaffected to our Religion; and this ensuing Complaint and Remonstrance drawn and presented by the House of Commons to the King, concerning the excessive growth of Popery and Arminianism in England and Ireland, and the suppression of the Protestant Religion preaching godly Ministers, Books &c. notwithstanding all former Royal promises, answers and Protestations to the contrary, made the last Parliament, which proved in event but pious frauds or policies to delude the impoliticke vulgar.
The Remonstrance delivered by the House of Commons to the King June 11. 1628.
Most dread Sovereign:
AS with all humble thankfulness we (your dutiful Commons now in Parliament assembled) do acknowledge the great comfort which we have in the assurance of your Majesty's pious disposition • so we think it a most necessary duty (being called by your Majesty to consult and advise of the great and urgent affairs of this Church and Common-wealth, finding them at this time in apparent dauger of destruction) faithfully and dutifully to inform your Majesty thereof, (and with bleeding heart and bonded knee) to crave such speedy redress therein, as to your own wisdom (unto which we humbly submit ourselves and our desires) shall seem most 〈◊〉 and convenient.
What a multitude and potency of your Majesty's enemies are abroad; what be their ambitious and malicious ends, and how vigilant and constantly industrous they are in pursuing the same, it is well known to your Majesty, together with the dangers threatened thereby to your sacred person and your Kingdoms, and the calamities which have already fallen, and hath daily increased upon your Friends and Allies; of all which we are well assured your Majesty is most sensible, and will accordingly (in your great wisdom, and with the gravest and most mature Counsels according to the exegency of the times and occasions) provide (by all good means) to prevent and help the same. To which end, we most humbly entreat your Majesty first especially to cast your eyes upon the miserable condition of this your own Kingdom, of late so strangely weakened, impoverished, dishonored and dejected, that unless (through your Majesty's most gracious wisdom, goodness and justice) it be speedily raised to a better condition, it is in no little danger to become a sudden pray to the enemies thereof; and of the most happy and flourishing, to be the most miserable and contemptible Nation in the world.
In the discovery of which dangerous, mischiefs and inconveniences lying upon us we do freely protest, that it is far from out thoughts to lay the least imputation upon your Majesty's sacred person, or the least scandal on your government: For we do in all sincerity, and with joyfulness of our hearts (not only for ourselves, but in the name of all the Commons in your Realm, whom we represent) ascribe as much honor to your Majesty and acknowledgement of duty, as a most loyal and affectionate people can give unto the best King, for so you are, and so you have been pleased abundantly to express yourself this present Parliament, by your Majesty's clear and satisfactory answer to our Petition of Right; for which both ourselves and our Posterities shall bless God, and ever preserve a thankful memory of your great goodness and justice therein; and we do verily believe, that all, or most of all those things, which we shall now present unto your Majesty, are either altogether unknown to you, or else by some of your Majesty's Ministers offered under such specious pretences, as may hide their own bad intentions and ill consequence of them from your Majesty: But we assure ourselves that according to the good example of your noble Predecessors, nothing can make your Majesty (being a wise and Judicious Prince, and above all things desirous of the welfare of your people) more in love, with Parliaments then this (which is one of the principal ends of calling them) that therein you may be truly informed of the State of all the several parts of your Kingdom, and how your Officers and Ministers do behave themselves in the charge and trust reposed in them by your Majesty, which is scarce possible to be made known to you but in Parliament, as was declared by your blessed Father, when he was pleased to put the Commons in mind, that it would be the greatest unfaithfulness and breach of duty to his Majesty, and of the trust committed to them by their Country that could be; if in setting forth the grievances of the people, and the condition of all the parts of this Kingdom from whence they came, they did not dealt clearly with him (without sparing any how dear or near soever they were unto him) if they were hurtful unto all the Common-wealth.
In confidence therefore of your Majesty's most ready and gracious acceptation in a matter of so high importance; in faithful discharge of our duties, we do (first of all) most humbly beseech your Majesty to take notice, that howsoever we know your Majesty doth from your soul abhor that any such should be imagined or attempted yet there is a general fear conceived in your people of some secret working and combination to introduce into this Kingdom Innovation and change of holy Religion (more precious to us then our lives and whatever the world can afford.) Our fears and jealousies herein are not merely conjectural, but arising out of such certain and visible effects, as may demonstrate a true and real cause, for notwithstanding the many good & wholesome laws made to prevent the increase of Popery within this Kingdom, and notwithstanding your Majesty's most gracious and satisfactory answer to the Petition of both Houses on that behalf, presented to your Majesty at Oxford, we find there hath followed no good execution or effect; but on the contrary (at which your Majesty out of the quick sense of your own Religious heart, cannot but be in the highest measure displeased) those of that Religion do find extraordinary favors and respects in Court from persons of great quality and power there, unto whom they continually tesort; and in particular to the Countess of Buckingham's, who her self openly professing that Religion, is a known favourer and supporter of them that do the same; which we well hoped (upon your Majesty's Answer to the aforesaid Petitition of Oxford) should not have been permitted, nor that any of your Majesty's Subjects of that Religion, or justly to be suspected, should be entertained in the service of your Majesty, or of your Royal Consort the Queen: Some likewise of that Religion have had Honors, Offices, and places of command and authority lately conferred upon them.
But that which striketh the greatest terror into the hearts of your loyal Subjects concerning this point is, that letters for stay of legal proceedings against them have been procured from your Majesty (by what indirect means we know not) and Commission under the great Seal granted and executed for composition to be made with popish Reculants: inhibitions also and restraints both to the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Courts, and Officers to intermeddle with them; which is conceived to amount to no less then a Toleration, odions to God, full of dishonor and extreme disprofit to your Majesty, of great scandal and grief to your good people, and of apparent dangers of the present estate of your Majesty and this Kingdom; and in special about London and the Suburbs thereof, where exceeding many Families of them do make their abode, frequent Mass at Denmark-house and other places; and by their often meetings and conferences, have unhappy opportunities of combining their councils and strengths together, to the hazard of your Majesty's safety, and the State; and most especially in these doubtful and calamitous times.
And now if to all these your Majesty will be pleased to add, the consideration of the circumstance of time, wherein these courses tending to the destruction of true Religion, within these your Kingdoms have been taken; even at such times, when the same is with open force and violence persecuted in other Countries, and all the reformed Churches of Christendom either depressed or miserably distressed; we do humbly appeal to your Majesty's Princely judgment, whether there be not a just ground of fear, that there is some secret and strange cooperating here with the enemies of our Religion abroad, for the utter extirpation thereof; and whither if these courses be not speedily redressed, and the profession of true Religion encouraged we can expect any other but misery and ruin speedily to fall upon us; especially, if besides the visible and apparent dangers, whereby we are encompassed round about, you would be pleased piously to remember the displeasure of Almighty God always bent against the neglect of his holy Religion; the strokes of whole divine justice we have already felt, and do still feel (with smart and sorrow) in great measure, &c.
This memorable Petition and Remonstrance predicting (and if then cordially embruced, pursued, preventing) all those bloody wars and miseries which since have justly befallen us by the growing Popish party both in England and Ireland, being presented to his Majesty by the Commons House, was not only slighted, disregarded, and taken very ill by his Majesty and his Privy Counselors, but likewise called in and suppressed, and Bishop Land in the Kings name (by his special command as he pretends) returned this p • remptory answer to it in writing (the original whereof was found in his Study, under his own hand) contrary both to his knowledge and conscience.
A Preface first, and then as follows.
AND although We are not bound to give an account of Our Actions but to God only, out of the honor and integrity of Our Grace, the love and care of Our people, the great and hearty desire We have to take off all fears and jealousies from Our loyal and loving Subjects; We have thought fit to declare these reasons following, why We have called in this Remonstrance, which yet We presume and constantly believe 〈◊〉 framed and delivered up unto Us with good intentions, though by amisguised Zeal.
For first that Remonstrance begins at Religion, and fears innovation of it, innovation by Popery: But We would have Our Subjects of all sorts to call to mind what difficulties and dangers We endured not many years since for Religions sake; that We are the same still, and our holy Religion is as precious to Vs, as it is or can be to any of them; and we will no more admit innovation therein, then they that think they have done well in fearing it so much.
'It is • ue that all effects expected have not followed upon the Petition delivered at Oxford; but We are in least fault for that: for supply being not afforded Vs, di • enabled Us to execute all that was desired, and caused the stay of those legal proceedings which have helped to swell up this Remonstrance: Yet let all the County: of England be examined, and London and the Suburbs with them, neither is there such a noted increase of Papists, nor such cause of fear as is made, nor hath any a • nounted to such an odious Tolerating as is charged upon it, nor near any such.
For that Commission so much complained of, both the Matter and 〈◊〉 of it are utterly mistaken; for it doth not dispense with any Penalty or any course to be taken with any Papist for the exercise of their Religion; no nor with the 〈…〉 or not conformity to Ours; It was advised for the increase of Our profit, and the returning of that into Our purse, which abuse or connivency of in • eriour Ministers might perhaps divert another way: If that or any other shall be abused in the execution, We will be ready to punish upon any just complaint.
The next fear is the daily growth and spreading of the Arminian Faction, called a cunning way to bring in Popery: But We hold this charge as great a wrong to Our Self and Our Government, as the former; for Our People must not be taught by • Parliament Remonstrance or any other way, that We are so ignorant of Truth, or so careless of the profession of it, that any Opinion, or Faction, or whatever it be called, should thrust it self so far and so fast into Our Kingdoms without Our knowledge of it; this is a mere dream of them that wake, and would make Our loyal and loving People think, We sleep the while.
In this charge there is great wrong done to two eminent Prelates that attend Our, Person, for they are accused without producing any the least show or shadow or proof against them; and should they, or any other attempt innovation of Religion, either by that open or any cunning way, We should quickly take other order with them, and not stay for your Remonstrance.
To help on this, Our people are made believe there is a restraint of Books Orthodoxall: But We are sure since the late Parliament began, some whom the Remonstrance calls Orthodox, have assumed to themselves an unsufferable liberty in printing. Our Proclamation commanded a restraint on both sides till the passions of men might subside and calm; and had this been obeyed as it ought, We had not now been tossed in this tempest: and for any distressing or discountenancing of good Preachers, We know there is none, if they be, as they are called, Good: But Our good people shall never want that spiritual comfort which is due unto them. And for the preferments which We bestow. We have ever made it Our great Care to give them as rewards of desert and pains; but as the preferments are Outs, so will We be Judge of the desert Our Self, and not be taught by a Remonstrance.
For Ireland We think in Case of Religion, 'tis not worse then Queen Elizabeth left it; and for other affairs 'tis as good as We found it, nay, perhaps better: and We take it for a great disparagement of Our Government that it should be voiced, that new Monasteries, Nunneries, and other Superstitious Houses are erected and replenished in Dublin and other great Towns of that Our Kingdom: for We assure Our Self, Our Deputy and Counsel there will not suffer God and Our Government so to be dishonored, but We should have had some accompt of it from them; and We may not endure to have Our good people thus missed with shows:
There is likewise somewhat considerable in the time, when these practices to undermine true Religion in Our Kingdoms are set on foot. The Remonstrance 〈◊〉 Vs, it is now when Religion is opposed by open force in all other parts. But We must tell Our people, there is no undermining Practises at home against it, If they practice not against it, that seem most to labor for it; for while Religion seems to be contended for in such a factious way which cannot be God's way, the heat of that doth often melt away that, which it labors earnestly but perhaps not wisely, to preserve; And for God's judgments which We and Our people have felt, and have cause to fear, We shall prevent them best by a true and religious Remonstrance of the amendment of Our lives, &c.
This Answer to the Parliaments Remonstrance, and the public calling of it in gave great offense to the House, & all true Protestants; but infinitely emboldened, augmented the Popish and Arminien Faction; and so much disgusted the common people, (being seconded with a sudden prorogation of the Parliament, to prevent the Remonstrance of the House of Commons, against the illegality of taking Tonnage and Poundage without grant in Parliament; as appears by the Kings own Speech at the adjournment on this occasion, printed after his royal Answer to the Petition of Right) that the King to give the people some seeming satisfaction (who were then speedily to pay in the greatest Subsidy ever granted and collected in so short a time) published a Proclamation bearing date the 7. of July 1628. entitled, A Proclamation, declaring his Majesty's pleasure concerning the proceedings had and to be had against Popish Recusants according to the Laws, and for directions to his Majesty's Commissioners for that service both in the Southerne and Northern parts, for making compositions with Recusants. Which Proclamation though it appeared in show to be against the Papists, yet really, it was in favor of them, to compound at great undervalues for the Kings two parts of their Lands; which Compositions came to little or nothing in the Southerne parts, as I have manifested in my Royal Popish Favourate; and not to much in the North; as appears by this note of Compositions made with Recusants in the North, with an Estimate of their estates, sound among Windebankes papers,
| Staffordshire. | li. | s. | d. | li. | s. | d. | ||
| FRancis Ha • ecourt of Ranton Esq. per an. | 25 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 200 | 0 | 0. | |
| Philip Gifford of Hyon Widow, per an. | 20 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 200 | 0 | 9. | |
| Walter Brooke of Lapley Esq. per an. | 30 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 400 | 0 | 0. | |
| Dorothy Fowler of St. Thomas Widow, per on. | 13 | 6 | 8 | worth per an. | 200 | 0 | 0. | |
| Lancashire. | ||||||||
| Richard Massey of Rixton Esq. per an. | 40 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 400 | 0 | 0. | |
| Abraham Laugton of Lowe Esq. per an. | 10 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 150 | 0 | 0. | |
| Anne Shrburne of Laithgryme Wid. per an. | 24 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 200 | 0 | 0. | |
|
of Lytham, per an. | 100 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 1500 | 0 | 0 |
| Isabell Anderton and Hugh Anderton her Son, | of Euxton, per an. | 8 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 150 | 0 | 0 |
| Sir William Norres of Speak Knight, per an. | 60 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 500 | 0 | 0. | |
| Thomas Hesketh of Poulton Esq. per an. | 15 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 200 | 0 | 0. | |
| William Anderton of Anderton Esq. per an. | 20 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 250 | 0 | 0. | |
| Roger Anderton of Birchley Esq. per an. | 21 | 12 | 3 | worth per an. | 300 | 0 | 0. | |
| Thomas Dolton of Thurnbam Esq. per an. | 15 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 200 | 0 | 0. | |
| Sir William Gerrerd of Bryn Baronet, per an. | 66 | 13 | 4 | worth per an. | 800 | 0 | 0. | |
| James Anderton of Clayton Esq. per an. | 40 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 500 | 0 | 0. | |
| John Preston of Manor Esq. per an. | 80 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 1500 | 0 | 0. | |
| Derbyshire. | ||||||||
| Sir Henry Merrie of Bar • on Kt. per an. | 66 | 13 | 8 | worth per an. | 600 | 0 | 0. | |
| George Poole of Sprinkehill Esq. per an. | 20 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 250 | 0 | 0. | |
| Nottinghamshire. | ||||||||
| George Markham and Mary Markham his Mother | of Ollert • n, per an. | 15 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 800 | 0 | 0 |
| Lincolnshire. | ||||||||
| Sir John Thymbleby of • rnhan Kt. per an. | 1 • 0 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 1500 | 0 | 0. | |
| Anthony Munson of Lincoln Esq. per an. | 25 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 400 | 0 | 0. | |
| Richard Townley of Norton Esq. per an. | 150 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 1500 | 0 | 0. | |
| there and in Lancashire. | ||||||||
| Northumberland. | ||||||||
| Roger Widdrington of Cartington Esq. per an. | 60 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 500 | 0 | 0. | |
| Mark Errington of Po • t-Island Esq. per an. | 45 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 400 | 0 | 0. | |
| Thomas Haggerston of Haggerston Esq. per an. | 20 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 250 | 0 | 0 | |
| there and in Lancashire. | ||||||||
| Yorkshire. | ||||||||
| George Wa • t of Laborne Gent. per an. | 10 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 150 | 0 | 0. | |
| Marmaduke Holtlie of Scackleton Esq. per an. | • 0 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 150 | 0 | 0. | |
| Allen Aiscough of Gre •• hobottom Esq. per an. | 22 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 600 | 0 | 0. | |
| Sir Ralph Ellerker of Riesby Knight, per an. | 50 | 0 | 0 | worth per an. | 600 | 0 | 0. |
By the Laws of this Realm, the King was to have two parts of Recusants Lands and Estates divided into three, and 40. l. out of 60. l. per annum 200. l. out of 360. l. per annum: But after the rate of these Compositions at undervalues (one part of the Commons grievance in their forecited Remonstrance and Petition) the King instead of his two parts of three, had not above one part of 10. or 15. in the North, where Compositions were highest, and for ought I find, not really and duly paid when made. Now because the Fees in passing these Compositions were somewhat high the Recusants prefered this Petition to the King to mitigate them, indorsed with Secretary Windebanks own hand in this manner; Poor Recusants for moderation offices.
To the KINGS most excellent Majesty.
The humble PETITION of the poor Recusants of the Southerne and Northern parts of this your Highness Realm of England
THat whereas your sacred Majesty hath been pleased to accept such of your Petitioners into Grace, as should submit themselves by way of Composition to your Majesty, which your Petitioners most willingly embraced, and with all thankfulness have submitted themselves thereunto.
But so it is, may it please your most excellent Majesty, that the great and excessive rate and charge of passing their grants and other discharges, is such, that without your Majesty be further pleased to extend your mercy towards them, your poor Petitioners (although they have used the uttermost of their mean endeavors) can reap no benefit of your Majesty's gracious favor vouchsafed unto them.
They therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty to be pleased to refer the settlement and establishing of the said Fees to the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Cottington, who calling unto them your Majesty's Vice-Presidents of the North, may direct such moderate fees and means to pass the said grants and other discharges, as your Petitioners mean ability may be able to undergo.
But this Proclamation rather displeasing then satisfying, it was thus seconded with the ensuing ogive more content.
By the KING. A Proclamation declaring His Majesty's Royal Pleasure and Command, for putting the Laws and Statutes made against Jesuits, Priests, and Popish Recusants in due execution.
WHereas We have found by experience, that notwithstanding the strict and severe Laws made and standing in force against Jesuits, Priests, and others having taken Orders by authority derived, or pretended to be derived from the Sea of Rome; and notwithstanding Our former restraints and prohibition, by Proclamation and otherwise many of them have presumed to resort and remain within this Our Realm and other parts of Our Dominions, and there do daily endeavor to withdraw and seduce Our Subjects from the true Religion of Almighty God, and from there due Allegiance and Obedience towards Us their Liege Lord, and that many of Our Subjects missed by them, have adventured to receive, harbor and maintain them and thereby have incurred the danger of Our Laws.
And therefore not finding that good effect which We did, and might justly expect of any former course taken in that behalf, We have thought fit, and do hereby publish Our royal pleasure and Command, that careful and diligent search be made by all Our Officers and Ministers, and by all others to whom it may appertain, for all Jesuits, Priests, and others having taken Orders by authority, derived or pretended to be derived from the Sea of Rome, and that wheresoever, and whensoever they shall be found, they be apprehended, and committed to the common Goale of that County where they shall be found, there to remain without Baile or Mainprize, until by due course of Law they be tried, and proceeded with according to Law; which We will shall be done with all convenient expedition: And if upon their trial and Conviction there shall because to respire the execution of any of them, yet We are resolved not to let them lie in those common Goales, much less to wander about at large, but according to the example of former times, to send them to the Cattle of Westbich, or some other safe Prison where they shall remain under strait and close custody, and be wholly restrained from exercising their Functions, or spreading their superstitious and dangerous Doctrine.
And We are also resolved, whereof We do hereby give notice to all, whom it may concern at their utmost perils, That the Harbourers, Receivers and Maintainers of Jesuits, Priests and all such others as have received or shall receive Orders as aforesaid, shall be left to the due and ordinary course of Law.
And We do further will and command that all Our Judges, Justices and Ministers of Justice in their several places, not only do observe Our will and pleasure before expressed, in all and every the premises, but also do put all other Out Laws in due execution against Popish Recusants, and that Our Judges of Assise at their return out of their Circuits do from time to time hereafter give a strict accompt of their proceedings therein unto Our Lord Keeper of the great Seal, and Our Lord Keeper do present the same unto Vs.
And whereas We heretofore granted several Commissions, for Leasing and demising of the Lands of Recusants liable to their forfeitures, with Instructions for the direction of Our Commissioners in that service, We, minding a due reformation of the manifold neglects and abuses of our inferior officers and others whereby that part of our Revenue hath been extremely lessened, and those who were backward in Religion have been encouraged to persist in their obstinacy and blindness have caused those Commissions and Instructions to be revived, and many parts altered, for our better service and profit; And We do hereby declare the same, to the intent that such as shall be willing to contract with Us, or to further our service, or advance our profit in that behalf, may attend our said Commissioners.
And whereas We are informed, that divers have contracted for Leases of Recusants Lands, who do not sue out their Leases, to our great hindrance, our will and pleasure is, That all such as have already contracted with our Commissioners for Leases of Recusants Lands shall pass them under our Seals before the end of Michaelm •• Terme next; and such as shall hereafter contract for any such Leases, shall pass there • under our Seals, before the end of the Terme then next following after such contracts made, or else their Contracts to be utterly void.
And We do straitly charge all our said Commissioners, that they be careful to advance our profit herein, according to the true intent of our Commissions and Instructions; and that they use all diligence to discover and avoid all abuses which may tend to the diminution of our profit, or to the increase of Popery, and backsliding from the true Religion established in the Church of England.
Given at Our Court at Southwicke, the third day of August in the fourth year of Our reign of Great Britain, France and Ireland.
A little before the next Session of Parliament, and during the Session it self, the King likewise issued out these successive Proclamations following, against Doctor Smith Bishop of Calcedon.
By the KING. A Proclamation for the apprehension of Richard Smith a Popish Priest, styled, and calling himself the Bishop of Calcedon.
FOrasmuch as We certainly understand that Richard Smith, an English man borne, by profession a Popish Priest, now is, and for some years past hath been in this Realm, and here not only 〈◊〉 our Subjects in their Religion, but both also both by his writings in print and otherwise, and by his 〈◊〉 practice, persuade those our Subjects to whom he hath access, from their Allegiance to Us their Liege Lord, and usurpeth to himself Episcopal Jurisdiction from the Sea of Rome, and exerciseth the same within this Kingdom, and holdeth continual Intelligence with our Enemies whereby, according to the just Laws of this Realm, he hath committed the offense of high treason: And yet nevertheless divers of our Subjects seduced by him, do receive, harbor and entertain him, contrary to our Laws, and have thereby incurred, and do incur the penalty of those Laws which are capital to the ostenders. We therefore being justly provoked by the boldness of the said Smith, do hereby straitly command all out loving Subjects, of whatsoever condition, quality or degree, that none of them directly or indirectly do permit or suffer him to be concealed or harboured, but that forthwith they arrest and apprehend his body, and bring him before the next Justice of Peace, to the place where he shall be apprehended, whom We straitly command to commit him to prison without baile or mainprize, and presently thereupon inform Vs, or our Privy Counsel of his apprehension.
And We do further declare hereby, that if any person shall hereafter directly or indirectly harbor or conceal the said Smith, or use, or connive at any means, whereby the said Smith may escape from being apprehended or 〈◊〉 it at then We shall extend the uttermost severity of our Laws against every such offender. And We further charge and command all and singular our Judges, Justices of Peace, Majors, Sheri • fs, Constables and all other our Officers, Ministers and loving Subjects, that if they shall find any person offending herein hereafter that then they and every of them proceed with all diligence and roundness, not only against the said Smith, but also against all such as shall harbor, conceal or connive at his concealment, or shall not me their best endeavors for his discovery and apprehension, according to the uttermost extent of our Laws.
Given at Our Court at White-hall the 11. day of December, in the fourth year of Our reign of Great Britain, France and Ireland.
By the KING. A second Proclamation for the aprrension of Richard Smith a Popish Priest, styled, and calling himself, the Bishop of Calcedon
WHereas by our Proclamation, bearing date the eleventh eay of December last past, (for the reasons in that our Proclamation expressed) We did straitly command, that none of our Subjects should harbor or conceal the said Smith, but that forthwith they should arrest and apprehend his body, and bring him before the next Justice of Peace, to the place where he should be apprehended, whom We thereby commanded to commit him to prison without baile or mainprize, and presently to inform Us or our privy Counsel of his apprehension: And We did thereby declare, That if any person should then after, directly or indirectly, harbor or conceal the said Smith, or use, or connive at any means, whereby the said Smith might escape from being apprehended or arrested, that We should extend the uttermost feverity of our Laws against every such offender, as by our Proclamation at large appeareareth; which our Proclamation hath not yet wrought that good effect which We expected, the said Smith being still hidden and harboured by those, who being insected and blinded with popish Superstition, prefer their respects to him, before their duty to Vs, and the fear of Our high displeasure, and the consequence thereof; We therefore by the advice of our privy Counsel, have thought sit by this our second Proclamation to renew our former command in that behalf.
And to the end that none of our Subjects may hereafter excuse themselves by a pretended ignorance of the danger they shall fall into, if they shall harbor or conceal him; We do hereby publish and declare, that the said Smith is not only a popish Priest, and with a high presumption taketh upon him to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, pretended to be derived from the Sea of Rome, within this our Realm, and endeuvoureth to seduce our Subjects from the true Religion established in the Church of England (which by God's assistance We shall ever constantly maintain) but doth also seditiously and traitorously hold correspondence with our enemies, rending to the destruction of our State.
And therefore We do now again renew our former command for his apprehension, and do hereby further signify. That whosoever shall lodge, harbor or relieve the said Smith, or any other Priest, Jesuit, or other • having taken orders by authority pretended to be derived from the Sea of Rome, shall incur the danger of our Laws made against the harbourers, lodgers and relievers of Priests, to the full extent thereof, which by the Statutes of this our Realm is Felony.
And We do further hereby declare, (which We shall really perform) That whosoever shall discover the said Smith, and cause him to be apprehended, as asoresaid, shall have a reward of one hundred pounds in money to be presently paid unto him by Us, and shall also have the benefit of all such penalties and forfeitures, which shall or may accrue unto Us, and be forfeited by that person, in whose house the said Smith shall be found to have been harboured or concealed.
And We further charge and command hereby (as by our former Proclamation We did) all and singular our Judges. Justices of Peace, Majors, Sherieffs, Constables, and all other our Officers Ministers and loving Subjects, that if they shall find any person offending, herein, that then they, and every of them proceed with all diligence and readiness, not only against the said Smith, but also against all such as shall harbor, conceal or connive at his concealment, or shall not use their best endeavors for his discovery and apprehension, according to the uttermost extent of our Laws.
Given at Our Court at White-hall, the 24. day of March, in the fourth year of Our reign of Great Britain, France and Ireland.
These Proclamations against the Bishop of Calcedo • , at the first view, seem to carry and express abundance of royal zeal against Popery, and to proceed only 〈◊〉 some zealous Protestants of the Kings Council, out of a conscientious care of 〈◊〉 preservation of our established Religion, and detestation of Smith • audatiousness to confer orders and exercise Episcopal Jurisdiction within his Majesty's Dominions, by a Forreign authority from the Sea of Rome, which is no less then high Treason, by the Statutes of 23. Eliz. c. 1. But if our English popish Priests, Monks and pa • ties themselves (who are able to give us best and truest information in this particular or this Bishops best friends in foreign parts may be credited; or the Primate of Armagh himself (Doctor Usher) in one of his Letters to the now Arch-bishop of Canterbury; these Proclamations against the Bishop of Calcedon were not procured at the motion of any Protestants, or out of any love to our Religion, or opposition to popery; but at the earnest solicitation of the regular Priests and Munks in England and Ireland; who violently opposed Doctor Smiths election and Episcopal Jurisdiction, to which they would by no means submit; pretending themselves exempted from it by their orders, and writing bitterly against the having of any Bishop in England, which would eclipse the Regulars power, and exten •• re their gains, Daniel a Jesus, Horuran Lomelus (Lo • lie) Nicholas Smith, and others, writing express books against his Episcopacy, which were by Smith and his Pertisans means, censured by the F ••• y of Paris, Anno 1630. Upon their opposition only, and by their means and power alone (being then the stronger party, and over-mastering the Bishops faction this Bishop of C • cedon was by these Proclamations, and their popish Instruments, forced to deserts the Realm, and flee for succor into France, to Cardinal Richelieu, who courteously entertained him; as you may read at large in N. le Maistre (a Sorbon Priest, his, Instaurat •• antiqus Episcoporum Principatus, printed at Paris 1639. Cum privilegio Regis & approbatisne Doctorum; and dedicated to the Cardinal himself lib. 3. c. 15. entitled. Corolarium libri secunds; ubi nonnulla de persecutione Episcoperum, & de illustrissimo ANTISTITE CALCEDONENSI; where he largely justifies the Bishop of Calcedou, against the regular Priests in England his opposers and persecutors, who had expolled and banished him thence; severely censuring them for this their persecution against him, and pers • ading his restu • tion and reception again among them in this Realm. Which mystery and devision of theirs occasioning these two Proclamations • I thought fit to discover to prevent mistakes.
You have formerly heard the Complaint of the Commons in Parliament in their Remonstance and Petition to the King of the great liberty and increase of popish Prelates, Priests, Monks Monasteries within the Kingdom of Ireland and the open profession of their Romish Religion there together with Bishop L • uds peremptory denial of it, in his answer to that Remonstrance in the Kings own name: but no sooner was that Parliament dissolved in discontent, but the verity of the Commons Complaint was sufficiently justified, by this ensuing Proclamation of the Lord Deputy and Council of that Realm, found among the Bishops own papers who could not be ignorant of it, being thus indorsed with his own hand, A Proclamation Concerning the growth of Popery in Ireland.
By the Lord DEPVTY and COVNSELE. Henry Falkland:
FOrasmuch as We cannot but take notice that the late intermission of legal proceedings against popish pretended or Titulary Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbo Deans, Vicars • general Jesuits, Friars, and others of that sort, that derive their pretended authority and orders from the Sea of Rome, hath bred such an extraordinary insolence and presumption in them, as that they have dared here of late not only to assemble themselves in public places to celebrate their superstitious Services in all parts of this Kingdom, but also have erected houses and buildings called public Oratories, Colleges Mass houses, and Convents of Friars, Munks and Nuns in the eye and open view of the State and elsewhere, and do frequently exercise jurisdiction against his Majesty's Subjects by authority derived from the Sea of Rome, and (by color of teaching and keeping Schools in their pretended Monasteries and Colleges) do train up the youth of this Kingdom in their superstitious Religion, to the great derogation and contempt of his Majesty's regal power and authority, and great offense of many of his Majesty's good Subjects, contrary to the Laws and Ecclesiastical government of this Kingdom, and the impoverishment of his Majesty's Subjects in the same.
These are therefore to will and require, and in his Majesty's name, straitly to charge and command all, and all manner such pretended or Titulary Archbishops, Bishops, Deans Vicars-general, Arch-deacons and others, deriving any pretended authority, power or jurisdiction from the Sea of Rome, that they and every of them, forbear from henceforth to exercise any such power, jurisdiction or authority within th •• Kingdom, and that all such Abbots, Pryors, Jesuits, Friars, Munks, Nuns and others of that sort as aforesaid, do forthwith break up their Convents and Assemblies in all houses of Friars Colleges, Monasteries and other places wheresoever they are or shall be Conventually or Collegiatly assembled together within this Kingdom, and to relinquish the same and to disperse and separate themselves.
And that all and every of the orders before named and other Priests whatsoever do from henceforth forbear to preach, teach or celebrate their Service in any Church Chapel or other public Oratory, or place, or to teach any School in any place or places whatsoever within this Kingdom.
And We do further charge and command all and sigular the owners of such houses of Friars, Colleges, Monasteries, Schools, Oratories, Mass-houses and Numeries, that they and every of them respectively in default of the persons before named their voluntary relinquishing of the said houses of Friars, Colleges, monasteries Schools, oratories mass-houses and Numeries do forthwith expel, and thrust forth all and singular such Friars • Jesuits, and other Monastical persons out of the same, and to convert the same to other more lawful uses, upon pain to have their said houses seized to his Majesty's use, and both the one and the other to be proceeded against for their unlawful assemblies, and maintenance of such unlawful Conventieles and corrupt nurture of Children in the severest manner that by the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom and Ecclesiastical Government of the same may be had or extended, whereof they and every of them are to take notice, and to yield due obedience thereunto, as they and every of them will avoid his Majesty's high indignation, and the consequence thereof.
Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin the 1. day of April, 1629.
- Adam Lofius Canc.
- T. Baltinglasse.
- Will. Parsons.
- Ia. Armachantus.
- R. Dillon.
- Rich. B • lton.
- Hen. Valentia.
- Anth. Midensis.
- Dud. Norton.
- Moore.
- Hen. Doewra.
- Ad. Loftus.
By this Proclamation the whole passage in the Commons Remonstance touching the increase of Popery in Ireland is confessed to be true, and far more then is therein expressed.
How little effect this Proclamation produced in Ireland, will appear by this en • suing Letter of Doctor William Bedley Bishop of Kilmore and Ardivagh about the 〈◊〉 of the Church in his Drocesse, and the Papists in Ireland, to Bishop Land, thus superscribed.
To the right reverend Father in God, William, Lord Bishop of London, my honorable good Lord, deliver these.
Right reverend Father, my honorable good Lord:
SInce my coming to this place, which was a little before Michaelmas (till which time the settling the State of the College, and my Lord Primates visitation deferred my Consecration) I have not been unmingfull of your • ordships commands, to advertise you, as my experience should inform, of the estate of this Church; which I shall now the better do, because I have been about my Dioceses, and can set down out of my knowledge and view, what I shall relate; and shortly, to speak much ill matter in a few words, it is very miserable every way: The Cathedral Church of Ardagh one of the most ancient in Ireland, and said to be built by Saint Patrick; together with the Bishops house there, down to the ground; the Church here built, but without Bell or Steeple, Font or Chalice: The parish Churches all in a manner ruined or unroofed and unrepaired; the people, saving a few British Planters here and there (which are not the tenth part of the remnant) obstinate Recusants; a popish Clergy more numerous by far then we, and in the fall exercise of all Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical, by their Vicars-general and Officials, who are so confident, as they excommunicate those that come to our Courts, even in Matrimoniall causes, which affron • hath been offered myself by the popish Primates Vicar-general, for which I have begun a process against him: The Primate himself lives in my Parish within two mile of my house, the Bishop in another part of my Diocese further off: every parish hath his Priest, and some two or three apeec • , and so their Mass-houses also; in some places Mass is said in the Churches. Frieries there are in divers places, who go about, though not in their habits, and by their importunate begging impoverish the people: Who indeed are generally very poor, as from that cause, so from their paying doubt • Tythes to their own Clergy and ours from the dearth of Corn, and death of there • Cattle these late years, with the contributions to their Soldiers and their Agents and which they forget not to reckon among other causes, the oppressions of the Cour • Ecclesiastical, which in very truth my Lord I cannot excuse, and do seek to reform.
For our own, there are some seven or eight Ministers in each Diocese of 'good sufficiency, and (which is no small cause of the continuance of the people in Popery still) English which have not the tongue of the people, nor can perform divine offices, or converse with them, and which hold many of them two, three, four, or more Vicarages apiece; Even the Clerkships themselves are in like manner conferred upon the English, and sometimes two or three or more upon one man, and ordinarily bought and sold, or let to farm &c. His Majesty is now with the greatest part of this Country, as to their hearts, consciences, King, but at the Popes discretion, &c.
Your Lordships most obliged▪ servant in Christ Ios • , Will. Kilmoren and 〈◊〉
Kilmere this 1. of April, 1630.
This was the condition and state of the Papists in Ireland then; who the very same year Novemb. 22. 1630. presented this Petition to the Lord's Justices and Counsel thus indorsed with Bishop La • d • own hand, The Petition of the Recusants in Ireland to the Lord's Justices, and in some things concerning the Church.
To the right honorable the Lord's Justices and Counsel.
The humble Petition of the Lord's, Knights and Gentlemen here attending, in the behalf of themselves, and the rest of his Majesty's Subjects of this Kingdom, Novemb. 22, 1630.
Most humbly making Petition;
THat whereas the late employed Agents did humbly offer to his Highness three Subsidies to be granted and confirmed by Parliament in this Kingdom, and for that the said Parliament was not called accordingly, yet the Inhabitants of the Country are compelled to go on forward with the payment of the same, with which if • thers that have employments, and are of greatest means in this Kingdom had been • axed, or had borne according as they would have been by the authority of Parliament, the said three Subsidies, and the sums whereat they were estimated, would have been long since levied: and whereas his most gracious Majesty in compassion of his Subjects did grant divers Favors, Graces and Benefits to them, and did manifest his princely care of them, that they should have favors and graces, in regard of the great burden they did and do bear in payment of so great sums. Your Suppliants humbly beseech your Honors, to consider of the humble request of your Suppliants under-written, being some of these particulars: wherein they conceive the Country and people are over-heavily burdened: which doth not only discourage, but also disable them to bear the charges which they do; and that your honors will be pleased to take such order for their ease and relief in the same, as shall stand with Justice, Equity, and the intimated favors, which your Suppliants well hope and conceive his Highness of his own royal disposition and gracious inclination, is willing shall be conferred upon them.
That in regard his Majesty signified his pleasure in his Instructions, that an Act should pass in Parliament, that no Tythes should be inquired of above lx. year • past; that your Lordships will give order, that all Commissioners and Officers shall forbear inquiring of Tythes for his Majesty before that time, and that Plantations grounded upon such Tythes may be forborne, and that the holding of the Parliament may be certained.
That your Lordships may direct a course that the Clergy do not proceed with the great burden and charge they do lay upon the poor people for clandestine Matriages, Christnings and Burials, &c.
That your Lordships likewise will direct a course to ease the poor Subjects of the unreasonable fines imposed by the Clerks of the Market, and also to ease them of the intolerable charges they bear by means of the suing forth Recogniza • ces for building of Churches, fines for Bridges and High-ways.
The Commissions that are issued to examine what payments are made of the Subsidies, to be renewed.
That there may be free liberty for transporting all Commodities of the Kingdom that may be spared, without paying anything for Licences.
Tha • 〈◊〉 advantage be taken for not inrolling the Surrenders of Connaught, according to 〈◊〉 Majesty's Instructions and former Grace • .
The Complaints of the Common-wealth to be annexed to the former Petition, delivered by the Noble-men and Gentlemen of the Country to the Lord's Justices and Counsel. December 6. 1630.
That the Bishops Court shall hold no longer then one day at a sitting.
That the Inquisitors coming to do service to the same Court shall not pay fo • their entrance.
The Subsidy of the Bishops and Clergy, if they have paid the same, no ease done to the Country thereby.
That no E • cheator shall bring paroels of Records into the Country to be found by a Jury, but that the whole Record, or a true Copy thereof be brought, and the same to be testified by the Officer of the Court.
That your Lordships lay down a rate for the issues for respite of homage, according each term or year, for which the said respite of homage shall happen to be in arreare, proportionably to the respite of homage it • else.
That the King at Arms or any of his shall demand no fees or duty belonging to him by color of his Office of any Noble-man or Gentleman, unless he be sent for.
That School-masters shall not be disturbed from teaching, so they • each nothing concerning Religion.
That the houses may be restored to the In • er • tors, which were seized on by virtue of a Proclamation, (to wit, that forementioned.)
How this Petition came to the Bishops hands, appears by this Letter, thus indorsed by him, Feb. 10. 1630. My Lord Primate of Armagh, about the Recusants Pe •• tion to the Lord's Justices, &c.
To the right Reverend Father in God, my singular good Lord, the Lord Bishop of London, one of his Majesty's most hono • rabble privy Counsel.
My very good Lord;
SInce I wro • e unto your Lordship concerning the business of Sir John Wishart and Master Elphe • sion; all the Bishops Cha • cellours is • he Kingdom were sent for to Dublin by the Lord's Justices, to answer such things as are objected against the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in a Petition exhibited unto them by the Recusa • t Lord's of the Country: Which being a matter of no small importance, I thought it my duty to impart unto your Lordship the true Copi • s both of the Petition of the one and of the Answer of the other, that you may be the better prepared to speak therein if the matter shall be brought over into England; and give us direction here how we are to follow the business for I fear all the Bishops are to appear about the beginning of Easter Tearme to declare their resolutions touching the same propositions.
I • end likewise unto your Lordship a short Letter which I received even now from the Bishop o • Kilf • nora. The Bishopric of Killalow is contig • ous unto his, and both being conjoined together by a perpetual union, would make an indifferent good competency for one Bishop: for that of K • lfenora is otherwise in it self, so poor, and so far from any good Benefice that might be annexed unto it, that there is little hope it will ever be made fit for any man of worth.
I humbly thank your Lordship for the tender regard you had of my reputation, in stopping the publishing of my book there, before the faults committed in the reprinting thereof should be corrected: for which and those other high favors which I do daily receive at your hands, I must always profess myself to rest
Drogheda February 10. 1630.
Your Lordships faithful Servant in all duty ready to be commanded. Ja. Armachanus.
What answer was given to this Petition of the Recusants by the Bishops and their Chancellors, will appear by this ensuing paper thus 〈◊〉 by Bishop Laud, The Answer of the Lord's Bishops and Chancellors to such Articles of the Recusants Pe • ition as concern the Church.
-
An Abstract of those things which concern the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the
Petition exhibited to the Lord's Justices.
- 1. THat your Lordships may direct a course that the Clergy do not proceed with the great burden and charge they do lay upon the poor people for clandestine Marriages, Christnings and Burials &c.
- 2. That the the Bishops Courts should hold no longer then one day at a sitting.
- 3. That the l • x • uisitors coming to do service to the • aid Court shall not pay for their entrance.
- 4. The Subsidy of the Bishops and Clergy, if they have paid the same, no ease done to the Country there • by.
- 5. That School masters shall not be disturbed from teaching, so they teach nothing concerning Religion.
The Answers of the Lord's Bishops and Chancellors that are now present, to the Articles of grievance lately by your Lordships imparted to them.
Right honorable our good Lord's:
AS to the imputation cast upon us to burden and charge the poor people for clandestine Marriages, Christnings, &c.
We humbly propose to your Lordships consideration.
1. That the cognizance of these causes doth by the Laws of this Realm belong to the Judicature Ecclesiastical, with a very severe charge in God's name to see to the due execution thereof, as in the Statute of 2. Eliz. cap. 2. may appear.
2. That the res • act • rines of the people in not resorting to Church, and being conformable to divine service and administration of Sacraments, and other Rites according to the form of the book of Common-prayer, is no way to be cherished or fomented, especially in the apparent endeavors which is now used by the popish faction, to draw them away from the obedience of his Majesty to that of the Pope.
3. That if it be permitted to them to marry and baptize without control, all other S • ismaticks, as A • abaptists, Brownists, &c. may claim the like.
4. That they are in no worse condition then those of our own; and his Majesty in those very graces which their very Agents obtained, and to which they have reference in their Petition, did refer the Delinquents in these particulars to be proceeded against, according to the ordinary course of Law, Art. 49.
5. That if this proceeding he stopped, these inconveniences will arise: The Bishops and Ordinaries are not able to answer the Kings writs, which are by the common Law to be directed unto them, as in cause of Bastardy, and Certificate of marriage, and the like; as also the whole Common-wealth will swarm with Incest, Adultery, Whoredom, &c. if it be lawful for popish Vicars to dispence and divorce at pleasure, and void new marriages upon pretext they were not solemnized by the parish Priest according to the Trent Reformation, and other like frivolous pretexts, contrary to the law of God.
6. As to the burden of the poor people, we do humbly desire, that the Delinquents may be informed against▪ and upon conviction severely punished.
7. And if it seem to your Lordships, that the fees of the Ecclesiastical Courts be over-burthenous, that the Commission for regulating them may be speedily executed.
2. Touching the continuance of the Courts longer then one day at a sitting. We conceive the same to be for the ease of the people, and expediting of causes, and the hindering of chamber-justice; but if it shall appear otherwise to your Lordships, we desire your Lordships to set down what order you shall think most fit for the ease of the people, and due performance of that service.
3. Concerning Inquisitors fees for their entrance. We do deny that ever any such thing was done, and if any can be justly charged therewith, let him be punished.
4. Touching our Subsidy. We do think it is not unknown to your Lordships, how cheerfully we have strained ourselves for the safety of the Country, some of us having besides contributed to the Soldiers as deeply as they, even of our mensall lands which we hold in our own hands.
5. Touching School-Masters▪ We humbly desire your Lordships to consider:
1. How much it concerneth the Reformation of the manners of the people, that School-Masters be well-affected to Religion and to the present Government.
2. That popish School-Masters do breed up and prepare the youth of this Realm to be Priests, and contrary to the Privileges of his Majesty's Progenitors, to the University of Dublin, do teach them Logic and Philosophy.
3. That under the name of School-Masters, divers dangerous and seditious persons may be nourished in private Families, to the corrupting and seducing the youth of this Realm, and withdrawing them from his Majesty's allegiance.
4. That wherea • if such be put down▪ the parents would out of necessity send their Children to the Ministers and Curates or Free-schools in every County, and the Colleges at Dublin; by the allowing them, they will be still nouzeled in Superstition and Barbarism.
Lastly, whereas your Lordships lately desire us to certify you, who are the chief abettors of the popish titular Clergy, your Lordships have them now showing themselves in their presenting this Petition, which we hope you will be sensible of for the public good, the good of his Majesty and the glory of God▪ to whose blessing and protection we humbly leave you.
The return upon Command, to advise upon some moderate course in the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.
Right honorable Our good Lord's:
IN obedience to your Lordships commands, We the Bishops and Chancellors present in the City, have considered of the ways for the moderating and easing the pretended burden, whereof the Petitioners complain, in the matter of clandestine Christnings, Marriages and Burials.
And do find, that we that are present cannot resolve of any other course then to refer ourselves to our former answer, and the laws now in force: and according to our duties to God and the charge laid upon us in the Act 2. Eliz. c. 2. do humbly desire your Lordships that the said Act for the uniformity of Common-prayer and Service in the Church, and the administration of the Sacraments, may be duly and truly executed.
Also the laws concerning the restoring to the Crown the ancient Jurisdiction over the State Ecclesiastical and Spiritual, and abolishing all foreign power repugnant to the same, may be effectually and fully put in use.
And that all School-Masters be bound to teach the Scholars for their first book the grounds of Christian Religion, and to use in their Schools, the prayer appointed in the beginning of the Grammar, set forth by his Majesty's authority, with such other books as shall be appointed by the Bishops of this Kingdom; and that idle and unprofitable books, such as Gesta Romanoru • , which is now upon the Press in this City for the use of their Schools, which do but teach them to attend to Fables, and lying legends, may be banished from the same.
And forasmuch as sundry of us having no other occasion of coming to this place but your Lordships commands, have been now fourteen days in Town, and do lie here at charges, and are withholden from performance of our duties at home; we humbly entreat your Lordships to license us to depart.
What the issue of this business was I cannot certainly learn; but I find, that this very year 1630. among other things there fell out a great difference between the Regulars and Secular Priests and popish Titulary Bishops in Ireland, which grew to a very great highth, as I have formerly touched in the Bishop of Calcedons business.
How far these differences between them there proceeded in, I shall give you a short account out of the Arch-bishop of Armagh his Letter to Bishop Laud, who writ thus to him among other things.
My very good Lord:
THere came into my hands certain propositions of our Irish Regulars against the Seculars, censured at Paris, 15. January 1631. by sixty Doctors of the Sorbon, one whereof is this, Superiores Regularium digmores sunt Episcopis: siquidem dignitas pastoris petend • est ex conditione sui gregis quemadmodum oplio, dignior est subulco; Another, In partibus haereticorum non tenetur populus Christianus necessariam sus • entationem suo Paracho sub ministrate▪ quia bona Ecclesiastica ab haereticis possidentur. Together with them I received the Arch-bishop of Paris his condemnation of two English Books, published January 30. 1631. the one, an Answer to certain assertions of Doctor Kellison in his Treatise of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, written by Nicholas Smith: the other, an Apology for the Popes manner of proceeding in governing the Catholics in England during the time of persecution; Author, Daniel a Jesus: It may somewhat concern us here, to be made acquainted with the Argument of these Books, and therefore I make bold to entreat your Lordship, that you would give order to one of your Chaplains to communicate the same unto this bearer, who will speedily inform me thereof.
Your Lordships in all service, Ia. Armachanus.
Drogheda March 17. 1631.
The year following, these differences in Ireland between the Priests and Arch-bishop of Dublin, Thomas Fleming proceeded to a public Protestation and contestation even inprint, as appears by this notable paper of the Priests against him printed at Rhoan both in Latin and English to make it more notorious, I shall only trouble you with the English Copy; found in the Arch-bishops Study, indorsed with Master Dels hand thus▪ May 3, 1632. Protestations of the secular Priests in Ireland, against Thomas Fleming Arch-bishop of Dublin.
To all the most Illustrious Arch-bishops and Bishops of Ireland, but more particularly to those of the Province of Dublin their honorable Lord's, David Bishop of Osory, John of Perues, Ross of Kildare, and Matthew Vicar Apostolical of Laghlem
1 MOST Illustrious Lord's and Reverend Bishops, the Priests of Dublin make their complaint before you, that the most Illustrious Arch-bishop of Dublin, Thomas Flemming, of the order of Saint Francis, without alleging any cause against them, only for his will, and as his pleasure, us • th to exile and banish Priests out of his Diocese. And they protest that in so doing he exerciseth a 〈◊〉 over the Clergy, contrary to the Canons of Holy Church, and the laws and Statutes of this Kingdom.
2. Most Illustrous Lord's and reverend Fathers in Christ, the aforesaid Priests do make their complaint, that the same most illustrious Arch-bishop of Dublin▪ Thomas Flemming of the order of Saint Francis, though humbly sought unto and desired, doth refuse to do them justice in their causes, neither yet will • e permit the Clergy to follow their actions merely civil before the Magistrate, contrary unto the • eceived custom of this Kingdom▪ from the first conversion of this Nation. And they protest that in so doing, he exerciseth a tyranny over the Clergy, contrary unto the Canons of the Church, and the laws and statutes of this Kingdom.
3. Most Illustrious Lord's and Reverend Fathers in Christ, the aforesaid Priests do make their complaint, that the most Illustrious Arch-bishop Thomas Flemming▪ of the order of Saint Francis, in inflicting his Ecclesiastical censures, observeth no canonical preceeding at all omitting not only the solemnities of the law, but those things also that are necessary and essential in all proceedings thereof▪ namely, citations and proof of causes. And they protest that in so doing▪ he exerciseth a tyranny over the Clergy, contrary unto the Canons of Holy Church, and the laws and statutes of this Kingdom.
4. Most Illustrious Lord's and Reverend Fathers in Christ, the aforesaid Priests do complain, that the most Illustrious Arch-bishop Thoms Flemming, of the order of Saint Francis, refused to hear all proofs against the Regulars in the matter of the eleven propositions condemned at Paris, which testimonies or proofs two venerable Priests presented unto him the 15. of November, in the year of our Lord 1631. in Dublin. And moreover, the aforesaid Priests do profess, that the same Illustrious Arch-bishop is a favourer and a Patron of certai • e new and never heard of Heresies, published by the Friars of his Order, and others; of the which heresies, or rather blasphemies, being advertised by a Petition, he utterly refused to hear the Accusers and Witnesses. And th • y pr •• est that in so doing he exere • seth a tyranny in the Church of God, contrary unto the canons of holy Church, and the laws and statutes of this Kingdom.
5. Most illus • rious Lord's and reverend Fathers • n Christ, the aforesaid Priests d • e complain, that the same most illustrious Arch-bishop Thomas Flemming of the order of Saint Francis, did not suppress, extinguish or correct (according to the canons of the Church, and as the laws of Princes do command) a certain infamous L • bell made, pr •• ted and published, under the false and fa •• ed name of Edmund U • sulan, against the good name, fame and reputation of certain venerable Priests of the Clergy▪ who in the aforesaid libel are expressly and by name mentioned; but on the contrary, the same Arch-bishop reads, commends, publisheth, and defends the same, to their irrep • rabble dishonor and inf •• y, by whose example also others, especially of the Regulars of this Kingdom, are in • ited, provoked and animated to do the like. And they protest that in so doing, he ex • rciseth a tyranny over the Clergy, contrary to the canons of holy Church, and the laws and statutes of this Kingdom.
6. Most illustrious Lord's and reverend Fathers in Christ, the aforesaid Pr • s • s do complain, that the same most illustrious Arch-bishop of Dublin, Thomas Flemming▪ of the order of Saint Francis, being given to understand by way of petition, on the behalf of the Clergy of Dublin, that a certain parish Priest, by name Patrick Brangan, with his assistant James Quin, but a few month • ago, thorough extreme negligence had l • st the blessed Sacrament consecrated in many hos • s, and that without hope of recovery; Our aforesaid Arch-bishop making small or no account of so great a sacrilege, permits notwithstanding the aforesaid Priests, whereof the one i • most unlearned, the other 〈◊〉 to execute all Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, by whose ministry he daily exposeth the Sacraments of the Church to profanation and abuse. And in so doing, they protess that he offends against the divine Majesty and the sacred canons of the Church. They profess also that in these aforesaid excesses he hath the Regulars his Counselors, orders and abettors, especially one John Preston, a Friar of his order, a most seditio • s and a turbulent fellow, to the ruin of the Clergy, and disturbance of the Christian Commonwealth.
7. Most illus • rious Lord's and reverend Fathers in Christ, the aforesaid Pri • s • s die complain, that the most illustrious Arch-bishop of Dublin, Thomas Flemming, of the order of Saint Francis, doth make parish Priests, young men, unlearned and unbred; others famous for their learning, gravity and virtue, being neglected; and m • re it is to be lamented, for that such are the times and state of things as if we had Augustine's, Ambroses and Jerome's, it were meet to prefer them unto the past • rall office (others omitted.) But what may we expect of this our Prelat? who hath ordinarily in his mouth▪ To what end should parish Priests be learned? or Preachers? for as much as these matters belong unto Regulars. Moreover the aforesaid Priests due complain, that the most illustrious Arch-bishop Thomas Flemming of the order of Saint Francis, a • the coming unto his Prelature, found within the walls of Dublin five parish Priests, men of learning, ripe years and uncorrupt conversation, in place of whom eith • r taken away by death or exile, he hath placed only two, and such as we are not willing to speak of what condition: so as it seems he desireth nothing more, then by this ext • rpation of the Clergy, a more easy and compendious way may be made unto those armies of Monks and begging Friars, who in this Kingdom (observing no Regular discipline) do labor to create a Monarchy unto themselves, as already they have done under this Bishop, to the destruction of the Church, the impoverishing of the Iuhab • tants, and no small detriment • o the Common-wealth. And they protest that in so doing, he exerciseth a tyranny over the Clergy contrary unto the canons of holy Church, and the l •• wes and statutes of this Kingdom.
8. Most illustrious Lord's and reverend Fathers in Christ, the aforesaid Priests do complain, that the illustrious Arch-bishop of Dublin, Thomas Flemming of the order of Saint Francis, is accustomed to answer the Clergy complaining of their grievances unto him; if I do you wrong, you may go to Rome to complain: In the mean time reporting himself to be so powerful in the Court of Rome, that he fears no Adversary. And of this that Reverend Priest Father Patrick Cahill, Doctor of Divinity had experience, who for a year treating of his injuries and grievances done unto him by the Arch-bishop of Dublin, could by no means prevail once to be admitted unto the presence and audience of the most eminent Cardinal Ludovisiu • , Vice-chancellor of Rome. Which Cardinal notwithstanding is g • ven by his Holiness unto the Irish, as the only 〈◊〉 and protector of the Irish Nation. These things we may remember with grief but amend them we ca • not. But we profess before Almighty God, his Holiness, and all faithful people, that this is nothing else but to tyrannize over the Clergy, to the dishonor of the Church, and no small contempt to the See Apostolic • .
For which and other causes besides to be alleged, and in their due time and place to be proved against the above-named Thomas Flemming, of the order of Saint Francis, we the aforesaid Priests, and hereafter to be named, do set before your eyes most illustrious and Reverend Lord's these our grievances, as meet and honorable witnesses of this our deed, writing and public Instrument, and as far as is possible and lawful for us by the Canons of holy Church, declining the Jurisdiction of our aforesaid Ordinary by this our present writing; and from this time f • rth we appeal unto the See Apostolic, from all Ecclesiastical censures hereafter to be inflicted upon us by the same illustrious Arch-bishop Thomas Flemming, of the order of Saint Francis. And in the mean time providing for our innocence & safety (according to the example of Saint Paul and Saint Athauasius) we do invocate the aid of the secular arm for our present remedy, against the aforesaid illustrious Arch bishop Thomas Flemming of the order of Saint Franci • , and all Regulars of what order soever, as well Monks as begging Friars, Abettors counselors and participants with him in the promises, as Violators and contemners of all laws divine and human, and • on by the law excommunicate. Humbly beseeching your Lord • hips in the bowels of the crucified, that you would be pleased to intimate with as much speed as may be, this our protestation and appeal unto the See Apostolic; and the God of peace and love, long preserve your Reverend Lordships in safety.
From which Protestation I shall observe these considerable particulars.
1. First, that the papists in Ireland had their own popish Arch-bishops, Bishops, and a Vi • at Apostolical residing then amongst them, as the Title and body of this Protestation manifest.
Secondly, that their Arch-bishop Flemming had a popish Clergy under him in his Province, and did exceedingly tyrannize over them, usurping jurisdiction even in temporal ca • ses, and over the Kings own Courts among the Catholics of Ireland.
Thirdly, that the popish Bishops in Ireland, did usually confer orders, and exercise all Episcopal jurisdiction there.
Fourthly, that they had a special Cardinal at Rome (Ludovisius) given by the Pope unto the Irish, as the only patron and protector of the Irish Nation.
Fifthly, That the secular Priests were exceedingly jealous, least the Monks and regulars in Ireland should overtop Lord it, and usurp a Monarchy over them, and thereupon appealed to the Pope against them and their Franciscan Arch-bishop.
Sixthly, that they were grown extraordinary bold and insolemthere, so as they openly published this their protestation and appeal in print both in Latin and English to all the world, and avowed it under their hands, subscribed to it.
Seventhly, That they had then erected a popish University in Dublin it self▪ of which Paul Harris professeth himself Deacon (or Dean, as Bishop Bedle stiles him) even in print, of which more hereafter in the Bishop of Kilmores letters.
This very year 1632▪ the Papists in Ireland, upon a false suggession, procured a discharge for paying 12. d. for their absence from Church every Sunday towards the maintenance of the army, and put the greatest charge of it upon the Protestants, to their great grievance; as appears by this passage of the Primate of Armagh his letter to Bishop La • d, who thus indorsed it, March 1. 1632, Lord Primate of Armagh, The general grievance of the protestant party in Ireland.
My very good Lord:
IF you shall think it expedient that I may meet your Lordship this summer in Scotland, to do my service there unto his Majesty, I shall have opportunity (God willing) more freely to deliver my mind unto you both touching this particular, and the general grievance which the Protestant • arty here hath taken, upon the unhappy stop of the execution of the statu • e of 12. d. against Recusants, grounded upon a most untrue suggestion made unto his Majesty, that Writs were issued out for the levying of those monies before the time of the contribution granted by the Country for the maintenance of the army was expired: after which the next news here expected is, that the Earl of Westmeath should bring over directions for the abridging of our Episcopal Jurisdiction, that so the popish Bishops may keep their Courts more freely then we shall be permitted to do; quod dirum omen over • at a nobis De •• , &c.
Your Lordships in all observance Ja. Aramachanus.
Dublin March 1. 1632▪
Hereupon the Protestants within the county of Cavan, both Clergy and Laity; being oppressed by laying the charge of the Soldiers upon them▪ in ease of the papists, and exceedingly injured by a popish Sheriff (a great enemy to the English Protestants) by unequal assessements on them, drew up this ensuing Petition, and presented it to the Lord's Justices and Counsel of Ireland whereby the power of and favo • rs shown to the Papists there, to the great grievance of the Protestants, is fully laid open.
To the right Honorable the Lord's Justices and Counsel.
The humble Petition of the Protestant Inhabitants both Clergy and L • ity within the county of Cavan.
WHereas your Lordships were pleased to send directions unto the Sheriff of this Country, bearing date the 12. of February last 1632. stilo Anglia, &c. for the levying of certain sums of money towards the maintenance of the Army or contribution for the last three months ending the last day of March last; and that your Lordships directions were grounded upon the signification of his Majesty's pleasure, which sums were plotted and collected by the Collectors without the consent of the Protestants in this County, and partly by force, by laying of soldiers upon the County by the Sub-Sheriffs warrant being a Recusant▪ without any warrant from your Honors to that effect. We do humbly pray your Lordships, that this money so collected and now paid in according to your Lordships directions, it may not be prejudicial unto us and our posterity and successors in time to come; and that your Lordships will be pleased favourably to forbear any further imposition of any such burden upon us▪ until your Lordships shall represent these humble Remonstrances unto his Majesty, at whose hands we have full confidence, out of his accustomed elemency, to find relief.
1. That whereas about four years last past, Sir Andrew Steward and Sir Arthur T • rbosse deceased, Knights and Barone • s, were appointed Agents to treat with his Majesty for the easing of this Province of Ulster, of the burden of the Army, which was then imposed; the said Agents exceeding their authority did condescend with the Recusant Agents to the imposition of six score thousand pounds sterling, upon this Kingdom to be paid within this Kingdom.
2. That the said sum, though heavily pressing the conformable Subjects, especially the Plantators and poor Clergy, was by them satisfied and paid according to his Majesty's directions, with hope that thereupon they should not be further charged with the like impositions.
3. That since that time the undertakers and plantators have renewed their Patents, paid great fines, and doubled their rents to his Majesty, to their great charge • especially in the dear years that have been by the murren of Cattle, and unseasonableness of the times.
4. That the Country hath been and a • e still at excessive charges, in building of Castles and Bawenes, Goale-houses, Shire-houses, Bridges and High-ways, and now are called upon to re-edify their Churches, which are for the most part altogether r • ined.
5. That where the Plantators are lately by direction from his Majesty to be trained in Bands under Captains and other Officers by Sir William Grahayme, twice a year, for which be receiveth due entertainment from them, they conceive that not only they shall be able to serve his Majesty in his and their own defense, but to approve their • idelities against any other if occasion of trouble should be.
6. That if any be feared, it seems hard that others no way doubted of, should be in worse condition by reason of their dangerousness.
7. That whereas your Lordships do intimate a proffer made by a great number of Noble-men of this Kingdom, to continue their contributions; We humbly desire, that it may be considered, that though they be many in themselves, yet are they but few, being compared with the rest, and that their proffers seem probable to be for their own ends, which will be a means to weary the Plantators.
8. That those who now make these propositions were the chief opposer • of the payment of the late contribution into the Exchequer, least it should grow to be esteemed a revenue of the Crown, and be required of Posterity: whereby it may appear it is for their own ends.
9. That as in the former contribution his Majesty's graces did solely redound unto the Recusants, so it is now sought in like manner, that they may have all the ease and thanks, though the burden lie as heavy on others as on them: All which much tending to the disheartening of good and conformable Subjects, we desire your Honors by your mediation to his Majesty to prohibit.
Doctor Bedle Bishop of Kilmore (with two more Bishops) among others subscribed this Petition at the request of the Gent▪ of that County, and (as appears by his Letters to the Lord Deputy and Arch-bishop of Canterbury ) did very much qualify the complaints and grievances therein contained by altering the first draught presented to him, from a smart Letter unto an humble Petition; yet notwithstanding he was specially complained of to the King, for setting his hand to this Petition, and opposing his Majesty's service in Ireland, touching the levy of moneys upon Recusants and others to maintain the Army; The like accusation of him came to the now Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who thereupon writ a sharp Letter of reproof to him concerning it, dated October 13. 1633. to which this Bishop returned an answer on the 5. of November following relating the truth of the fact, and justifying his action; and withal he writ another Letter of the same date to the Lord Deputy of Ireland (a • opy whereof he sent the Arch-bishop enclosed in his Letter to him) to excuse, and justify what he herein did; in which Letter there are these memorable passages, touching the extraordinary increase and boldness of the popish Bishops, Priests, Monks, Recusants, in Ireland at that time; the copy of which Letter under this Bishops own hand and Seal, I found in the Arch-bishops Study, thus indorsed with Master Dells own hand; Rece •• . December 24. 1633. The Lord Bishop of Kilmore, William Bedle, his letter to the Lord Wentworth, Lord Deputy of Ireland, about the maintenance of the Army and the Cavan Petition.
Right Honorable my good Lord, &c.
IN the midst of the midst of these thoughts I have been advertised from an honorable friend in England, that I am accused to his Majesty to have opposed his service, and that my hand with two other Bishops only, was to a writing, touching the moneys to be levied on the Papists here, for maintenance of the men of war, &c. Indeed if I should have had such an intention, this had been not only to oppose the service of his Majesty, but to expose with the public peace mine own neck to the sc • ans of the Romish Cut-throats: I that know that in this Kingdom of his Majesty, the Pope hath another Kingdom far greater in number, and as I have heretofore signified to the Lord's Justices and Counsel (which is also since justified by themselves in print) constantly guided and directed by the order of the new Congregation, de propagand • • ide, lately • rected at Rome, transmitted by the means of the Popes Nuntioes, residing at Brussels or Paris that the Pope hath here a Clergy if I may guess by mine own Diocese, double in number to us, the heads whereof are by corporal Oath bound to him, to maintain him and his Regalities, contra omnem hominem, and to execute his Mandates to their uttermost forces; which accordingly they do, styling themselves in print, Ego N. Dei, &c. Apostoli • ae Sedis gratia Episcopus Fermien, O •• orien, &c. I that know there is in this Kingdom, for the moulding of the people to the Popes obedience, a rabble of irregular Regulars, commonly younger brothers of good houses, who are grown to that insolency, as to advance themselves to be Members of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy in better ranks then Priests; insomuch, as the censure of the Sorbon is fain to be implored to curb them: wh • ch yet is called in again, so tender as the Pope of these his own creatures: I that kn • w that his Holiness hath erected a new University at Dublin, to confront his Majesty's College there, and to breed up the youth of this Kingdom to his devotion; of which University one Paul Harris, the Author of that infamous libel, which was put forth in print against the Lord Primates Wa • stead Sermon, styleth himself in print to be Dean: I that know and have given advertisement to the State, that these Regulars dare erect new • r • er • es in the Country, since the dissolving of those in the City, that they have brought the people to such a sottish senselessness, as they care not to learn the Commandments, as God himself spake and writ them, but they • lock in great numbers to the preaching of new superstitious and detestable doctrines, such as their own Priests are ashamed of, and as these they levy collections, three, four, five, six pound at a Sermon: shortly, I that know that this Clergy and these Regulars have at a general meeting like to a Synod, as themselves style it, holden at Drogheda decreed, that it is not lawful to take the Oath of Alleagiance, and if they be constant to their own doctrine, do account his Majesty in their hearts to be King, but at the Popes discretion. In this estate of this Kingdom, to think the bridle of the Army may be take • away, it should be the thought not of a brain-sick, but of a brainlesse man.
But though I think strong for the establishment of the Army, perhaps I would have had it maintained only by the Recusants sines, and mistake that they are gratified by the not exacting of them; let my letters of the 23. of March 1629. to the Lord's Justices commanding me to give them ample advertisements in any particular that might further the establishment of true Religion in this Kingdom: Let those Letters I say of mine be seen, it will be found that I use these formal words; Forasmuch as the people are generally very poor and therefore discontented, very ignorant and strongly persuaded by their Priests in their own way, and the Recusants for their number far exceeding the better part. I leave it to the Lord's wisdom to consider, how safe it may be to urge them to come to Church at once by exacting the fines for Recusancy, unless something do sound there first, which they themselves do • conceive they do not well to refuse to hear &c. And to an honorable friend of mine in England not long after, touching this very point, that unless impediments were first removed, and the matter better disposed, to impress the form presently by the pec • niary mu • cts, would but breed a Monster: And let the Cavan Petition b • but perused, to see if there be ever a word for or against the Recusants fines, whereby without further ado, I and all that joined therein are justified from the imputation of opposing in that ipart • cular touching the monys to be levied upon the Papists.
Yea, but at least I joined to oppose the applotment of Contributions upon Protestants. Nor that neither; For it was both applotted and paid. But to petition that the Lord's Justices and Council, would forbear any further imposition till they should represent to his Majesty, &c. herein only I joined.
My Lord, as I have never esteemed it to become me or any Subject, to take upon and to be the Auditor of the public Accompts, as being a matter to be left in the wisdom and providence of the Kings Majesty, the Father of the public family: so I have yet thought, the way ought not to be foreclosed to the subjects to have recourse (in humble and dutiful sort) to his Majesty's goodness to declare their grievances, this serving to evaporate their discontents (a good mean to keep them from fastering inwardly) and so to help to cure them: How much less is this to be denied to the dutiful and obedient; who had not opposed the applotment made upon them, though levied disorderly, by laying on the Soldiers without Commission, by an Irish Recusant sub-Sheriff, the most odious man to the English in all the County. For which cause there was a deliberation of the Assizes, to have indjcted him of High Treason, though (as I think) by the wisdom of the Lord chief Justice it was put by. The petitioners therefore having before paid the money imposed, and harshly imposed; this very thing to petition, that they might not be charged aga • ne, till his Majesty were informed, seems not to be worthy such blame. In wish and hearty desire I rest
The day of our deliverance from the Popish Powder-plot.
Your Lordships in all duty, JOHN KILMORE.
By this Bishops Letter, you may clearly discern the potency and boldness of the Popish party in Ireland at that time, who built a new College in Dublin stored with Jesuits, and young Students, to be trained up in that pragmatical dangerous Order. I shall add to this a Certificate of Boetius Egan, the Popish Bishop of Elphin in Ireland, in the behalf of one Philip O Conor a young Popish Student (the original whereof was found among Secretary Windebanks papers) which will somewhat illustrate the Premises.
NOs Fr. Boetius Eganus Dei & Apostolicae sedis gratia Elphin Episcopus; Omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint. Notum facimus praesentium latorem Philippum O Conor Hybernum nostrae antedictae Dioecesis adolescentem, esse virum integrum, conversationis laud • bilis, bonae indolis & esse nobilissimis hujus regni Catholicis parentibus legitim • oriundum, modo ultra marinos partes proficiscentem studendi causa, eo quod in hoc nostro afflicto regno, nec ei, nec aliis similibus orthodoxae fidei cultoribus incumber • literis permitti • ur, ob grassantem apud nos haeresim. Quare eundem Philippum omnibus Christi fidelibus, potissimum in Ecclesiasticae dignitatis fastigio constitutis, nec non Gymnasiorum rectoribus plurimum in visceribus Salvator is commendamus, eos obnixe rogantes, ut eidem consilio, savore, & auxilio, quoties opus • uerit, subvenire non dedignentur, mercedem ab eodem recepturi in cujus vinea laborare & insudare intendit post suum (Deo •• nuente) reditum in ban • suam afflictam patriam. In quorum omnium fid • mbis subscripsimus & sigillum parvum, quo ad talia utimur, apponi curavimus.
Julii, 1633.
Fr. Boetius Elphyn Episcopus.
What good use was made of this increase of the Popish Party in Ireland, and how they were connived at, out of a mere design to balance the Protestants there, (by the Infernal policy of the then Lord Deputy) to the end he might compound a lower house of Parliament there, so, as that neither the Recusant nor the Protestant should appear considerably one more then the other, holding them as much as might • ee upon an equal balance, that so they might prove the more easy to govern, them if e ••• er party were absolute; and that by this policy, the King might by a packed Parliament without charge in a short time make a more absolute Conquest of that Nation and Kingdom by wisdom, then all his Royal Progenitors have been able to accomplish by Arms, and vast expense of Treasure and blood: will most evidently appear, by this Duplicate of the Lord Deputies dispatch to his Majesty, 22 Jan. 1633. superscribed, For my Lord's Grace of Canterbury; found in Canterburies private Study, and this indorsed with his own hand Rec. Mar. 2. 1633. Com. Ang. Reasons for the present calling of a Parliament in Ireland. Which being a pernicious piece against the freedom and power of Parliaments, laying down most desperate Policies how to over-reach Parliaments, and make them instruments to erect a mere Arbitrary Government, and enslave themselves; to what good use was to be made of the Popish Party in Irish Parliaments, I shall here insert out of the Original.
May it please your Sacred MAIESTY.
Considerations tending to the better Government of the Church and Clergy in this Kingdom, I offer in a Letter herewith sent to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury.
The present mean condition of this Army, and the necessary course to be held in the speedy reformation thereof, I fully now set forth in my dispatch to Mr. Secretary Coke.
The state of your Majesty's Revenue; The, annual Issues of your Treasure, and the debt charged upon this Crown upon my coming to the Government; The Propositions humbly offered by me, for the bettering your Majesty's affairs in this particular: Together, with a way of raising a constant great Rent • orth of the Salt; I have at this time als • transmitted to my Lord Treasurer; of all which, I beseech your Majesty at your best leisure be pleased to take a summary Account.
Now I trust, the importance and weight of this enclosed Discourse, will recompense for the length thereof, and obtain my pardon: Albeit I presume thus to present it immediately to your Sacred Hands. For indeed, I take it to be no less then the ground-plot, whereupon to set and raise safety and quiet to this Kingdom, as it stands in relation within it self, security and profit, as it is in dependence to the Crown of England.
And therefore I do most humbly beseech your Majesty's quickening Spirit may move upon these Waters: That we may from your directions receive life, and from your Wisdom borrow light to guide and conduct us along in the way we are to take, towards the accomplishment of so happy a Work.
God Almighty assist you in these, and all other your Counsels, and long preserve your Majesty in full Power and Greatness, &c.
Dublin Castle, 22 of Ian. 1633.
My humble Opinion concerning a Parliament, in this your Majesty's Kingdom of IRELAND.
ALbeit the calling of a Parliament in this Kingdom, is at no time of so much hazard (where nothing is propounded as a Law, before it first borrow motion from your Majesty's immediate allowance under your Great Seal • ) as it is in England, where there is a Liberty assumed to offer everything in their own time and Order: And this Subordination whereunto they have been led by the Wisdom of former times, is ever to be held as a sacred Prerogative not to be departed from, in no piece to be broken or infringed; yet is the Proposition always weighty, very necessary to be considered with great deliberation, whether the present conjuncture of Affaires doth now advise a Parliament, or no? And after a serious discourse with myself, my reason persuades me for the Assembling thereof.
For the contribution from the County towards the Army ending in December next, your Majesty's Revenue falls short twenty thousand Pounds sterling by year, of the present charge it is burdened withal; besides the vast debt of fourscore thousand pounds Irish upon the Crown, which yearly payments alone, are impossible by any other ordinary way to be in time supplied, but by the Subject in Parliament. And to pass to the extraordina • y, before there be at least an attempt first to effect it with ease, were to love difficulties too well; rather voluntarily to seek them, then unwillingly to meet them. And might seem as well vanity in the first respect, so to affect them, as faintness to bow under them, when they are not to be avoided.
The next inclination thereunto ariseth in me from the conditions of this Country, grown very much more civil and rich, since the access of your Royal Father of blessed memory, and your Majesty to the Crown; That all you have here, is issued out again amongst them for their protection and safety, without any considerable reservation for other the great affairs and expenses abroad: That this great charge is sustained, and this great debt contracted, thorough employments for a public good, whereof the benefit hitherto hath been entirely theirs. That there hath been but one Subsidy granted in all this time, nor any other Supply but this Contribution; in exchange whereof your Princely Bounty returned them Graces as beneficial to this Subject as their Money was to your Majesty; so as their substance having been so increased, under the guard of your Wisdom and Justice; So little issued hence from them; The Crown so pressed only for their good; And so modest a calling upon them now for a supply, which in all Wisdom, good Nature and Conscience, they are not to deny; should they not conform themselves to your Gracious will, their unthankfulness to God, and the best of Kings would become inexcusable before all the World, and the Regal Power more warrantably to be at after extended for redeeming and recovering your Majesty's Revenews thus lost, and justly to punish so great a forfeit as this must needs be judged to be in them.
Next, the frightful apprehensions which at this time makes their hearts beat, le • t the Quarterly Payments towards the Army, continued now almost ten years, might in fine turn to an Hereditary Charge upon their Lands, inclines them to give any reasonable thing in present to secure themselves of that fear for the future; And therefore according to the wholesome Counsel of the Physician, Dum dolet accipe.
And lastly, if they should meanly cast from them these mighty obligations, which indeed I cannot fear: Your Majesty's affairs can never suffer less by their starting aside, when the general Peace abroad admits more united Power in your Majesty, and less distracted thoughts in your Ministers to chastise such a forgetfulness to call to their remembrance, and to enforce from them other and better duties then these.
In the second place, the time your Majesty shall in your Wisdom appoint for this meeting imports very much, which, with all submission, I should advise might not be longer put off, then Easter or Trinity Term at furthest; And I shall crave leave to offer my reasons.
The improvements mentioned in my dispatch to the Lord Treasurer, (from which I no ways recede) would not be fore slowed, wherein we lose much by deferring this Meeting. A circumstance very considerable in these straits, wherein if surprised, might be of much disadvantage, in case the Parliament answer not expectation. And to enter upon that work before, would be an Argument for them to scant their supply to your Majesty.
Again, a breach of a Parliament would prejudice less thus, then in winter, having at the worst six months to turn our eyes about, and many helps to be gained in that space; where in the other case the Contribution ending in December next, we should be put upon an instant of time, to read our lesson at the first sight.
Then the calling of a Parliament, and determining of the quarterly payments, falling out much upon one, might make them apprehend there were a necessity enforcing a present agreement, if not the good one we would, yet the best we could get: And so embolden them to make, and flatter themselves to gain their own Conditions; and Conditions are not to be admitted with any Subjects, less with this People, where your Majesty's absolute Sovereignty goes much higher, then it is taken, perhaps, to do in England.
And lastly, there being some of your Majesty's Graces, which being passed into Laws, might be of great prejudice to the Crown: and yet it being to be feared they will press for them all; and uncertain what humor the denying any of them might move in their minds; I conceive, under favor, it would be much better to make two Sessions of it, one in Summer, the other in Winter. In the former to settle your Majesty's supply, and in the latter, to enact so many of those Graces, as in Honor and Wisdom should be Judged equal; when the putting aside of the rest might be of no ill consequence to other your Royal purposes.
All the Objections I am able to suggest unto myself, are two. That it might render fruitless the intended improvement upon the concealments, and prejudice the Plantations of Conn • gh and Ormond. The firster, may easily be helped, by a short Law propounded in my dispatch to my Lord Treasurer. And, posito, that there no other Law pass the first Session; the second, is likewise sufficiently secured.
Then it is to be foreseen what your Majesty will demand, how to induce and pursue the same, for the happy settlement of the Regal Rights and Powers in this more subordinate Kingdom.
My humble advice is, to declare at the first opening of the meeting, that your Majesty intends and promises two Sessions. This former for yourself▪ that latter in Michaelmas Term next, for them. This, to ascertain the payments of your Army, and to strike off the Debts of your Crown; that, for the enacting of all such profitable and wholesome Laws, as a moderate and good people may expect from a Wise and Gracious King.
That this being the order of Nature, Reason, and Civility, your Majesty expects it should be entirely observed, and yourself wholly entrusted by them; which they are not only to grant to be fit in the general case of King and Subjects, but ought indeed to acknowledge it with thankfulness due to your Majesty in particular, when they look back, and call to mind, how, for their ease, you were content to take six score thousand pounds (which their Agents gave to be paid in three) in six years: and not barely so neither: but to double your Graces towards them the whilst, which they'have enjoyed accordingly, much to their advantage, and greatly to the loss of the Crown.
And that considering the Army hath been represented over to your Majesty from this Counsel, and in a manner, from the body of this whole Kingdom, to be of absolute necessity to give comfort to the quiet minds in their honest labors, to contain the licentious Spirits within the modest bounds of sobriety; it consists not with your Majesty's Wisdom to give unto the World, no not the apparence of so much improvidence in your own Counsels, of so much forgetfulness in a case of their safety; as to leave that Pillar of your Auctority and their Peace, unse • for continuance, at least, one six months before the wearing forth of their Contribution.
Therefore your Majesty was well assured, in conformity to the rules of Reason and Judgment, they would presently grant three Subsidies to be paid in three years, to disengage the Crown of fourscore thousand pounds debt: and continue their Quarterly payments towards the Army four years longer: in which time it was hopeful, (suitable to your Gracious intentions) some other expedient might be found out to maintain the Army, without further charge to them at all. Which Law passed, they should have as much leisure to inact for themselves at after as they could desire, either now or in winter: Nay, your Majesty 〈◊〉 be graciously pleased with the assistance of your Counsel to advise seriously with them, that nothing might remain either unthought of, or denied, conducing to the public good of this Kingdom. But if they made difficulty to proceed with your Majesty in this manner, other Counsels must be thought of, and little to be relied or expected for from them.
I am not to flatter your Majesty so far, as to raise any hope on that side that all this should be granted, but by pressing both, and especially the continuance of the quarterly payments to the Army, which they dread above any earthly thing: I conceive it probable, that to determine & lay asleep (as they think) the contribution; and in acknowledgement of your Majesty's happy access to the Crown, they may be drawn to a present Gift of three Subsidies payable in three years, which alone would keep the Army on foot during that time; and if my calculation hold, almost discharge the debt of the Crown besides.
For thus I make my Estimate, the contribution from the Country is now but twenty thousand pounds sterling by the year, whereas I have good reason to trust each Subsidy will raise thirty thousand pounds sterling. And so there will be ten thousand pounds for three years over and above the establishment, which thirty thousand pounds sterling, well and profitably issued, will I trust, with Honor to your Majesty, and moderate satisfaction to the parties, strike off the whole fourscore thousand pounds Irish, which in present presseth so sore upon this Crown.
And then Sir, after that, in Michaelmas Terme, all beneficial Acts for the Subject be thought of, as many, no fewer, nor no more enacted, then were fit in honor and wisdom to be granted: If for a conclusion to this Parliament, we could gain from them other two Subsidies, to buy in Rents and Pensions to ten thousand pounds yearly value; (a thing they are inclinable unto, as is mentioned in my dispatch to the Lord Treasurer) I judge there were a happy issue of this Meeting; and that it should through God's blessing appear to the world in a few years, you had without charge made a more absolute Conquest of this Nation by your wisdom, then all your Royal Progenitors have been able to accomplish by thei • Armies, and vast expense of Treasure and Blood.
These being the ends, in my poor Opinion, which are to be desired and attained; the best means to dispose & fit all concurring causes thereunto, are not to be forgotten: and therefore as preparatives, I make bold to offer these ensuing particulars.
It seems to me very convenient, a Committee be forthwith appointed of some few of us here, to take into consideration all the Bills intended when there was a Parliament to have been called in the time of my Lord Falkland; such as shall be judged beneficial, to make them ready; such as may be of too much prejudice to the Crown, to lay them aside; and to draw up others which may chance to have been then omitted: this work may be by the Committees either quickened or fore-slowen, as the Parliament proceeds warmer or cooler in your Majesty's Supplies.
Next, that your Majesty's Acts of Grace directed to my Lord Falkland the four and twentieth of May, 1628▪ may be considered by such of your Counsel in England, as shall please your Majesty to appoint, there being many matters therein contained, which in a Law would not futurely so well sort with the Power requisite to be upheld in this Kingdom, nor yet with your Majesty's present pro •• t, which hath persuaded me to except against such, as I hold best to be silently passed over; and to transmit a Paper thereof to my Lord Treasurer.
It is to be feared, the mean • sort of Subjects here, live under the pressures of the great 〈◊〉 ; and there is a general complaint, that Officers exact much larger Fees, then o • right they ought to do: To help the form • , if it be possible, I will find out two or three to make examples of. And to remedy the latter, grant out a Commission for examining, regulating, and setting down Tables of Fees, in all your Courts, so a • they shall find your Majesty's goodness and justice watching and caring for their protection and ease both in private and public respects.
I shall endeavor the lower House may be so composed, as that neither the Recusants, nor yet the Protestants shall appear considerably more one then the other, holding them as much as may be, upon an equal Ballance, for they will prove thus easier to govern, then if either party were absolute. Then would I in private discourse, show the Recusant, that the contribution ending in December next, if your Majesty's Army were not supplied some other way before, the twelve pence a Sunday must of necessity be exacted upon them: Shew the Protestant, that your Majesty must not let go the twenty thousand pounds contribution: nor yet discontent the other in matter of Religion, till the Army were some way else certainly provided for: and convince them both, that the present quarterly payments are not so burthensome as they pretended them to be. And that by the graces they have had already more benefit then their money came to: thus poising one by the other, which single might perchance prove more unhappy to deal with.
I will labor to make as many Captains and Officers Burgesses, as possibly I can, who having immediate dependence upon the Crown, may almost sway the business betwixt the two parties which way they please.
In the higher House, your Majesty will have, I trust, the Bishops wholly for you: The titular Lord's, rather then come over themselves, will put their Proxies into such safe hands, as may be thought of on this side: and in the rest your Majesty hath such interest, what out of duty to the Crown, and obnoxiousness in themselves, as I do not apprehend much, any difficulty amongst them.
To these, or to anything else directed by your Majesty, I will with all possible diligence apply myself, so soon as I shall understand your pleasure therein. Most humbly bes •• ching you will take it into your gracious Memory, how much your Majesty's speedy resolution in this great business, imports the prosperity of your affairs in this place; and in that respect vouchsafe to hasten it as much as conveniently may be.
Upon these Reasons a Parliament was accordingly summoned in Ireland the year following, the Lord Deputy recommending by his Letters Burgesses of his own nomination to most Towns, who had little or no courage to deny any Burgesses of his recommendation. Among others, he recommended one of Secretary Windebancks Son • (then waiting on him in Ireland) to be a Burgess there; as is evident by this Copy of his Letters of recommendation, found among Windebancks papers, who (as appears by other Letters) was accordingly elected.
AFter our hearty commendations. Whereas by order of the Commons House of Parliament that corporation of I •• ishe by reason of a double election of the person chosen there, is now to proceed to a new election of a Burgess to serve at the next Session of Parliament to commence the fourth of November next. And for as much as Francis Windebanke Esquire, is one well known unto us to be able to serve you therein, as a person well affected to his Majesty's service, and the welfare of his people, we have thought fit to recommend him to you to be elected by you for one of the Burgesses upon this occasion: wherein as you shall gain advantage and benefit to your Corporation in such a choice, he being one that will serve you therein without expecting any recompense towards his charges; so we, for our part will take it in good part at your hands, as a testimony of the due regard you have to one recommended unto you from us, which we shall take an opportunity in fit time to let you know for your advantage; And so expecting your due performance hereof, we bid you farewell. From his Majesty's Castle of Dublin this 26▪ of September, 1634.
Your loving Friend 〈…〉
That this Parliament was equally balanced with Protestants, and Papists, & how far the said Deputy pursued, obtained his forementioned designs thereby to enslave that Realm, is so well known to most, that I shall not insist upon it: only I shall observe that this connivence and underhand fomenting of that faction made them grow so insolent, that they raised a strong mutiny even in Dublin it self▪ against the Archbishop, the Mayor and Justices, and rescued two Priests from them, which they had taken in a religious house saying open Mass, and were like to stone them to death, so as they were enforced to retire to the Castle for Sanctuary, as appears by this extract out of Sir Thomas Duttens Letter among Windebanks papers.
I presume you will hear at large the relation of our battill of stones at Dublin, where the Archbishop of that town, and the Major and Captain Cary, and the Sergeant at Arms, and the two pursevants escaped narrowly to have been stoned to death on Saint Stephens day last: for the two Justices sent them in a peaceable manner to surprise certain Priests at Mass in a Religious house in Cock street, where they took away their habits and pictures in peaceable manner, and then laid hold of two of the Priests to bring them to the Justices to answer their exercising of Popery in so public a manner, contrary to the Kings Proclamation; they were no sooner come out into the street, but all the multitude of mechanicks & common people fell upon them, and took away the two Priests from them by force, and followed the Mayor and the Archbiship, and the rest so fast with stones all along the high street, as they were forced to house themselves in Skinners Row, till the Justices and we all came from Church and rescued them, and so orderly we all went through the multitude to the Castle, and in our passage there was but one stone call out of a window, which lighted between the two Justices. We presently made Proclamation for all people to keep the Kings peace and their own Houses; and since, have committed to prison some of the Aldermen and their Deputies and Constables for not doing their duties, and many other ordinary persons whom we found to be Actors in this Ryot, wherein many were hurt, but God be thanked none were slain.
But to leave Ireland for a time, and return to England, you have seen before in the Articles of the marriage, that the Queen was to have a Bishop, and 28. Priests in her house as her Chaplains, and that this Bishop should have and exercise all Epis •• pall jurisdiction in matters of Religion. After those Priests and the Bishop were accordingly come over and settled here; Father Philip's the Queens Confessor, and others of them grew so insolent that they began to practice and • each, That the Pope upon the Treaty of marriage resumed to his own or his Delegates jurisdiction, the Queens whole Family, especially the institution and destitution of the Ecclesiastics: That the King of England • ad no power to intermeddle therein; for that he was an heretic; the Pope threatening to declare all Apostates who should seek their establishment from the King. They likewise maintained the lawfulness of deposing Kings that were heretics; & concluded to excommunicate all such a • should oppose this doctrine, or take the oath of allegiance; in which action one Muske • a Priest, and Trollop the Popish Viear in the North were very active, which caused some combustions in the Court even among the Roman Catholics, and the business grew so high, that some private advises were given to his Majesty concerning these particulars, expressed in these three ensuing Papers (seised among Windebankes writings, who was privy to all their counsels • as you shall hear anon.)
Advises upon the present state of English Catholics▪ as well of the Queens House, as of his Majesty's Dominions.
THe constant report approved by Father Philip's the Queens Confessor is, That the Pope upon the Treaty of Marriage reserved to his own or Delegates Jurisdiction the Queen of England's whole family, principally the institution and destitution of her Ecelesiastiques. Testifie the confession of the Bishop of Menda, who contrary to his opinion and certain knowledge was forced to advance and defend joint with the pretended Bishop of England, the pernicious Paradox, for the deposition of Princes, saying to A. B. for his justification, that although upon that subject he had written against Baronius and Bellarmine for the contrary, nevertheless for the present his hands were bound. Tes • ifie the unity of maxims, councils and daily practices which he held with the foresaid pretended Bishop. Testifie the negotiations held at this present in Rome and England for the procuring of Excommunications and suspension against all those Catholics, Priests, or others which shall stand for the Kings authority against that damnable doctrine brought already into his Majesty's, Kingdoms, as their favorites boast, and to be executed by the Bishops agents; particularly, by Mr. Musket a Priest living in London. Testifie the Popes Letters to the King of France, now in the Catholics hands, wherein he complains to have been abused, in that (contrary to the King of France his promise) neither Toleration was granted in England, nor the oath of Allegiance suspended.
All which duly considered directly tends to a manifest sedition, and division of the Kings authority and state, and that not in quality or propriety of Religion, but in particular manner and condition of duty, obedience, and natural Allegiance, withdrawn from their true Prince and Sovereign.
In remedy of which pernicious opinions and practices, pleaseth his Majesty, in imitation of his predecessors, as well to continue the real defense of his own right and authority, as the Pope doth his pretended and usurped, which two ways may easily be done.
The first, by lively pressing his natural subjects to take the oath of Allegiance, in as much as it concerns the abjuration of the Popes authority for the deposition of Princes, as of late the State of France hath proceeded against the Jesuits without any respect to matter of Religion or Priesthood: for the obligation of a Subject to his lawful Prince being founded in the Law of Nations, Nature and God, the denial thereof is crimen laesae Majestatis, and so may be ordained by act of Parliament or otherwise, and so those who shall be punished by death for refusing thereof, cannot pretend cause of Religion, the oath being propounded in form as it is now styled, or the form altered in substance only reserved, as prudent men shall define.
The second by constrayning all French servants to King or Queen, to disavow or detest (according to the late ordinances of State Parliaments, Universities of France, namely of Sorbon, that damnable and erroneous doctrine for the deposition of Princes) against the Jesuits.
And that it may please his Majesty not to admit any Catholic servant which shall refuse either of the foresaid manners of oaths or detestations.
Besides, that diligent search and punishment be used against all Agents and Negotiators, which in these Realms advance the contrary error to the prejudice of his Majesty's authority and peace of his State.
For the reservation of the Queens house to the Pope, it is evident in all antiquity, and now practiced in all Christian Nations, that the institution and destitution of Ecclesiastiques (in regard of their persons and as members of the State) depends of the Prince, or of his Subjects by his consent, although their spiritual faculties or internal jurisdiction may be derived from a superior Prelate, Patriarck, or Pope, but all by equity, justice and Canon, whereby the King of England propounding such his Subjects Ecclesiastiques as he thinks fit for the Queens service, cannot be refused by the Pope or other, until they have shown and proved sufficient cause of refuse.
Finally, how dangerous, prejudicial and dishonorable such reservation is to the Kings authority, State and posterity, upon what end or color soever, every man of smaller judgment cannot but see.
An Answer to the Principles pretended against his Majesty's establishment of Ecclesiastics in the Queens house.
TWO be the Principles upon which the F. C. pretends the establishment of the Ecclesiastics in the Queens home to belong unto the King of France.
The first is, That the King of great Britain hath not power, because as he saith, He is an Heretike. Which ground is false, because the King of great Britain neither by Council national not general, nor by any Act authentic, or legal of Prelates having authority to do the same, hath been defined or declared such: besides, heresy deprives no man of his temporal right, such as is the collation of temporal Bene • tees, giving of domestical charges and offices; yea, no Prelate of the Greek Church living under the Turk can exercise his function, but with civil dependence and approbation of that Prince.
The second Principle it, That all established by the King of great Britain's authority, are by him threatened to be forthwith by the Pope declared Apostates. In answer, whereof it is evident, that such royal establishment is neither Heresy nor Apostasy, and when the Pope should undertake such a matter, he should grossly abuse his authority against the Commons and Common law of the Church; yea, Ecclesiastics by the King, will and may by Catholic laws and right defend their establishment to be good, as the contrary to be erroneous, to wit, to seek to deprive our King of his right and a • thority therein.
SUpposed that the King of great Britain for avoiding for greater inconvenience • condescendeth to the reception of some French in the Queens house at the instance of the King of France, or choice of the Queen of England, some conditions are necessarily to be observed. First, that albeit (salvo jure propr • o Regis magnae Britanniae) the choice be in the Queen of England, yet the confirmation and approbation of all and everyone be in the King of great Britain, according to the last clause of the eleventh Article of the Treaty. Secondly, that concerning the French Bishops and Priests sent into England by the Popes authority, two things are to be considered; the first is the spirituals power, Catholic Religion and Jurisdiction, as well in the head as members; the second is the exaltation of the Popes temporal power in prejudice of the Kings sovereigue authority, under pretext of Catholic Religion, by obtruding as matter of faith, the Popes power for deposition of Princes. Howbeit then the King of great Britain permitteth the full exercise of Catholic Religion and spiritual power to the Queens Clergy and Catholic domestiques, notwithstanding the laws and statutes made to the contrary in this Realm since Henry the eighth; so is it necessary for the preservation of his sovereign authority and peace of his State, that he prevents the intrusion of the Popes temporal power under pretext of Religion in prejudice of his own; which he may in this concurrence most conveniently do, by using the same remedies against these French Ecclesiastics and Domestiks; which the State of France, but particularly the Parliament and University of Paris, assembled in their College of Sorbon procured against the Jesuits, this same year 1626. the one by arrest the 17 of March this year 1626. the other by censure of the first of April 1626. in condemning the per • itious doctrine of Santarelli Jesuit, for deposition of Princes, • s false, erroneous new, contrary to the Word of God, derogating from the authority of Princes, provoking to Factions, Rebellions, Seditions, and murders of Princes, and constraining sixteen principal Jesuits, as Mercury relates, to subscribe to the said arrest of the 17. of March 1626. with promise to subscribe to the censure of the Sorbon which should afterwards be made, in which their subscription they dis-avowed and detested, the foresaid damnable doctrine of Santarellus their compainon: According to which may it please the King to compel all these Ecclesiastiques of the Queens house to subscribe to the foresaid arrest and censure, disadvow and detest the foresaid new doctrine, as new, false, erroneous, contrary to the Word of God, and as their Parliament of Paris and Sorbon hath defined; which if they refuse to do, it is most evident that it is not the preservation of the Queen in the Catholic Religion, not the exercise of spiritual power and true piety that they intend, but under this pretext an introduction of popish domination in prejudice of the Kings authority, an insertion of venomous plants of • actions and Seditions; and why should they refuse the doctrine and practice of their own State, whereby the King sha • l effectnate two principal works; the one, that his sovereign authority, with exclusion of the Popes pretended power in temporals, intended in the Oath of Alleagiance, shall be to his Subjects manifestly approved and consumed by the doctrine and practice of the State of Fr •• ce; the other is, that whereas the Pope by means of the Queen • house, aimed at the establishment of his temporal power and greatness in this Kingdom (as is manifest by the doctrine and practice of the Bishops and English Priests since the marriage) and consequently made a Kingdom a part within this Realm; by the subscription and disadvow of their Ecclesiastics of this damnable doctrine, the clean contrary will follow that in example of the Queens house, all English Catholics will conform themselves in doctrine and practice, and in this point the King shall receive full duty and obedience of his Catholic Subjects, and the Pope shall be content with his spiritual power, limited as in France for the Queens house, so long as it shall please the King to permit it.
That the Bishop of M • rdes and all Bishops sent into England from the Pope, have their Bulls, papale • expressly prohibited by the laws and rights of this Realm, it is mani • est.
By these papers you may plainly discern, the dangerousness of these Romish Agents, their high and bold attempts against his Majesty's Pre • ogative royal, and the safety of his person, and their policies, by which presently upon the marriage 〈◊〉 endeavored to set up the Popes both Ecclesiastical and Temporal jurisdiction to oververtop the Kings. How this controversy was ended I have no certain intelligenc • ; As • or other Priests and Jesuits, you have already seen what Proclamations were published against them, between, and during the two Sessions of Parliament in the year • 1628 by reason of the frequent complaints of the Commons and for the forenamed ends: Upon which Proclamations divers Priests and Jesuits were apprehended, and some R • cus • nts ind •• ed by Officers and Justices of peace, well affected to our Religi • n; but how, notwithstanding all these Proclamations, royal promises, Priests and Jesuits were released from time to time by warrants, sometimes under his Majesty's own hand; sometimes under the hands of his privy Counsel, but most times by warants from Secretary Windebank alone; and how John Gray with other Messengers, and • o • e Harwood, were reviled, threa • ned to be whipt, and committed to Prison by Windebanke, for apprehending Priests and Jesuits according to their duty, till they should 〈…〉 bond, with sureties to him. NEVER TO PERSECVTE PRIESTS OR POPISH RECVSANTS MORE, with other particulars of this nature, I have manifested at large in my Royal Popish Favorite; to which I reser • e the Reader; only I shall give you a short touch of some Priests and Jesuits released after these Proclamations, as likewise by whom and whence.
11. April • s 6. Caroli, there were 16 Priests released one of the Clinke by one Warrant ••• ler his Majesty's own Sign Man •• l, at the Instance of the Queen, notwithstanding a • y former order against such releases: 26. Iul • y 6. Carols, by like Warrant and Instance there were six Priests and Jesuits more released out of the same prison: 18. November and 20 I • nuary 7. Caroli two priests more were thance discharged by like Warrant: 15. June 1632. and 18. Decemb. 1633. there were two priests more discharged out of the Clink by a Warrant of the Lord's of the Counsel, upon the 〈…〉
On the 15. of June 1632. Windebanke was made one of the principal Secretaries of State by Arch-bishop La • d's procurement, as appears by this passage in his Diary: June 15. Master Francis Windebanke MY OLD FRIEND, was swor • e Secretary of State, which place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my gracious M • ster King CHARLES. To what end this Instrument was advanced to this place of trust by Canterbury, & what good service he did the Priests Jesuits, Nuncio Papists, Pope and his Nuncioes therein, will appear in the sequel of this Narration. No sooner was he settled in his place, but within few months after he falls to release and protect Priests, Jesuits, Recusants, more then any of his predecessors, and all the Counsel besides, becoming their special pa •• on, insomuch that in the year 1634. he received this special letter of thanks from Father Joseph for it, (written by the French Kings special command) faithfully translated out of the original, indicted in 〈◊〉 , sound among his papers.
Most excellent Sir, my Patron most Worshipful:
I should be too much wanting to my duty, if I did not render my most humble thanks to your Excellence, having after so many other favors conferred upon our Mission, received for a comple •• height, the singular proof of your • ffection in the delivery of our Fathers; I knowing with what love and care you were pleased to comply yourself in this work, the which besides the 〈◊〉 of charity, hath been most gra • efull to his most 〈…〉 , who in this 〈◊〉 with great satisfaction acknowledge the good will of his Majesty of great Britain in the person of his Minister in these occurrences which he 〈◊〉 resisteth. If in any occasion I can serve 〈◊〉 ▪ Excellence you shall find me most ready to render you pro • ss of my devotion and observance, beseeching you to 〈◊〉 the favorable effects of your • e •• gnity towards our • athers; and with this I end, 〈◊〉 to you all complete felicity,
Your Excellencies most devout and most humble servant in Christ, • ryar Joseph of Paris, Cap • cine.
From Paris the 23. of Novemb. 1634.
Besides, Panz •• ni the Popes Nancio in England, after his return hence, writ him a letter of thanks 〈◊〉 Ro •• e, for the daily favors he received from him in behalf of the Roman Catholics whiles he continued Nuncio here, of which more in due place.
This trade of releasing protecting Priests, Jesuits and Papists, this Secretary continued all his time, till his slight into France: upon his questioning in the Commons House for this offense. What Priests and Jesuits he bailed and discharged, will appear by Master Glyns report to the House concerning it, in the Commo • s Iournall 1. 〈◊〉 •• 40. and by this Catalogue of Priests discharged by him under his own and Master Reads (his Secretaries) hands, written since his questioning in the house of Commons and found among his other writings.
1. THomas Woodward in 300. l. with two sureties to appear upon 20 days warning. bond. dat. 19. Oct. • 632.
2. Henry More with two 〈◊〉 . in 400. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, 〈…〉 . 1. Dec. 1633.
3. Edward 〈◊〉 with two sureties, in 400. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 6. Dec. 1633.
4. Thomas Leake with two sureties, in 400. l. to appear upon 12 days warning bond dat. 1. March 1633.
5. Thomas Holmes with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 40 days warning, bond dat. 9. May 1634.
6. Francis Harris with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 4. Iunij 1634.
7. Peter Curtis with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 40 days warning, bond dat. 12. June 1634.
• . 8. Henry Oven with two sureties, in 300. l▪ to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 11. of • uly 1634.
9. Thomas Renolds with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 6. August 1634.
10. John 〈◊〉 with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 3. Novemb. 1634.
11. Humphry T • rbervill with two sureties, in 200. l. to appear upon 30 days warning, bond dat. 1. Dec. 1634.
12. Daniel Chambers with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 40 days warning, bond dat. 3. Dec. 1634.
13. William Drury with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 20 days warning bond dat. 19. Febr. 1634.
14. Edward More with two sureties, 300. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 24. March 16 • 4.
15. • onh • m • e Cook with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 10 days warning, bond dat. 19. March 1634.
16. Peter Wilford with two sureties, in 500. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 23. March 1634.
17. John Rivers with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 30 days warning, bond dat. 13. A • r. 1635.
18. I • hn Hawkeshee with two sureties in 500. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 27. 〈◊〉 1635.
19. John Bawles with two sureties, in 300. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 7. • ug. 1635.
20. John Piers alias Fisher with two sureties in 500. l. to appear upon 20 days warning bond dat. 12. August 1635.
21. H • nry G • fford with two sureties, in 500. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 21. Aug. 16 • 5.
22. William Valentine with two sureties in 200. l. to appear upon six days warning, bond dat. 25. May 16 • 6.
23. Edward Co • rtney with two sureties, in 20000. l. to appear upon 10 days warning bond dat. 22. July 16 • 6.
24. Thomas Preston with 2 sureties, in 1000. l. to appear upon 10 days warning, bond dat. 24. Apr. 2627.
25. Hen • y Morte with five sureties, in 5000. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 16. • une 16 • 7.
26. John Goodman with two sureties, in 500. l. to appear upon 20 days warning, bond dat. 17. Sept. 1639.
27. John Southworth, July 1640.
This Catalogue was enclosed in this ensuing paper written with Windebankes or his Secretary R • ads own hand (which are very ••• ) and thus indorsed:
The Kings discharge to Secretary Windebanke for releasing of Priests.
WHereas divers Roman Catholics as well priests as others, have been at several 〈◊〉 enlarged our of divers prisons, to which they had formerly been committed, they first entering into bond with sureties to appear before the • ords of our privy Counsel upon warning given to them to that purpose: which bonds have been taken by our Trusty and right well-beloved Counselor Sir Francis W •• debanke, and one of our principal Secretaries of State and remain with him.
And whereas we have also thought sit upon divers occasions to give special commands and directions in favor of some particular persons of the Roman Catholic Religion, wherein we have used his service; We do hereby acknowledge and declare that the enlargement of the said Roman Catholics and those other acts done in favor of those of that religion by our said Secretary, have been performed by our special command and order given to him in that behalf, without any advice or original motion of 〈◊〉 , who hath only moved herein as he hath been from time commanded by Vs, and for which We had good grounds and reasons of State, such as We shall Our Self declare when We shall find cause: We do therefore hereby fully and absolutely acquit, discharge and save harmless the said Sir Francis Windebanke from any trouble or question, to which he may be subject for or concerning the execution of our said commands, and from all penalties that he may incur by reason thereof, any Law, Act, Statue, proclamation, or any other matter or thing whatsoever to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding: and of thus all our Officers, Ministers and Subjects whom it doth or may concern are to take notice.
This discharge I find not signed by the King, which makes me think it to be a draught prepared for his royal Signature by Windebanke since his questioning in parliament▪ to lay all the blame of his Actions upon the King himself; who (as it seems by his following letter) gave him a pas • e when he fled from the parliaments justice into France, but his Secretary Master Read fearing the first pass not to be sufficient, sent this ensuing pass out of France, found among Mr. Thomas Windebankes papers.
WHereas Our • ight trusty and well-beloved Counselor Sir Francis Windebanke Knight, one of our principal Secretaries of state, is to make his repair into foreign parts; We do hereby license him to pass, and straitly charge and command you and every of you, to suffer him to go quietly by you, and to embarque himself at any of Our ports most convenient for his passage, and to take with him▪ his Nephew Robert Read▪ and two other in his company, together with his and their carriages, without any manner of search, stay, or other interruption whatsoever; and this shall be as well to the said Sir Francis Windebanke, Robert Read and the rest, for passing as to you and every of you, for suffering them to pass, as aforesaid, sufficient warrant and discharge, Given at Our Court at White-hall the second day of December 1640.
To all Admirals Vice-admirals, Captains of Our Forces, Castles and Ships, and to all Justices of peace, Mayors Sheriffs Bailiffs, Constables, Customers, Comptrollers, and Searche • s, and to all other Our Officers and Ministers, whom it doth or may concern, and to every of them.
This countersei • ed anti-dated pass was sent to Master Thomas Windebanke into England out of France, to procure his Majesty's hand and Signet to it; and if any difficulty or scruple were made by the King to sign it, the Queens omnipotent mediation must he used to obtainits Signature, as this letter of Mr. Reads to Mr. Thomas Windebanke wherein it was enclosed, will sufficiently manifest, and likewise discover to the world how grossly his Majesty hath been abused by this Secretary, the Arch-bishop and others of his Ministers by procuring his hand to such forged, anti-dated warrants, to excuse themselves and lay all the blame of their Actions upon him, which should cause his Majesty to look better to them hereafter in this kind.
Sir,
MY Uncle has acquainted me with a letter he has written to my 〈◊〉 . of Arundell and with the directions he has given you about it, I put him in mind of some addition fit to be made to it, which he likes very well, and has commanded me to write to you. That if her Ladyship or any other with whom she shall please to advise, can think upon any way to prevent any proclamation against him, or at least to sweeten any rigorous course that may be intended against him, as probably such means may be found, now that their M. M. (Majesty's) and the Parliament seem to be upon better terms, her Ladyship will be pleased to advance it with all her power: And really I am of opinion, if the King did know how much dishonor he ha • abroad by this question of the Secretary, and had a true sense of master Secretaries condition both his Majesty and the Queen would be hearty in his business, which could not but produce good effects. Sir, I have considered that when they fall upon our business, they will go near to 〈1 page〉 comfort in mine absence, for which God will bless you, and move the Kings heart to take you into his princely consideration; which I shall be as well contented with, as if I had continued in my prosperity; The being deprived of the light of my Sovereign Lord and Masters countenance is the greatest and most bitter of my afflictions, to which God will return me if he finds it fit, if otherwise, I hope he will arm me with patience; You will present my most humble service to my Lord Duke of Lenox, the Lord Marquess Hamilton, the Earl of Manchester and his Lady, with the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Goring and Lord Cottington, the like to the LORD ARCHBISHOP, and Lord TREASURER, and any other that shall inquire of me: God bless you and send us a happy meeting, so I rest,
YOURS, &c. FRAN. WINDEBANKE.
Calis 6. December 1640.
TOM. I writ to you this afternoon already, immediately upon my arrival here and gave you account of my passage into these parts, and this was by the Master of the boat that brought me hither; since, understanding that the Pacquet-boat is to part away from hence tomorrow, I thought fit to take that occasion to communicate some thoughts of mine concerning my unfortunate business in Parliament.
It is not unlikely but that the House of Commons will, notwithstanding mine absence (or the rather for it, as taking my retreat for a confession of the charge) proceed to present me to the Upper House for a Delinquent of so high a nature, as never came so much as into my thoughts to be guilty of: In this case you shall do well to consider whether it will not be fit for you, most humbly to move his Majesty in favor of me, to deal with some of the Lord's best inclined to me, namely, the Lord Duke of Lenox, the Lord Marquess Hamilton, the Earl Marshall, Lord Goring, Lord Cottington, and others, not leaving out the Lord Chamberlain, that my charge may be set down in writing, and that I may be permitted to make my answer to it; if this may be granted, the next particular that will fall into consideration will be, how far his Majesty will please to advow me in the two great parts of the charge, namely, the enlarging of Priests, and the procuring of bills of grace from his Majesty for stay of the conviction of Recusants, and likewise for such letters as myself have written upon his Majesty's commandment, for stay of such indi • ements: For the first of these there are 27. or 28. Bonds taken of such Priests as I have set at liberty, which Bonds you shall do well to show his Majesty, being all taken by his special direction, and I do not remember that any have been delivered out of prison but such as are so bound, unless perhaps some may have been taken out of the hands of those two Hell-hounds Gray and Newton, that were disabled by the Lord's from prosecuting Recusants, and this at the instance of the Queen to his Majesty: For the second namely, the stay of convictions by Bills of grace and otherwise, they were all entirely moved and procured by the Queens Majesty and some of her servants, and likewise of those near his Majesty, who had no small benefit by them, and I had nothing at all to do with them, but in the dispatch of some of those Bills which belonged to me as Secretary, and his Majesty may please to remember, that before those Bills passed my hands, some of them were made during life, which upon my motion to his Majesty and the representation I made of that inconveniency, was altered, and they were granted but during pleasure, & so became revokable wh •• soever his Majesty should command: His Majesty may likewise further please to remember, that of late I did humbly represent to him the prejudice to his revenue by these bills of grace, and besought him there might be a stop of them, and I do not remember that any have been granted these two or three years; howsoever, I do religiously profess I never moved in them, nor any other business of Recusants, originally, nor without his Majesty's special commandment, and therefore if I should not be advowed in all, my condition must be very hard: Nevertheless rather that his Majesty or his affairs shall suffer, I desire the whole burden may be laid upon me, and though I have his Majesty's hand for most of them and commandment for all, yet I will rather perish then produce either to his prejudice without his permission; if his Majesty shall please to appear to the Lord's above • mentioned in my behalf, you are not to leave them unsolicited, and you must specially wait upon my brother Secretary, and present my humble service to him. Since my arrival here, I have presented myself to the Governor 〈…〉 who hath offered me great civilities, inviting me to sup with him, and desiring me to make use of his Coach to Paris, but I have thought sit to excuse myself as handsomely as I could of both; you shall do well to present my most humble thanks and services to the Queen for these honors, which I have reason to acknow • edge are done me in contemplation of her Majesty's favor to me, so as though in mine own Country it be accounted a crime to me to be her Majesty's servant, yet here I shall have reputation and receive much honor by it.
At my first dis-embarquing here, in my red surred cap. I was taken for my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, and the noise was generally spread through the Town that it was he: by which it appears this people can judge well of colors, unless they had thought him a Cardinal.
Comfort your poor afflicted Mother in mine absence▪ who if she should fall into any distemper of sickness for this disaster upon me and my Family, there could be nothing added to my misery in this world.
God bless you, and make you more happy in your own person then you are in that of
Your most distressed, but affectionate Father Francis Windebanke.
〈◊〉 , 6. December 1640.
A POST • SRIPT▪Co •• m • nd my dearest love to your Mother, and let your brother and sisters know I send them my blessing.
You shall do well to acquaint the Queens Majesty with the particulars of my travels, and most humbly to unplore the continuance of her favor to me and my poor • uined Family, and withal • orget not to represent to her Majesty the singular favor she vouch • a • ed me in the company of Monseiur 〈◊〉 , who hath been a most 〈◊〉 and t • nder friend to me.
〈…〉 of those that have the charge of the letters, and that they are all sent.
For mine own most unfortunate business in Parliament, I long to hear what effect my coming from England hath produced, though I expect little good, but to be kept from extremities.
Concerning mine own domestic affairs, the chiefest that I shall recommend to you is the care of your poor mother, upon whose living and comfort depends mine; next I wish you to procure me a bill of credit, to which purpose Robin hath writ to master Burlamachi, for I find my charge here will be very high, and if his Majesty shall not relieve me I shall not be able by mine own revenue to subsist: This I have represented to the Lord Treasurer and Lord Cottington, and desired them to give order for payment of such monies as are due to me in the Exchequer, which are at Michael was last 800. l. you shall do well likewise to solicit these Lord's for the payment of the monies, for which I stand engaged to master Richaut for the King, and not to forget my board▪ wages nor the monies in the hands of the Earl of New-castle.
The l • tters that go herewith, you will deliver with the remembrance of my humble services to these Lord's, to whom I have written, to assist you as occasion shall be presented. That to my Lord Chamberlain is more large and particular then the rest, and I have left it open purposely, to the end, you may show it to his Majesty, and if his Majesty like it, to deliver it, otherwise not.
I shall want linen and apparel at Paris, and A • bert tells me, I may have a Trunk conveyed by the pacquet-boat hither, and from hence to Paris, with a small charge; and therefore I wish there were two suits put up, one of plain Velvet and I never yet wore, and another of the little wrought V • lvet diamond work, and linn • n of all sorts but • ands, with three or four pair of warm woolen stockings, and two pa • re of black silk ones.
The Ship in which we should have passed and was bound for Roven, was within 24. hours after we left it, pillaged by the Dunkerks, but rescued from them after by the French, and brought in hither as lawful prize, where she now is, so that it was happy we forsook her and passed in a Shallop, and though our passages were full of hazard, yet we avoided a greater danger by it.
God bless you, and put a happy end to all our sufferings, which I wish might all fall upon myself, so your mother and you who are most innocent, were free; in all conditions I shall be
Your most affecti • oate Father FRAN. WINDEBANKE.
Calis 13. December 1640.
TOM▪ Your letter of the 17. of December came fitly to welcome me hither to Paris, and gave me infinite comfort in the expressions you make of their Majesty's favor • to me and mine in our present distressed condition, the like I understand by master Treasurer, and you are herewith to receive letters to them all, in acknowledgement of their goodness: You writ nothing concerning the 〈◊〉 Bonds, which I desired you to show to his Majesty. I desire you to let me know by your next what you have done therein.
Your most affectionate Father FRAN. WINDEBANKE.
Paris 4. January 1641.
Master Read, his Secretary, by a letter of the same date to master Thomas Windebank (then a Gentleman of the privy Chamber to his Majesty in Ordinary) write • thus.
Sir,
I Am of opinion with you, that our business in Parliament will not sleep, yet I like it never the worse that it goes on no faster, for in all probability, if they may have their will of the great ones, as I believe they will, we may escape the better, especially since they cannot choose but know that the King continues his favor to master Secretary, which I hope will somewhat take off from their siercenesse against him.
Your most affectionate cozen and humble servant RO. READ▪
Paris 4. Jan. 1641.
TOm. I writ to yo • r mother and yourself the last week by the ordinary; but this extraordinary occasion of Sir John Fortes • ues return into England presenting it self, I could not but make use of it, that you may understand the state of my health as often as may be, which continuing good, I am confident will be some comfort to you all in the midst of your afflictions.
I have not been able to put myself in order, to go out of my lodging until this day, but now my first appearing abroad hath been to present myself to my Lord of Le •• cester, who hath received me with great respects and professions; which honor his Lordship having vouchsafed me for her Majesty's sake, and in virtue of her gracious letters of recommendation in favor of me: you are with all humility to acknowledge it to her Majesty in my name, and to present unto her my most humble thanks.
In my letters of the last week to his Majesty, I presumed to represent the necessity (as I conceived) of my attending the ministers here; first, Monseiur de Chavig • y, and then the Cardinal, as well in acknowledgement of the honor they did to you, when you were employed here, as for the order they gave to the Governor of Calis to treat me with all respect, as soon as they had notice of my arrival there.
Your very loving Father Francis Windebanke.
Paris 7. January 1641.
TOm. If you understand anything of the disposal of the Secretaries place, I wish some considerable sum might be thought upon to be given to me by him that shall succeed, which would be of more advantage, and give me better satisfaction then any pension that his Majesty shall confer upon me, and will be of less charge to his Majesty; you shall do well to be attentive upon this, and immediately after the first notice of, to make earnest means to the Queen to procure this for me.
My Lord Ambassador h • th done me the nonour to give me a visit at my lodging.
Your very loving Father Francis Windebanke.
Paris 11. January 1641.
TOm. your letters of the 31. of December that came this week, were brought too late, and so long after the delivery of all others, that I was in great pain and apprehension I should not have been made happy with the knowledge of the estate of my poor Family this week, which would have added much to my sad thoughts: I have now, I thank God, received full satisfaction in that which I so much longed for, and hope▪ whatsoever my other afflictions may be that I shall receive no other news of your healths during my absence from you:
There is little in your letters that requires answer; that only concerning my charge when it shall be made, is of consideration, which will require little answer, if his Majesty shall please to avow me in the business of Recusants, as I doubt not but in honor and justice he will; what else can be objected to me of moment, I do no • apprehend; nevertheless, if his Majesty think fit that you shall petition the Lord's for permission to me to make my answer, you may do it, though I could be contented you should first see the particulars of the charge, whether there be anything in it besides that of the Re •• sants; and howsoever you must acquaint his Majesty with your petition before you exhibit it.
I was upon Sunday last at Service and Sermon at my Lord Ambassadors house, where my Lord did me very much honor, otherwise I have kept my lodging.
Your most affectionate Father Francis Windebanke.
Paris 18. January 1641.
TOM. I shall be glad that the Trunk of secret papers may fall into so good a hand as that of my Lord Cottington. I am very sorry to hear that his Majesty's intentions of an an • ity or yearly allowance to me begins already to cool; considering the charge I must lie at while I am in these parts, or any other, and the uncertainties of the benefit of the Post-Office, and of the board-wages for the Secretaries diet, which you shall do well to take some time to represent at large to the Queen, and to implore her favor for the continuance of that his Majesty's gracious purpose to me, without which I and mine are in danger to be exposed to want and misery.
Your very loving Father, Francis Windebanke.
Paris 25. Ian. 1641.
〈1 paragraph〉
〈1 paragraph〉
Your, &c. Fran: Windebanke.
Paris 7 Feb. 1641.
〈1 paragraph〉
Your &c. Fran: Windebank.
Paris 7 Feb. 1641.
TOM, &c. I have thought fit to let you know the particulars, that you way represent them to their M. M. (Majesty's) for whose service merely I am thus persecuted, and to whose wisdom, next after my 〈◊〉 in God, I most entirely submit myself, my fortune, and whatsoever else is 〈◊〉 ; all which is now in extreme peril, for my faithfulness and obedience to their Commandments. (The rest of this letter being three folio Pages is writ in Caracters, and contains some mysteries locked up in these unknown Cyphers, not yet discovered,
Your, &c. Fran: Windebank.
Paris, 1 March 1640.
TOm, &c. I have been this afternoon with the Cardmall, by the introduction of 〈…〉 , and received very great 〈◊〉 and professions from him; he brought me out of his chamber into the next, giving 〈◊〉 the upper hand, and holding me by the hands, (There follow three lines of •• aracters.)
Your, &c. Fran: Windebanke.
Paris March 12. 1640.
Master Read, Secretary to Windebanke, march 29. 1611. writ a letter (for the most part in Characters to master Thomas Windebanke, wherein there are these passages at large:
SIR▪
Yours of the fourth and eleventh currant have brought me double comfort this week, which was no more then I needed after such a va •• ation; I perceive my fears of the miscarriage of the first were not altogether vain, since they were so near a danger; their redemption from which, I assure you, was a great work, and shows a great deal of goodness in those friends which you 〈◊〉 ; and I am willing to take it for a sign that the Parliament owes us not so • ll 〈◊〉 as was feared. The Answer of their Majesty's is very gracious, and I thank God has much revived Master Secretary, &c.
I cannot but wonder that the House should be scandalized at the style you gave my 〈…〉 I am sure it is not in the power of any to take th •• Title from 〈◊〉 but the King, and 〈◊〉 Majesty having 〈◊〉 yet done it, I know not but why he should enjoy it till his Majesty shall please otherwise to dispose of the place.
Master 〈◊〉 and Master Withering have sufficiently shown their malicious 〈◊〉 , God reward them for it, &c.
Your, &c. Robert Read.
Paris, Goodfriday 29 march, 1641.
After this followed these ensuing letters from 〈◊〉 and his Secretary Read to his Son Thomas 〈◊〉 , all writ from Paris.
〈1 paragraph〉
My Lord Ambassador continues still his favoures to me and hath been this week with me at my lodging, which is a very great honor to me.
Your, &c. 〈…〉
Paris 19 April 1641
〈…〉
〈…〉 the heavier for some expressions delivered him from their Majesty's by Master Montague, who arrived here on Saturday last: He comforts himself that he shall have all the favor his Ma • esty and the Queen are able to do him, &c.
Sir,
your most affectionate Couzin and obliged Servant, Ro. Read.
Paris 16. April 1641.
SIR, &c.
IT is likely now my Lord of Strafford is dispatched that businesses will go faster on then formerly, and that amongst them, my Vnckles will have its turn: What course will be taken in it I cannot judge; but I doubt not, if they make a charge, such things will be contained in it, as cannot be foreseen, and I fear if sombody be not there present to make a defense or disprove them, they may be taken por confesso, which may be a ruin to us all; I know nobody is able to answer but my • nckle and my ••• self: For 〈◊〉 , there is no thought of his going thither; for myself, I know no reason why I should not be there, if his Majesty please to avow my • nckle, I think there will be no need of other answer, but if he shall please to say, he will first see the charge, there will be • n • cessity of somebodies being there, to bring to his Majesty's remembrance the grounds and reasons upon which divers things were done, which must be needs slipped cut of his Majesty's memory; and besides, there are divers papers and warran • s to be searched out for my Unckles justification; if his Majesty please to cause the charge to be sent hither, then there will be no need of me till the answer go back, which will be the best way of all. I beseech you consider seriously of it, and as soon as the business shall be spoken of, it would not be amiss to know his Majesty's pleasure in all these particulars; and in the mean time be pleased to let me know your own • opinion of them, &c.
Sir,
Your, &c. R. Read.
Paris 31. May 1641.
TOm. &c. my letters were sent from hence under my Lord Ambassadors cover, directed to master Secretary Vane, which I have hitherto sound the surest way, &c. I remember well I then sent you a letter for the Queen, in acknowledgement of the graci • us remembrance her Majesty vouchsafed me by Master Montague, &c. The last week I sent by the same way a letter to his Majesty, with a Duplicate of it to you, concer • ing the business wherein you had signified his Majesty's pleasure to me. I hope if that have fallen into other lands, they will not dare to keep back that which was directed to his Majesty whatsoever became of the rest, and I rather wish you to make your address to my Lady of Arundell, and humbly desire her Ladyship to mediate for me to my Lord.
Your, &c. Francis Windebanke.
Paris 3. May 1641.
TOM. &c. You must not fail to attend my Lord of Leices • er as soon as you may, and to acknowledge his great honors and favors to me; you shall do well likewise, to be an humble suitor to the Queen in my name, that she will be pleased to take notice to my Lord, of the fair and noble treatment I have received from his Lordship for her Majesty's sake, and upon her recommendation, and this you may do at some time when my Lord may be present, and that you may be sure it may not be forgotten, &c.
Your, &c. FRAN. WINDEBANKE.
Paris 6, May 1642.
TOM, &c. You are now to receive a letter from Robert Read, concerning a business which hath been lately examined in Parliament, you shall do well to acquaint his Ma • esty with it, and most humbly to crave his direction, in case it shall come to a stricter inquisition, as I have reason to conceive it will; considering what I have formerly written to you upon this subject, to be represented to his Majesty, and under what malice and danger I lie for that business. None understands mine innocence herein better th •• his Majesty, nor can better clear me, to whose Princely wisdom I 〈…〉 it, and shall govern myself both in this and anything else concerning his service wholly according to his pleasure.
You • s, &c. FRAN. WINDEBANKE. 1641.
〈…〉 upon the particular place you writ of, you may easily procure upon these grounds, or at least know by either of these, to whom you are addressed, how far her Majesty stand engaged,
Sir,
Yours, &c. Robert Read.
Paris 28, June 1641.
About this time Secretary Windebankes Lady and Family resolved to go over to him into France, whereupon he writ this letter to his Son.
TOM. &c. You must procure a Passe from his Majesty for them all, and if I may know the time of her coming, I will meet her at D • epe: If his Majesty shall make difficulty at the Passe, you must beseech the Queens interposition to let them know, that the little appearance of the end of my business hath 〈◊〉 both upon this resolution; you will be her guide, and I beseech God to bless you, and let and bring us happily together.
Your, &c. Francis Windebanke.
Paris. 5. July 1641.
To August following, Secretary Windebanke had a mind to Petition the House, whose royal advice and assistance he craved & had in it, these ensuing letters manifest.
TOm, &c. With them I sent you a Petition to the House of Commons in my name, but referred the proceeding in it to his Majesty's pleasure, and to such advice as you might take from some trusty friend. I wish some care be taken, that the Secretariet place being disposed of, (which if his Majesty be not good to me, must be mine utter rain) I may not be excluded from the general pardon, which it is likely will be granted at the end of this Session: I hope you will put both their Majesty's in mind hereof, with some earnestness.
Your, &c. Francis Wind • bank.
Paris 16. Aug. 1641.
TOm, &c. I now send you a Petition which I have framed to be presented to the lower House in my name, if his Majesty shall think fit, to whose wisdom I do most humbly submit it, either to be suppressed, altered or disposed of as his Majesty shall please. That which hath moved me to fall upon this way, is the apprehension that the House will adjourn without coming to any resolution concerning me, which would be a greater punishment then otherwise in reason I can expect, considering my sufferings already: Howsoever, by this I may perhaps make a discovery of the inclinations of the House, and what ply my business is likely to take: I wish you could communicate this to some discreet trusty & secret friend before his Majesty be acqua • hnted with it, and take deliberate advice upon it: In Cas • his Majesty approve this course, you shall then beseech him to deliver the Petition to master Treasurer, & Master Comptroller, & to give them order to recommend it to the House from him; with further intimation, that his Majesty will take it will if the House shall grant it: You are likewise to beseech the Queen to second his Majesty herein, and to recommend it to Master Treasurer and Master Comptroller, and any other in the House in whom her Majesty hath interest. I do not conceive that such a Petition can do harm, and perhaps the House doth expect some such submission, and will be mollified or quickened by it; nevertheless, I submit it to better judgment, and the life and death of it are indifferent to me, and therefore I leave it entirely to your ordering.
I fear my arrears in the Exchequer, and the household will be slowly paid, having heard that the House of Commons have ordered, that his Majesty shall be moved for the stopping of pensions due to Master Jerma • e, Sir John Sucklin, or myself, but God's will be done.
Your, &c. Francis Windebanke.
Paris 2. Aug. 1641.
SIR, &c.
YOU say nothing of the motion made in the House of Commons, that the King should be moved to with-hold the monies he is pleased to allow Master Secretary: You will receive from my Unckle a Petition, which I cannot but hope will produce some good effect, if it be accompanied with some hearty recommendation, from the King, which must be done one of th • se four ways; either by his Majesty's going to the House, sending for the House to him, sending for the Speaker alone, or by commanding the Counselors of the House • to recommend it in his name; each of these four ways as they stand, being more effectual then the other, but the latter must be done of necessity, though any of the former ways be taken; for their effectual speaking in the business will be of good use. I do not understand what there can be objected against the delivery of the Petition being so modest, since if it do not succeed so well as to obtain an absolute end of the business, yet this benefit we cannot sails of by it, that he will discover so much of their inclination as to give a judgment thereupon, what we are like to trust to: I am confident you will find all assistance from the Queen, and so God speed it: when once it is delivered, it must be solicited as heartily as recommended, for the least flacknesse in the solicitation of it will much prejudice the business; his Majesty appearing in it only at the delivery of the Petition will not be sufficient, but • e must be pleased to continue his favor till it be brought to some resolution, &c.
Sir,
Your, &c. Ro. Read.
Paris 2. Aug. 1641.
SIR,
I Perswade myself the conjuncture is now proper for it (the Petition) since this late occasion hath begotten so good an intelligence between the Queen and both Houses; and besides, it is said they are upon Counsels in favor of the Roman Cath • liques, &c.
Sir,
your, &c. Ro. Read
Paris 9. Aug. 1641.
TOm. &c. I returned you the Petition altered, though not altogether in those words that his Majesty directed, being of opinion (with submission nevertheless to better judgment) that the House will never be a means for any pardon or abolition, but if they will give way to it, I can expect no more, and I have reason to believe there will be n • impediment. And for that which was formerly inserted, that I desired it of them, it could not well bear other sense, then that I •• aved their consents, or what was in them to grant, without which I knew it could not be, and with which it was probable there would be no difficulty, it being likewise to be pres ••• ed, I could not be so ignorant in a business so public and obvio • s, as to think the power of abolition could rest only in them, but only that their liking was necessarily to be precedent to others: Howsoever, I am exceeding glad the Petition was not presented, and do bold his Majesty's opinion full of wisdom • and favor to me, in stirring the business as little as may be, and therefore though I send back the Petition; I wish it should be laid by and not made use of at all until express order from me. For the Motion you intended to make for a Ship, I wish it had been forborne: such a favor from his Majesty (if he should have granted it) being likely to have raised more noise, and brought more prejudice upon his Majesty.
Yours, &c. Francis Windebanke.
Paris 23. Aug. 1641.
The Petition intended to be 〈◊〉 to the House mentioned in this Letter, is this following.
To the Right Honorable the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses assembled now in Parliament.
The humble Petition of Francis Windebanke, Knight.
THat whereas the Petitioner is charged, that he hath caused to be 〈…〉 and delivered out of prison sundry Romish Priests, and done other things 〈◊〉 the Roman Party, of which there is none that better understands how far he is 〈◊〉 then the Kings Majesty. And whereas among his many grievous sufferings since this his misfortune, there is 〈◊〉 that afflicts him so much as, That this honorable House hath taken offense at this, or anything else that hath passed on his Ministry wh • le he had the honor to be 〈◊〉 his Majesty.
He most humbly bese •• heth this honorable House, in regard that his late Father and himself have served the Crown of England near these fourscore years, and have had the honor to be implied by the late Queen Elizabeth, King James, and his now Majesty, in businesses of great trust, they will be pleased to make the most favorable construction of his services, seeing he had no ill intention, nor hath offended willingly or maliciously; and so to take him and his poor innocent Wife and Children into their commisseration, that he may not con ••• e in foreign parts that little fortune which was left him by his Father, and to which he hath made so small and inconsiderable an addition that he and they must perish, if he continue to languish in exile out of his own Country. And further, most humbly desireth, that this honorable House would be a means that he may have an abolition and pardon for whatsoever is past, and permission to return to safety into England, to pass that little time which 〈◊〉 of his life privately in peace, and in the Church of England, whereof he will in life and death continue a true Member, and in which he desireth to bestow the rest of his time in devotion for the prosperity thereof, for the good of the State and for happiness to attend the Councils, and resolutions of this honorable House.
This Petition being sent into England and here approved, was sent enclosed in a letter from Mr. Tho. Windebanke to Master Basely, to be presented to the House when ever they should fall on his business; of which his Secretary Read writ over his opinion in this confident manner to Master Tho, Windebanke.
SIR, &c.
I Being confident that there is no man 〈◊〉 England but will be satisfied in his conscience that nine months banishment and the loss of the Secretaries place, is a far greater punishment then anything my Unckle has done can deserve, considering all has been done upon command.
Sir,
your, &c. Ro. Read.
Paris. 16. Aug. 2641.
This Petition (it seems) was not presented, whereupon Master Read writ thus 〈◊〉 Master Tho. Windebanke.
SIR,
SInce this opportunity of setting our business on foot is 〈◊〉 , there is no more to be done, but to hope that it will not be called upon till the Kings return; in the 〈…〉 it is a great comfort to my Uncle to see the continuance of his Majesty's 〈…〉 himandc.
Sir
Yours, &c. Ro, Read.
Paris 23. Aug. 1641
After this, Secretary Windebanks Lady and his Son arrived in France and lived in Paris, but his Son returning shortly after 〈…〉 to Court, he writ thus to him, concerning the English Fugitives, not Parliament proof here, and the general favor there indulged to him.
TOM, &c. Since your departure hence, the Cardinal hath been moved by Monseiur de • eneterre, at the solicitation of Master Foster, that The English now here, and fled hither to avoid the storm in England, might be freed from that law of confiscation of their Estates, in case they come to dys here, which we and other strangers are liable unto here, and hath left it to those of the Nation, to settle by what me •• es themselves shall think best, assuring that the King shall grant it in any ample manner, a • dwithall the advantageous and firm conditions that can be desired: This is a very gre • s privilege to the Nation, and hath been granted with so much cheerfulness and expression of resentment of our condition, that I wish her Majesty will be pleased in those letters which she will vouchsafe to honor me to the King her • rother, to take notice of it, and to acknowledge it; and if her Majesty shall likewise please in a word or two to Monseiur de Seneterre to give him thanks for his readiness in it, and to honor me with the Commission of delivering it, I shall hold it a very great favor, and it will be a powerful motive to him to 〈◊〉 his good Offices to the Nation, which I assure you are very much to be valued considering his interest in the Cardinal. What else her Majesty shall please to add to him concerning myself, I most humbly subm • t to her wisdom and goodness: If you shall have delivered my letters to her Majesty before these come to your hands you may take some occasion to wait upon her Majesty again, and with presentation of my most humble services so acquaint her Majesty herewith.
YOURS, &c. Francis Wind • bank.
Paris 8. November 1641.
TOM. &c. Before his departure, I made means to M •• seiur de Chavig • y (for Monseiur Seneterre is not yet returned) to be presented to the King, and to deliver her Majesty's letters; he seemed to entertain the motion with extraordinary readiness and desire to •• rve the Queen, and to do me that honor, &c. But I do make account to take some time to wait upon the Queen here at Saint Germans and deliver the letter into her own hands: This you may make known to her Majesty there, when occasion shall be presented.
YOURS, &c. FRAN. WINDEBANKE.
Paris 31. January 1642.
Many such passages I find in Secretary Windebanks and Reads letters to his Son at Court, (over-tedious to recite) conveyed hither for the most part under the Earl of Leicesters and Burlamachies cover, and some others; but by these forementioned, you may discern what favor and respect this Secretary hath found both abroad and at home for his releasing, protecting Priests, Jesuits, Papists, and by whose commands he justifies he did it, who have been very indulgent to him for it, if those Letters under his own hand may be credited: And thus much for the releasing only of Priests and Jesuits, charged in Parliament on this Secretary; whose correspondency with Rome and the Popes N •• e • oes you shall hear of further ere long.
How many letters of grace were granted to the most noted Recusants to stay all prosecutions and proceedings against them before and after their Indictments, you may read in my Royal Popish Favorite, where many of them are recorded, and in Master Glins report 1 Dec. 1640. in the Commons Journal, who reported to the Commons House from the Committee concerning Secretary Windebanke, that there were 64 Letters of grace to stay prosecution against Papists, directed to several Officers and Judges, short entries whereof were made in the Signet-Office, and that his house was the place of resort for Priests and Jesuits: Many of these letters of grace and discharges of Priests were gained upon petitions to the King or Queen, presented to them by this Secretary, in whose Trunks they have since been found. Among others, I find a petition of the Lord Viscount Mountgarret (now one of the principal Rebels in Ireland) and of his Ladies, with a draught of a letter of grace enclosed therein for the discharge of all proceedings against them upon an inditement for Recusancy, found against them both at Coventry, with other petitions of Recusants; as namely, of Master Richard Foster, Master Tankred and others, for the abatement of their compositions made with the King for Recusancy in the North, where the compositions of the Lord Viscount Dunbarr, Master Anthony Metcalfe and William Green had formerly been abated; Besides, those Recusants who compounded at low rates in the North (as you have seen) got them abated lower afterwards, and obtained special protections from the Commissioners against all future prosecutions, of which I shall give you but one president at large, in the case of Sir Henry Merry.
WHereas Sir Henry Merry of Barton in the Country of Derby Knight, being a convicted Recusant, hath personally appeared before his Majesty's Commissioners, authorized to compound for the forfeitures of the lands and goods of Recusants, convicted within this and other Counties; at the Manor of Saint Mary, near the walls of York, the 15. day of August instant, and hath made composition for an annual rent, to be paid unto his Majesty for all his Mannours, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, with the appurtenances within the several Counties of Derby and Leicester, and for all arrearages due for the same; and therefore by his Majesty's instructions is no further to be disquieted or troubled with vexatio • s informations upon any laws made against Recusants for his Recusancy only, so long as he shall duly pay unto his Majesty the rent so compounded for; therefore his Majesty's said Commissioners by force of the said composition aforesaid, do herby require you to take notice of the composition aforesaid, and of his Majesty's pleasure in that behalf.
Dated at the Manor aforesaid, the said 15. day of August 1634.
per Warrant Commissionar. Cha. Radcliffe Clericus Commiss.
To the Sheriffs of the County of Derby and Leicester, and to his Majesty's Commissioners of inquiry of lands and goods of Recusants convicted within these Count • es & to all other his Majesty's Officers and Ministers whom the premses may concern, and to every of them.
For staying proceedings upon indictments, I shall give you but two or three instances here (omitted in my Popish Royal Favorite) to wit, the Lord chief Justice Richardsons Warrant to the Clerk of the Crown in the Kings-Bench, for stay of an Inditement against the Lady Parkins, and John Gibbons, for sending her Daughter beyond sea to be a Nun, the Copy whereof was sent to Windebanke, who procured it.
Mr. Fanshaw and Mr. Keeling.
ACcording to his Majesty's gracious command to me, signified by Master Secretary Windebanke, that no further proceedings shall be had upon an inditement against Dame Mary Parkins and John Gibbons, in Michaelmas Terme last, for sending or carrying Mistress Penelope Parkins, the said Dame Mary Parkins Daughter beyond seas to be a Nun, contrary to the Statute. These are to will and require you to make the Roll of the Record thereof, and to enter a Cesset processus thereupon, that no further proceedings be had upon the said Inditement accordingly, for which this shall be your warrant, and so I rest
Your loving friend, Thomas 〈◊〉 .
From 〈◊〉 -Inn this 13. of May
To this I shall add the same chief Justice his letter to Secretary Windebanke, concerning his staying of Processe against one Lovet.
May it please your Honor;
IT is most true that the business concerning Lovet was recommended to my care, I have done therein whatsoever was in my power to perform and there hath not been wanting in me the lest duty to either of their Majesty's commands; but he being indicted of felony for receiving and harbouring of a Priest (and the Priest himself) of treason in the same inditement; I cannot discharge him thereof but in a legal way, which is, either by exception to the inditement for insufficiency, or by a legal trial, or by his Majesty's gracious pardon; that which was in my power (being only to stay Processe and proceedings) I have done, and all his goods which were seized and taken from him, I have long since caused to be restored unto him again, but nothing will please him, unless • e he may be actually freed and discharged of the inditement, which is not in my power to do; I have directed him the best course I can, but he will take no way but his own, and that is to overthrow his inditement by exception to the sufficiency of it in point of law; to which end he hath moved me to have a copy of it, which I have been willing and ready with all my heart to grant him, but I could not do it without the consent of master Attorney General, it being in a cause nearly concerning the King for felony and treason; I moved master Attorney General for him in his own presence, who wished him to attend him at his Chamber, but whether he hath done so or no, I know not, for he never comes at me, but as it seems, deals maliciously with me under hand, I being as desirous to do him all the good I honestly and justly may, as ever I was to do any man in my life; for besides my humble duty and service to both their Majestyes, he is a man for some reasons I do particularly love and affect. This is all that I can write, and therefore with most humble thanks to your Honor for your favor, which I shall never cease to acknowledge and with remembrance of my most humble duty and service, I humbly take my leave and rest
Your Honors most humble and faithful Servant to becommanded Thomas Richard ••• .
Ba • king 30. May 1634.
Mich. xiii. Caroli Regis.
Brownlow,
Ordinat. • st per Cur. quatuordecem die Octobris quod cesset omnis prosecutio inter dictas partes super omnibus Informationibus & actionibus debiti quibuscunque concernentibus Recusantiam • psius Ant.
per Cur.
This year we began to have more intimate public correspondency and trading with Rome then formerly, and on Aug. 7. Bishop Laud being nominated Archbishop of Canterbury by the King, upon the death of Dr. George Abbot, had a serious offer made to him by one who avowed ability to perform it (and therefore doubtless a special Agent from the Pope) to be A CARDINALL, and a second serious offer of this dignity. August 17. as appears by his own Diary. About which time Master Walter Montague, under pretence of some disgust taken at Court, departed hence privately into France, and from thence towards Rome; by the way he professed himself a Papist, and let fall some words, that his design was for Rome, to reconcile us to it upon the best and fairest terms: As soon as he entered Italy▪ he was most honourably entertained, presented, feasted, and brought on his way towards Rome in very great state and solemnity by all the Italian Princes & States near whom he passed, and arriving at Rome, was there magnificently received by the Pope and his Cardinals▪ with whom he had private conferences sundry hours together, taking place of all the English then in Rome, as a kind of extraordinary Ambassador sent from hence; he was daily courted, visited, feasted with much respect by the Pope and Cardinals, and having dispatched his negotiation there, he was sent for thence to the Court, under pretence of being Vicechamberlin to the Queen, which place was then void by death; but soon after he went into France, and there entered into a Monastery for a time (as did then Sir Kenelm Digby ) to make himself more capable of a Cardinals Cap; of which it was then voiced he had a promise. The Pope upon his Negotiation at Rome, Oct. 10. 1634. sent over a special Nuncio into England, called Signior Gregorio Panzani, to labor a reduction of us to the vassalage of the Church of Rome, who arrived here at London Dec. 25. 1634. He saluted first the Queen, after that the King, who received and treated him with much kindness telling him that he was very welcome, his Majesty remaining uncovered during all the discourse and entertainment; he was entertained, treated with, under the Notion of a Nuncio, residing in and about London, he had frequent access to the Court and great persons, to seduce and work them to his ends; how far he preceeded in this design, you may read in the late printed Books entitled, The Popes Nuncio, and The English Pope; what recourse he had to Secretary Windebanke, and what favors he obtained from him in behalf of the Roman Catholics, will best appear by his own gratulatory letter sent to this Secretary from Rome, after his departure hence, the original whereof written by the Nuncio himself in Italian (thus indorsed with Windebanke own hand, • 1. May 1637. Seignior Gregorio Panzani from Rome, rec. 22 June, our style.) I found among his papers, and have here faithfully exhibited to public view in English as worthy to be known, as it was afterwards englished and given in evidence upon Oath at the Archbishops trial.
Most excellent Sir, Patron most honored.
I Would have retained myself from writing to your most illustrious Lordship, for fear of being to you some impediment, I knowing your many occupations; but I having heard from many persons, and in particular by letters of Seignior Francisco, sometimes my Secretary, the honorable mention that otherwhiles your most illustrious Lordship is wont to make of my person; and having also oftentimes understood from the most famous Seignior Cavaliere Hamilton, and from Father John the Benedictine, how much your most illustrious Lordship straineth himself in favoring of me, I have been forced to commit this rude civility, taking in hand my pen to give you trouble; I assure your most famous Lordship that I live so much obliged unto you, th •• I shall never be able to pretend to satisfy to one and the least particle of that which I owe, seeing that during my abode in London, most rare were those days, in which I did not receive from your most illustrious Lordship some grace in the behalf and favor of the poor Catholics.. I must also congratulare myself with your most famous Lordship, concerning the most noble manners and behaviours of your Lordships Sons, the which with their singular modesty, and other most laudable virtues have gained such an opinion, amongst them that have known them in this Court, that I could never be able to express it, and the Lord Cardinal Barberino in particular cannot satiate himself in praising them. It grieves me, not to have had the fortune to meet with them in this City, because willingly I would have attested my devotion towards your most famous Lordship; to the which, and to all your most illustrious family, I rest, desiring eternal felicity from Heaven. In the mean while, I humbly entreat you to favor me with some commandment, and I kiss your hands.
Your most illustrious Lordships most devout and most obliged Servant, Greg. Panzani.
From Rome the 31. of May 1637.
By this letter you may discern what intimacy Windebanke had with, and what daily favors he bestowed upon this Nuncio during his abode in London, what curtisies he did for the papists here, what correspondency he kept with Romanists abroad, and what entertainment respect his sons then received in the Popes Court from his Creatures for his sake; of which more in due place.
Among the Arch-bishop of Canterbury his papers, I found the copy of a letter said to be written to the Pope, thus indorsed with his own hand:
Rece. Octob. 15. 1635. A copy of the letter which is reported King Charles did write to Pope Urban the eighth, about the restitution of the Duke of Loraigne.
Rex magnae Britanniae, &c. Sanctitatisu • Vrbano octavo salutem, &c. Anno 1634.
Maxim Pontifex;
DOmus Lotharingiae, Olim, & modo Principum Regumque mater vinculatrahit dura, as in captivitatem ducitur, orbe spectante & 〈◊〉 : Sanguis mihi (optime Pontifex) in venis salit, quem a domo Letharingiae hausi, pulsantque mihi violentes motu • praecordia, dum consanguineos meos Duces, pa • riae sedibus spoljatos 〈◊〉 , & hostili • graviter pass • s; sanguis cum in Nobis idem sit, & atiam amor, distrahor tamen affectibus, hinc cognati Lotharingiae oppressi jacent, inde frater me • s triumphator; sed • ut eorum calamitates violenta manu, foveam necesse erit ut hunc 〈◊〉 : Itaque pressus utrinque amore, c • gor ad mediationes aliorum Principum confugere, ut amicitiam inter bos mihi caros concilie • , bella amore extinguens, non aliter sane extinguenda nisi faed • sanguinis Christiani effusione. Ad te ergo ( Urbane Pontifex) quem omni humanitatis cultu, u •• optimum Principem existimavi, revertor; cum hi Principes potestatem tuam 〈◊〉 agnoscere videantur, se oves, te{que} Pastorem suum; •• pera igitur (Sanctitatem suam ita obiestor) hisce this Filijs, Patris ut suam vocem andientes, armis sepos ••• s pace • Christianam meant, exteris{que} Principibus authoruate • tuam agnoscentibus obedient •• exempla sint • Deponatur, te sedente, quodcunque inter illos violentum, sedatique redd • ntur hereditate su • cegnati Duces, caeterique Lotharingiae domus Principes reponantur in avita • sedis. Hoc incumbit tuae in illos potentiae. Curabit preculdabio paterna manus filiorum suorum vulnera, praedicabitque Christianus orbis Urbano • ontfice Roman • domn •• Lotharingiam ex qua fere omnes Christiani Principes • lori do • ari, pr • stinae & vitaerestitui. Tot vero inter Reges & Principes, qui hanc Christianissimans domum matrem agnoscunt, Ego V • bano principi optimo, una 〈◊〉 illis gratias immortales agam, quodque huic domus Parent • meae a Sanctitate sua • prestabitur, tanquam mihimet meisque Coronis praestitum, grato animo agnoscam. Eterim fatendum est, nihil mihi Contigisse gravius quam optimae illius domus mihi conjunctissimae contemplar • ruinam.
This letter perchance was but a civil complement for a civil end.
About this time Secretary Windebanks (as I conceive) or some other great person, desired to be resolved from Rome of the Popes good affection to the King, which some here questioned: to which be received this answer thence in Italian (sound among Windebanke papers) and it seem • to be written by Cardinal Barberino, with whom this Secretary held intelligence.
Concerning the demand made to your Lordship, if the Pope loveth the King? I answer, That his Holiness loves his Majesty better th • n anything in this world: better then any N • phewes, then all my whole Family, and better then any whatsoever thing or Family belonging to his Beatitude, or any Potentate that is: And this is a love not only proceeding from a Sovereign Bishop, but proper to his Holiness; A good counter-sign • or testimony hereof your Lordship may see, in those sine verses made by his Holiness upon the death of the Queen, Grand-Mother of this King. I have seen, and shall see oftentimes testimonies, to wit, the tears which his Holiness many times hath shed for the reunion of 〈◊〉 person to our holy Religion, the which our Lord sheddeth every time that I relate unto him, what your Lordship writes to me.
Upon this forenamed intercourse with Rome by mutual Agents, they began at Rome to have very good opinion of our favorable inelinations towards them; as may appear by these passages written from Venice by Master William Middleton (Chaplain to the Lord Fielding then English Ambassador there) to Doctor Loud Arch-bishop of Canterbury, in whose Study the original was seized.
Right Honorable and most Reverend, &c.
WHiles I was writing, there came a franciscan Friar to myself, his business was this: A mind, he told me he had to leave these parts, and with them the Religion herein used; that I should do him a great favor would! procure him a passage for England either by sea or by land, &c. I fell to question him, whether, and when he had been at Rome? he told me, in June and July last past; I asked him how the affairs • ent there? he told me, Their opinion of us was, that his sacred Majesty was favorable to the Catholics, that SOME GREAT ONES ABOUT HIM, were so to, or IN HEART MORE; ONE he names, concerning whom as at home, so abroad (as of old of the best of men) there was much 〈◊〉 among the people; for some said he was a good man, others said nay, he deceiveth the people, &c. There is, as I am informed by a discreet Gentleman at Florence, a Jesuit lately returned from England to Rome, who pretend • to have made a strict discovery of the state of England as it stands for Religion: how King is disposed, how Queen, what Lord's are of the Puritan faction, what not • but by name, his honor o • Dorset and Pembroke are strong for Precisians. He says that the Puritan • are shrendfellowe • , but those which are counted good Protestants are fair conditioned honest men, and think they may be saved in any Religion; I am promised the relation written; if it come to my hands, and there be anything in it worthy your Graces view, I shall hereafter humbly present it to you, as now myself,
Your 〈◊〉 most humble and most obedient Servant William 〈◊〉 .
The letter is thus indorsed with Master Dels hand, Recepi. Octob. 9. 1635.Soone after this I find a paper of intelligence written to Secretary Windebanke from Rome the 29. of December 1635. wherein there is this passage; There is a • ew Ambassador from England arrived in this Court (Major Bret as I conceive) for whom there was a special lodging provided and entertainment at the public cost.
What his business was, but to negotiate a reconciliation I know not; which proceeded so far that it was generally reported at Rome, we should have an English Cardinal, and it was conceived by some Roman Catholic that the Arch-bishop had a hand in sending Bret to Rome, as is evident by this letter of Master Middleton, from Venice, to the Arch-bishop himself informing him hereof.
Right honorable and most reverend &c.
IN Rome there is great talk of an English Cardinal; and the man who is already 〈◊〉 Catholic must be the man, Mr. Montague. Your Lordship I know will 〈◊〉 if not at this yet at that I shall now write. A Catholic discoursing with me let a word fall and this it was; That within this twelve month the Pope did wish, that his sacred Majesty of England were, at once his trusty s • nne for thou he would not be used a • he 〈◊〉 by French or Spaniard; the same party did not ask the question but only thus, I wonder whether my Lord of Canterbury have any hand in the sending of Serjeant Major Bret to Rome? I answered because (I saw he was fishing) surely no, because, as you know, it is written he comes from the Queen, and in her name; Rome is very kind to our English Gentlemen; I humbly entreat your Graces pardon, if in a desire to let nothing I hear scape your knowledge, I must lowly offer unto you such things as will make you lose so much time as you shall read the Letter: but though your Lordship lose a little time, let not me, I beseech you, loose that good opinion which I hope you have conceived of
Your Graces most really devoted and obedient Servant William Middleton. December 21. 1635.
In these two letters there are some clauses concerning Francis • us de Sa • ta Clara his book▪ entitled, Deus. Natura & Gratia, written purposely & printed in England to reconcile us to Rome, and afterward licensed and printed at Rome it self, to this end; though the Jesuits did some of them dislike it, as over-moderate, of which more in its due place.
In the year 1636. Signior Gregorio Panzani the Popes Nuncio in England, and Major Bret, our English Agent at Rome, being discharged of their negotiations, Signior 〈…〉 a Scot ) was appointed by the Pope to succeed Panzani at his Nunciog • rio▪ and Sir William Hamilton (a Scot too) sent hence Leger to Rome; what letters▪ present • , pictures he carried with him from hence and from whom is worthy inquiry. That Windebanke 〈…〉 were privy to this succession and negotiation, will appear by this letter of 〈◊〉 Phi • lips (the Queen • Confessor) to him, the original whereof found among his 〈◊〉 , is ready to be produced thus indorsed with Windebanks own hand, 9 June 1636. Father Phillips rec. 10.
Right honorable;
YEster night after your honors departing from Hampton Court, I received this enclosed: the Gentleman who sent it to me from Paris writeth, that Sir William Hamilton departed from thence the 3. of June, that is our 24. of May, so that now he must be here unto Rome: He writeth also, that Seignior Georgio Conco, whom the Pope doth send to the Queen, was to depart from Rome, about the • 0. of May; if he have heard of Sir Williams hasty going, it may be he will stay till his arrival which I could wish, because he both can and would help him better at the beginning then any other I know; I rest ever
Your Honors most humble and devoted Servant, R. Phillips.
From Ha • pton-Cou • t the 9. of June 1636.
Sir William Hamilton soon after arrived at Rome as English agent there, where he had special lodgings provided for him, and a pension of 500. l. per annum granted to him in another Hamiltons name, out of the Exchequer here for his service there. Before this time the Congregation of propagating the Faith at • ome, having good hopes of the conversion and reduction of England to their obedience, constituted Cardinal Barbarino Nephew and Vice Chancellor to the late deceased Pope, • a • ron and Protector of the English and Scottish Nation, as Cardinal •• dovisius was of the Irish, who to facilitate their design erected a special society of four orders or Jesuits in England, whereof the Popes Legat for the time being residing in England was the chief Patron, and Cardinal Barbarin • the principal Superintendent, as you may read more at large in my Rome's Master-piece, from one who was privy to the plot, & sent over hither by Cardinal Barbarino to assist Con; this Cardinal held intimate correspondence wi • h Windebanke, as is apparent by the forementioned letter of Panzani, and by these ensuing passages in Master Thomas Windebankes letter to him from Rome, wherein he thus expresseth his entertainment at Rome by Sir William Hamilton and this Cardinal, to his Father.
Sir,
MY most humble duty remembered, &c. Sir William Hamilton hath been pleased to put so great an obligation upon me as to invite me to his house, for the time that I am in Rome: I would very willingly have avoided the putting him to such an inconvenience, but he pressed it so far, that I could not refuse the receiving of that favor; the Cardinal Barbarino, I understand, HATH LONG EXPECTED ME HERE, having had notice of my being in Italy; and I am afraid THAT OUT OF RESPECT TO YOU, he will put some honor upon me, but I will avoid all engagements as much as with civility I may, &c.
Your most obedient Son Thomas Windebanke.
Rome the 6. September. stilo novo 1636.
The original letter is thus indorsed, with Secretary Windebanks own hand, 6 Sept. 1636, Tom. from Rome receive. 22 our style. Answ. 23. directed to Sir John Borough • at Ratisbone. This Letter was seconded with another, thus endorsed by him, 10. Sept. 1636. Tom. from Rome, rec. 30. Sept. our style.
SIR,
MY most humble duty remembered: in my last of the 6. of this present, I have given an account of my arrival at Rome, and of the favor Sir William Hamilton was pleased to do me, to invite me to his house; this note, he did it with so much earnestness, that I could not avoid the receiving of the honor. I have been to visit the Cardinal Barbarino, who having had notice of my arrival here, sort to visit me first. He is so obliging and courteous to all our Nation that I the less wonder as the honor he doth me, to take notice of me; but I hope his favors will stay there; I see no reason I should think otherwise, &c.
Your most obedient Son, Tho. Windebanke.
Rome the 10 of Sept. stilo novo, 1636.
About this time the same year an English Friar then residing in Rome, Reader of Divinity in the Covent of Saint Mary de Ara Caeli, styling himself, Ludovicus â Sancta Maria, published certain Theological conc • usions in print, to be there publicly disputed, dedicated to Cardinal Barberino, with his arms in Copper, & a Cardinals Cap, over them for a crest; and Roman antiques supporting them: on the left hand were the arms of the King of England standing lower then the Cardinals, supported in like manner, cut in Copper & standing over the conclusions, to which there was this title in Capitals, Eminentissime et reverendissimo Principi, Francisco Cardinali Barberino, sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Vice-Cancellario, R R. ANGLIAE, SCOTIAE, nec non Seraphiae Religions PROTECTORI, VIGILANTISSIMO. Fra • er Ludovicus à sancta Maria ANGL VS. D, D. D. Then follows a short dedication of these Conclusions to him, which begins thus; MAGNAE BRITANIAE PATRONO MAXIMO, et Britanicae Nationis, & Minorum Familiae minimus, Theologiam devovet suam, &c. CONCLVSIONES THEOLOGICAE, &c. ROMAE, ex Typographia Ludovici Grignani, 1636. Superiorum permissu, By which glorious printed paper it is evident, that they were now so bold with us at Rome, as to proclaim this Cardinal; The greatest Patron and most vigilant Protector of the English and Scottish Nation, and Realm of England, and to place his Arms above the Kings. This Frier, whose right name was Kerton, alias Morton, soon after this came over into England, where notwithstanding his vowed chastity, he was so excessively given to the flesh, defiling not only Maids, but married Woemen, that he was enforced to leave the Realm, as appears by this Minute of Instructions, written with Secretary Windebankes own hand, for his Son Mr. Tho. Windebanke when he went into France to negotiate the Palsgraves enlargement.
To specify, that Master Kerton, here called Morton, in his order called Ludovicus à sancta Maria, did live so most wickedly in England since his being Priest, in drawing married Women and others to sin carnally, and committed such horrible A • ts in prosecuting his lust, that if he cometh hither again, he will assuredly be publicly punished according to the Laws, to the great scandal of his Religion; therefore let them be told there that they prevent his return. If you hear Father Francis his Book or person touched, let them know, that we understand assuredly, that it proceedeth from the Jesuits, who employ others in it, as they did against Father Leander▪ till it cost him his life; and if that upon their Informations, they proceed against such persons who though in all things Catholic, yet are more discreet and temperat, and not intermeddling with matters of State, THAT THE KING WILL BE MVCH OFFENDED. Write to Mr. Secretary Cook anything that is good, except the most secret Passages.
By this Minute of Instructions, you may clearly discern, not only the Le • dnes of this Leacherous Friar, but that this Secretary held corespondency with those of his order in foraigne parts, advising them not to permit him to come over again into England, to prevent punishment and scandal to their Religion: That he was a great Patriot of Franciscus a Sancta Clara his Book (writ purposely to reconcile us to Rome) and that the Jesuits prosecution of him for it, would be very displeasing to himself and the King to, and to inform the Roman party so much at Paris.
But to return to Rome, Mr. Thomas Windebanke at his being there received a Trunke with sundry things in it sent from Cardinal Barberino to Con, the Popes Nuntio, which must be conveyed to Secretary Windebankes Agent Richant, to avoid search, the truth whereof is manifest by his Sons own Letter thus endorsed by him: 26. March, 1637. Tom from Padua, Re. 8. April our style.
SIR.
I Gave advise in some of my former of a Trunke I sent from Livorno into England unto Mr. Richant to be delivered unto you, but have not as yet received any News of the arrival of it: I sent not the Keys, as not desirous it should be opened until my coming home, because few of the things in it are mine, but the CARDINALL BARBERINES TO MASTER CON: he told me there was no hast in the delivery of them so that I might do it myself, &c.
Your most obedient Son, Thomas Windebanke.
Padoa the 26. March, Stilo no. 1637.
IN June following this Cardinal sent a statue from Rome into England for this Secretary or some greater persons use, of which the Lord Scudamoore then Leget Embassador at Paris gave him this advertisement in a Letter written with his own hand, (endorsed with Windebanks, when received.)
Right Honorable, here is come to Paris one Mr. Chambers with the statue from Cardinal Barberine, another, the servant of him that made the Statue coming along in company to take it forth, but nowhere upon any terms till it be in England: upon Monday next, Mr. Chambers purposeth to set forward for Deep, &c.
Your Honors to Command I. Scudamoore.
Paris June 16. 1637.
In April 1639. Another of Secretary Windebankes sons being at Rome, writ thus from thence in an Italian Letter to him, (manifesting what respect and corespondency he had there among the Roman Catholics:) Most dear Father, I salute you, &c. Especialy not being in any place myself, where I am not looked upon by all those that profess themselves SERVANTS, of your most Illustrious Honor: HERE IN ROME your most illustrious Lordship hath many, amongst the which, Sir Will. Hamilton, Signior Gregoria Panzani, (the Popes first Nuncio in England) and Father John (agent for the English Bernedictines) kiss yor hands, &c.
From Rome the 15th, of April: 1639.
Your most observant Son. Christopher Windebanke.
By all these Passages and Letters, it is very evident, what Intelligence this Secretary held with the Catholic party in Rome, what respect he and his received from them, and what a friend he was to their agents and friends here.
On the first of I • n. 1637. one M. Foster a Papist, delivered this Secretary, A discourse concerning the Impediments of the peace of Christendom, together with the remedies; (endorsed with Windebankes own hand,) wherein there is this passage among other, manifesting an endeavor of reconciliation between Papists and Protestants by their coming over to the Popish Tenants. The 4th. Impediment is, that without an union in Religion, no stable or certain Peace amongst Christian Princes can be established: for that thereby occasion will be given for the house of Austrea, either to advance or defend the Catholic Religion, &c. Neither is this impediment without GOOD HOPE TO BETAKEN AWAY • because now none but the confused Rabble of Anabaptists, and Brownists, and some small Troopes of Separatists, with a few Calvenists, and rigid Lutherans do insist upon the Doctrine, of Justification by saith only, ( whereupon hath depended the principle controversy between the Catholics and Protestants:) It will therefore be more easily removed, if learned men who have moderate spirits shall be employed in the great business, concerning the procuring of an happy unity of Faith and Religion in our Western Churches.
About this season Richard Montague Bish. of Chichester, (a great confident of the Arch-Bishops, intimate with Pauzani the Popes Legate, and one who very passionatly desired a reconciliation with the Church of ROME) who first disturbed the peace of our Church with his Popish and Arminian Tenants, for which he was questioned, and his Books called in and censured by the Parliament, though afterwards advanced to a Bishopric (for a Passe for his Son to travel to Rome) extant under his hand and Seal.
Right Honorable.
MY humble service premised, I make bold to trouble your Honor in a Mediation for a small matter, I suppose, to his Majesty, It is that he would be pleased to grant my Son leave to go see Rome in his Travill, which he is desirous to do, and I am desirous he should; It is a clause restrained in his License, I think of ordinary course, howsoever I humbly desire your Honors favor therein, I do not use my Lo. Grace because he meddles not that way, and especially, because his good friends and mine would give it out, that we had sent my son to Rome to be a Priest or Jesuit; but if you please to acquaint him therewith and remember my duty to his Grace, I shall thank you, and ever rest at your Honors service.
Your poor Beadsman, R. C.
Aldingbo •• e, January 26.
To which, for explanation sake, I shall subjoin a passage out of the Letter of Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, written to Canterbury in the Tower, concerning his dissent from the new Canons Aug. 30 1642. the original whereof is in my hands.
Most Reverend, &c. Bishop Montague of Norwich did privately encourage me to dissent (though I confess I was little moved with his words, for I never had an opinion of that man) yet in public to please Your Grace, he pressed my deprivation, falsely quoting some Councils (God forgive him as I do) At that instant I could have proved, How that in His Person He did Uisit and held correspondency with the Popes Agent, and reco • ved his Letters in behalf of his son who was then travelling to Rome, and by his Letters he had extraordinary entertainment there. This, Bishop Montague would ascribe to the fame and credit which he had gotten by his writings, which in truth I think are not worth the Reading, &c. Loe here one Bishop impeaching another, for holding correspondency with the Popes Agent, with whom in verity both these Popish Bishops and many others held strict Intelligence.
But to return to the Popes 2d. Nuncio, Con, and his proceedings here. Upon his arivall in England, (if we believe his Companion and assistant in a discovery made to the Archbishop and King Himself, even out of Conscience, which you may read at large in my Rome's Master-piece ) he was entertained and settled at London by the Popes and Cardinal Barbarinoes mediation, as a Nuncio; that so he might the more easily and safely work both upon the King and Kingdom. Where first he sets upon the chief men at Court, leaving nothing unattempted to corrupt and incline them all to the Roman party; he attempted (writes he) to seduce the King himself with Pictures, Antiquities, Images & other vanities brought from Rome, entering into familiarity with his Majesty, who oft requested him at London, & Hampton -court to mediate the restitution of the Palsegrave to the Palatinate; which he promised in words, but advised the contrary, least the Pope should seem to partonize an Haereticall Prince: He was very intimate with Sir Toby Matthew, Captain Read, the Countess of Arund • ll, Endymion Porter, and his Wife, but especially with Secretary Windebanke, who revealed all the Kings secrets to him, communicated Councils to and with him, the better to advance his designs, meeting with him at Night-conventicles, at least thrice every week; for which end he took an house near to his lodging, to which be frequently resorted through a Garden door. Besides this Nuncioes with his confederates at Court, & conjured society of Jesuits in London, held consta • t weekly meetings, Councils at Capt. Reeds House in Long-Acre & elsewhere▪ sent and received weekly intelligences, dispatches to, and from Rome; and proceeded so far, as to Erect a College of Jesuits in Queen-street, which they purchased, and a Nunnery in the Lord Gages house there, who was General of the Jesuits, and another Nunnery at Greenwitch; he erected, established a Popish Hierarchy throughout the Realm of England, having Officials, Vicars-General, Provincialls, Arch-Deacons, &c. in every County almost, as there you may read at large, and in the Popes Brief, lately published by special order of Parliament. He had Commission to profer a Cardinals Cap to the Archbishop, and fed others, with hopes and promises of vacant Cardinals Hats and other Dignities, to make them more industriously zealous to drive on his designs. By the Archbishop of Canterburies, the Nuncioes and these Jesuits means the Scottish Troubles, Wars were first raised, and revived again, when pacified without bloodshed.
What influence the Popes Nuncio, Jesuits, Priests, Papists, in and about London had in the raising, fomenting, maintaining, driving on the Scottish differences, and Wars, you may read at large in Rimes Master-piece, and the Popish Royal Favorite, to which for brevity I refer you, and shall add some new evidences of it in due place: What an Arch-Stickler and Incendiary the Arch-bishop was therein, what methods, instruments, policies & councils he used to foment and promote the same you may read in the Articles exhibited against him in Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners, and I shall here give you a summary account thereof out of such Authentic Letters, Papers which God's providence hath brought unto my hands.
The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury having made a very large successful progress in the introduction, advance of many Popish Doctrines, Superstitions, Ceremonies, Innovations in our Church of Engl: by sundry secret policies and open violent persecutions (reserved for their proper place, and therefore omitted in this Introduction to his trial,) had a design to introduce the same not only into Ireland, where he was Dominus fac totum, whiles he was Bishop of London, having the Lord Deputy, Council, Bishops, and Clergy there at his own beck, and devotion (as appears by sundry Letters thence;) but likewise into the Church of Scotland, where the Bishops and Court-Clergy were exceeding prone, but the other Ministers and people very averse to entertain them. Whereupon he was no sooner warm in his Arch-bishopric, but he begins to set on foot his designs upon the Church of Scotland: to which end he first practiced to bring certain new orders, & Ceremonies into his Majesty's Chapel there, to make that the only pattern by degrees to which all other Churches there should conform, as he made the Kings Chapel here in Engl. the only rule, and Canon which all Cathedrals, Chapells, and parish Churches were to be regulated by. To this end the draws up certain Articles concerning his Majesty's Chapel in Scotland, with a Letter to command Obedience to them: A Coppie whereof, I found in his study thus indorsed with his own hand.
October 8. 1633. His Majesty's Articles concerning His Chapel in Scotland. And his Letter to Command Obedience.
Charles R.
OUr express Will and pleasure is, That the Dean of Our Chapel that now is, and his Successors shall be assistant to the Right Reverend Father in God, the Arch-bishop of Saint Andrew's, at the Coronation, so often as it shall happen.
That the Book of the form of Our Coronation lately used, be put in a little Box, and laid into a Standard, and committed to the care of the Dean of the Chapel successively.
That there be prayers twice a day with the Choir as well in Our absence as otherwise, according to the English Liturgy, till some course be taken for making one that may fit the customs and constitutions of that Church.
That the Dean of the Chapel lock carefully, that all that receive the blessed Sacrament there receive it kneeling, and that there be a Communion held in that Our Chapel the first Sunday of every month.
That the Dean of Our Chapel that now is, and so successively come duly thither to prayers upon Sundays, and such Holy Days as that Church observes, in his whites, and preach so, when ever he preacheth there. And that he be not absent from thence, but upon necessary occasion of his Diocese, or otherwise, according to the course of his preferment.
That these orders shall be Our warrant to the Dean of Our Chapel, that the Lord's of our Privy Council, the Lord's of the Session, the Advocate, Clerks, Writers to the Sgnett and Members of Our College of Justice, be Commanded to receive the holy Communion once every year, at the least in that Our Chapel Royal, and kneeling, for example sake to the Kingdom, And we likewise command the Dean aforesaid to make report yearly to us, how we are obeyed therein, and by whom, as also if any man shall refuse, in what manner he doth so and why.
That the Copes which are consecrated to Our use be delivered to the Dean to be kept upon Inventory by him, and in a Standard provided for that purpose, and to be used at the Celebration of the Sacrament in Our Chapel Royal.
To these Orders we shall here after add others, if we find others more necessary for the regulating of the Service of God there: At White-Hall the eight day of October 1633. Sic subscribitur.
STERLING. Superscribed by His Majesty.
Charles R.
REverend Father in God, trusty and well beloved Counselor, We Greet you well, we have thought good; for better ordering of Divine Service, to be performed in Our Chapel Royal there, to set down some Articles under our own hand to be observed therein, which we send you here enclosed, And it is Our special pleasure, that you see everything carefully performed, according as we have directed, by these our enclosed Articles, And likewise that you certify, to the Lord's of Our privy Council, If any of those appointed by Our former Letters to them to Communicate in Our Chapel Royal, shall not accordingly perform the same, to the effect such order may be taken by our Council therein, as by our said former Letters to them, we did appoint, wherein expecting your diligence and care, We bid you Farewell,
From Our Court at White-Hall, the 8th day of Octo. 1633.
To set on this design the better, the Archbishop procured this warrant from the King to himself (written with his own Secretaries hand Master Dell, and I doubt not but procured since the Scottish troubles to help him at a dead lift, if questioned) to hold correspondency with the Bishop of Dunblane in Scotland: he had caused the King to sign the former instructions for his Chapel there, and now he will be sure ex post facto, to get a warrant for it though dated four days after them.
Charles R.
CAnterbury, I require you to hold a correspondency with the Bishop of Dunblane, the present Dean of Our Chapel Royal in Edinburgh, that so from time to time, he may receive Our Directions by you for the ordering of such things as concern Our service in the said Chapel.
After this the Arch-Bishop writ diverse Letters to Bishop Balentine to promote this design of his: as namely one dated, Ian. 13. 1633. To let His Majesty receive a Note who those be that conformed, and who not, for I see His Majesty is resolved to go on constantly, Another May 6. 1633. informing him of his missing the Bishopric of Edinburgh, for his omission of prayers in the Chapel according to the English Liturgy, &c and exhorting him to be careful, for the future. Another in July 1634. Wherein he tells this Bishop, that his excuse for not reading prayers (as aforesaid) was not satisfactory; to wit, that the singing men could not come for debt for that the prayers might have been read by his Lordships Chaplain: That he did well to acquaint the Lord's with His Majesty's resolution concerning the Communion there. Another Octo. 4. 1634. To like purpose, and concerning the payment of the Singing men's wages. Another Ian. 12. 1634. Giving him thanks for his Resolution about ordering the Kings Chapel, and wearing his Whites, &c. and promising to speak to my Lord Traquair, about Edward Helly. Another Febr. 28. 1634. Containing, Thanks from the King for the solemnity of the late Communion, and expressing his hopes, that the other Bishops were in their Whites as well as he, that the envy of the uulgar might not fall only on him. That he had shown His Majesty the paper of those of the Session as did not conform at the Communion. That he had done what he could for the Gentlemen of the Chapel, but the times required patience, &c.
On the 28. of September. 1634. The Arch-Bishop caused the King to sign a common prayer Book, for the use of the Church of Scotland; and gave order to the Bishops of Scotland, to compile certain Canons for the Government of the Church of Scotland, which Liturgy and Canons were to be imposed on that Church by Regal and Episcopal Authority, without consent of Parliament, or of a general Assembly; the Bishops of Scotland, not long after, gave him a particular account of their proceedings herein (with thanks for his many favors to them and assistance of them) in this ensuing Letter, thus endorsed with his own hand.
Recep. April 12. 1635.
From my Lord of Saint Andrew's, and other Bishops about the Scottish Liturgy and CANONS.
May it please Your Grace;
WE have put our Brother the Bishop of Ross to the pains of a wet journey for aiding the Liturgy, and Canons of the Church, and as we have found Your Graces favor, both to our Church in General, and ourselves in divers particulars, for which we are Your Graces debtors, so we are to entreat the continuance thereof in this, and our common affairs. We all wish a full conformity in the Churches; but Your Grace knoweth, that this must be the work of time. We have made, blessed be God, a further progress, then all have here expected in many years, by His Majesty's favor, and Your Graces help: and hope still to go further, if it shall please God, to continue Your Grace in health and life, for which we pray continually. And so remitting all things to our Brothers relation, we take Our leave,
Your Graces affectionate Brothers and Servants, Saint Andrew: Glasgow. 10: B. of Moray. Ad: B. of Dublane. Tho: Brochine.
Dated 2. April 1635.
On May 19. 1635. The Archbishop writ a Letter of thanks to Bishop Balentine for his forwardness in this service: informing him; That the King was well pleased with the conformity at the last reception of the Sacrament: That he was glad the Church business there, was in so fair a way, &c. That His Majesty had given him the Bishopric of Aberdeen, and expected his Residence there; and care of that University: August 7. 1635. He writ to him, that the King is well pleased, with the solemnity of the Sacrament, and that the Bishops were in form. That he expects that all that receive there, do it kneeling, and in form; and that everyone of the Session do it once a year at least, and that therefore he and his Successor make a list of the names which perform, or not, &c. After this he writ a Letter into Scotland to the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's, dated November, 10th. 1635. which I find thus indorsed with his own hand.
A Copy of my Letters sent by the Kings command into Scotland, concerning Church-business there to be agitated between my Lord of Saint Andrew's and the Earl of TRAQUARE.
My very good Lord; S. in Christo.
FOr the particulars entrusted by the Church to the Lord Bishop of Brehen, and namely about the Abbacy of Lindores, you must expect them, from the Lord Bishop himself, and from such relations as you will receive by my Lord, and the Earl of Traqu • re; now at this time you shall receive nothing but that which is commanded me by the King, and must be my part to act in the present and future business for the Church of Scotland.
My Lord, for the present the King is resolved upon some great reasons of State which have prevailed with him, not to meddle with the Abbacy of Lindores, of any other of that nature, as yet, but to leave them in that State, in which they now are, till such time as he may consider the decrees and the Act or Acts of Parliament which concern them, And till he can find a way to Order them better, both for his own profit, and the contentment of his people there, Assuring you in the mean time that both in this, and all other business, he will be very careful both of the credit and of the maintenance of the Church, whereof if yourself or any other Bishop or Clergy Men, shall make doubt, I am commanded to tell you that therein, you will not only do His Majesty wrong, but hurt yourselves, and the Church which you seek to benefit, And in this very particular, you are to know, and make known to others, that it is not, the dislike of any person or persons, or of the thing it self, that causes this present stay, but reason of State only, and the care which the King hath, all proceedings may go on, according to Law: As for the Bishoprics his Majesty will take their wants into as provident care as he can, and hath settled Arbroth, upon the Bishopric of Brehen, but in what form, I am not able to tell you, as not being so well acquainted with the customs and constitutions of that Kingdom, and therefore lest I should mistake in any circumstance, I leave that wholly to the Bishops own relation.
For all the business of that Church in future, which must come to the Exchequer or any other public audience, or any other business that may reflect upon the Church, or anything that belongs to the Kings service, in which Churchmen are trusted, you are immutably to hold this Rule, and that by his Majesty's strict and most special Command; Namely, that yourself, or the Lord Ross, or both of you together do privately acquaint the Earl of Traquare with it, before it be proposed in public, either at the Council Table, or the Exchequor, or else where, and the Earl hath assumed to the King in my presence, that he will strictly observe and hold the same corespendency, and course with you, and further, that he will very redily and faithfully do all good Offices for the Church, that come within his power according to all such Commands, as he shall receive either immediately from the King, or otherwise by direction of his Majesty from myself; and if at any time your Lordships, and my L. Traquare shall upon any of the aforenamed business so differ in judgment that you cannot accord it among yourselves, you are to let it rest, and write up either to his Majesty or to myself, to move his Majesty for further direction, w ch once received, you are all to obey. That so this little unhapy difference which lately aros • about Lindores may be laid a sleep, and that no other may hereafter rise up in the place of it, to disturb either the Kings or the Churches service, or disorder any of yourselves, who are known to be such car • ull and direct servants to both. And to the end this may go on with the better success, his Majesty precisely Commands, that this mutual relation between the Earl of Traquare and you, be kept very secret, and made known to no other person, either Clergy or Lay, for the divulging of these things cannot but breed jealousies amongst men and disservices in regard of the things themselves. And therefore the King bids me tell you, that he shall take it very ill at his hand, whoever he be, that shall not strictly observe these his directions. This is all which I had in Command to deliver to you, and I shall not mingle with it any particulars of my own; therefore wishing you all health and happiness, and good speed in your great affairs, I leave you to God's blessed protection, and rest.
Your Graces very loving friend and Brother. W. Cant.
On December 1. 1635. Canterbury writ this en • uing Letter to the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's, concerning Fasts on the Lord's day, & their Book of Canons. The Copy whereof I found in his Chamber at the Tower, thus indorsed with his Secretaries hand.
A Copy of my Letters to the Lord Archbishop of Saint A • drewes, for the prohibiting of all Fasts on the Lord's day throughout the Kingdom.
My very good Lord, S. in Christo.
I Have but one thing at this present to trouble you with▪ but that hath much displeased the King and not without very just Cause. For now while the King is settling that Church against all things that were defective in it, and against the continuance of all unwarrantable customs, • nknowne to, or opposed by the ancient Church of Christ, the new Bishop of Aberdeen hath given w • y to, and allowed, a public Fast thorough out his Diocese to be kept upon the Lord's Day, contrary to the rules of Christianity, and all the ancient Canons of the Church. I was in good hope that Church had quite laid down that ill Custom, but since it appears, the now Bishop of Aberdeen hath continued it, and perhaps others may follow his example, if this pass without a check, Therefore his Majesty's express will and command to your Grace is, that you, and my Lord of Glascowe take order with all the Bishopps in your several Provinces respectively, that no man presume, to command or suffer any Fast to be upon that day, or indeed any public Fast upon any other day, without the special leave and command of the King, to whose power it belongs, and not to them. And further, his Majesty's will and pleasure is, that if the Canons be not already printed, as I presume they are not, that you make a Canon purposely against this unworthy custom, and see it printed with the re • t. And that you write a short letter to the Bishop of Aberdeen▪ to let him understand how he hath over-shot himself, which letter you may send together with these of mine, if you so please. This is all which for the present I have to trouble you with: therefore leaving you to God's blessed protection, I rest.
Your Graces very loving friend and Brother. W. Cant.
And to justify himself if questioned, he procured this Warrant writ with his own Secretaries hand, Master Dell, without any date at all, to be signed by his Majesty, I doubt since his late questioning) thus endorsed with his own hand.
Warrant for the Scotch Canons.
Charles R.
CAnterbury, I would have you and the Bishop of London peruse the Canons which are sent from the Bishops of Scotland▪ and to your best skill, see that they be w • ll sitted for Church-government, and as near as conveniently may be to the Canons of the Ch • rch of England. And to that end you or either of you may alter what you shall find fitting. And this shall be your Warrant.
April. 20. 1636. the Archbishop writ this Letter to the Bishop of Dunblane, concerning the Communion in the Chapel royal, the Book of Ord • nation, and the Lit • rgy, the Copy whereof is indorsed with his own hand.
I Have received other Letters from you, by which I find you have written to his Majesty about the Communion in the Chapel Royal, concerning which the King holds his former resolution; That he would be very glad there should be a full Communion at all solemn times as is appointed. But because men do not always fit themselves as they ought for that great a • d holy work, therefore his Majesty will be satisfied if everyone that is required to Communicate there, do solemnly, and conformably perform that action once a year at least, And in con • ormity to this, you are to signify once a year, unto his sacred Majesty, who have communicated within the compass of that year, and who not: And of this you must not sails.
By these last Letters of yours, I find that you are consecrated; God give you joy. And whereas you desire a Copy of our Book of Ordination, I have here s • nt you one. And I have acquainted his Majesty with the two great reasons that you give, why the Book which you had in K. James his time is short and insufficient. As first, that the [ 1] order of Deacons is made but as a Lay Office▪ at least, as that Book may be understood. And secondly, that in the admission to Priesthood, the very essential words of conferring Orders are left out. At which, his Majesty was much troubled, as he had [ 2] great cause, and concerning which, he hath commanded me to write, that either you do admit of out book of Ordination, or else that you amend your own in these two gross over sights, or anything else, if in more it be to be corrected, and then see the Book reprinted. I pray fail not to acquaint my Lord of Saint Andrew's, and my Lord Ross with this express Command of his Majesty.
I received likewise from you at the same time certain notes to be considered of, that all, or at least so many of them, as his Majesty should approve, might be made use of in your Liturgy, which is now in printing. And though my business hath of late lain very heavy upon me, yet I presently acquainted his Majesty with what you had written. After this, I and Bishop Wren (my Lord Treasurer being now otherwise busied) by his Majesty's appointment sat down seriously, and considered of them all, and then I tendered them again to the King without out animadversio •• upon them, and his Majesty had the patience to weigh and consider them all again▪ This done, so many of them, as his Majesty approved, I have written into a service book of ours, & sent you the book with his Majesty's-hand to it, to warrant all your alterations made therein. So in the printing of your Liturgy, you are to follow the Book which my Lord Ross brought & the additions which are made to the Book I now sent. But if you find the Book of my Lord Rosses, and this to differ in anything that is material, there you are to follow this later Book, I now send, as expressing some things more fully.
And now that your Lordship sees all of your animadversions, which the Kings approved written into this book, I shall not need to write largely to you, what the reasons were, why all of yours were not admitted, for your judgment, and modesty is such, that you will easily conceive some reason was apprehended for it. Yet because it is necessary, that you know some what more distinctly, I shall here give you a particular accompt of some things which are of most moment, and which otherwise perhaps might breed a doubtfullnesse in you.
And first, I thought you could not have doubted but that the Magnificat, &c. was to be printed according to the Translation of King James, for that was named once for all. And that translation is to be followed in the Epistles and Gospel's, as well as in the Psalms. Where I pray observe in the Title-page of the Psalms in the book I now send an alteration which I think my Lord Rosses book had not. And if you have not printed those Psalms, with a Colon in the middle of every verse, as it is with ours ordinarily in the English, it is impossible those Psalms should ever be well sung to the Organ. And if this error be run into, it must be mended by a painful way, by a pen for all such Books as the Chapel Royal useth, and then by one of them the next impression of your Liturgy may be mended wholly.
Secondly in the Creed of Saint Athanasius. We can agree to no more emendations, no not according to our best Greek Copies, then you shall find amended in this Book.
Thirdly though the Bishops there were willed to consider of the Holy Days, yet it was never intended but that the Office appointed for every of them, should be kept in the Liturgy, and the consideration, was on • y to be of the observation of them.
Fourthly for the sentences at the Offettorie. We admit of all yours, but We think with all that diverse which are in our Book would be retained together with yours. As namely the 2d. 4th. 6th. 7, 8. 9. 10. 13. 14. 15.
Fifthly, I would have every Prayer or other Action through the whole Communion named in the Rubric before it, that it may be known to the people what it is, as I have begun to do in the Prayer of Consecration, and in the memorial or Prayer of oblation. Fac similiter.
Sixthly, We do fully approve the Collect of Consecration and Oblation should precede, and the Lord's Prayer follow next, and be said before the Communion, in that order which you have expressed, but for the Invitation, Cons • ssion, Absolution, Sentences, Preface, and Doxology, We think they stand best as they are now placed in our Liturgy, and as for the Prayer of humble access to the holy Communion, that will stand very well, next before the Participation.
Seventhly, I have ordered a Rubric in the Margin of this Book according as you desire, to direct him that celebrates when to take the Sacrament into his hand. Namely to take, and break, and lay hands on the Chalice▪ as he speaks the words. For certai • lie the practice of the Church of England therein is very right. And for the objection, that we should not do it till we express our Warrant so to do, which you conceive is in these words, Do this, &c. I Answer, 1. That those words, Do this, &c: are rather our Warrant for the Participation, or Communication, then the Consecration, 2. That our repeating what Christ did, is our Warrant to do the same, being there to commanded, 3. That the whole Action is Astus continuus, and therefore though in our saying ( Do this ) follows after, yet it doth, and must be intended to that which We did before; and comes last to seal and confi • me our Warrant for doing so. And so tis in the other Sacrament of Baptism, where we take the Child first, and Baptise it, and then afterwards We say, We receive this Child, &c. Which in Actu continue • must needs relate to the preceeding act, for the Child was actually received into the Church by the very act of Baptism it self. And this is but our Declaration of that Reception.
And Whereas you write, that much more might have been done, if the times would have borne it; I make no doubt but there might have been a fuller Addition. But God be thanked this will do very well, and I hope breed up a great deal of devout, and religious piety in that Kingdom. Yet I pray for my Farther satisfaction, at your best leisure •• awe up all those particulars, which you think might make the Liturgy perf • ct, whether the times will bear them or not, And send them safe to me, & I will not fail to give you my judgment o • them, and perhaps, put some of them to further use, at least in my own particular.
One thing more, and then I have done. In his Majesty's authourising of the notes in this book pre • ixed at the beginning of it▪ though he leave a liberty to my Lord's the Archbishops of St. Andrew's & Brethre • the Bishops who are upon the pl • ce, upon apparent reason to vary some things; Yet you must know, and in • orme them, that his Majesty having viewed all these additions hopes there will be no need of change of anything, and will be best pleased, with little or rather no alteration. So wishing all prosperity to that Church, and a happy finishing of your Liturgy, and health to my Brethren the Bishops, I leave you to the Grace of God, and rest.
Lambeth April 20. 1636.
Your Lordships very loving Freind and Brother. W. Cant.
This Letter gives us very much light concerning the proceedings of the Archbishop in the Scottish Liturgy, the Scottish Bishops sending all their Notes and alteratio • s of it & doubts concerning it to him from time to time, as to their only O • icle, (all which I have at large, but pre • ermit in silence) and receiving his directions which were punctually observed. By which it appears how vain and false this excuse of his concerning this business is, which he drew up with his own hand since his imprisonment in the Tower, where I found it thus indorsed and superscribed by him.
The true Narrative concerning the Scottish Service Book
Doctor John Maxwell the late Bishop of Ross came to me from his Majesty. It was during the time of a great sickness which I had, Anno 1629, (which is 11. years since) The cause of his coming was to speak with me about a Liturgy for Scotland. At this time I was so extreme ill that I saw him not. And had death (which I then expected daily) ceased on me, I had not seen this heavy day.
After this▪ when I was able to sit up, he came to me again, and told me, It was his Majesty's pleasure that I should receive some instructions from some Bishops of Scotland concerning a Liturgy, that he was employed about it, I told him I was clear of opinion, that if His Majesty would have a Lyturgi • settled there different from what they had already, it was best to take the English Liturgy without any va • iation, that so the same Service book might pass through all His Majesty's Dominions. To thi • he replied, that he was of a contrary opin • on, and that not he only, but the Bishops there, thought their Countriemen would be much better satisfied, if a Ly • urgie were made by their own Bishops, but withal that it might be according to the form of our English Book, I added if this were the resolution, I would do nothing till I might by God's blessing have health and opportunity to wait upon the King.
And hear give me leave (I humbly beseech you) to tell your Lordships, that this was no new conceit of His Majesty to have a Liturgy framed, and Canons made for the Church of Scotland: For he followed the example and care in the business of his Royal Father King I am • s of blessed memory, who took Order for both at the Assembly held at Perth, Anno 1618. As appears in the Acts of that General Assembly, and the Sermon which the late Reverend Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrew's preached before it, pag. 40. &▪ 68.
When I was able to go abroad, and came to His Majesty, I represented all that passed. His Majesty avoided the sending of Doctor Maxwell to me, and the business, but then agreed to my opinion to have the English without alteration. And in this case I held the busin • ss • fo • two if not three year at least, Afterwards the Scottish Bishops still pressing His Majesty that a Liturgy made by themselves, and in some things different from the English service would relish better with their Countrymen, they prevailed with His Majesty at last to have it so, notwithstanding all I could say or do to the contrary.
Then His Majesty commanded me to give the Bishops of Scotland the best assistance I could in this way and work. I delayed as much as I could with my Obedience. When nothing would serve but it must go on, I did not only acquaint His Majesty with it, but writ down most of the amendment or alterations in His Masties presence. And do hope there is no one thing in that Book which may not stand with the Conscience of a right good Protestant. Sure I am his Majesty approved them all, and I have his warrant under his Royal hand for all that I did about that Book.
As for the way of introducing it, I ever advised the Bishops both in his Majesty's presence, and at other times, that they would look carefully to it, and be sure to do nothing in any kind but what should be agreeable to the Laws of that Kingdom. And that they should at all times as they saw cause, be sure to take the advice of the Lord's of his Majesty's Council in that Kingdom, and govern themselves accordingly. Which course if they have not followed that can no way (as I conceive) reflect upon me. And I am able to prove by other particulars as well as this, that for any thing concerning that Nation, I have been as careful their Laws might be observed, as any man that is a stranger to them might be.
The 18. of October 1635▪ the Archbishop procured this Warrant of Instructions from the Kings Majesty, to this Scottish Prelates touching the Service Book, and other p •• ticula • s.
Charles R.
Instructions from his Sacred Majesty, to the Archbishops, and Bishop • of Scotland.
THat you advert, that the Proclamation for authorizing the Service Book, • t derrogate nothing from Our Prerogative Royal.
That in the Calendar you keep such Catholic Saints as are in the English, that you pester it not with too many, but such as you insert of th • peculiar Saints of that 〈◊〉 Kingdom, that they be of the most approved, and here to have regard to those of the blood Royal, and such Holy Bishops in every Sea most renowned. But in no case 〈◊〉 Saint George and Patrick.
That in your Book of Orders, in giving Orders to Presbyters, you keep the words of the English Book without change, Receive the Holy Ghost, &c.
That you insert amongst the Lessons ordinarily to be r • ad in the S • rvice, out of the Book of Wisdom, the 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, Chapters, and out of the Book of Eccl • siasticus, the 1, 2, 5, 8, 35, and 49, Chapters.
That every Bishop within his own Family, twice a day cause the Service to be done. And that all Archbishops and Bishops make all Universities and Colleges within their Dioceses, to use daily twice a day the Service.
That the Preface to the Book of Comm •• Prayer signed by Our hand, and the Proclamation authorizing the same, be printed and inserted in the Book of Common Prayer.
Given at New-market the Eighteen day of October 1636, and of Our Rain the 11.
The original Book of Common Prayer imposed on the Church of Scotland, (one principal cause of the late Commotions there) I found in the Archbishops Chamber in the Tower (when I was enjoined by Authority to search it May 30. 1642.) with all the Additions and Alteratio • s wherein it varies from the English, written, made, and inse • ted with the Archbishops own hand, as it was afterward printed and published in Scotland, Anno 1637. conce • ning which I shall give you some brief material observations.
First, That to countenance these Alterations, he caused this Warrant in the Kings Name written with his own Secretaries (Mr. Dels ) hand, to be inserted into the Book just (after the Table for the Psalms and Chapters, and before the beginning of the Common Prayers;) which Warrant without doubt (as appears by the Con • ents of it) was procured long after the date thereof, and I presume counterfeited▪ Charles R. being not the King: own hand (though somewhat like it) but Master Dels as I conceive, who writ the Warrant, which runs thus
Charles R.
I Gave the Archbishop of Canterbury command to make the Alterations expressed in this Book, and to sit a Liturgy for the Church of Scotland. And wheresoever they shall differ from another Book signed by • s at Hampton Court, September 28▪ 1634. Our pleasure is, to have these followed rather than the former, un • esse the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, and his Brethren who are upon the place, shall see appar • nt reason to the contrary. At Whitehall, April 19, 1636.
This Warrant, and that for the Canons were both writ by his Secretary Dell, this having a Date (or rather Antedate) but the other none at all, that it might 〈◊〉 with any time if questioned.
Secondly, That these Alter • tions are of different natures; and may be reduced to these Heads. First▪ such as tend to advance the power of the Prelates; Such is that in the Preface of the Book which in the English Common Prayer Book run • thus. All Priests and D • acons shall be bound to say daily the Morning and Evening Prayer, either privately or openly,, except they be let by Preaching, studying of Divinity, or some other urgent cause; which latter clauses by Preaching, studying of Divinity, are obliterated; and this added: or hindered by some urgent cause: Of which cause if 〈◊〉 be freque • tly pretended, they are to make the Bishop of the Dio • esse, or the Archbishop of th • Province, the IVDGE and ALOWER.
Secondly, Such as savor of Popery, of tend towards it, or are directly Popish, taken •• t of the very Roman Mass-Book Ceremo • ial & Pontifical, or made conformable th •• eunto. As first, his adding of two new Saint • • ayes, namely, the Feasts of the Conversion of St. Paul, and of St. Barnabas, nor in the English Bo • ke, or Statute, which 〈◊〉 thus. These to be observed for Holy-days, AND NO OTHER, &c. of which these two new Holy-days are none▪ but now add • d to the Catalogue of Holy-days with the Archbishops own hand. Secondly, his Introduction and Addition of New Ceremonies, with Rubrics to command their use, not in the English; as First, standing up when ever Gloria Patri is said, [ ] (borrowed from Ordo Romanus de Officio M • ssae, ) for which there are many Rubrics in the Order for Morning and also for Evening Prayer: as, Then all of them standing up, the Presbyter shall say or • ing▪ Glory be to the Father, &c. As at the end of the Venite, so also at the end of every Psalm throughout the year, and likewise in the end of Benedictus, Magnificat, and Nunc Dimittis, shall be rep • a • ed, Glory be to the Father, &c. And the people shall answer, As it was in th • beginning, &c. STANDING VP AT THE SAME. As it was in the beginning, &c. ALL OF THEM. STANDING VP AS OFT AS IT IS REPEATED, &c. 2ly. The Standing up at Athanasius or the Nicene • Creed, not formerly enjoined in the English, by this new Addition of his to the Rubric before it: shall be said, &c. this Confession of the Christian faith [ ] (The Presbyter and ALL THE PEOPLE STANDING. 3ly. Singing or Chanting the Lord's Prayer, Creed, Te Deum Laudamus, Benodictus, and other parts of public service, after the [ ] Popish manner, by adding this new clause (said OR SUNG) to their Rubrics, which were said (not sung) before. 4ly. Standing up at the reading of the Gospel. For which he added this new Rubric. And the Epistle ended, the Gospel shall be read by the Presbyter, saying, The holy Gospel is written in the &c. And then the people ALL STANDING UP, shall say, Glory be to thee O Lord: At the 〈◊〉 of the Gospel the Presbyter shall say, (so endeth the holy Gospel) And the people shall answer, Thanks be thee O Lord. D • rectly taken out of Missal Ro • an • m ex▪ Decreto Sancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum: Pi • . 5. Pontif. Maximi juss • Editum, Salmantieae. 1588. (which the Archbishop hath diligently noted with his own hand, and used the Calendar in it for his Diary, Memoriall & common-Place-Book) Rubricae Generales Missales: and other places of it. 5ly. His order to omit the Doxology in the Lord's Prayer▪ in the repetition of it (as it is omitted in the Roman Missal, p. 311, 312. 913. 314. and else where) for which he inserts this special Directory. The Lord's P • air in this and all other places of the Liturgy, where the last words, For thine is the Kingdom &c. shall be expressed; shall read them: But in ALL Places, where they are not expressed, HE SHALL END AT THESE WORDS; But delive • is from evil. Ame • (As the Papists do in all their Missalls and Houres: ) belike, Glory be to the Father, &c. will supply this Omission. 6ly. His inserting a new Prayer into the Collects, p • efaced with this Title and Directory. A prayer to be said in 〈◊〉 Ember-weeks▪ for those who are then to be ordained into holy Orders: And is to be read every day of the week, beginning on the Sunday before the day of Ordination; Almighty God, &c. and this new Rubric, before the old Prayer (Almighty and everlasting God, who only worketh great marvells, &c.) A prayer for the HOLY CLERGIE. 7ly, His obliterating, the word Congregation, in most Collects, Prayers, and inserting the word Church and Holy Church, in its place. 8ly. In the order of the Administration of the Lord's Supper he prevaricates most of all, to usher in the Mass, Transubstantiation, and reconc • le us to the Church of Rome in this main point of difference. To instance in some particulars of moment.
First, in the situation and furniture of the Lord's Table; for which purpose he alte • ed the last clau • e of the first Rubric of the Communion in this manner▪
| The old Rubric. | The new altered thus. |
| The Table having at the Communion time a fair linen cloth upon it: shall stand in the body of the Church or in the Chancel, where Morning Prayer and Evening Prayer be appointed to be said. And the Priest standing at the Northside of the Table, shall say the Lord's Prayer. | The Holy Table having at the Communion time a fai • e white linen cloth upon it WITH OTHER DECENT FVRNITVRE, meet for the high mysteries there to be celebrated, shall stand AT THE VPPERMOST PART OF THE CHANCEL, or Church: where the Presbyter standing at the North side OR END thereof, shall say the Lord's Prayer, &c. |
By this Alteration, the Bishop made way for the Introduction. First, of the solemn Consecration of the Lord's Table and Altar, after the Popish manner, to make it an HOLY Table, which he holds it could not be without a special Consecration. Secondly, For Cruci • ixes, Candlesticks, Tapers, Basons, consecrated Flagons, Chalices, and all other manner of Altar furniture used in his own Chapel at Lambeth. Thirdly, For Rayling in and impounding the Lord's Table Altar-wise at the Eastend of the Church; to which all the Communicants must make their approaches to receive the Sacrament kneeling, at the new Rayles. A very advantageous alteration to introduce, Authorize and enjoin all these Innovations by color of it.
[ 2] Secondly, In the second Rubric in the Order of the Communion; thus metamorphized.
| The old Rubric. | The New. |
| Then shall the Priest rehea • se distinctly all the Ten Commandments, and the people kneeling shall after every Commandment ask God mercy for their transgressions of the same, after this sort. | Then shall the Presbyter TVRNING TO THE PEOPLE, rehearse distinctly all the Ten Commandments; The people ALL THE WHILE kneeling▪ and asking God mercy for their transgression of every duty therein; either according to the Letter, or to the MYSTICALL IMPORTANCE of the said Commandments, |
By which Alteration, First, Intimation and way is given that the Minister who Officiats at the Communion, is to turn his back to the people, as the Popish Priests do, save only when he reads the Commandments: as the words, turning to the people, imply. Secondly, A mystical sense of the Commandments introduced, whereby their literal morality is denied: which may well relate to the second Commandment, which the [ ] Papists • hold Ceremonial, and therefore omit, delete it out of all their Decalogues in their Missalls, Breviaries, Houres of prayers Manuels, Catechisines, as made only for the Jews▪ not Christians: which in its literal sense would quite have • ubverted the Archbishops new Crucifixes and Images erected in his own Chapels at • ambeth & Croydon▪ taken out of the very pattern in the Massebooke; or at least to the fourth Commandment, contradicting the Bishops new Book of sports a • d pastimes on the Lord's day; which he thrust out in the Kings name; and refuting • • is opinion that the Sabbath is not moral▪ and that there is now NO SABBATH AT ALL; as his Creature and chief Favorite Doctor Heyly • hath taught us in his History of the Sabbath (he might better have entitled it, De Non-ente, of no Sabbath, if there be none) published by the Prelates instigation & approbation, and Dr. Pocklington his Minion, in his S • nday no Sabb • th.
Thirdly, In the first Collect after the Commandments▪ Almighty God, &c. have mercy upon the whole Congregation a • d so rule, &c. is changed into: upon thy Holy Catholic Church, and in the particular Church wherein we live; So rule, &c. which makes way: 1. For the Popes, Prelates, and Clergies usurping and ingro • sing of the Title Church, unto themselves, as they do; excluding the Laity: which the woe • d Congregation; and whole Congregation includes; making the peop • e if not the entire, yet at least the principal and greatest part of the Church. 2ly, For a union with Rome, who style their Church; [ ] the holy Catholik Church, and all others but particular Churches: And in this sense would not only approve, but applaud this Alteration, fitted to thei • purpose.
Fourthly, In lieu of this Directory; Then shall the Church-wardens, or some other by them appointed, gather the devotion of the people, and put the same into the poor man's box, and upon the offering days appointed, every man and woman shall pay to the Cura • e the due and accustomed offerings; after which done, the Priest shall say, He inserts this following, While the Presbyter distinctly pronounceth some or all of these sentences for the offertory, the Deacon, or if no such be present, one of the Church-wardens shall receive the devotions of the people there present, in a Bason provided for that purpose. And when all have offered, • e shall reverently bring the said Bason with the Oblations thereon, and deliver it to the Presbyter, who shall humbly present it before the Lord, and set it upon the holy Table. And the Priest shall then [*] OFFER UP and place the bread and wine prepared for the Sacrament, upon the Lord's Table, that it may be ready for that service. And he then shall say, Let us pray for &c. And after the divine Service ended, that which was offered shall be divided in the presence of the Presbyter and the Church-wardens, whereof one half shall be to the use of the Presbyter to provide him Books of holy Divinity: The other half shall be faithfully kept and employed on some piou • or charitable use▪ for the decent furnishing of that Church; or the public relief of their poor, at the discretion of the Presbyter and Church-wardens. In which we have the Popish phrase of an Offertory▪ foisted into the place of the devotion of the people; which much be carried up REVERENTLY (with Congings and Duckings) to the HOLY Table, and there OFFERED up to God as a sacrifice, and humbly presented before the Lord: to make men dream of & draw them to a Massing sacrifice. That this Offertory is a part of the Popish Mass▪ you may see in Missal Romanum Ritus Celebrandi Missam p. 12, 13. and 261. and Fox Acts & Monuments. Edit. ult. vol. 3. p. 8. to omit all others. 2ly. An • ffering up of the Bread and Wine by the Priest at the Holy Table: just as the Priests do in the Mass, and derived from them, as Missal Romanum, Caeremoniale, Po • tificale, and Braeviari •• Romanu • inform us.
Fifthly, In the prayer for the whole estate of Christ's Church, there are these two Clauses added. And we commend especially unto thy merciful goodness • the Congregation which is here assembled in thy name, to Celebrat • the Comme • oration of the most precious death and sacrifice of thy Son, and our Savior Jesus Christ. (When there is no Communion these words enclosed are to be left out.) And we also bless • thy holy name for all those thy servants who having finished their course in faith, do now rest from their labors. And we yield unto thee most high praise, and hear • y thanks, for the wonderful grace and virtue declared in all thy saints, who have been the chief vessels of thy Grace, and the lights of the World in their several generations: Most humbly beseeching thee, that we may have grace to follow the example of their steadfastness in thy faith, and obedience to thy holy Commandments. That at the day of the general Resurrection we and all they which are of the mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right hand, and hear that his most joyful voice; Com • ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom pr • pared for you from the fou • dation of the world.
This clause is added in imitation of the [ ] Roman Missal, wherein we find frequent Commemorations of the Saints departed whose memories are there celebrated: Memoriam Venerantes famulorum famularumque tuar • m qui nos pr • cesser • nt in signo fidei▪ & dormiunt in somn • pacis &c. Nobis quoque peccatoribus famili • tuis, de multitudin • miserationum tu • rum petentibus partem aliquam & societatem donare dign •• is cum tui • sanctis Apostolis & Martyribus & omnibus sanctis tuis, intra quorum nos cons • rtiu • n • n estimator • eriti, sed veniae qu • sumu • la • gitor, admit, &c. If he come not up fully in all things to the Papists or their Mass-book at the first, yet he will do it as near as may be, inserting these passages into it, which were formerly expunged out of it at the Reformation, to avoid the Invocation of dead Saints, which was first usherd into the Church by the frequent public Comme • oration of Saints departed.
Sixthly, In the first exhortation before the Communion, he makes this Alteration and insertion.
| The English Book. | The Alteration. |
| And as the Son of God did vo • chsafe to yield up his soul by death upon the Cross for your health, even so it i • yo ur duty to receive the Communion together in remembrance of his death. But the fault is much greater, when men stand by, and yet will neither eat nor drink the holy Communion with others. | And as the Son of God did vouchsafe to OFFER up himself by death upon the Cross for your Salvation; even so it is our duty to celebrate and receive the holy Communion together in remembrance of his death AND SACRIFICE, &c. But the fault is much greater, when men stand by, and yet will not receive this holy Sacrament which is offered unto them. |
By which Alteration and insertion [ ] taken out of the Roman Missal, he makes the Book admit & approve of A S • crifice, (at least a Commemorative one, if not a real) in the administration of the Lord's Supper▪ to countenance the Sacrifice of the Mass; which the old English passage will neither intimate, not warrant, but rather denies.
Seventhly, In the Rubric before the Prayer of Consecration▪ he makes this observable Alteration and insertion of his own. The English Rubric is only. Then the Priest standing up shall say as followeth: The Archbishop adds this with his own hand, shall say the prayer of Consecration, as followeth: But then during the time of Consecration, the Presbyter which Consecrateth SHALL STAND IN THE MIDST BEFORE THE ALTAR▪ That he may with th • more ease and decency USE BOTH HIS HANDS▪ which he cannot so conveniently do, standing at the Northside of it. A very memorable Addition in several respects, taken our of the Roman Missal, and introducing Mass in good earnest, if compared with the premised and ensuing Alterations. For first, it brings in AN ALTAR in lieu of a Lord's Table (contrary to the first Rubric) that so we may have a Massing 〈◊〉 , which cannot be without an Altar 2ly. It removes the Priest that Consecrates, from the North-side or end of the Table▪ where the first Rub • icke enjoins him to Celebrate, TO STAND IN THE MIDST BEFORE THE ALTAR while he Celebrates; with his back to the people, who by this means can neither see not he • e very well what he doth: which is directly taken out of the Mass • -Book, where we find these Rubrics very frequent: [ ] Sacerdos Celebraturus accedit AD MEDIUM ALTARIS UBI STANS VERSUS ILLUD. Sacerdos rediens AD MEDIUM ALTARIS. Sta • s IN MEDIO ALTARIS. Stans. ANTE MEDI • M ALTARIS, V • rsus ad illum, &c. 3ly. We have an Elevation of the hostia after its Consecration, insinuared in these words; That • e may with more • ase and decency use both his hands, &c. to wit in Consecrating and elevating the Bread and Wine, as the Priest is enjoined to do in the [ ] Roman Missal▪ that so the people may adore it: Quibus prolatis, celebrans tenens • ostiam inter polliees, &c. ge •• slexus eam adorat, Tunc se erigens, quantum comm • d • potest ELEVAT IN A •• UM • IOSTIAM▪ et intentis in 〈…〉 (quod▪ & in ELEVATIONE CALICIS FACIT) populo reverenter ost •• dit adorandam: After which he elevates the Cup in lik • manner, as the Missal enjoins him.
Eighthly, In the very Prayer of Consecration it self, there are these observable insertions & Alterations made with his own hand; which you will best discern by placing the old and new Clauses one over against the other.
Where 1. we have the word Sacrifice, inserted, to make the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, a Sacrifice, as the Papists hold their Mass to be; when as it cannot be one: 1. Because there is nothing offered, slain or sacrificed in it: 2ly. Because the Elements are not offered up to God therein by us; but given as from God and Christ unto us, as these very words. evidence takes eat drink, &c. do this in remembrance of me. Now nothing can be a sacrifice but what is offered up unto God himself, nor ought we receive from him. 2ly. We have a Transubstantiation of the Elements into Christ's very Body & blood intimated in the words Almighty goodness. (Transubstantiation being a work of God's Omnipotency, as the Papists teach) and so to bless, &c. but more clearly express • ed in this subsequent clause; That they may be unto us THE BOD • A • D BLOOD of thy most dearly beloved Son: so that we receiving them, &c▪ may be partakers of THE SAME his most precious body and blood, which addition is take • n Verbatim ou • of the Roman Missal. Quam oblationem tu De • s in omnibus quaesumus benedictam, ascriptam, rationabil • m, acceptabilemque facere digneris▪ UT NOBIS CORPVS ETSANGVIS FIAT, dilectissimi Filij tui Domini nostri Jesus Christi▪ And- Munera quaesumus Domine oblata sancti • ica: ut E • NOBIS Vnigeniti tui CORPVS 〈◊〉 SANGVIS FIANT &c. And to what end this clause should be inserted out of the Roman Missal and Pontificiall now, which had been quite obli • terated heretofore▪ when the Common prayer Book was refined; unless to reduce us back to Rome, and introduce the sacrifice of the Mass and Transubstantiation, no wise man can conjecture.
Ninthly, He added these two Rubrickes to this Prayer of Consecration in the Margin: These two Rubr • ckes following, and to stand in the Margin thus: A • these words, (Take bread) the Presbiter is to take the Paten in his hand: &c. At these words (Take the Cup) he is to take the Chalice in his hand and lay his hand UPON SO MVCH BE IT in Chalice or Flaggons AS HE INTENDS TO CONSECRATE, which impli • s that Popish Position to be Orthodox: That the Priests intention is necessarily required to cons • crate the Elements, and that no more of them is consecrated then he intends to consecrate, and lays his hands on.
Tenthly, In the words prescribed to be used in the very delivery of the bread and Wine after consecration, there is a most notorious alteration made by way of an I • dex Expurgatorius with this Prelates own hand: The ancient English form stood thus: The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy Body & Soul unto everlasting life: AND TAKE AND • ATE THIS IN REMEMBRANCE THAT CHRIST DIED FOR THEE. AND FEED ON HIM IN THY HEART BY FA •• H WITH THANKSGIVING.
The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, that was shed for thee, preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting lif • : AND DRINKE THIS IN REMEMBRANCE THAT CHRIST'S BLOOD WAS SHED FOR THEE AND BE THANKFVLL. But the Bishop thought good to curtall these clauses, by dashing out the latter words; And take and eat this in R • memberance that Christ died for thee▪ and feed on him in thine heart by faith with thanksgiving: in the ne: And drink this in remembrance that Christ's blood was shed for thee and be thankful in the other • adding only this Rubric instead of them, Here the party receiving shall say, Amen, and also after the receiving of the Cup. And accordingly these passages were omitted in the printed book.
Now what might be the mistery of this notable alteration? surely it could be no other: But first, to conform it to the very Roman Missal, and Order of the M • sse, with which it now accords, as will appear by this Paralell.
2ly To introduce a Transubstantiation of the Bread & Wine into Christ's very body and blood, and an external receiving of them with the mouth, to make a complete sacrifice of the Mass, which these expunged clauses do expressly contradict; and were added by our Reformers heretofore for this very purpose, to take away all opinion of any transubstantiation, or corporal eating of Christ's Body, or drinking his blood in the Sacrament.
11ly. In the Rubric next after the delivery of the Cup he inserts this clause. And after shall be said, THIS MEMORIAL, OR PRAYER OF OBLATION: and these clauses into the Prayer it self. Wherefore O Lord, heavenly Father according to the institution of thy dearly beloved Son our Savior Jesus Christ, we thy humble servants do celebrate and make here before thy Divine Majesty, with these thy holy gifts, the memorial which thy Son hath willed us to make, having in remembrance his blessed passion, mighty resurrection, and glorious as • ention, rendering unto thee most hearty thanks for the innumerable benefits procured to us by the same, &c. Humbly beseeching thee, that whosoever shall be partakers of this holy Communion, may worthily receive THE MOST PRECIOVS BODY AND BLOOD OF THY SON JESUS CHRIST, and be fulfilled with thy grace and heavenly benediction and made one body with him, that he may dwell in them, and they in him. In which additions; we have, first an Oblation in imitation of the Mass book, where we have this prayer. hanc igitur OBLATIONEM servitutis nostrae, quaesumus Domine ut placatus accipias, &c. 2ly A real receiving of Christ's body & blood in the Papists sense, taken out of this prayer in the ve • y Mass Book: Vt quotquot ex hac Altaris participatione sanctum Filij tui CORPVS ET SANGVINEM SVMPSERIMVS, omni benedictione caelesti, & gratia repleamur, &c.
12ly. Before the very next Prayer there is this Rubric added. When all have communicated he that celebrates, shall go to the Lord's Table, and cover with afaire linen Cloth OR CORPORALL, that which remaineth of the consecrated Elements, & then say as followeth. Which word & Linnen Cloth here termed A CORPORAL, is taken out of the Roman Missal, where it is frequently mentioned: as Mox ipsum reverentia super CORPORALI reponit • reposita hostia consecrata super CORPORALI: Reponit super CORPORALE, &c And in the Roman Pontifical, P. 359. De Benedictione CORPORALIVM; we have a special form of Consecration prescribed for Corporalls, before they must be used, and 3. special prayers for that purpose, wherein are these Clauses. Tribue quaesumus ut hoc Linteamen • uae propitiationis benedictione sanctificetur, ad consecrandum super illud Corpus & Sanguinem Dei & Domini nostri Jesus Christi; Benedicere, sanctificare & consecrare digneris linteamen istud, ad tegendum, involve • dumque CORPVS ET SANGVINEM Domini nostri Jesus Christi, Omnipotent Deus, manibu • nostris opera tuae benedictionis infunde, ut per nostram benedictionem hoc Linteamen sanctificetur, & CORPORIS ET SANGVINIS Redemptioris nostri novum sud • rium. All which compared with the Arch-Bishops speech in Star-Chamber. For there tis, Hoc est • corpus meum, &c. will clearly manifest, that the main end and design of all these his forementioned alterations, and inser • ions was the introducing amongst us of Transubstantiation, and the Romish sacrifice of the Mass, with the very Mass-Book it self, by piece-meals.
13. In the very close of the last Rubric for the Communion there is this notable alteration and insertion for the same purpose, THOUGH IT BE LAWFULL TO HAVE WAFER BREAD (which the Papists use) it shall suffice that the Bread be such as is usual. And whereas the old Rubric was: If any of the Bread and Wine remain, the Curate shall have it to his own use: It is thus altered in the new. And if any of the Bread and Wine remain which is consecrated, it shall be reverently eaten and drunk by such of the Communicants only as the Presbyter which celebrates shall take unto him: But it shall not be cursed out of the Church. And to the end there may be little left, he that Officiates is required to consecrate with the least; and then if there be want, the words of Consecration may be repeated again, over more either Bread or Wine, the Presbyter beginning at these words in the prayer of Consecration. Our Savior in the same night that he was betrayed took, &c.
Finally in the commination against sinners, he hath made these insertions. Prayers to be used diverse times of the year, (AND ESPECIALLY ON THE FIRST DAY OF LENT COMMONLY CALLED AS HWEDNESDAY, is added: Brethren in the Primitive Church there was a godly Discipline, that at the beginning of Lentsuch persons as were notorious sinners, (were put to open penance, and punished in this world:) which he thus alters; were put to open penance, & did humbly submit themselves TO UNDER GOE PUNISHMENT IN THIS WORLD. Which alteration makes way, and gives good color for the introduction of Popish Confession, and Penances imposed by Priests; the end no doubt for which it was made.
To conclude: Whereas there were diverse godly-prayers printed at the end of the common Prayer Book after the Psalms, to be used for sundry purposes; some whereof were made use of in private families, Morning and Evening; the Arch-Bishop gives this direction in the Margin concerning the expunging of them, with his own hand. His M ••• sty commands, That these prayers following, or any other (for they are different in several editions) BE ALL LEFT OUT, and not printed in your Liturgy: Which command was accordingly observed.
Now I beseech you judge by all these particulars what the Archbishops design was in making all these alterations, additions, and endeavoring to obtrude this Common-P • air Book and new Liturgy upon the Church of Scotland without consent of their Parliament, or General Assembly, and what just cause our Brethren of Scotland had to oppose and resist them as they did.
This Service Book being printed in Scotland, with these and sundry other alterations, and additions, wherein it differed from the English, in the Yeare 1637. the Arch-Bishop having first caused Mr. Prynne, Doctor Bastwicke, and Master Burton, to be severly censured, pillered, stigmatized, cropped off all their Ears, and sent them close pri • oners to sundry remote Castles, for opposing his popish Innovations here in England; which struck an extraordinary terror into many, here, & (as he conceived) would have terrified all from any future opposition of his Popish designs elsewhere; took occasion immediately after their censures to endeavor to set this Service Book on • oote in Scotland by a mere Arbitrary power. For which purpose he gave order that this Book should be publicly read in all Churches within the City of Edinburgh in July 1637. about which time he writ this Letter to the Lord Treasurer of Scotland, concerning the Priory, and other Lands (which the Bishops of Scotland labored to get in possession to augment their revenues,) and the affairs of that Church.
My good Lord; S. In Christo.
YOur Lordships of June 26. came to my hands on Sunday July▪ 2. And they were the first, I received out of Scotland since your return thither, save only that I had one from the Kings Advocate in answer to mine, and one from my Lord of Bre •• en. And I confess I did and do a little wonder at it considering how many Letters I writ, and what their contents were. So I was glad to see one come from Your Lordship till I read it, but then I confess I was much troubled to see things go on there in such a way. For I thought we had been happily come to an end of those troubles.
My Lord, I have much a do to read some words in your hand-wrig • ting, and some things concerning that Kingdom, I understand not. Between these two if I mistake anything, I heartily pray you it may go pro non scripto. And now for Instance, I confess I do not well understand what that particular is at which my Lord of St. Andrew's checks; but what ever it be, I am sorry his Grace will not privately debate it before it come in public: Or since he cannot gain his Commission in Exchequer he will take a course before the Commission of surrenders that may be prejudicial to the Archbishopric. For I hope he will not think of any advantageous way to particular persons with disadvantage to the public.
His Majesty's intention certainly is, that all mortifications to Bishoprics or other pious uses should have all immunities for the advantage of the Church that may be had. And if my Lord of Saint Andrew's, either by the Commission to which His Majesty's hand was gotten, or by valuation before the Commission of surrenders, depart from the good of the Church in the particular of the Prio • y, I must be sorry for it, but certainly the Kings bounty must not be abused. Only I beseech your Lordship look carefully to it, that my Lord Arch-Bishop have no prejudice, for it seems exceeding strange to me, that anything should be attempted by him in this, that is not pregnantly for the Churches good.
For the Commission of surrenders, you know my opinion of it, and of whom I learned it. And I hope before these Letters come to you, you will understand His Majesty's pleasure concerning that Commission from the Earl of Sterling.
To your Lordships demands and desires, I give you briefly this answer.
First, I heartily thank you that you are minded once more in a private way to move my Lord Chancellor to alter his intended course by debate there, or from hence (if there be any use of me) and I heartily pray you so to do. And if you think fit, you may tell him, tis my desire as well as yours. For I have not at this time written any one word of this business.
Secondly, If the Kings intentions for the laying the foundation of the Cathedral Church of Saint Andrew's, will in this way my Lord Chancellor now takes be wholly eluded, you must by all good and fair means prevent it. And if you cannot so do it, you must acquaint His Majesty with it before it be too late.
Thirdly, I do hereby heartily pray you to stop all things which come to your knowledge, if you find the Church prejudged or anything intended contrary to the general course introduced in favor of the Church. And I assure myself, that His Majesty will thank you for the service.
Lastly, Your Lordship did understand me right, and I am still of opinion, that more care is to be taken in the settling of all these Church businesses, for the dignity and advantage of the places themselves. And that course I beseech you hold for those things which come within your power. And yet I shall still desire the present incumbent may be considered also, where it may be without prejudice to the place it self in perpetuity.
This hath been one of the heavyest Termes that ever I endured, and it seems you have had troubles enough. The best is, the remembrances which I last put into your hands may stay for times of more leisure, The sickness increases sorely, yet I cannot get out of London. God bless you with health in those parts, in which prayers I • est.
Your Lordships loving poor Friend to serve You Will. Cant.
Lamb. July 4. 1637.
After this on the 23. of July the Service Book was to be read in all Churches of Edinburgh the chief City of that Kingdom, as a president for all the rest; where it found such public general opposition by the people, that the design of reading it was prevented, and the Bishops and others who were to put it in execution, were enforced to give the people good words & promises nor to bring in the book among them, till further order for fear of being torn in pieces. The particulars whereof being at large related by other • , I shall pretermit. Upon tidings of this tumultuous opposition, the Arch-bishop writ this letter to the Earl of Traquarer, Lord Treasurer of Scotland. August 7. 1637. concerning Tithes, and it.
August 7th 1637.
FOr the Commission of Tithes I was ever against it in my own Judgment, and there in I agreed with my Lord's of St. Andrew's and Ross, since neither of them hath given me sufficient reason, why J should change my mind, ye • if the Commission • ye a sleep a while to see what may be said further for it, J think tis not amiss. And then if nothing can be said that shall make it appear more beneficial to that Church then yet it doth to me, it may be with the better deliberation quite extinguished. The truth is, at least as it appears to me, in the present use of it, it is made a public pretence to private ends.
My Lord, J think you know my opinion how J would have Church-business carried, were I as great a Master of Men, as I thank God, I am of things. It is true the Church as well there as else where hath been overborne by violence both in matter of maintenance, and jurisdiction. But if the Church will recover in either of these she & her Governors▪ must proceed, not as she was proceeded against, but by a constant temper sh • must make the world see she had the wrong▪ but offer none. And since Law hath followed in that King dome perhaps to make good that which was ill done, yet since a Law it is, such a reformation or restitution would be sought for as might stand with the Law, and some expedient be found out, how the Law may be by some just Exposition helped till the state shall see Cause to abolish it.
His Majesty takes it very ill that the business concerning the stablishment of the Service book hath been so weakly carried, and hath great reason to think himself and his Government dishonored by the late tumult in Edenborow, July 23. and therefore expects that your Lordship and the rest of the honorable Council set yourselves to it, that the Liturgy may be established orderly and with Peace, to repair what hath been done amiss. For his Majesty well knows the Clergy alone have not power enough to go through with a business of this nature, and therefore is not very well satisfied with them, either for the Omission, in that kind, to advise for assistance of his Lord's Council, or for the preparation, or way they took. For certainly the publication a week before, that on the next Sunday the prayers according to the Liturgy should be read in all the Churches of Edenborow, was upon the matter to give those that were ill affected to the service, time to communicate their thoughts, and to premeditate, and provide against it, as it is most apparent they did.
Nor is his Majesty well satisfied w • th the Clergy, that they which are in authority were not advertised, that they might attend the countenancing of such a service, so much tending to the honor of God and the King. And I am verily persuaded if that accident of the marriage of your Kinsman had not carried your Lordship out of the City that day, some things would not have been altogether so bad, and my Lord privy seal would have had the better assistance.
Neither was this the best Act that ever they did to send away their letters apart without acquainting the Council, that their advertisements might have come by the same Messenger, together with their joint advise, which way was best to punish the Offendors, at least the prime and chief of them, and which to prevent the like disorders. And after so long time of preparation to be to seek who should read the service is more then strange to me, unless they think such a business can do it self, but his Majesty out of his piety and wisdom gave (by the Messenger which the Bishops sent) such full directions both to the Lord's of the Council and the Lord's of the Clergy, as I hope will settle the business from further trouble. But the Proclamation, which you have now sent up to the King, I have not yet seen.
Of all the rest, the weakest part was, the interdicting of all Divine service, till his Majestyes pleasure was further known. And this (as also the giving warning of the publishing) his Majesty at the first reading of the letters and report of the Fact, checked at, and commanded me to write so much to my Lord of Saint Andrew's, which I did And your Lordship at the Council, July 24. spake very worthily against the in • e • dicting of the service. For that were in effect as much as to disclaim the work, or to give way to the insolency of the baser multitude and his Majesty hath commanded me to thankyou for it in his name. But the disclaiming the Book as any act of theirs (but, as it was his Majestes command) was most unworthy. It is most true the King commanded a Liturgy & it was time they had one. They did not like to admit of outs, but thought it more reputation for them (as indeed it was) to compile one of their own, yet as near as might be, and they have done it well: will they now cast down the milk they have given, because a few Milk-maids have scolded at them? I hope they will be better advised: certainly they were very ill advised, when they spake thus at the Council board. But my Lord of this there was not one word in the letter. So I hope they have done with that.
W. Cant.
Upon this Letter, the design of imposing the Service-Book was more strenuously prosecuted then before, and divers Ministers were enjoined to read it by a certain day in their Churches under pain of Horning; and the Bailiffs of Edinborow were so terrified and wro • e upon by the Lord Treasurer and Council, that they writ this submissive Letter to the Archbishop thus superscribed.
Most Reuerenà Father in God, and our very good Lord.
WEE regreive from our hearts that tumult which did fall out in our Churches that day of the imbringing of the Service Book. Wherein now these of His Majesty's Council, who has labored the trial thereof, will give testimony of our innocence; since that time and rinsig of his Majesty's Council in this feriall time we have daily concurred without ordiner and our Ministry for settling of that Service, as the Right Honorable the Earl of Traquair L. Treasurer with the Bishop; of Galloway, and Dunbleane will bear witness, Who has spared neither pains no • attendance to bring that purpose to any good conclusion; and although the poverty of this City be great, being almost exhausted with public and common works, yet we have not been inlacking to offer good means above our power, to such as should undertake that service, and in all things wherein we have been required, we have ever been ready really to approve ourselves obedient and loyal Subjects to his Majesty in all his Royal Commandments, which we have vowed ever to second to our lives end. And we being infinitely obliged to your Graces favor, We now presumed by these lines to give your Grace that assurance of obedience upon our part. in this purpose and in all other purposes wherein we may contribute to the advancement of His Majesty's service, as can be expected of good Subjects. Whereof if His Majesty by your Grace shall be pleased to rest assured, what things any other shall suggest, we will accept it from you as ane great accumulation of favor; for all which your Grace shall ever find us most thankful remembrancers, and most ready really to express our thankfulness, when ever we shall be made so happy as your Grace shall have occasion to use our service. Thus from our hearts wishing you all happiness, we kiss your Graces hand
Your Graces most affectioned and humble Servants, the Bailiffs of Eden.
- I: Cochrane Bailiff.
- I. Smyth Bailiff.
- Al. Linfie Bailiff.
- C: Hammilton Bailiff.
Eden. this 19th of August 1637.
But notwithstanding this submission of the Bailiffs of Edinburgh, yet most of the Ministers and People strenuously opposed the Service-book, and presented divers Petitions to the Lord's of secret Council against it; whereof this was one of the principal, presented to them August 23, 1637, containing some reasons against receiving the Book.
MY Lord's of secret Council, Unto your Lordships humbly mea • es and shows; We your subjects Master Alexander Henderson Minister at Lenchars, Master George Hamilton Minister at Newbourne, and Master James Bruce Minister at Kings-Barns That where we were required of late by the Moderator of our Presbytery to receive two Copies of the new Book of Common Prayer, and declaring ourselves willing each of us to receive any of the said Books to read, that we might know what it contained before we could promise to practice it; Alleadging that in the matters of Godsworship, we were not bound to blind obedience. It was refused by us and taken out of some of our hands; And yet we are now charged with Letters of horning Decreed be your Lordships, upon a narrative that we have refused the said Books out of curiosity and singularity. To provide each one of us two of the said Books for the use of our Paroches; Which hath made us, who were never before acquainted with any charge from Authority, and knowing no other way so just and void of offense, to have recourse to your Lordships; Most humbly entreating that the charge may be suspended for the reasons following. First, Because this Book is neither warranted by the authority of the general Assembly, which are the Representative Church of this Kingdom, & hath ever since the Reformation given direction in matters of God's Worship, nor by any Act of Parliament, which in things of this kind, hath ever been thought necessary by his Majesty and the Estates. Secondly, Because the liberties of the true Church, and the form of Worship and Religion received at the Reformation, and universally practiced since, were warranted by the Acts of the general Assemblies, and divers Acts of Parliament; specially of the Parliament 1567, and the late Parliament 1633. Thirdly, The Church of Scotland is a free and Independent Church, and her own Pastors sold be most able to discern, and direct what doth best beseem our measure of Reformation, and what may serve most for the good of the people. Fourthly, It is not unknown to your Lordships, what disputing, division, and trouble hath been in this Church, about some few of the main Ceremonies contained in this Book, which being examined (as we shall be ready, a competent time being assigned by your Lordships to show) will be found to depart far from the form of worship & Reformation of this Kirk, and in points most material to do all near to the Church of Rome; which for her Heresies in Doctrine, Superstition, and Idolatry in worship, tyranny in government, and wickedness every way, is als Antichristian now as when we came out of her. Fifthly, The people have been otherwise taught by us, and by our Predecessors in our places, ever since the Reformation, and so it is likely they will be found unwilling to the change, when they shall be assayed, even where their Pastors are willing. In respect whereof, The sayds Letters of horning whole effect and execution thereof, ought to be suspended simpliciter in time coming. Therefore we beseech your Lordships, that we may have Letters Direct, charging the persons who have caused use this charge against us, to compeir personally, bring, and produce the said Letters of horning, with the executions and indorsations thereof before your Lordships at a certain day, to be seen and considered of. And in the mean time to suspend them, And your Lordships Answer.
The Copy of this Petition was sent up to London to the Archbishop, together with the Answer of the Bishop of Ross thereunto; who received both of them September 5, 1637. as appears by the endorsments under his own hand.
The Answer to this Petition was as followeth.
A short Answer to the Petition of the Ministers given in to the Lord's of His Majesty's Council the 23 of August, 1637.
THe Narrative of the Petition concerning the Moderator of the Exercise, His carriage, as we hear is false: and where they pretend that they knew not what was in the Book, it appears by their many objections and exceptions they object and except against it, in all parts of it almost, that they are too well versed in it, but abuse it pitifully.
To the first reason it may be truly replied, That not the general Assembly, which consists of a multitude, but the Bishops having authority to govern in the Church, are the representative Church of the Kingdom. And that the matters of Worship, if they understand thereby, the forms of Confession, Prayers, celebration of Baptism, and the Lord's Supper, &c. were committed in the time to some few Ministers, not exceeding the number of Seven, as is clear by the Psalm Book, that bears the number of the approvers. Whereas this Book of Common Prayer committed in the Assembly of Aberdeen, Anno 1616. to some three or four that since are deceased, hath been revived and approved by the Bishops.
The second reason is untrue, that which they call the form of Worship, was never established by Act of Parliament. The confession of Faith was in Anno 1567. rati •• ed, and the same often repeated since; But not t • e Book of Praye • s and Psalms.
Thirdly, That the Church of Scotland is a free and Independent Church, none doth question: And it is her own Pastors (for that title 〈◊〉 antiquity was given to Bishops only) that have judged this form to be most for the good of the people. As to the measure of Reformation they speak of it is we • l, that they grant it to be a measure, for other whiles they think it absolute and perfect.
The fourth reason reflects upon themselves, that have stood out so rebelliously against the Ceremonies concluded by the Church, and ratified in Parliament. And for the rest contained in this Book, not received as yet in this Church, that which is set down in the preface, might have sufficed to convict them. They wi • l never be able, do what they can to prove the same, or anything in it to be either Supers • itious or Idolatrous; yea we dare to say, it is one of the most Orthodox and perfect Litturgies in the Christian Church.
For the fifth, If they have taught the people, that the form contained in the old Psalm Books is the only form of Worship they have taught falsely. And it may be justly asked, if this was the only true form; why did not they themselves keep to it, but did use other Prayers, and other forms then are prescribed in the Book, both in Marriage, Baptism, Celebration of the Lord's Supper, Visitation of the Sick, &c. As to the unwillingness of people, so many as are led by them, and carried by their Seditious and turbulent Sermons, will perhaps run their ways to their own destruction: But good and well-disposed people, will still obey God, the King, and other powers subordinate to him.
By this Answer you may discern what power the Scottish Bishops arrogated to themselves, through Canterburies encouragement, even more then to a general Assembly.
September 4. 1637. The Archbishop writ this branch of a Letter to the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's concerning the tumult in Edinburg • , and new pressing of the Service Book, in answer of his Letter received from thence August 11, 1637. as appears by the Endorcement under his own hand.
TOuching the tumult, I can say no more than I have already. And for the casting of any fault upon your Grace, and the rest of your Brethren, as if the thing were done precipitatly: I think few men will believe that. But that which is thought here, is, that though you took advice among yourselves, yet the whole body of the Council was not acquainted with all your Determinations, nor their advice taken, nor their Power called in for assistance, till it was too late. And that after the thing was done, you consulted apart, and sent up to the King without calling a Council, or joining the Lay-Lord's with you: whereas all was little enough in a business of this nature, and so much opposed by some factious men gathered (it seems) purpose • lie together at Edinburgh to disturb this business. And indeed my Lord, you could not in this particular have engaged the Lay-Lord's too far. And if any Lord here spake too much when he though • t the service might have been received throughout all that Kingdom in one day, I hope your Grace falls as much too short on the other side. For I hope it will be settled in far l • sse time than 7. years.
And whereas you write, that the fault is m • st in your Ministers; I easily believe that to be true: But then they should have been dealt withal before hand and made pliable, especially in Edenborow, or else some others appointed in the room of such as disliked. And since your Grace is of opinion that a sharper course would do more good▪ and that you would have taken such with Master Ramsey, if my Lord's had not altered your opinion. His Majesty leaves you to take that course both with him and others, as you shall find fittest for his service, and the Churches. And for the Postscript, I am sorry as well as you for Master Rollock and that is all I have to say of him. So desiring God to bless you through these troubles, I leave you, &c.
Will. Cant. September. 4. 1637.
On the 11. of September 1637 the Archbishop writ another Letter to the Lord of Tr • qu •• re; Part whereof c • ncerning the Scottish Liturgy I have h • re inserted, discovering how zea • ous and active his little Grace was in it.
My very good Lord,
I Have received your Letters of Aug. 20. And am very glad to read in them that mine came safe to you by your servant: For the business, I had some little inkling given me by my • , Sterling about the stay of the service: But till I read your Letter, I did not believe it possible that way should be given to an Interdiction, especially considering how strongly you had ever opposed it; and withal how weak, and uncounsellable (at least in my judgment) the thing it self was. For they could not but fore-see, that that course would add a great deal of heartening and encouragement to the Puritan Party. And therefore tis no wonder, if such Lord's and others as were ill-affected to the Liturgy, were easy in giving way to that Counsel, which they could not but see would advance to their own ends. But that my Lord of Ross should give the advice, and my L. of St Andrew's follow it with such stifnesse, may be a wonder to any man that knows them, and the business.
My Lord of St Andrew's hath lately written to me, that my Lord of Ross was gone into his Diocese. But for my part, I did not think that all the rest would have gone away and left the business: For they cannot but think that the adverse part would make use of the present time to put further difficulties upon the work; And therefore they should have been as careful to uphold it, my Lord of Ross especially, whose hand hath been as much in it as the most: But since they are gone, His Majesty takes it extremely well from my Lord's of Edenborow, Galloway, and Dunblane, that they stay and attend the business as well as they can: But he hath expressly commanded me to give your Lordship thanks for staying with them, and keeping them so well in heart: For as the business is now foiled, if you do not stick close to God's and the Kings service in it, it will certainly suffer more then is fit it should.
His Majesty likewise takes it exceeding well from your Lordship, that you have dealt with the City of Edenborow for maintenance for such as shall take upon them to read the Liturgy: And takes it as well from the City it self, from whom I have received a very fair and discreet Letter, which I have shown his Majesty, and writ the City an Answer by this Return, and given them His Majesty's thanks, which indeed he commanded me to do very heartily: And in truth they deserve it, especially as the times stand.
As for the Ministers of Edenborow, I know the refusal of Mr Ramsay, and Mr Rollock: But that any other of them stuck at it, or that any Bishops seem not to be forward, is more then I heard till now: But for that of Mr Ramsey, or any of the Bishops that would have somewhat amended, if that should be yielded unto now (unless they should be able to give such reason against it, as I know they cannot) it would mightily dishonor the King, who to my knowledge hath carefully looked over, and approved every word in this Liturgy: And I doubt, it would utterly destroy the service it self: For while • one man out of a humor dislikes one thing, and another another, by that time every man's dislike were satisfied, I doubt there would be but little left to serve God with: Besides, it is not improbable but that some men would be as earnest to have the self same thing kept in, which others would so f • ine thrust out, what ere it be: And that may make it grow up into a formal contestation upon some particulars, and quite distemper the service. But whereas you write that some Bishops speak plainly, that if their Opinions had been craved, they would have advised the amending of something: Truly for that, and in that way I would withal my heart they had seen it: And why my Lord of St Andrew's and they which were trusted by the King, did not discreetly acquaint every Bishop with it, considering that every Bishop must be used in their several Dioceses, I know no reason; and sure I am, there was no prohibition upon them. And since I hear from others that some exception is taken, because there is more in that Liturgy insome few particulars, then is in the Liturgy in England, why did they not then admit the Liturgy of England without more ado? But by their refusal of that, and the dislike of this, 'tis more then manifest they would have neither, perhaps none at all, were they left to themselves: But my Lord to your self only, and in your ear; a great favor you should do me, if you will get my Lord of Galloway to set me down in brief Propositions without any further discourse, all the exceptions that are taken against the Liturgy by Ramsey, Rollock, or any other; and I could be content to know which the Bishops are, which would have amended something, had they been advised with, and what that is which they would have so amended, &c.
Will. Cant. Sept. 11. 1637.
After this, divers Treatises written against the Service-Book in Scotland, were sent thence to the Arch-bishop; four whereof he received thence October 12. 1637. as appears by their Indorsements with his own hand, with which I shall not trouble the Reader; the substance of all of them being long since printed.
From this time till about June 1638. the business of the Service-Book was carried on and pressed by the Arch-bishops means, with sundry rigid and terrifying Proclamations; which not prevailing, what desperate counsels and resolutions were thereupon taken up, and by whose advise, these ensuing passages in some Jesuits Letters, written from hence (in French) to their Superior and other Jesuits at Paris (which Jesuits were more privy to our Counsels and designs, then most of the Privy-Council themselves, as their Letters intimate) will best inform us. These Letters by some means or other came to Secretary Windebanks hands, among whose papers I found the Originals themselves; out of which I have translated these ensuing clauses.
One of the Letters was thus superscribed, in French, Au R. Pere P. Gasper Segnis • n, SVPERIOR de la Maison profess de la COM. DE JESUS, A PARIS; it bears date the 28. of June 1638. wherein he writes thus in French, out of which I have faithfully translated it.
My Reverend Father,
I have not been at London five days in all since I came from France, else I had not failed to salute your Reverence, &c. I have treated with Father Provincial touching a succession, but he saith there is somebody who hinders the Father General, that he cannot at all resolve himself as yet to send one; but as soon as he shall have resolved, he hath one which he will design for this place; but he speaks not one syllable who it is, and I have not at all demanded it. For myself, I continue the design for Italy, as soon as the time and season shall be proper, but I know not whether I shall pass by Paris as I go, &c. I know not what to say of Mortimer, the Superior of Scotland, as knowing not whether he hath leave to go or not, nor yet their Procurer who resides in this Court; for the General hath given no answer to the reply which Mortimer hath made. The Country there is in a very ill posture, and in evident danger to sever it self from this Crown.
Your most humble and obliged servant, G. T.
June. 28.
This Jesuit sent another Letter with this form, writ in French, without any superscription, containing a full relation of the Scottish troubles and proceedings, to another Jesuit (as I suppose) in which there is this memorable clause, containing a resolution here taken to subdue the Scots by force, the Counselors names, who gave this advice, and the instruments to be used in this service, to wit, the Irish, because they durst not trust the English.
Sir, &c.
BY all these proceedings the King evidently seeth, that they (the Scots) will not submit themselves to reason by fairnes or sweetness; and therefore he hath taken a resolution, to tame them by force, and to this purpose goeth about to raise an Army in Ireland, not daring to trust himself with the English; who already are much irritated against him, by reason of the monies which he pretends to raise to maintain his Fleet, the which they refuse down right to pay. This Council of raising an Army, hath been suggested unto him by the Bishop of Canterb. and the President of Ireland; the which are they alone that govern him, for he hath never yet opened his mouth, or spoken one soleword of it to his Council of State, but seeks very much to keep all close from them; The which highly displeaseth all these Lord's, and men hold this Council of the Army for Ireland a most pernicious Council. But I know not what better he could take, for it is most dangerous to raise it in England, where all the world is discontent; and for to raise an Army here, it were to give them the sword in their hands to defend themselves; for the part of the Puritans is so great, and they have such a correspondence with the Scots, that they begin already to break the Altars which the Bishops had erected, and to accuse the Bishops of crimes, and to demand the re-establishment of many silenced Ministers, with a thousand other insolencies, &c.
Your most humble and most obliged servant, G. T.
This 28. of June.
The same Jesuit writ another Letter in French of the same date, with this superscription; A Messieur, Messieur La mach: wherein, after a pretty large relation of the Scottish affairs, he hath this clause, somewhat suitable to the former.
THey (to wit, the Scots) will first of all have a free and full Parliament: they will have a reformation of their own Church, and likewise of the Church of England. They will that the King resideth 6. months in their Country; they will have the Arch-bishop of Canterbury as their prisoner; they will banish Monsieur Con. which they call the Man of the Pope; they demand the banishment of the Catholics there; this is that they demand.
The King hath never yet opened his mouth to his Counsel of these affairs, neither hath he consulted with any soul living hereupon, but the Bishop of Canterbury; and forasmuch as I can learn, all their counsel tendeth to this, that there must be an Army raised in Ireland, to tame these Rebels, the which Counsel men of State hold far more dangerous: and so it is feared that they may call the Palatine in for their King.
Your most humble and affectionate servant, G T.
This 28. of June.
There was another Letter of the same date writ to one Monsieur Ford at Paris, by another Priest or Jesuit, (as I conceive) but certainly a Papist, wherein there are these Passages.
My Deare, &c.
Our Scots business troubles us shrewdly, and grows worse and worse; they will have a Parliament, and the King, for the consequence of it in this Kingdom, will never permit it; and so they have taken a resolution to levy an Army in Ireland, so to trouble them and subdue them; which is held here by wise men, to be a very desperate Counsel: But the King counsels NONE BUT THE ARCHBISHOP AND THE DEPUTY of Ireland, which disgusts all; and makes men see more weakness in him then was ever imagined. Other news we have none. Fitton (the Agent for the secular Priests at Rome ) is here, and was presented to the King by my Lord Arundel, to whom he had sent from Italy many little toys, but now he knows he is a Priest. I pray you tell my dear Amiable, I thank him heartily for his note, and have seen his man Iaques Depuis, who is a good cutter or graver in stone, and continues Catholic, honest, and known to the Capucins,
Yours as you know, W. Hoill.
This 28. June.
(A Postscript.)This Letter to John Foord is monstrable TO FATHER SVPERIOVR, because you must give him one enclosed from me.
This very Postscript makes me believe both Hoill and Foord to be Jesuits▪
How active and industrious both the English and Scottish Jesuits were in fomenting the Scottish Commotions, Wars, upon what terms and designs the Papists promised the King their assistance in those wars, refusing to aid him therein, except he would grant them a freetoleration of their Religion, yea resolving to poison him with an Italian fig, in case he condescended not to their demands; and to seize upon the Princes person, and train him up in their Religion, you may read at large in my Rome's Master-piece, from the discovery of one who was sent from Rome by Cardinal Barbarino into England to assist Con the Popes Nuncio, and privy to the whole Plot, which he revealed out of conscience. How forwards the Irish Papists were to assist the King and Prelates, in this unnatural war against the Scots; and what large contributions they gave towards the maintenance of the War, by the instigation of Sir Toby Matthews (a lesuite) who went over with the Lord Deputy Wentworth into Ireland for this purpose, to animate and stir up the Popish party there, to this Pontifical and Prelatical war, their Subsidies there granted in Parliament 1639. and the Prologue thereunto, with the Rise and Progress of the Irish Rebellion published by Authority of Parliament, will sufficiently demonstrate, to justify the Jesuits forementioned Letters, and intelligence to be no fancy, but a real verity.
How the Arch-bishop carried on this design of the war against the Scots in England, I shall give you a brief account out of his own, Sir John Lambs, and Secretary Windebankes Papers.
The 9. of September, 1638. The Arch-bishop received from some great man in Scotland a paper thus indorsed with his own hand. 1. That the Garrison • ought to be kept at Barwick and Carlisle: First, for Defense: secondly, for Nurceries. 3. That the Affaires of Scotland ought not to be kept so reserved from the Council of England. And the paper begins thus: That the Scottish have a great desire to ruin 102. (a Character for the Arch-bishop) you need not doubt it, &c. I beseech your Lordship not to overcharge yourself by writing to me but at your best leisure, &c. After which he advised the keeping of Garrisons at Barwick and Carlisle, &c.
In December, the Arch-bishop received this paper from Sir John Burrowes thus in dorsed with the Bishops own hand: Rece. Decemb. 31. 1638. Sir John Burrowes: A brief Note out of the Records, what the King may do for raising of men in case of a war with Scotland.
Observations concerning war with Scotland, out of Records.
SUch Lord's and others as had lands and livings upon the Borders, were commanded to reside there, with their retinue.
Those that had Castles near the Borders, were enjoined to fortify them.
The Lord's of the Kingdom were summoned by writ to attend the Kings Army with Horse and Armor at a certain time and place, according to their service due to the King: or to repair to the Exchequer before that day, there to make Fine for their said service.
So were all Widows Dowagers of such Lord's as were deceased.
So were all Bishops and Ecclesiastical persons.
Proclamations were likewise made by the Sheriffs in every County, that all men holding of the King by knights service or sergeancy, should come to the Kings Army, or make Fine as aforesaid: with a strict command that none should conceal their service under a great penalty:
Like Proclamations were made, that all men having 40. l. land by the year, should come to the Kings Army with Horse and Armor.
The Earl Marshall made a Roll, and entered the appearance of all such as came and tendered their service.
If any failed to come, or to make Fine, their Lands, Tenements, Goods, and Chattels, were distrayned by the Sheriff upon summons out of the Exchequer.
If any pleaded, that he had attended, he was discharged upon certificate out of the Marshals Roll, testifying that he had done his service.
If any being come, did depart before the war ended, their Lands, Tenements, Goods, and Chattles were seized until they had made Fine, or the King had pardoned their offense.
Commissions went out for levying of men in every County, and bringing them to the Kings Army.
Like Commissions were made for mustering and arraying the Clergy throughout England.
Commissions were likewise issued to inquire and punish all Bailiffs, and other Officers, that for reward had suffered Soldiers to depart before they came to the Kings Army.
The King appointed certain Captains in such Counties as bordered upon Scotland, to levy able men in those Counties, and to bring them with their Horse and Arms to the Kings Army.
Those of the bordering shires were commanded to be ready at eight days warning, to come unto the Kings Army well armed: and Commissions were made for punishing such as refused.
Writs were sent into several Counties for certifying the King what number of Horse and Foot every County could afford him in his wars of Scotland.
The Clergy of England furnished the King with a proportion of armed men.
The Ports were summoned to attend with their service of shipping.
The Constable of Dover Castle was commanded to guard the Ports, lest any by coming in or going out there, should bring danger to the Kingdom.
The Sheriffs of Counties were commanded by writ to make provisions of corn and victuals for the Kings Army, and to cause them to be carried to the place appointed.
Writs also were sent to divers Towns of England and Ireland, commanding all Merchants to bring provisions to the Kings Army.
Ships of the Subject were taken up for transporting those provisions to a place assigned.
Inhibitions were made, that no victuals or other munition should be transported beyond the Seas during the war.
Divers Subsidies and Fifteens granted to the King by the Subject towards the war.
Merchants strangers gave the King aid of money towards the wars of Scotland, and lent him divers sums.
Those of Wales furnished the King with a proportion of money toward the war.
The Lord's and Clergy of Ireland were required to contribute toward the war.
The King suspended the payment of his debts for a certain time, in regard of the great occasions he had to use money in the wars of Scotland. Note that no particular Records were cited or produced to warrant the Premises.
In January he received another Paper from him, which he thus indorseth with his own hand: Rece. Ian. 29. what was fit to be done in point of danger from the Scots, Sir Io. Burrowes.
When War was intended against Scotland, three things were heretofore taken into special care.
First, how to raise Horse and Foot, Victuals, Ammunition, Money, and other necessaries for that service.
Secondly, how to secure the Seas and Sea coasts of the Kingdom, from danger of foreign attempts, while the Kings forces were employed in those Northern parts.
Thirdly, how to provide for the preservation of the peace of the kingdom within it self, against riots, mutinies, and rebellions whereunto ill conditioned and desperate persons at such times are easily moved.
The first of these hath already in some special points been expressed.
For the second, touching the guard of the Seas, sufficient provision is made by the late course taken.
And for securing the Sea coasts,
1. The Forts near the Sea were fortified and furnished with men and munition.
2. All persons that had possessions and estates in mari • ine Counties, were commanded by Proclamation to reside there, with their families and retinues.
3. Beacons were erected in all fitting places.
4. Certain light Horse were appointed by the Country to watch along the Sea coasts, to give advertisement if danger appeared.
5. All able men of those Counties were commanded to be sufficiently armed and trained, and put into Companies and Bands under certain Leaders, who were to be commanded by someone General appointed by the King.
Concerning the peace of the Kingdom.
1. All conventicles and secret meetings were straightly forbidden by Proclamation, and parties offending severely punished.
2. All spreaders of Rumours, and tale-bearers were by Proclamation commanded to be taken and imprisoned.
3. All able men between 16 and 60 years of age in every shire were commanded to be sufficiently armed and trained, and to obey such Generals as the King appointed.
4. Such as were not able in body to bear Arms, but had Estates, were to maintain at their charges such able men as were appointed in their rooms.
The very same day the Archbishop procures this ensuing warrant from the Council Table to himself and the Archbishop of York, to write letters to all the Bishops within their several Diocese, to summon their Clergy before them, to excite them to a liberal contribution against the Scots.
At White Hall the 29. of January, 1638.
IT was this day ordered by his Majesty sitting in Council, That the Lord's Archbishops of Canterbury and York their Graces should be hereby required and commanded to write their letters to all the Lord's Bishops in their several Provinces respectively, forthwith to convene before them all the Clergy of ability in their Dioceses, and to incite them by such ways and means as shall be thought best by their Lordships, to aid and assist his Majesty with their speedy and liberal contributions, or otherwise, for the defense of his Royal Person, and of this Kingdom, against the seditious attempts of some in Scotland. And that the same be sent to the Lord Treasurer of England with all diligence.
Tho. Coventry C. S. Guilliel. London, H. Manchester, I. Lenox, Lind • ey, Arundel & Surrey, Dorset, Pembroke & Mongomery, Holland, Fra. Cottington, H. Vane, I. Coke, Fran. Windebanke.
But doubting of the validity of this warrant for such a contribution, he of late procured this warrant written with his own hand (antedated two days before the Council Table Order) to be signed by his Majesty, to help him at a pinch.
Charles Rex.
CAnterbury, I require you to write your Letters to your Brethren the Bishops, for a contribution of the Clergy towards my affairs with my Scottish Subjects, as was done in my Fathers time for the Palatinate. And for your so doing this shall be your warrant.
Jan. 27. 1638.
That this Warrant was since forged by him, to which he procured the Kings hand, is apparent, not only by the freshness of the ink, but by the very Letter he writ to the Bishops of his Province to set on this Contribution, dated the last of January: which mentions only the Lord's Order, but not one syllable of this Warrant of the King; which, if real, he would have recited in the first place: His Letters were all of this form, two whereof I have signed with his own hand; and thus endorsed; A Copy of those Letters which by Warrant from the Lord's, I wrote to the several Bishops within my Province, &c. in the business of Scotland.
My very good Lord.
I Have received an Order from the Lord's of his Majesty's most Honorable Privy-Council, giving me notice of the great preparations made by some in Scotland, both of Arms, and all other necessaries for War. And that this can have no other end then to invade, or annoy this his Majesty's Kingdom of England: For his Majesty, having a good while since most graciously yielded to their demands for securing the Religion by Law established amongst them, hath made it appear to the World, That it is not Religion, but Sedition that stirs in them, and fills them with this most irreligious disobedience, which at last breaks forth into a high degree of Treason against their Lawfull Sovereign. In this case of so great danger, both to the State and Church of England, your Lordship, I doubt not, and your Clergy under you, will not only be vigilant against the close workings of any Pretenders in that kind, but very free also to your power and proportion of means left to the Church, to contribute towards the raising of such an Army, as, by God's blessing, and his Majesty's care, may secure this Church and Kingdom from all intended violence. And according to the Order sent unto me by the Lord's (a Copy whereof you shall herewith receive:) these are to pray your Lordship to give a good example in your own person; And withal convenient speed to call your Clergy and the abler School-Masters (as well those which are in peculiars, as others) and excite them by yourself, or such Commissioners as you will answer for, to contribute to this great and necessary service, in which, if they give not a good example, they will be much to blame. But you are to call no poor Curates, nor Stipendaries, but such as in other legal ways of payment have been and are by Order of Law bound to pay. The proportion I know not well how to prescribe to you, but I hope they of your Clergy, whom God hath blessed with better Estates then ordinary, will give freely, and thereby help the want of means in others: And I hope also your Lordship will so order it, as that every man will at the least give after the proportion of three shillings ten pence in the pound of the valuation of his living, or other preferment, in the Kings Books. And this, I thought fit to let you further know, That if any men have double Benefices, or a Benefice and a Prebende, or the like, in divers Dioceses; yet your Lordship must call upon them only for such preferments as they have within your Diocese, and leave them to pay for any other which they hold, to that Bishop in whose Diocese their other preferments are. As for the time, your Lordship must use all the diligence you can, and send up the moneys, if it be possible, by the first of May next: And for your Indemnity, the Lord Treasurer is commanded to give you such discharge, by striking a Talley, or Talleys upon your several payments into the Exchequer, as shall be fit to secure you without your charge: And of this service you must not fail. So to God's blessed protection I leave you, and rest
Your Lordships very loving Friend and Brother W. Cant.
Lambeth, Ianuar. ult. 1638.
Your Lordships must further be pleased to send up a List of the names of such as refuse this service within your Diocese; but I hope none will put you to that trouble.
It is expected that your Lordship, and every other Bishop, express by it self, and not in the general sum of his Clergy, that which himself gives.
On the eleventh of February 1638. he wrote this Letter to Sir John Lamb (his creature) Dean of the Arches, for a Contribution among the Doctors of the Law at Doctors Commons and elsewhere without Warrant; the Original whereof I found among Sir John Lambes sequestered writings, together with the first draught of it with the Archbishops own hand-writing.
I Have received a Warrant from the Lord's of His Majesty's most honorable Privy-Council, which requires me to write to all the Bishops in my Province, to call their Clergy together, and put them in mind of the great danger which this Kingdom is in, by the Trayterous Conspiracies of some ill-affected in Scotland: These seditious persons have begun and continued hitherto their foul Disloyalty under the pretence of Religion, which by factious spirits in all times is made the cloak to cover and hide (if it might be) their designs. But now it appears clearly to the State that they daily strengthen themselves by Arms and Munition and other preparations for War: And though his Majesty hath graciously condescended to more then they could justly ask in all things concerning their Religion and their Laws, yet they go on still, and are satisfied with nothing but their Rebellious Disobedience, and have no less aim then to invade or annoy England. The Letters to the several Bishops, I have sent as I was commanded, and I doubt not but they and the Clergy in general will give very freely, towards this great and necessary defense of the Kingdom. And because this great and common danger cannot be kept off, but by a common defense; and for that the Reverend Judges and others of the Common-Law have bountifully expressed themselves already; I am required to write to you also, that you calling to you the rest of the Doctors of the Commons, propose to them now while most of them are together, this great and weighty business belonging as much to their defense as to other men's: and let every man set down what he will give to this service; When this is done, I will acquaint his Majesty with it, and yours and their forwardness herein: And it is expected that you hasten this with all convenient speed. So to God's blessed protection I leave you and rest
Your very loving friend, W. Cant.
Lambeth Feb. 11. 1638.
You must send to such Chancellors and Officials as are not at the Commons, but at their several Residencies: And if you give them a good example here, I doubt not but they will follow it.
You shall not need to call Sir H. Martin, for his Majesty will send to him himself, and looks for a greater sum then in an ordinary way.
Upon these Letters of the Archbishop, the Bishops in each Diocese summoned their Clergy before them, exhorted them by public speeches, to a liberal contribution against the Scottish Rebels (as they styled them) and Dr. Pierce Bishop of Bath and Wells, among other Motives, used this as a very effectual one to excite his Clergy to an extraordinary liberality towards the maintenance of this War, because it was BELLVM EPISCOPALE, an Episcopal War (raised by them, and for the Bishops, to support their Lordly Power and Pomp) he might have added, that it was Bellum Pontificale too, which made the Papists contribute as largely towards it as the Prelates.
What the Total of the Clergies Contributions amounted to, you may conjecture by these particulars found among the Archbishops Papers.
- The Contribution of the Clergy in the Diocese of Canterbury, as appears by Mr. William Cranmer's Account, An. 1639. amounted to 534. l. 5. s. 3. d.
- Of the Dean and Prebends of the Cathedral of Canterbury 300. l.
- Bangor Diocese 192. l. 8. s. 8. d.
- Bristol Diocese 714. l. 11. s. 8. d
- Chichester Diocese 985. l. 16. s.
- Eli Diocese 764. l. 8. s.
- Gloucester Diocese 566. l. 7. s. 5. d
- Hereford Diocese 662. l. 1. s. 3. d
- Lincoln diocese, in Bedford 315. l. 19. s. 6. d
- In the Archdeaconry of St. Albans in Hertfordshire 72. l. 12. s. 4. d.
- In the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon 209. l. 14. s. 6. d.
- Norwich Dioces in the Arcdeaconry of Norwich and Norfolk 1094. l. 16. s. 8. d.
- In the Archdeaconry of Suffolk and Sudbury 921. l. 19. s. 9. d.
- Winchester Diocese 1305. l. 5. s. 8. d.
- Worcester Diocese 624. l. 19. s. 7. d.
- The Dean and Chapt. of Windsor 200. l.
What was contributed in other Dioceses, I find not among his Papers, but in all these forementioned, every particular Clergy-man's contribution is specified by Name, and the Names of those who refused, or were unable to contribute, were specially certified, and returned to the Archbishop.
The contribution of the Doctors of the Civil Law at Doctors Commons, as appears by several Notes under Sir John Lambs own hand, found among his Writings, amounts to—671. l. 13. s. 4. d. paid in besides remains.
What sums were paid into the Exchequer by the Archbishop himself upon this Collection, will appear by this Extract out of the Pell, in the Receipts of the Exchequer.
| In Pelle Recept. Termino Mich. An. R. Caroli 14. Sabbathi, 15. Martii, 1638 | |||
| Anglia. | A Reverendissimo in Christo patrae Willielmo Cant. Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primat. & Metropol. 100. l. de Denar▪ per ipsum recept. ex dono Thomae Rowe in sacra Theolog. doctor. nup. defunct. versus defensionem Regni.— | 100. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Veneris duodecimo Aprilis, 1638. | |||
| Cantuar. Dioc. | A Decano & Capit. Eccles. Cathed. Christi Cant. ut don. suum spontaneum versus defense. Regni per manus Reverendis. in Christo patris Willielmi Archiep. ibid. solut.— | 300. l. sol. | |
| Termino Pasche Anno Reg: Caroli 15. Martis ultimo Aprilis; 1639. | |||
| A Archiepis. ib. per Williel. Cranmer Gen. 502. l. 12. s. 9. d. de Denar. per ipsum recept. de diversis clericis infra Dioc. pred. ut don. S: spontan. versus defensionem Regni. | 502. l. 12. s. 9. | ||
| Eodem Termino Mercurii primo Maii, 1639. | |||
| Lincoln Dioc. | A Willielmo Archiep. Cant. coll. Denar. ut don. spontanea Cleri infra dios. predict. 473. l. 13. s. 8. d. versus defensionem Regni in hac expeditione S. Majestatis in partes boreal. per Matthew Leak Gen. solut.— | 473. l. 13. s. 8d | |
| Eodem Termino, Anno & die. | |||
| A Willielmo Archiepiscopo Cant. coll. Denar. ut don. spontan. cleri infra dioc. predict. versus defensionem Regni in hac expeditione suae Majestatis in partes boreal. per William Rolf Gen. solut.— | 209. l. 14. s. 6d | ||
| Termino Paschae Anno Reg: Caroli 15. Iovis 13. die Maii, 1639. | |||
| Anglia. | A Reverendissimo in Christo patre Domino Williel. Cant. Archiep. 500. l. de Denar. per ipsum recept. de quadam persona cujus nomen concelari desideratur, dat. versus defensionem Regni.— | 500. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Sabbathi, 4. Maii, 1639. | |||
| Lincoln. | Willielmo Archiep. Cantuar. col. Denar. ut don. spontan. cleri infra dioc. predict. versus defensionem Regni in hac expeditions S. Majestatis in partes boreal. per G • alter Walker Gen. Comiss. come. Bed. solut:— | 315. l. 19. s. 6d | |
| Eodem Termino Martis 14. Maii, 1639. | |||
| Anglia. | A Reverendissimo in Christo patre Williel. Archiep. Cant. ut don. spontaneum clerici ignoti versus defension. Regni. | 87. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Lunae, 20. Maii, 1639. | |||
| Cantuar. Dioc. | A Reverendissimo in Christo patre Williel. Archiep. Cant. 20. l. ut dom. spont. clerici ignoti versus defense. Regni.— | 20. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Martis 28. Maii, 1639. | |||
| Lincoln Dioc. | A Willielmo Archiep. Cant. coll. Denar. ut don. spont. cleri infra dioc. pred. versus defense. Regni in hac exped. S. Majestatis in partes boreal per Johan. Cross, Gen. solut. | 289. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Mercurii, 15. Iunii, 1639. | |||
| Cantuar. Dioc. | A Reverendissimo in Christo patre Williel. Archiep. ibid. ut donum spontaneum clerici ignoti versus defense. Regni.— | 20. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Mercurii, 19. Iunii, 1639. | |||
| Cantuar. Dioc. | Archiep. ibid. per Willielmo Cranmer Gen. 31. l. 12. s. 6. d. de Denar. per ipsum recept. de diversis clericis infra dioc. predict. ut donum S. spontaneum versus defense. Regni. | 31. l. 12. s. 6d | |
| Eodem Termino Mercurii, 26. Iunii, 1639. | |||
| Cantuar. Dioc. | A Reverendissimo in Christo patre Williel. Archiepiscopo ibidem 500. l. ut donum suum spontaneum versus defensionem. Regni.— | 500. l. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Anno & die. | |||
| Lincoln. Dioc. | A Williel. Archiep. Cant. coll. Denar. ut dona spont. cleri infra dioc. predict. 38. l. 6. s. 8. d. versus defense. Regni in hac expedit. S. Majest. in partes boreal. per W. Rolf, Gen. sol. | 38. l. 6. s. 8. d. | |
| Eodem Termino Mercurii, 3. Iulii, 1639. | |||
| Lincoln. | A Willielmo Archiepiscopo Cant. coll. Denar. ut dona spontan. Cleri infra Dioc. predict. versus defensionem Regni in hac expeditione S. Majestatis in partes boreal. per Walter Walker, Gen. Comiss. Com. Bed. solut. | 13. l. 12. s. sol. | |
| Eodem Termino Veneris, 26. Iulii, 1639. | |||
| Lincoln. | A Willielmo Archiepiscopo Cant. 3. l. ut dona spontanea cleri infra dioc. predict. versus defensionem Regni in hac expeditione S. Majestatis in partes boreal. per Iohannem Farmery Iuris Civilis D • ctor▪ solut. | 3. l. sol. | |
| Summa totalis | 4401. l. 11. s. 7. d. |
How ready the Popishly affected Clergy were to contribute to this War, will evidently appear by this Letter of Doctor John Pocklington (who wrote Sunday no Sabbath ) to Sir John Lamb, among whose Papers I found it.
SIR,
ON Thursday, and Friday last, the Clergy met at Bedford, before Mr. Commissary, Mr. Thorn, and my Self: We found them willing to contribute as much as was propounded; The poorest that gave anything at all, gave no less then 3. s. 10. d. in the pound, without deduction of Tenths: The most gave after 4. s. some after 5. s. some after 6. s. in the pound: Much of the money is paid in, and I suppose it will be all in Mr. Commissaryes hands by the 26. of this month the day appointed for the payment. I doubt not but the Clergy of England will teach the Ministers of Scotland Duty and Obedience; And if their Laity will be taught the like by ours, His Majesty I hope will have a royal and joyful Progress into Scotland; which God grant.
At this meeting I understood that Doctor Mickle-thwait is the man in nomination for Sandy: He is my old acquaintance, and very good friend, whom I love with all my heart, for I take him to be a right man for the Church; and if it might please God that he might be better accommodated nearer his own means, I think we should mutually rejoice.
No parsonage of England could sit me better then Sandy: It is of good value, it would draw me out of that corner where my stirring for the Church-rights makes me less acceptable with some great hands: It brings me into the neighbor-hood of my best friends, Doctor More, and Doctor Martin, and sets me within a small distance of Bedford, where I shall be ready at hand to assist any service for the Church and King, though I am not ignorant that my devotion that way hath done me no great good amongst some, no mean ones; and paradventure Mr. Thorn may suffer a little for such employments.
To Mr. Thorn I shown your Letter, and he shown me Wallingers Petition to the Lord's; To him I spake nothing at all about it; but I beseech you give me leave to vent my thoughts of it to you: The hands that delivered it may be a Commoners of Bedford; but the head that devised it, hath the countenance of a Commissary, rather then a Commoner of that Town; the inditer maketh familiar use of divers words that come not within the Cognisance, nor liberty of the Town of Bedford: Their Charter surely reacheth not to take up errors and strayes of youth, that are laid hold on at Oxford; I am afraid that some retainers to the Commissaryes Court cast an evil eye upon him, because it is like enough he may cast an eye upon some evil, that may be done there.
I shall not easily believe that either Smith late vicar of St. Paul's, or Collyer have trained up their Auditors to be so zealous to have the King prayed for according to Canon. I would to God they and all the Churches of England might be tried with a Prayer for the Kings happy journey, and joyful return out of Scotland, to see how zealously they would pray for the conversion, or confusion of their own Faction, and how they would make the Pulpits ring with invectives against Puritan Rebellion and Traitors, which as yet are silent enough. When Treason and Rebels is with like zeal detested, and declaimed against in Puritans, as in Papists; I shall believe there is some Religion and Piety in that Generation.
Sir, you will pardon me if I am thus profuse and loose with you; where I have not a window to the heart, I am reserved and close enough. Thus with remembrance of my due respects and best wishes, I rest,
At your service ever to be commanded, John Pocklington.
Yevelden, March 4. 1638.
The King asisted with these Contributions, raised an Army, and marched into the North against the Scots, departing from London North-ward March 27. 1639, and through God's blessing on the 17, of June following, a happy Pacification and Agreement was concluded and ratified between His Majesty and His Subjects of Scotland, and thereupon the Armies disbanding, and all parties returned home with much joy and contentment.
But Canterbury upon his Majesty's return, disliking the Articles of Accomodation as prejudicial to the Lordly Prelacie, and giving overmuch Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the general Assembly of Scotland, was very much discontented and offended at this happy Pacification, styling, it a very dishonorable Peace to His Majesty, and exceeding prejudicial to the Church; telling His Majesty, that it was made by a company of hunting Lord's, who regarded their own sports and pleasures, more then His Majesty's honor, or the honor and safety of the Church and Realm; and by his violent importunity, caused His Majesty to dissolve and Nullifie the Pacification, as dishonorable; And by Proclamation dated August 11. 1639. to call in some papers dispersed concerning the Pacification, as scandalous, ordering them to be publicly burnt by the hand of the common Hangman, engaging His Majesty in a new resolution to subdue the Scots, and establish both a Lordly Prelacy and Liturgy amongst them, by force of Arms.
Which being resolved on by the persuasion of this Arch-Incendiary, he thereupon projects and resolves upon new ways of raising moneys without a Parliament by way of Loane, and thereupon combines with Windebank to send for several Officers, Judges, Servants of the King and Queen, and others before the Lord's of the Council, to lend such fums of money towards the raising of a new Army, and maintaining of a new War against the Scots, as he was pleased to prescribe.
Hereupon, in November 1639. by the Arch-bishops directions and procurement, divers Persons were sent for before the Council Table to lend and contribute towards the maintenance of this civil War, on whom they imposed several sums before hand, which they must be enforced to contribute, as appears by these several Lists under Windebanks hand:
-
14. Novemb. 1639. A List of those that are to Lend.
- Mr. Justice Crawley 500. l.
- Mr. Justice Rives 500. l.
- Mr. Solicitor Herbert 500. l.
- Mr. Surveyor 1000. l.
- Mr. Comptroller 500. l.
- Sir Robert Banaster 1000. l.
- Sir Paul Pinder 50000. l.
- Mr. Henly 6000. l.
- Strangers 20000. l.
- Danby 10000. l.
- Gib 10000. l.
December 5. 1639. (as the Arch-bishops Diary informs us) The King Declared His resolution for a Parliament in case of the Sottish Rebellion; The fi • sst movers of it were the Lord Deputy of Ireland, & the Archbishop; and a resolution voted at the Board, to assist the King in extraordinary ways, if the Parliament should prove peevish and refuse to grant Subsidies to maintain this War; the calling of this Parliament being made but a Stale to serve this Archprelates papal ends and designs against the Scots.
And to testify this, he most illegally in February 1639. (after Writs for calling this Parliament issued) caused this list of names and sums to be given in to the council Table, of Parties that must lend the sums assessed by him for support of these Wars, who were sent for accordingly before the Lord's, and many of them there enforced to lend:
- Sir Henry Martin 3000. l.
- Sir John Lamb 2000. l.
- Dr. Duck 1500. l.
- Dr. Eden 1500. l.
- Sir Nathaniel Brent 500. l.
- Mr. of the Roles. 2000. l.
- Sir Edward Leech 2000. l.
- The six Clearks 6000. l.
- The Lady Cambden 5000. l.
- Baron Westo • 500. l.
- Baron Trevor 4000. l.
- Baron Hendon 3000. l.
- Sir Thomas Fanshew 1000. l.
- Sir Peter Osborne 1000. l.
- Sir Robert Pye 2000. l.
- Sir Edward Sawyer 500. l.
- Sir Charles Herbert 1000. l.
- Sir Edward Powell 2000. l.
- Sir Sidney Montague 2000. l.
- Sir Ralph Freema • 2000. l,
- Mr. John Packer 1000. l.
- Morley 2000. l.
- Massam 4000. l.
- Surveyor of the Works 1000. l.
- Sir Richard Wynne 3000. l.
- James Maxwell 2000. l.
- Patrick Mall 20 • 0. l.
- James Leviston 1000. l.
- George Kirk 2000. l.
- William Murrey 1000. l.
- Henry Murrey 2000. l.
- E • dymion Porter 1000. l.
- Sir Henry Mildmay 2000. l.
- Sir William Udall 1000. l.
- Sir Edward Varne 1000. l.
- Sir Richard Younge 1000. l.
- Mr. Audley 4000. l.
- Sir Miles Fleetwood 1000. l.
- Sir Benjamin Rudiard 500. l.
- The Attorny of the Wards 1000. l.
- Mr. Chamberlin 1000. l.
- The Attorny of the Duchy 500. l.
- Mr. Cofferor 3000. l.
- Sir Thomas Merry 2000. l.
- Mr. Fenner 1000. l.
- Sir Richard Manley 500. l.
- Mr. Comptroler of the Works 500. l.
- Lord Chief Justice Branst • n 500. l.
- Mr. Justice Barkley 1000. l.
- Mr. Justice Crook 1000. l.
- Sir Thomas Hatten 1000. l.
- Sir John Winter 1000. l.
- Mr. Attorny Ball 500. l.
- Mr. Solicitor Winne 500. l.
- Serjeant Whitfield 500. l.
- Mr. Justice Jones 500. l.
- Mr. Henly 5000. l.
- Lord Chief Justice Litleton 1000. l.
- Solicitor Lane 500. l.
In this Schedule there we •• divers names of Noblemen and others inserted with blanks left for the sums they were to lend: And the Officers of Star-chamber, Chancery & other Courts here omitted, were likewise therein ordered to be sent for; under which the Archbishop with his own hand writ these directions, To cal upon the Lord Keeper for these Names: Call for Names: Which clearly manifests this sending for all these to lend the sums here specified to be his project; and that he was the chief Actor in these Assessments of them: The most of whom were enforced to lend; 38000. l. being subscribed before the Lord's of the Council by some of these persons in one day, and 10000. l. another day, as appears by a Note under Windebanks hand.
Moreover, I found this ensuing List of Names and Sums under Windebanks hand. 6. March 1639. Kings Servants to be warned on Friday.
These in this Paper now absent, to be sent for against Wednesday, to Mr. Solicitor Herbert.
- gr. —Sir Gdward Griffin 1000. l.
- gr. —Sir Edward Savage 500.
- respect. • Sir John Trevor 1000.
- Mr. John Frecheville 500.
- gr. • Sir John Maynard 500.
- Sir Henry Herbert 1000.
- Sir Francis Vincent 500.
- Sir John Smith 500.
- Sir Thomas Walsingham 500.
- Mr. Solicitor 500.
- Sir Lionel Palmage 2000.
- gr.—Mr. Thomas Fotherley 500.
- refus. Sir William Ashton 500.
- Sir Thomas Richardson 1000.
- gr.—Mr. Edmund Windham 500.
- gr.—Mr. Pye 3000.
- Mr. John: Manors of Hadden 2000.
- Massam 2000.
- He will give his own Bond; the Lord's will bring it down to 1000. l.
- Mr. William Walter 500.
- Mr. Edmund Dunch 500.
- gr.—Capt. Richard Crane 500.
- Sir Thomas Ashton 500.
- Mr. William Coryt • n 500.
- gr.— Sir James Thynne 3000.
- gr.— Sir Henry Newton 1000.
- resp. • Mr. Henry Frederick Thynne 2000.
- Sir Ralph Hopton 500.
- Sir William Savile 1000.
- gr.—Mr. James Maxwell 2000.
- Mr. Patrick Mawle 2000.
- He is to do what he can.
- gr.—Mr. James Levingston • 000.
- gr.—Mr. George Kirk 2000.
- gr.—Mr. William Murray 1000.
- gr.—Mr. Henry Murray 1000.
- gr.—Mr. Endymion Porter 1000.
How much of these sums were lent or contributed I cannot certainly define, but on April 13. 1640. the Parliament called about the Scots assembled, wherein many Subsidies were demanded to be presently granted and levied before any grievances redressed: in conclusion after much debate, the Parliament on the 5. of May was suddenly dissolved, and no Subsidies given; but then the Convocation was continued by the Archbishops means; who granted the King a large Benevolence to continue for 3. whole years in nature of 3. entire Subsidies, to maintain this war (against all Law) to be paid in and levied under severest penalties, (of which more in due place) and made 17. Canons exceeding prejudicial to the Kings Prerogative, the Parliaments & Subjects Liberties, in justifying and establishing divers Popish Innovations in Religion, in affront of the Parliament; upon whose dissolution, divers illegal means were set on foot by Canterbury and his Confederates, to raise monies to support this war, as forced Loans, (divers Aldermen of London being imprisoned in the Tower, for refusing to certify names of Persons within their several Wards for to lend) by enforcing Shipmoney, Coat and Conduct money, in the Countries, more then ever: By Commanding by a special Proclamation, Aug. 20. 1640. all the Nobility, Knights, Gentlemen, and those who held Lands of the King, to attend him at the Army, with horses, men and arms, in this service according to their abilities and estates. Hereupon a great Army was raised in the North, and a bloody war likely to have ensued, but that God by his overruling Providence happily appeased it without bloodshed, by a Treaty first, and then by an Act of Pacification and Oblivion passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms.
What Tumults and Libels, the Archbishops breaking the first Pacification with the Scots, and after that the Parliament, occasioned, to the endangering of his Person, you may read out of his own Diary in the Breviate of his life, pag. 22, 23▪ which I will not repeat.
That he had the principal hand in exciting and directing these wars, will appear by the Lord Conwayes Letters to him, (who had then the Command of the Northern forces) the extracts of some whereof out of the very Originalls, I shall here present you with.
The first is thus Endorsed with the Archbishops own hand, Received Iunij, 12. 1640. my Lord Conway his Judgment concerning popular Tumults now in England,
May it please Your Grace,
I Have received two Letters from you, the one by Mr. Tre • orers conveyance, wherein you were pleased to let me know what the disorder at Lamb • eth was; the mutinies of the base multitude are not to be feared, nor to be neglected, the chief inciters are to be castigated and that quickly: if there were persons fitting to be Heads to a discontented multitude, there were some danger if those men could not be secured, but he that fears any Head that can be given to any discontented Body here in England, will be afraid like boys and women of a Turnep cut like a deaths head with a candle in it. All these accidents must be overcome with patience, dexterity, and courage; If the end whither one would go cannot be attained with that speed is desired, learn of Seamen to lie by a wind, and gain ground by boarding: I do assure myself, that if wise thoughts be with courage put in execution, all difficulties will be overcome; there must not be any fainting by the way, if the heart fail the legs will never leap over the d •• ch, and if courage be added to wisdom, a Prince is able to overcome any opposition; what things did the Duke of Savoy do with that small and inconsiderable Country, in respect of Spain and France, with one of which he was in continual opposition? what things did King Henry the seventh Governing well? what King Henry the eight Governing ill? and what doth not the Cardinal of Richelieu bring to pass if he have a desire to effect it? and all this is done only by considering how things should be done, and by causing them to be done, and all commands of what kind soever will be executed if he that commands hath power to reward and punish.
I do most Humbly thank your Grace for your favor to Mr. Neville, and if the cause were my own, I would not desire that any man should do more for me then what were very reasonable; if you think it not seasonable to move anything that may offend my Lord of Holland, I do believe that Captain Neville is a man of so much reason, as that he will think himself obliged to you for your good will; but I assure myself that there is not any less your friend then my Lord of Holland, and I believe that at all times you ought to take heed to yourself with him. And I think that at any time there is not any great danger in him, if the King be well with you; my Lord of Warwick is the Temporal Head of the Puritans, and my Lord of Holland is their Spiritual Head, or rather the one is their Visible Head, the other their Invisible Head; peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt, but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principal Pillar on which a whole Caballe must rely. I am extremely sorry for my Lord Lieutenant that he is again fallen ill, I wish his health, as I do my own, and I have reason so to do, for I have received more favors from him, then ever I did from any man.
If the times do grow Tempestuous, I do believe that you will find many a Sir Henry, but I will not for fear, be made to be other then
Your Graces most humble and most faithful Servant, Conway and Kilulta.
Newcstale, June 8. 1640.
The second is thus endorsed by him, Rece: Iunii 16. 1640, The Lo: Conway concerning the fortifying of Newcastle.
May it please your Grace:
THe King hath been pleased to call me into his service, and I shall not fail to serve him faithfully; and in all things wherei • I may advance the Kings service I will do it with my best endeavor; and if I should not do so I should use the King worse then I do other men; for to tell you truth under the seal of Confession, the faults that I commit are against myself, not against other men. This Town of Newcastle I believe may be fortified in such manner as that an enemy may be kept off until an Army might be brought to relieve it: the profit that will be to the King is, that the Country will be better assured if they have a place whither they may retire if there be danger, and the Country will be pleased that the King doth take care of them: this enclosed paper will tell you the means whereby Money may be raised to effect this; and from the doing of it this benefit will arise to the King, that he may make this a constant Revenue to himself; they will I believe be brought to do this willingly for their own safety, which they will never know how to put off from themselves, and it will be a fair example for others to follow; if you will get it resolved on while the power that I have here doth continue, which will not now that the Army is coming hither be long, I will do my best to get it effected; If you think this to be out of your way, I desire your pardon for giving you the trouble; but knowing you to be faithful to the Kings service, and not knowing very many that would be sincere in a Proposition for the King to lay any imposition, I did think it a necessity. I do not hear yet so good news of my Lord Lieutenants health as I do desire, his loss would be irreparable to the King, and to all his friends; but I hope he will recover, which God grant: I have not any way abilities in me to serve you as he may, but such as I am I shall not fail to be:
Your Graces most humble and most faithful servant, Conway and Kilulta.
Newcastle, June 13. 1640.
Whereas it is conceived to be needful, that some Fortifications be presently made without the Walls, for the safety of the Town of Newcastle, which will require a great charge both for the erecting and keeping the same; For the raising of Moneys to that purpose, these four Propositions are to be considered of:
IMprimis, Whereas this new Corporation of Masters of Ships, have imposed of every several Master who shall carry Coals, from either Newcastle or Sunderland the payment of 2. d. per. Cha. of Coals so carried; which doth amount unto 1300. l. per annum at least, which they say is for the maintenance of their Corporation: Now forasmuch as the moneys thus paid doth arise forth of the purses of those, which are owners of Ships according to their several parts, of which number abundance of them are no members of that Corporation, therefore ought not to be Assessed for this purpose: It is therefore desired, that this 2. d. per. Cha. henceforth may be paid for two or three years, or as long as need shall be for the use above mentioned, and then quite to • urcease; it being both reasonable and just, that moneys thus raised should be employed for the public good, and not for any particular society. And in case it be alleged, that they have spent much moneys in procuring their Pattent to be a Corporation; It may be answered, they have received these moneys two years already, which is more then they can have expended; and besides, they have and do still receive a Mark at least of everyone they make free, which doth arise to a great sum of Moneys, for they make many free every year.
2. That as much be paid upon every Chaldron of Coal • , for the same use, by those who sell the same, for the same time and no longer.
3. That there be as much paid upon every Chaldron of Coals, which is laden from Sunderland, both by the seller and buyer as is paid at Newcastle, and during the same time; for otherwise all the small Ships will go from that place, which will hurt Newcastle very much and be distasteful.
4. That all common Brewers, and all others who brew strong Ale or Beer to sell, shall pay so much of every Tun, as shall be thought fitting: And likewise all those who sell Tobacco.
The third is thus endorsed, Lo. Conway, Rece: Iulii 11. 1644. The consideration about execution of Martial Law.
May it please your Grace:
THe Deputy Lieutenants and Captain Alcocke did send me a fierce Alarm from Cars • ie, desiring me to send them five hundred horse, because the Scots are within a few days at Dumfrise, seven or eight thousand, with which Army they mean to fall into Cumberland, but I am slow in answering the spurr, because the advertisement of the Scotch preparations on this side are not such as that they may be much feared as yet: In my opinion the Scots will not come into England, but least they should go against the rules of right reason, I do provide as if they were coming: The horse are now come to the North part of Yorkshire, into Cleveland, the foot about Selby were disorderly, and took out of Prison those that were committed; but now a Guard is set upon the prison, and they begin to be better in order.
One thing I will tell you, and shall desire that you will speak with my Lord Lieutenant in it: I did write to him of it, but I have not heard anything from him, so that I think that in his sickness, believing that my Letter did only contain news of Scotland, he did not read it; the business is this; My Lord of Northumberland did write to me, that having had occasion to look into the power he hath to give Commissions, the Lawyers and Judges are all of opinion that Martial Law cannot be executed here in England, but when an enemy is really near to an Army of the Kings, and that it is necessary that both my Lord of Northumberland and myself do take a pardon for the man that was executed here for the mutiny; if this be so, it is all one as to break the Troopes, for so soon as it shall be known there will be no obedience; therefore put some remedy to this by all means very speedily: there are now here in prison two men for killing of men, and the Provost Martial for letting them scape out of Prison, although he took them again: I do forbear to call them to a Court of War, neither dare I tell the reason why I do not, being often urged, but suffer them to think me negligent. I do not think it fit that the Lawyers should deliver any Opinion, for if the S •• diers do know that it is questioned, they will decide it by their disobedience, as the Country doth by the Ship-money, and with far more dangerous consequence, for the Soldier may bring the Country to reason, but who shall compel the Soldier? th • refore if it cannot be helped with a Commission of Oyer or Terminer, which •• st be only in the Officer or Officers of the Army, or in some especial Commission of the Kings, such as he gives when Noblemen are Arraigned; let him then give under his own hand a Commission for the Execution of Martial Law, to him that will hazard his life and estate upon the Kings Word. Sir Jacob Ashley hath no Commission for the execution of Martial Law, but if the fault deserve death, he is to advertise my Lord of Northumberland; this will absolutely undo all: the Soldier must be punished by his Officer: If it would come to debate some may peradventure say, that for faults that deserve death the Soldier may be sent to the Goale to be tried by the Judges; this will take away the respect of the Soldier to the Officer, and there will presently be no obedience, or care, either in Soldier or Officer. I think that this doth so much concern the King in the go • ernment of the Army, that if a Lawyer should say so here, if I had a Commission I would hang him, and so I think the King ought to do others. I shall ever • e
Your Graces most humble and most faithful Servant, Conway and Kilulta.
Newc • stle, June 13. 1640.
To which I may add this Letter of my Lord Conway to Secretary Windebank, concerning certain Intelligence of the Scots intentions to enter England, which he was to impart to the Archbishop.
Mr. SECRETARY,
MY time is very short, I now receive your Letter, I have within these two • ours word brought to me, I pray you tell my Lord of Canterbury, that it is by • hat man I did write last to him, that I have sent into Scotland and gave him six • een pound; that the Scotch Army, as he doth assure me upon his life, and b • ds me hang him if it be not so, will upon Monday or Tuesday next come into England that they will upon Satturday be before this Town, which they will take or here b • broken; f • om hence they intend to go to Yorkshire, my Lord Lowden told him that he did expect that more then half the Trained Bands would join with them: in Yorkshire or upon the confines they mean • o stay un • ill some English • orces join with them; there was a man out of England lately with the Scots, to d • sire them to come in, and told them they did ill to stay so long, that if they had come in but six weeks ago, the English Army had not been raised▪ I doubt very much this Town cannot be kept; if a Citadel had been made according as I did advise, they would never have attempted it; If you have written to Sir Jacob Ashley, it will gain two or three days, but I do now write to him, least you have not; If any English forces join with them, they will give the Law: I have sent to my Lord of Northumberland their last Proclamation, I shall ever be
Your most humble Servant, Conw • y and Kilulta.
Newcastle, Aug. 15. 1640.
The Country will not drive their Cattle, they say that they know not where to have grass, therefore they will only drive them out of the way, where they march.
To which I shall annex this Warrant to the Lord Cottington, whereunto the Archbishops hand is first.
AFter our hearty commendation to your good Lordship, Whereas We understand there have been delays and difficulties in some places, in the ex • cution of his Majesty's late command, for putting in readiness the Trained Bands, and other Forces of that County to march and to serve in the common defense in this time of public danger, which delays have been occasioned through some misapprehension, concerning the defraying of the charge of the Trained Men to the place of the service when they march. We have therefore thought good for preventing of further delay in matters of this importance, hereby • o advertise your Lordships, that not only the Customs and Laws of this Kingdom do require, that in a time of actual Invasion, every man ought to serve in the common defense at his own charge, but that the very Law of Nature doth teach and oblige us all thereunto without sticking or staying upon any terms or questions. And that it hath been the Custom and practice within this Kingdom both in ancient and modern times, (even but when a doubt or fear was had of an Invasion) is very manifest. But this present danger is past all manner of doubt, by reason of actual Invasion of the Scottish Rebels with so great an Army, and the same so far advanced, that the whole Kingdom may soon be over-run, unless by a great power they be repelled and beaten back.
And whereas His Majesty's Subjects of the North parts of this Kingdom do cheerfully hold together, and serve His Majesty in this great occasion at their own charge, both with their Bodies and Fortunes without trouble to His Majesty. We have therefore thought good hereby to pray and require your Lordships, to acquaint the Country with the sense of this Boord in this particular, and that We doubt not but His Majesty's Subjects of that County, will in this occasion show as much forwardness and zeal for the common safety wherein We are all so nearly concerned, as is either shewn now in the Northern parts, or hath been practiced in any other time of danger heretofore in this Kingdom. Which We do hereby effectually recommend to your Lordships care, and bid your Lordship very heartily farewell.
From White-Hall the 16. of September. 1640.
Your Lordships very loving Friends,
- W. Cant.
- Guil: London.
- Arundell and Surrey.
- Dorset.
- Fra. Cottington.
- Fra. Windebank.
- Tho. Roe.
To our very good Lord, the Lo: Cottington, Lo: Lieutenant of the County of Dorset, and in his Lordships absence, to his Deputy Lieutenants.
After the Scots entrance into England, the Archbishop received this Letter of Intelligence from one John Rocket (mentioned in his Diary) which lively sets forth their opinion of him.
To the most Reverend Father in God, William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and one of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy Counsel, At his Palace this, &c. Lambeth.
Right Reverend Father,
DUty binds me to study your Graces health, and to frame my weak endeavors correspondent to your gracious pleasure, which is the accomplishment of my desire and joy, the only motive of my Intelligence: I therefore desire to acquaint your Grace, with what is dangerous to your person, and adverse to your happiness; which is that I received from the Scots; of which I am Sole witness, and your Grace only made acquainted with, viz.
After the late Skirmish betwixt the English and the Scots at Newburne, my occasions urged me to return to Blaiden, (a Town betwixt Newburne and Newcastle, whether my journey tending; the Rebellious Scots took me upon Chestenmore, the midd-way betwixt Durham and Newcastle ) either for a Spie, or a Jesuit: And being had to Durham, was detained there for the space of four days, viz. from the 8. day of September till the 13. when being examined I fashioned my speech for their humors, and complied myself as near as I could to their dispositions; with which at length they were affected, supposing me to be one of their beloved Brethren; whereon great tokens of love and familiarity were moved, and private discourse for the space of five hours, relating such news, whereof they were knowing; wherein they vomited the venom of their malicious minds, and revealed the extremity of their wrath against your Grace: Calling you Papist Priest, a new Bonner, a Superstitious, and proud Bishop, on whom if they might not revenge the Lord's Quarrell, satisfy their minds, and cut off Superstition by cutting down your Grace the mighty son of Belial, and high Priest of Baal: (For in such terms they expressed their mischievous thoughts.) We hope, and know, we have some holy and zealous Brethren in England, who • will take up our Quarrell against this raging Tyrant, and Blood-sucking Wolf, the Archbishop of Canterbury; whom they hoped to hear slain shortly (if not by themselves) by some people little suspected.
These things, or worse (right reverend Father) I heard, and I alone; which I could not refrain, but signify to your Grace with all the hast I could; whereby you might avoid their rage, and cruelty; and your person might be preserved in safety in spite of all their envious Plots; flourishing in this Kingdom gloriously, for which earn • stly and truly prays
Your humble Servant in all duties most ready, though unknown, John Rocket.
From Seth Bernard his house in the Minster yard at York. September 16. 1640.
This Letter is thus Endorsed with the Archbishops own hand, Rece: September. 21. 1640. From Mr. John Rocket a man whom I never saw. The hatred of the Scots against my Person and Life.
I shall conclude with Mr. Alvyes Letter to him the then Arminian and Superstitious Vicar of Newcastle; Thus Endorsed with the Archbishops hand, Rece: Octob. 19. 1640. Mr. Alvyes Case in and since his flight from Newcastle.
To the most Reverend Father in God, William by Divine Providence, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and one of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy Counsel.
Most Reverend and Right Honorable,
I Make bold to represent unto your Grace, the sum of that which I lately represented to His Maj • sty, in an humble Petition, that I am for the present Outed of all my Spiritual promotions, to the yearly value of 300. l. and have most of my moveable goods seized upon by the Rebells; being forced (upon some threatening speeches given out by them, that they would deal more rigoro • sly with me then others) suddenly to desert all, and to provide for the safety of my Self, Wife, and seven Children by a speedy flight in the night time; how they would have dealt with me, they have since made evident, by their harsh dealling with two of my Cura • s, whom I le • t to Officiate for me in my absence, who have not only been interrupted in reading Divine Service, but threatened to be Pistold, if they would not desist from the execution of their Office.
And whereas I had lately purchased 60. l. per anum in Northumberland, and hoped to have been supplied that way in these calamitous time, till I might with safety return; they have since I presented my Petition to His Majesty, seized upon that also, and commanded my Servant to be accountable to them for it; this is my case at this time.
His Majesty's gracious Answer returned to my Petition, by Mr. Secretary Vane, was,
There was a Letter found in Newcastle, superscribed to the Lord's of the Scottish Army, which coming first to my hands, I presented to His Majesty: Another Letter was sent me from a Merchant in Newcastle, which discovers the miserable estate of that Town; I shown it to Sir Henry Vane: I myself also was commanded by His Majesty, to give in to the Lord Bishop of Durham a short relation of some remarkable passages of the Scots proceedings in, or near about Newcastle, which accordingly I did, and least any of them have not, as yet, come to your Graces hands, I have here enclosed them all: Thus with my prayers for the long continuance of your Graces health, and happy government of this Church, I humbly take my leave;
Your Graces in all due observance Eldard Alvey.
York Octob. 16. 1640.
What else concerns the Archbishops activity and proceedings in the Scottish Troubles and Wars▪ you may read in the Articles exhibited against him to the Lord's in Parliament by the Scotch Commissioners, and the House of Commons: But before I leave this subject, I shall only give you a little more light how active the Papists were to concur with the Archbishop a • d Prelates, in setting on these Scottish Wars, Troubles, and what advantages they made of them.
Not long before the Scottish troubles, one Francis Smith a great Jesuit, discoursing with Mr. James Wadd • sworth, and one Mr. Yaxley in Norfolk, touching some points of Religion, used these speeches. It is not now a time nor way for us to bring in our Religion by Disputes, or Books of Controversy, But IT MUST BE DONE BY AN ARMY, and BY FIRE AND SWORD. This Smith usually frequented Lambeth house, and Windebanks Lodgings, with whom he was very familiar, and was no doubt a great stickler in raising the Scottish Tumults, and fomenting that war, as well as other Jesuits: to further which and advance the Catholic cause, the Queen-Mother of France unexpectedly came over into England, and landed at Harwich about the 19. of October, 1638. This war was no sooner resolved on by the King, by the Archbishop and his confederations instigations, but the Popes Nuncio with the Priests, Jesuits, and Roman Catholics of England and Wales, (all privy to the plot) assembled together in a kind of Parliament, or general Counsel of State, at London in April, 1639. In which Council (convened by the Queens command) Con, the Popes Nuncio sat President, where (in imitation of the Bishops and Clergies forementioned Contributions to maintain this war) they all resolved upon a liberal Contribution towards it. To which end the Queen herself, Sir Ke • elm Digby, and Mr. Walter Montague, together with the Noblemen, Gentlemen, Priests, and Recusants assembled at London, writ several Letters, to all Recusants in the several Counties of England, and Wales, to excite them to a most liberal and free Benevolence towards the maintenance of this war, appointing special Collectors publicly to gather in the same; (in regard whereof all Processe against Recusants, were stayed by His Majesty's special direction, who was privy to this assembly and contribution, as is evident by his answer to Mr. Pulfords Petition) The verity of this contribution of the Papists is most apparent by these ensuing Copies of their several Letters, produced and read in the Commons House, January 28. 1640. on which day, Sir Kenelm Digby, and Mr. Montague, were brought upon their knees at the Commons Barre, for furthering this Collection with their Letters, which they there professed they did write and disperse only in duty to the King to relieve him, he being at that time in great distress for moneys.
The Queens Letter for the Levying of money.
Henretta Maria R.
WE have so good a belief of the loyalty and affection of his Majesty's Catholic Subjects, as we doubt not but upon this occasion that hath called his Majesty into the Northern parts, for the defense of his Honor and Dominions, they will express themselves so affected, as we have always represented them to his Maj • sty; so in this common consent, which hath appeared in the Nobility, Judges, • entry, and others to forward His Majesty's service by their persons and states. We have made no difficulty to answer, for the same correspondency in his Catholic Subjects, as Catholics: notwithstanding they all have already concurred to this his Majesty's service, according to the qualities whereof they are, when others of the same quality were called upon, for we believe that it bec • me us, who have been so often interested in the s • licitation of their benefits, to show ourselves now in the persuasion of their gratitude. Therefore having already by his Majesty, by other means recommended to them this earnest desire of ours to assist and serve his Majesty, by some considerable sum of money freely and cheerfully presented: We have thought fit (to the end th • t this our desires may be the more public • , and the more authorized ) hereby to give you Commission and direction, to distribute Copies under your hand of this testification thereof, unto those that have met in London by our direction, about this business, and unto the several Collectors of every County. And as we presume the 〈◊〉 they will raise, will not be unworthy our presenting to the King, so sh • ll we be very sensible of it, as a particular respect to ourselves; and will endeavor in the most efficacious manner we can to improve the merit of it, and to remove any apprehension of prejudice, that any (who shall employ themselves towards the success of this business) may conceive; by this they may be assured, that we will secure them from all such objected inconveniences. And we are very confident, that this our first recommendation will be so complied with all, as may not only afford us particular satisfaction, but also faciliation towards their 〈◊〉 advantages.
Given under our signet at White Hall this 17. of April. 1639.
Sir Kenelme Digbies and Master Montague's Letter, concerning the Contribution.
IT is sufficient already known to everyone the extraordinary Graces and Protections • we owe the Queens Majesty, to whose favorable intercession we must ascribe the happy moderation we live under; so as we doubt not, but an occasion of the expression of our gratitudes, will joyfully be embraced by everybody which the present estate of his Majesty's affairs, doth now offer us. We have already by our former Letters endeavored to prepare you to a cheerful assistance of his Majesty, in his declared journey to the Northern parts; for the securing of his Kingdom, and such other purposes as his Royal wisdom shall resolve of: That so you may really demonstrate yourselves as good Subjects, as God and nature requires of you. Now Her Majesty hath been graciously pleased to recommend unto us, the expressions of our duties, and zeal to his Majesty's service, by some considerable gift from the Catholics, and to remove all scruples (that even well-aff • icted persons may meet with) she undertakes to secure us, and all that shall employ themselves in this business, from any inconvenience that may be suspected by their or our forwardness and declaration in this kind. It will easily appear to everybody how much it imports us, in our sense of her Majesty's desires to pr • sse everybody, to strain himself even to his best abilities in his Proposition, since by it we shall certainly preserve her graciousness to us, and give good Characters of our d • votion to the King and State; of whose benignity we have all reason to give testimonies, and to endeavor to produce Arguments for the prosecution and increase of it.
Now for 〈◊〉 best expedition of this business (which is the chief circumstance that importeth in it) we have thought fit to recommend it to your nominations of such persons, as shall in your opinions be agreed for the ablest and best disposed in every several County, not only to solicit, but to collect such voluntary Contributions as everybody's consciences and duty shall proffer: And we shall desire you to give us an account of what acceptation it finds with his friends, which we cannot but expect very successful, and answerable to the forwardness we meet with here about London, for which we shall offer up our prayers to God.
- Walter Montague,
- Ken. Digby.
The Copy of the Letter sent by those assembled in London to every shire.
THe enclosed advices and Motives being so ample, as you will perceive by perusing them; it will not be needful that we enlarge ourselves upon any particulars concerning the conduct of the business, which they direct the way in. This therefore serveth only to convey them to you (as we are entreated by those that have met here, and we have undertaken to do) and desire you to repair Immediatly unto those persons to whom they be directed, and to deliver the same unto them, in the name of all the Noblemen, and Gentry, (together with ourselves) assembled here in London, by the Queens commandment, to set forward the work. And we pray you assure them in the most effications manner you can (ingageing all our credits for the truth thereof) that it is the sense of us all both Ecclesiastical and Lay Persons, that besides the discharging of their and our duties to God and the King, it mainly importeth the good of Catholics to have their business take good success. Therefore entreat them to deal actively and efficatio • sly and speedily according to their advices and motives. We are so well persuaded of their devotion to put forward so pious a work, that we doubt not but they will be as well satisfied in the needfulness of the thing, and be as ready to employ themselves in it, receiving the assurance thereof and persuasions thereunto; only from our hands, as if they came by all the most formal ways that can be imagined; which in a business of this nature cannot be expected. And although the advices and motives be directed only • o Lay-Gentlemen, yet we desire you, (and have answered for you) that you will employ yourselves, and all those that depend on you, sincerely to solicit and dispose all their minds that you have relation unto, as powerful as you can, to contribute cheerfully and bountifully upon this occasion; which is the first that ever we labored in of this kind, so we hope in God it will be the last, there being no probability of so pressing and urgent a necessity to occur anymore.
Yours, &c.
London, April, 1639.
-
The names of the Collectors for gathering the Recusants money.
- Bedfordshire.
- Master Church, Sir Robert Charnock, Mr. Robert Hewet.
- Barkshire.
- Mr. Anthony Inglefield, Mr. Tirrill.
- Buckinghamshire.
- Mr. Robert Dormer, Sir Edward Manfield, Mr. Throgmorton Mr. Bring • urst.
- Cambridgshire.
- Mr. Henry Huddleston, Mr. Charles Paryed Mr. Barker.
- Cheshire.
- Mr. Bidulph of Bidulph, Sir William Massey, Mr. William Stanley, Mr. James Poole▪
- Cornwall.
- Mr. Victor, Mr. Burlacy, Mr. Trevelion.
- Cumberland.
- Sir Fran. Howard, Mr. Joseph Porter.
- Darbyshire.
- Sir Fran. Willoughby, Mr. Avery of Hastop, Mr. Poole of Spinckill.
- Devonshire.
- Sir Edward Carey, Mr. Berry, Mr. Anth. Gifford, Doctor Chichester.
- Dorsetshire.
- Mr. Geo. Penny the elder, Mr. Geo. Arundell, Mr. Webbe of Lanford, Mr. Wells of Purbeck.
- • urham.
- Sir Ralph Coniers, Master George Collingweed, Mr. Edward Smith.
- Essex.
- Mr. Willam Peters, Mr. Thomas Wright, Mr. Rich. White.
- Glocestershire. Hertfordshire,
- Sir John Winter, Mr. Wakeman, Mr. Benidict Hall, Mr. Atkinson.
- Huntingtonshire.
- Mr. Price of Washingley, Sir Thomas Shell • y, Mr. Thomas Cotton.
- Herefordshire.
- Master William Bodenham, Sir John Wigmore, Mr. William Moore, of Burrop, Master John Harp.
- Hampshire.
- Master John Arundell, Mr. George Penny the younger, Mr. William Owen.
- Kent.
- Master Benjamin Wyborne, Master Clement Finch, Master Pettite.
- Lancashire.
- Master Bradshawe, Sir Cicill Crayford, Sir William Gerrard, Mr. Molineaux of the Wood, Master Townly of Townley, Anderton of Lostock.
- Leceistershire.
- Sir Fran. Englefield, Mr. Golding.
- Lincolnshire.
- Master Anthony Mounson, Sir John Thimbleby, Mr. Robert Constable.
- London and Middlesex.
- Master Cape, Master Thomas R • x, Master Becket, Master Richard Betham, Mr. Edw. Harp, Mr. Morgan, Master Io. Chapperly, Doctor Kirton.
- Norfolk.
- Master Everard, Mr. Charles Walgrave, Sir Henry Bedingfield, Mr. William Paston.
- Northamtonshire.
- Sir William Saunders, Mr. Io. Poulton.
- Nottinghamshire.
- Master Thomas Smith the elder, Master Thomas Smith the younger.
- Northumberland.
- Sir William Fenwicke, Master Haggerston, Mr. Withrington, Sir Edward Ratleif.
- Oxfordshire.
- Sir Richard Farmer of Kiddington, Mr. William Stone, Mr. Ralph Sheldon.
- Rutlandshire.
- Master Nicholas Cripp • , Mr. William Andrew's, Mr. Alcock, Mr. James Digby.
- Shropshire.
- Sir Basel Brooke, Master Plowden, Master John Harrington.
- Somersetshire.
- Master R • ino, Mr John Ewnis the elder.
- Staffordshire.
- Master Brooke of Lapley, Mr. Stanford of Perry-hall, Mr. Phillip Draycot.
- Surrey.
- Master Edward Cotton, Sir Richard Weston.
- Suffex,
- Sir John Shelly, Sir John Carroll.
- Suffolk
- Sir Francis Monnocke, Sir Roger Martin, Sir Edward Sylyard, Mr. Thomas Beddingfield of Beddingfield.
- Warwickshire.
- Master Antho. Dormer, Master Thomas Morgan, Mr. William Sheldon, Mr. Richard Middlemoore.
- Wiltshire.
- Master William Arundell, the Lord Baltimore, Mr. Edw. Stilling.
- Worce • tershire.
- Master William Abingdon, Master William Sheldon.
- Westmorland.
- Master Anthony Ducket, Master John Leyborne, Master Fleming.
- East Riding. The Lord Dunbarre, Master Brigham, Master Longdaill.
- Yorkshire.
- West Riding. Baronet Vavesar, Baronet Gascoigne, Mr. Thomas Waterton, Mr. Philip Hiuegate.
- North Riding. Master Craythorne the younger, the Lord Fairfax, Master Anthony, Menn • ll, Master Lawrence Sar • .
- Brecknock.
- Master Winter, Master Bevan, Master Maddocke.
- Carnarvon.
- Master Lewis.
- Carmarden,
- Master Towley.
- Cardigan
- Master Lewis.
- Glamorgan.
- Master Turbervile the younger.
- Denbigh.
- Master Richard Floyd, Master Crew.
- Flintshire.
- Sir John Connoway, Master Pennat.
- Monmouth.
- Sir Charles Somerset, Master Morgan of Lantarnam. Master Morgan of Itton.
- Mountgomery Me • ioneth.
- Sir Piercie Harbert.
- Pembrookshire.
- Master Towley of Arnostill.
- Radnorshire.
- Master Thomas Crowther.
The Reallity of is Collection, will yet more clearly appear to all the World by the Queens own Confession, in a Message sent by her to the House of Commons, to excuse her activity therein; together with her entertainment of a Nuncio from the Pope (Seignior Rossett being then Nuncio) whom she promised to dispatch out of the Kingdom with all convenient speed; In which Message (Recorded in the Commons Iournall) we have a clearer acknowledgement likewise of many premised particulars prefaced with a specious Court-Complement, and many fair promises (since not very punctually performed) to Court the Commons into a good opinion of her Majesty's real affections and endeavors to remove all mis-understandings between the King and his people, and to do all good offices between them.
A Message sent from the Queens Majesty to the House of Commons, by Master Comptroller, Feb. 3. 1640.
THat her Majesty hath been ready to use her best endeavors for the removing of all mis-understanding between the King, and Kingdom.
That at the request of the Lord's, who Petitioned the King for a Parliament; her Majesty at that time writ effectually to the King, and sent a Gentleman expressly to persuade the King to the holding of a Parliament.
That She hath since been most willing to do all good offices between the King and his people: which is not unknown to divers of the Lord's, and so shall, ever continue to do, as judging it the only way of happiness to the King, her Self, and Kingdom.
That all things be justly settled between the King and his people, and all cause of mis-understanding taken away and removed.
That her Majesty having taken knowledge, that having one sent to her from the Pope, is distasteful to the Kingdom, She is desirous to give satisfaction to the Parliament, within convenient time she will remove him out of the Kingdom.
That understanding likewise that exception hath been taken at the great resort to her Chapel at Denmark House, she will be careful, not to exceed that which is convenient and necessary forth exercise of her Religion.
She further taketh notice, That the Parliament is not satisfied with the manner of raising money for the assistance of the King in his journey to the North, in the year 1639. at her entreaty; from the Catholics: She was moved thereunto merely out of her dear and tender affection to the King, and the example of other His Majesty's Subjects; she seeing the like forwardness, could not but express her forwardness to the assistance of the King.
If anything be illegal, she was ignorant of the Law, and was carried therein only out of a great desire to be assisting to the King in so pressing an occasion; but promiseth to be more cautious her after, not to do anything but what may stand with the established Laws of the Kingdom.
Her Majesty being desirous to employ her own power to unite the King and people; desireth the Parliament to look forwards, and pass by such mistakes and errors of her Servants as may be formerly; and this your respect she promiseth shall be repaid with all the good offices she can do to the House which you shall find with real effects, a • often as there shall be occasion.
How sincerely and cordially her Majesty hath performed all these her Princely promises to the Parliament, Kingdom, King, and his people, her Actions both at home and in Forraigne parts, with our bloody Wars and Massac • es since both in Ireland, England, and Scotland proclaim to all the World. God deliver us all from such Court-holy-water, such Popish Dissimulation, which may seem commendable in Romish Catholics; who hold Equivocation lawful, and that no faith is to be kept with Heretics, as they esteem all Protestants.
But to return to our Papists activity in the Scottish Watres, to which this Message relates, it is very well known, that many if not most of the Captains & Officers employed in the last expedition, were either professed Papists, or persons Popishly affected, & how the Earl of Arundell (the General of the Army against the Scot •• ) together with his Lady, family, stand affected in Religion, and what active 〈◊〉 they were to promote this War, you may read at large in Rome's Masterpeece. Their Contributions towards this War were so large, and their assistance so cheerful, that some of our Episcopal Preachers (and Mr. Squire of Shoreditch London by name) preached openly in his Pulpit; That the Papists were the Kings best Subjects, and better then Protestants for three reasons. First, their Loyalty, Secondly THEIR LIBERALITY, having like Arauna, contributed like Kings to the King in his necessity: Thirdly, For their Patience: adding, that they were the good Samaritan, who poured Oil into the wounds of that man, (the King) that was fallen among Thieves who wounded him, Especially the Irish Papists. And Audomarus Johannes, Abbot of Wurtzburge in Germany in a letter of his to Secretary Windebancke Dated 13. August 1639. (endorsed with Windebanks own hand) writes, that his Majesty had a sufficient trial of the fidelity of his Catholic Subjects in this accident, I shall insert the whole letter, because it discovers Windebanks intimacy with this Abbot and other Papists, whose letters (enclosed under his own packet, to prevent intercepting) he usually dispersed to their Agents here.
Right Honorable,
THree Months ago and more I wrote signifying to your Honor, that after I came from London, it being mo • e then a quarter of a year, before I could reach the wished place I did aim at, to see the desolation of which, and generally, of all the parts I did pass through, I was so disconsolated, that all be it, I oft thought to discharge my respective salutes to your honor, yet present cares and occasions did ever prevent my intention. Notwithstanding at last, I did take the boldness to entreat, that your Honor would let me know your commands, in discharge of which your Honor, God willing, shall find me most solicitous and careful. But least such my former letters hath miscarried, as several to Sir William Howard, and other honorable friends has done, I resumed the boldness to make a Brief repetition of the same, letting your honor know that I have found King James letter (of happy memory) which my Lord Hay then Embassador after his return to London, moved his Majesty to write to Prince Godefrid then Bishop of Wurtzburge, wherein his Majesty was pleased to give thanks to the Bishop for the favors done, as to himself. Moreover his Majesty was pleased to take * notice of us his poor Subjects commending us to the Bishops noble charity. I find also Prince Godefrids answer to his Majesty, w • it by occasion of Abbot Ogilby; whom the Bishop did commend to his Majesty, entreating that at his request the said Abbot Ogleby might have free passage to see his native Country out of the which he had been 40. years and more, The Prince who is now, does truly honor his Majesty and respect his Subjects, of the which my Lord Arundell about two year ago being here received a worthy token and likewise of this Bishops and Princes courteous respects, Mr. Taylor, who about three months ago on his way to England in transitu coming hither, can give evident testimony both to his Majesty and to your Honor, which according to your promise made to me, I doubt not but he has already done. Last of all, my Lord Craven has reason to renound this Princes singular favors toward him▪ by whose means he has not only obtained freedom, but likewise being here at Wurtzburg has received particular curtisies and favors of his highness, which I doubt not, but at occasion his Lordship will declare at length to your Honor. At divets occasions being called to the company and Counsel of the principals here, as the best means to obtain to peace, I use several inductions, arguments and reasons for to advance and promoove the restitution of our Prince Palatihat; against the which albeit there be strong adversaries, yet further considerations may hapily move their hearts to condescend thereunto. The Catholic Bishops and Princes thirst mightily for Peace, but higher powers and some Generalls and Commanders of Warrs on both sides, for their private ends, by practical inventions and factious coll • tions labor to the contrary, in the which they are like to continue so long Germany can afford them maintinance, of the which in most parts here, there be greater scarcity, and that at an extraordinary rate. Of the particular miseries and desolation of the most parts in Germany, as likewise of other occurrences, if I did not persuade, with myself that your Honor had every, fortnight certain • nformation, I would write at length, but unwilling to impesh your Honors more serious business I abstain from superfluous discourse, My Lord Craven desired me in this my letter to salute your Honor with all respect, as his singular good friend and Patrons Patron: he went • tom hence much of eight days ago, after expedition of some business in Holland, soon thereafter Godwilling he thinks to see his wished Country and honorable friends amongst the which he esteems your Honor most trusty, of which before mentioned curtesies done to his subjects if your Honor think that his Majesty will be pleased to take notice by writing a kind letter to the Bishop after advertisement, I shall send the aforesaid letters to your Honor, I hear for certain that matters betwixt our Kings Majesty and Scotland are (God be glorified) composed and agreed, whereupon for conclusion of some Articles there is a Parliament Convocat at Edinburgh, where the Kings Majesty is said to be for the present. In this accident I hope his Majesty has had, a sufficient trial of the fidelity of his Catholic Subjects who in this or any other occasion, I am confident, by their true service will endeavor to deserve his Majesty's love and affection towards them. For my own part while as I live I will profess my fidelity to his Majesty, as my dread Sovereign, obeying and honoring him above all Kings and temporal Princes on the earth. Praying God to multiply upon his Majesty heavenly and temporal blessings, with my best wishes for your Honors good health, and prosperity, I rest. In the Scots Abbacie at Wortzburg.
Your honors most humble servant and beadsman. Audomarus Johannes Abbas.
This 13. of August 1639.
A Postscript.P. S. I humbly beseech your Honor to give order, that these enclosed safely be delivered: in the like or any occasion, I shall be always most ready to serve your Hnour.
These contributions, and this Assembly of the Papists 1639 with the Popes Nuncioes residence among us, were so publicly known, & the Papists grew so insolently bold thereupon, that the Apprentices and common people took notice of it, whereupon they scattered these two insuingpapers in the streets of London, and pasted up some of them in public places, from whence they, were taken and carried to Secretary Windebanke, among whose papers they remained. The first was this.
Reasons that Ship and Conduct-money ought to be had, and also Money, by the City of London.
FIrst, for the setting up of Mass, and maintaining of Idolatry, as it is begun, but not brought yet (as was intended) to perfection, praise be to God, and the Scots, whom he hath made an instrument to prevent the same.
That the Popes Nuncio taketh and hath these five years, taken great pains in perverting His Majesty's simple Subjects, who herein is weekly at very great charges in sending to Rome for a cart-load of the Wood of the holy-Cross, and many old horses and dogs teeth and bones, with Indulgences and Pardons, which he selleth dear enough, but that cannot defray him and his great Train, for he sendeth every week a Packet or two of all the affairs here to Rome, he must be well rewarded out of ship and conduct money, and of that which is expected to be lent by the City,
The Friars of Somersethouse who do labor in distributing those relics, and for many private Masses, and for keeping of Bastards four in Dunhill Alley, • enne in Druty Lane, besides twenty in Saint Giles in the Fields, must have money to keep them and pay the Nurse, or else all is undone with them.
Sir John Winter (whose kindred were some of the chief projectors of the Gunpouder treason (and is now not better then his kindred) and my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, now her Majesty's Bishop, is and are great instruments, and specially the said Sir John, who with the Popes Nuntio doth keep divers Bauds for Friars; Sir Thobias Math • w doth blow the Coals of dissention with Sir Killam Digby, and Mr. Indimion Porter, all birds of a Feather, therefore we must needs go against the Scotch for being not Idolatrous, and will have no Mass amongst them, yet Cond • ct and Ship-money must be had to go against them, to reduce them to some obedience.
The Queen Mother wheresoever she hath been, there could be no peace or tranquility, yet ship and conduct money must be had to keep her and her Sha •• agg • , who are now well clothed and must have new suits if the City lendeth money.
But it was not before now permitted talk of a Parliament to redress these abuses nor to hear the Scotchs greavances, but ship and conduct money with that of the City which is the sinewe wherewith we must go to War against them, and the Papists in the mean time do make a laughing stock of us, and indeed the Captains and Leiutenants must be all Papists, for none other will go but them, and therefore they have the command of all the forces.
Sir John Winter by his letter 30. August last to the Pope, desireth that his Holynesse would be pleased to make hast for Indulgences and pardons, for that God was somewhat favorable to the Catholic Religion which did daily increase in the Kingdom, and without doubt with his Holiness help by prayers, would be planted here to maturity within two years.
All her Majesty's servants, who do suck the marrow of our estate, do buy whole streets of houses in Paris & Lordships in the Country, and when they first came hither they were but poor beggars, & now they keep Coaches: what houses have they built in the Covent-garden, and what fair houses do they built in Lincoln In-fields? And the City must lend money to build them in other men's name.
And to hide all, the Papist will have the Pa • liament to be held at York, and thereby to undo this poor City.
The second Paper was, as followeth.
Gentlemen and others that are Christians assist us for the truth of the Gospel that is like to be extinguished, viz. The Popes Nuntio doth protest to make us all Roman Catholics, the Ambassador of the Anti-Christ. Sir John Winter (whose kindred were of the Gunpouder Treason is his associate and doth trust to work that treachery upon us.
Sir Kellam Dighigh a maintainer of that Society is going to Rome, and the ship-money must defray him, as the Queens Mother and the frogs of Hell in Somerset House,
Besides these papers, the Apprentices of London drew up, and presented this ensuing Petition to the Lord Major, and Aldermen of London, which was sent to Secretary Windebanke, and endorsed with his own hand.
To the Right Honorable, the Lord Major, and the Worshipful Aldermen his Brethren:
The humble Petition of the Apprentices of London, whose Names are under written, in the behalf of themselves and others.
THat it is well known unto this Honorable Court, that there are many thousand Apprentices in this City, with whom their Parents, and friends have given some two hundred pounds, some more, some less sums of Money to Merchants, or other Tradesmen in London, who are bound for several terms of years, to be trained up in their several Callings. That at the end of their Apprenticeship, they might exercise their Trades according to the Custom and Charter of the City of London. That by reason of the great number of Monopolies, Patents, and Impositions upon Commodities and Manufactures, the Trade of the City is so burdened, that to the Petitioners knowledge, divers of their Masters are not able to live of their Trades, to maintain themselves and their families. That many Factors and others have been made free by Redemption, together with the liberty that Foreigners use in this City; contrary to the Custom and Laws in that case Ordained and Provided, whereby your Petitioners evidently perceive, that they are deprived of all hope to live by their calling, and that the freedom of this City will not be a benefit, but a burden to them, unless some speedy course be taken for redress. Further showeth: That by the multitude of Papists, Priest, and Jesuits residing in and about this City, many weak in Learning, and young in understanding, are subject by their subtle delusions to be drawn away to Romish Religion. That many fears are upon us by reason of their audacious and insolent carriages, and demeanor in speeches, and their furnishing themselves with Arms, threatening the ruin of this City, which hath been famous for exercise of Trade and Religion.
May it therefore please this Honorable Court to take the Premises into due and serious consideration, and to be pleased to the future encouragement and lively-hood of the Petitioners (who are the inferior members of this City, speedily to move the Kings most excellent Majesty, that the evils and fears afore specified may be removed, and others in your power may be redressed, that so your Petitioners may with cheerfulness discharge their duties to Almighty God, his Sacred Majesty; and their respective Masters.
About the year 1635. the Priests and Jesuits by means of Windebanke, Canterbury, and the Lord Treasurer of England, procured Mr. Rooks the searcher of Dover to be extrajudicially removed from his place, and two professed Popish Recusants, Turbervile Morgan and Charles Powell, to be thrust into it, who held it for the use of Father Leander a Benedictine, and Father Price, General of that Order, the former once Chamber-fellow to the Archb▪ of Canterbury in St. John's in Oxford, and sent over into England, to help the reconciliation with Rome, in which he was very active. By means whereof the Priests or Jesuits, Papists, and their Agents, had free Passage till this very Parliament, in and out of the Realm without search or molestation, conveyed their Intelligences to and from Rome, and other places with greater security, yea sent over divers Gentlemen and Gentlewomen to foreign Monasteries, Seminaries, Nunneries without any obstacle, dreaming hereupon of nothing else but an absolute triumph over the Protestants, and a speedy extirpation of their Religion throughout all our three Kingdoms.
Whiles we engaged in this civil war with Scotland, by the Prelatical and Popish par • y; these Conspirators prepared a great Spanish Fleet to invade us, and join with the Papists in England then in Arms (most of our Captains and Commanders being professed Papists) to cut all the Heretics and Protestants throats, while embroiled in a civil war, and busied in murdering one another, as I have elsewhere manifested: But the admirable Providence of our ever gracious God secured us from their bloody designs, by stirring up the Hollanders miraculously to encounter and vanquish that puissant Fleet of Spaniards, notwithstanding all the assistance and protection they received from us; (at which the Archbishop of Canterbury and Spanish Faction were exceeding angry and discontented) and by making a happy Accommodation between the King and our Brethren of Scotland, June the 17. 1639. before the Spaniards arrival on our coasts, which was not till about the beginning of October: But this Parliament was no sooner called, but dissolved again by the Arch-Bishops and Papists solicitations, and a new war resolved on with more vigor and violency then the former.
Hereupon Secretary Windebanke, the great Agent for the Arch-Bishop, Queen and Papists, writing to his Son Tom Wind • bank (then at Paris, negotiating the Palsgraves enlargement) concerning the Scottish affairs, gives this direction to him among others,
TOm, &c. If you see Doctor Smith the Bishop of Cal • edon there, who is a great confident of the Cardinull, he may be a fit instrument to make some discovery of the intelligence the Scots hold there, but this must be with great caution, &c.
Your very loving Father Francis Windebanck.
Drury-lane, 12. Decemb. 1639.
It seems both the Secretary and his Son, had some interest in, and acquaintance with this Bishop, else they would not make use of him for their Intelligencer.
These Wars and the Papist forwardness to assist his Majesty in them, gave great encouragement (as it seems) to Cardinal Barbarino to ingratiate himself further with his Majesty, as this Clause of Mr. John Graves his letter to the Archbishop (endorsed with his own hand thus, Recep. March 27. 1640. &c.) intimates.
MAy it please your Grace, &c. I humbly beseech your Grace to pardon these my presumptions, and this other Information which I shall assure your Grace, They have printed at Rome a Book of Fastidius a Britain Bishop, De Vitâ Christianà, which THE CARDINALL FRANCISCO BARBARINO INTENDS TO DEDICATE TO HIS SACRED MAJESTY. A Book of singular Devotion and Piety, and of great Antiquity, the Author being a Bishop in England, about 300. years after 〈◊〉 Savior: Lucas Holstenius a very learned man, hath the care of the Edition; but hath not, I think, as yet finished his Annorations upon it. For the Text, he and I compared the Manuscript (which is also very ancient) with the printed Copy, and I find it exactly to agree, &c.
Your Graces most obliged servant, John Greaves.
Ligorn, March 3.
Nay this War and the other designs of the Popish party, notwithstanding the second Treaty with the Scots, and the present Parliaments summons and meeting, did so elevate the Papists hopes in England; that Mr. Brudnell and Mr. Somerset, went purposely over into Italy in November 1640. to sue for Cardinals Caps upon an expectation of a new creation of Cardinals; as the passages of these ensuing Letters writ to Secretary Windebancke from Rome (found among his Papers, and indorsed with his own hand) abundantly evidence.
RIght Honorable Sir, &c. Mr. Thomas Sommerset is safely arrived at Ligorn, upon his journey to Rome, I conceive to prosecute his own intentions.
Your honors most affectionate and humble Servant, John Wilford.
The 3. of November, 1640.
SIr, Mr. Thomas Sommerset is at Florence, where Mr. Brudnell is also arrived. There are some hopes of a Creation before Christmas, the Pope being troubled with a Catarre, which argues a multiplicity of humors.
Yours, John W.
Novemb. 10. 1640.
Right Honorable Sir,
THe Pope his Catarre arguing a multiplicity of humors dangerous in 74. years of age, gave occasion to his Physician to suggest so much to Cardinal Barbarino, and to him, to make serious instance with the Pope for a Creation, lest some sudden sickness portended by those Catarres, prevent him. This makes the pretendants expect the complements of their desires about Christmas; and indeed there would not be much improbability in it, the creation importing the Pope and Nephew so much; if the dispute about the nominated by the Crowns were ended. But as yet, nor France, nor Spain, hath had promise of having Abbot Peretti or Mon Seigni • ur Massarini created; Mr. Sommerset is come to Florence; upon his arrival here, and his Negotiation, we shall see what hopes, either he or any others WHO AYME AT OUR ENGLISH CARDINALS CAP MAY PROMISE THEMSELVES, &c.
Your Honors most affectionate and humble servant John Wilford.
Novemb. 10. 1640.
About this very time it seems Mr. George Fortescue had some special Commission and employment at Rome from hence, (it may be to succeed Sir William Hamilton in his negotiation there, or to solicit a Cardinals▪ Cap ) as this Letter of his to Secretary Windebanke (found among his papers) imports.
Right Honorable:
Understanding by my Kinsman that your Honor desired light in two points concerning myself, I was glad of the occasion to present with these lines my humble service, and to assure your Honor, though unknown, I have ever upon all occasions pro • essed myself a passionate servant of yours, and shall be ever most ready to do your Honor all service. To those points:
I affirmed not, that I had leave of his Majesty to follow that particular business, for I myself knew it not, till I came to the City, where I met with my Commission and Instructions, not seen before.
Immediatly at my arrival here I addressed myself to Sir William, and carried myself with that obedience to his intimation, as in that passage I rather refer myself to Sir Williams report then to my own relation, which so much would tend to my commendation.
Upon his intimation, I moved my Master to employ some subject of his own in that business, which very graciously upon my letter he hath done.
So that a primo ad ultimum I never meddled in that business.
For my coming to Rome, I might very well conceive no place forbidden me, his Majesty giving me so fair a leave to serve his Highness.
Neither hath the License which his Majesty gave me to travel, any restriction at all.
In these I presume your Honor will discover with what resignation I have carried myself all along, and with what obedience to his Majesty's pleasures, though so suddenly made known unto me, and without any command at all.
As in these, so desire I in all, to give your Honor a true accompt of my actions, which God willing shall be ever most suitable to an obedient Subject to his Majesty, a most zealous Patriot to his Country, and to your Honor a servant most ambitious of your command.
And shall I understand that my Letters shall be agreeable to your Honor, I shall make bold to present them sometimes, with the respect of
Your Honors most humble and most obedient Servant, Geo: Fortescue.
Rome this 11. Oct. 1640.
A Postscript.The Physicians having given notice to the Cardinal of the increase of the Popes Catarrs, the Cardinal thinks seriously of the new creation of Cardinals, in which it is thought the Kings shall have the Caps they desire.
This Letter needs no great Commentary, but clearly shows that this Gentleman met both with a Commission and Instructions from hence at Rome, and was to do some special service there.
About May 1640. Con the Popes second English Nuncio returning from England to Rome to be Cardinal, the Pope sent a Nephew of his, Count Roset • to succeed him; who being but young and inexperienced, the Pope commended him by this special Bull, to the old active English lesuit Sir Toby Matthew▪ (very intimate with the Archbishop, Windebank, Wentworth, Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Arundel, and most great Lord's and Ladies about the Court or city) as to his Angle Guardian, the copy whereof I found among Windebanks papers (written with his own hand) which intimates, that the Pope had very great hopes of reducing England to its ancient vassalage to him in a very short space, by the help of those female active Amazons and instruments who labored day and night to effect this design of his.
Dilecto filio Tobiae Matheo Societat. Jesus sacerdoti Urbanus Papa 8.
DIlecte sili salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem. Ardens animar • m zelus quo ja • a tot annis in vinea Domini laborando strenuum te militem exhibuisti, promeretur ut tuae virtu • i debitam laudem reddamus. Sane magnâ cum exultatione audivimus labores quos sustines ut sedis Apostolicae amplitudinem augeas, & quo caritatis zelo omnibus omnia fias, ut omnes lucri facias. Decet certe te virum Apostolicum magni Apostoli exemplo doctum, ut Iudeis sias tanquam Iudeus, & iis qui sunt sine lege, tanquam sis sine lege, dummodo Sedis Apostolicae dignitatem promoveas. Ideo cum in magnam Brittaniam mittere statuerimus dilectum filium Comitem Rosseti, nostrum & sedis Apostolicae cum potestate legati a lat • re Nunt •• m, Iuvenem zelo Dei accensum, Apostolicae soli • itudini nostrae satisfactum credidimus, si eum tuae curae committeremus. Iussimus igitur ut tibi communicet Instructiones sibi datas, & a dilecto filio & Nepote nostro, Francisco Sanctae Reverendis. Ecclesiae. Card. Barbarino subscrîptas, te{que} pro eo quo pro seed Apostolica zelo ardes rogamus, & in quantum opus est, tibi mandamus, ut predictum filium & Nuntium nostrum, in omnibus dirigas, moneas, instruas, lapsus & errones ejus, (qui per juventutem facile accidere possunt) corrigas (ut sedis Apostolicae decor inviolatus permaneat) & ut deni{que} in omnibus ei te Angelum custodem prebeas. Magnam certe spem concepimus predictum filium & Nuntium tuis consillis adjutum, non parvos, in Ecclesia Catholica fructus producturum. Labora igitur, dilecte fili, opus fac Euangeliste, Ministerium tuum imple, Catholicos zelo Dei accende, ipsos conforta, sed praecipue Amazones illas quae (ut a dilecto filio Georgio Conneo audivimius) die ac nocte stre • ue decertant pro dignitate sedis Apostolicae. Non dissidimus de Domino, ne{que} de potentiae ejus, quia sicut occasion unius • aeminae, authoritas sedis Apostolicae in Regno Angliae suppressa fuit, sic nunc per tot Heroicas faeminas (illas imitantes quae-à-Galilea sequebantur Dominum) societatem ejus assidue sequentes, BREVI in eodē Regno restituenda sit. Adhortare igitur illas ut opus aggressum viriliter prosequantur, & de seed Apostolica (quae devoti Faeminii sexus peculiarem curam gerit) been mereri pergant. Rogamus patrem Domini nostri Jesus Christi, ut tibi spiritum sanctum suum mittat, quite in omnibus & per omni • custodiat, Apostolicam nostram{que} benedictionem, dilecte fili, iterum at{que} iterum tibi impartimur. Datum Romae apud S. Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, pridie idus Maii.
About January, 1640. next following this Bull, there was this notable discovery of the Jesuits and Papists Practises made to the House of Commons, by one Brown a Popish Priest, which makes some mention of it, and I cannot pretermit.
The voluntary Confession of John Brown a Romish Priest, of the age of 72. year • (a prisoner in the Gate-house) who being twice examined by a Committee of the Honorable House of Commons, did thereupon further explicate himself for the good of the Commonwealth, and ease of the House.
THe Honorable House takes notice of the Partie (who delivered this Petition) to be one of the most eminent in these Dominions of this Age, who hath read Divinity, Mathematics, and Philosophy in the special Universities of Christendom; as Salamanca and Alcala in Spain; in Tholous and Avignon in France; in Rome, Venice and Genoa in Italy; and hath preached in special Cities in thes • Kingdoms; and in presence of the French King at Paris, and in the Low Countries, at Antwerpe, Brussells, Dunkirke, &c. who desires to inform concerning some special points for the Weale of this State, as himself hath observed above fifty years past, which are reduced to these Heads,
First, concerning the Jesuits, and danger they have done to these Kingdoms, laboring that the Oath of Allegiance might not be taken; And the ways they use with their Penitents, and projecting of Monopolies, of the Ministers and Substitutes they use, and the way quite to root them out of these Dominions.
Secondly, the reformation of some things in the Queens Court,; and of some persons which are fi • to be removed.
Thirdly, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and of the great damages done, partly by himself; and in his Court of High Commission.
Fourthly, of the manner whereby the Pope means to intrude himself into the Temporal Monarchy of these Kingdoms; and to eschew all future danger in time coming: What persons are to be removed from hence, and that there should not be permitted any Resident to remain at Rome for the Queen, nor none here from the Pope, nor for foreign Princes (to stir sedition in the State) namely France and Spain.
Fifthly, that Roman Catholics shall be stopped from going over Sea, with their goods and all.
First, concerning the first, the whole Christian world doth acknowledge the prediction which the University of Paris doth foresee in two several Decrees they made, Anno. 1565. where the society of Jesuits did labor to be members of the University: Hoc genus hominum natus est ad interritum Christianae Reipublicae et subvertionem literarum: that is, This society is erected to be the overthrow of Christendom and ruin of Learning, as woeful experience hath taught us.
They were the only cause of the troubles, which fell out in Muscovia, when under pretence to reduce the Latin Church, and plant themselves and destroy the Greek Church (which is only professit in the Empire of Russiae ) the poor King Demetrius and his Queen, and those that followed him from Polonia, were all in one night murdered, by the monstrous usurper of the Crown, and the true Progeny rooted out.
They were the only cause that moved the Swedes, to take Arms against their lawful King, Sigismund, and chased him to Poland; and neither he nor his successors were ever able to take possession of Sweden; For the Jesuits intention was to bring in the Romish Religion, and root out Protestants. They were the only cause that moved the Polonians to take Arms against the said Sigismund, because they had persuaded him to marry too Sisters, one after the other: both of the House of Austria.
They have been the sole cause of the War entered in Germany, since the year, 1619. as Pope Paulus Quintus did tell the General of their Order, called Vicelescus, for their Avarice, pretending to take all the Church-Lands from the Hussits in Bohemia to themselves; which hath caused the death of many thousands, by the Sword, Pestilence, and Famine in Germany.
They have been the cause of civil Wars in France, during all which time moving the French King to take arms against his own Subjects the Protestants, where innumerable people have lost their lives, as the Seige of Rochell (and other places) will give sufficient proof: For the Jesuits intentions were to set their society in all Cities and Towns Conquered by the King; and quite to abolish the Protestants.
They were the cause of the murder of the last King of France.
They were the only Projectors of the Gunpowder-Treason, and their Penitents the Actors thereof.
They were the only cause (namely Father Parsons that incensed the Pope to send so many fulminate Breeves to these Kingdoms, to hinder the Oath of Allegiance, and lawful obedience to their temporal Prince, that they might still fish in troubled waters.
Their damnable doctrine to destroy and depose Kings, hath been the cause of the Civil Wars; likely to befall these Kingdoms, if God (in his mercy) do not stop it.
They have been the cause of the Monopolies projected in this Kingdom, especially concerning Soape, the Forest of Dean, and marking of Butter Caske, where all the Parties were Partners, and Confederates of the Jesuits; as Sir Bazill Brookes, sir John Winter, and a brother in Law of the said sir John's, that lived in Worcestershire; and Mr. Ployden, whose servant called Baldwyn (in my presence) about a year since did deliver to Captain Read (a substitute of the Jesuits) a hundred pounds, to be given to a Jesuit who lived in his house.
They have their Lay Brethren which collect duly their Annuities and Rents, and play the Merchants, transporting Cloth & other Merchandises of great value.
I do know one, Brother in Law to Captain Read, who continually Trades in Merchandises, who is a Novice of theirs; and one Cu • bert of Lanca • hire, who collects their Rents; and one Grey of Barwicke: they are protected by the Spanish Ambassador, and live at his house.
They have their Merchants in London, namely one Evans worth fifty thousand pounds, who means to make them his Heirs, and dis-inherit his Kindred. Doctor Moore also is their Agent, and puts out this money to Interest.
This Evans (who was appointed to be Sheriff of London last year) by their persuasion did go out of London, and refused to accept of it, and by them was sent into the Country, and lived retired till Michaelmas was past, and escaped to be Sheriff of Middlesex, and paid no Fine for refusing the said Office, being till the time was past in obscurity.
Captain Read a Scottish man, now Lieutenant Colonel in Ireland, (under Col. Henry Bruce ) is also one of their Agents, and lets their buildings in Long Acre, and other parts of London for their use, especially the fair buildings in Lincolnssnne-fields, inhabited sometimes by George Gage, and at his death left to my Lady Gardner; where the Jesuits ordinarily resorted. It is thought that Mr. Newton who built all those fair houses in Queens-street is their Agent, for of himself he was never so able as to build the hundredth part of them.
It is strange to see the stra • agems which they use with their Penitents concerning to Oath of Allegiance; If they be poor, they tell them flatly (when they are demanded to take the Oath) that it is damnable and no ways to be allowed by the Church; If they be of the richer sort, they say they may do as their Conscience will inspire them: And there be some of them that make no Conscience at all, to have it taken so oft as they are demanded.
It is no less strange to see, what great Treasures they have heaped up, and made four Colleges in Flanders, only of Annuities of their moneys, and such houses as are now appertaining unto them.
From Mr. Sackvile they got ten thousand pounds, and afterwards most miserably dismissed him, so that he was constrained to beg: And after great threatening; they allowed him of all his means, only a hundred pound per annum, during life. The like dece • t they did use to the whole Regiment of my Lord Vaux in Flanders, which for the most part were composed of younger Brothers, who at their persuasions, sold their Lands and Annuities, and gave them their moneys; assuring them that they should lose nothing; and get all again: But when they came in their great necessities, and demanded it, they absolutely refused them; and so they saw the most part of those younger Gentlemen perish for want, in Hospitals.
The like they did with above two hundred Gentlewomen of good extraction, whom they seduced, and got from them their portions; the least having a thousand pounds (for less they would not take) and when they came to Flanders, they were committed to the charge of Mistress Mary Ward, who forced them to labor with their hands, and live in great misery with bread and water: And at last (like gallopping Nuns) made thirty of them to take their Journey to Rome and Naples, and there to teach young Children: When it came to the Popes knowledge, he made a thundering Bull against them, either to enter into a Monastry, or else within fifteen days to depart the Territorirs of Rome, and within forty days all Italy; but afterwards this Bull was retracted.
The College of Saint Omers is no less memorable, which was erected by Pope Gregory the thirteenth, and partly endowed by the King of Spain with great means: The Jesuits nevertheless (insatiable cormorants) have by their allurements, got great wealth from England under pretence to nourish some Students, which in time might labor in this Vineyard; some by Testament, others by Donation, have left means to bring up, some two, some three, and paid twenty five, and thirty pounds per annum. But since, they are not willing to undergo the toil to take it yearly, but have enticed the Donators to give them, some three, some four, and some five hundred pounds; and in my knowledge they got in this manner for nourishing above two hundred; so that they have extorted and got great sums of money from this Kingdom, to the great prejudice of the State.
The wise State of Venice, foreseeing their ambition to creep into the knowledge of their Government, and to Conquer high Territories by tricks, unlawful means, and sleights: By Order of their great Council, they were adjudged to be banished forever their Dominions, and never to return thither till they had the consent of the whole Senate, which is impossible to be obtained, although the French King and the Pope have labored sundry times, yet in vain. And also the said State did declare, That whosoever should speak in their favor (for their re-establishing) should be degraded of his Honor, and his Posterity after him, and loose all his goods; and the like should befall to them that send their children to their colleges.
Would to God such Laws were made in these Dominions, severely to punish the Parents for sending their Children to Jesuits Colleges: And to conclude, they should be expelled from all human society, as unsit to be dealt with, for their equivocation and mental reservation; never telling the truth, being mortal enemies to all charity, and the true fore-runners of Antichrist, oppugning all verity, and taking all for themselves without Communication of good to others: And as for those that are beyond Seas in their Colleges, it were more then necessary, to make a Decree, that within a short time prefixed, they should return to their Native soil, under pain of perpetual banishment; and their Parents to lose their goods and estates. As also to inquire and learn who they be that do live now at Douay, and St. Omers under them, and their Parents be brought in question, which may easily be done with small charges; sending two or three over into those parts, who by degrees may know the special of them: I omit their juggling with the Emperor, King of France and Spain, and other Potentates, and with the Popes themselves, as they have publicly confessed,
Secondly, not to be tedious, I come to the second point: The reformation of some things in her Majesty's Court, is so necessary for the quietness of the State, as nothing more; and therefore labor to remove all impediments that may happen.
It is to be observed, that a great part of the unquietness of this State comes from thence; and of some persons about Her Majesty not fit to remain there; For it is known, Her Majesty doth nothing but as she is acquainted with, which she after delivers to the King, and he to the Council, and when there's any crossing, there arises Iarres and unquietness.
The actors of those are F. Phillips, her Confessor, & the superior of the Capuchins.
This last, in times past, was one of the Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem, a most turbulent spirit, and one sent by Cardinal Richlien, to be a spy at this Court for the French Faction, who labors by all means to breed dissensions.
For the French (as I have read in Cardinal D'Ossats Epistles) aim at nothing more then to make a schism betwixt the English and Scots, that this state may be weakened & not able to do them harm, the more easily to conquer these kingdoms.
This unquiet spirit at all occasions, hath access to Her Majesty, and acquaints. Her with all he thinks fit for the French Faction, and when he thinks it a hard business, then doth he entice Father Phillips to present it. This man being of a quiet and meek nature (yet a great Favorite of Cardinal Richliens ) Doth acquaint her Majesty with the business, and she the King, and obtains by opportunity things which are not fit and convenient for the State.
Father Phillips, is guided altogether by a Scottish Grey Friar, (who by degrees hath intruded himself to be a Clerke of her Majesty's Chapel) and he goes by the name of Master Wilson, but his true name is William Thompson, a Doctor of Divinity, and a most furious and unqviet spirit, and by a nick-name was called Cackafugo shit fire; He rules altogether Father Phillips, insomuch as he fears him, and dares not disobey him. He rules all the business which concerns the two Kingdoms, and the most part of the matters for Rome.
By his persuasion, Father Phillips hath placed many unfit persons about her Majesty; He was the only Agent in promoting Sir John Winter to be her Majesty's Secretary; (he being most addicted to the Lord William Howards Daughter) and so got into that place.
He was also the cause that Signior Georgio Conne (late Agent of the Pope his brother) was admitted to be extraordinary Servant to the Queen; A man altogether unworthy of that place, and a most scandalous person, having at this present three wives alive, as after shall be related; Sundry Priests by his means (to Father Phillips ) have been admitted to be the Queens extraordinary Servants; Some, by some supposed office or other, as one Master Laborne, & George Gage (brother to Colonel Gage beyond Seas, in Flanders ) both Oratorian Priests; the one of the French Faction very feditious; the other of the Spanish; (for his brother is in the King of Spain's service.) Both these under pretence of some service to the Q • een, the one extraordinary Sewer (as I believe) and the other under the name of a Cup-bearer.
There is also one Penricke, brother to him who is now left Resident at Rome; this Penricke a • ias Iott-Signeur, is sworn extraordinary Servant to her Majesty; a sworn Spaniard, and Intelligencer for Rome: In respect his brother is Agent for her Majesty; there being many otherwhich I cannot remember at this time. One Francis Maitland alias Quashe • a Scottish Friar Mendicant, and hath an hundred Crowns yearly as her Majesty's Pentioner; a very fire-brand Intelligencer at Rome, France, Flanders, and Spain, with Lyddington, Colonel Sympis, Chambers, and Penricke at Paris. All these, and sundry others, have Protections of the Queens Majesty (who are all factious and turbulent spirits) by Father Phillips means, and this Wilsons instigation, fit to be removed.
Father Phillipt his servant, called John Belfaur a Scot, rules all the rest, and guides Father Phillipt at his pleasure, and obtains many things not lawful.
It is not expedient at this present, to remove Father Phillips from her Majesty, it will irritate her greatly, but remove all those that incense him: he is a very good man, and of a sweet disposition, but easily persuaded, by Sir Toby Matthews, Sir John Winter, Master Walter Montague, who are of the Cabbinet Council.
Thirdly, concerning the Bishop of Canterbury; It is most notorious, he hath been the special cause of the troubles in Scotland, and jar • betwixt them and the English. For when he went to the North with His Majesty, he being of a high and lofty spirit, remarking the government of the Church of Scotland, began his Innovation by setting up of Altars, Episcopal Robes, and Organs, which were not seen since the birth of King James, more than eighty years before in that Kingdom; with which they were much in • ensed. Insomuch that when the common people, upon a Sunday perceiving His Majesty to go on foot, from His Palace of Holy-Rood House, to the Church at Edinburgh, and so to return, and all His Nobles with Him; My Lord's Grace and the Bishop of Eli were seen to go in their Coach; they exclaimed on them and said, How dare you presume to go so, when our Sovereign goes on foot; You are the Ragges and servants of the Pope.
That same time he did move his Majesty to make that Church a Cathedral, and appoint a Bishop where was never any before; and so the people were more & more stirred up.
At his return from thence, he moved His Majesty to erect a High Commission in all the Bishoprics of that Kingdom, by virtue of a Proclamation which he extorted from His Majesty in August (If I be not deceived) some five years ago; wherein was Ordered, that here in England the Bishops Courts should have not Subordination to any other Courts, no not to His Majesty's own Council, but should proceed without any dependency, not so much as to use His Majesty's Arms in their Seals, but their own, and so deprive His Majesty of His Supremacy, which was never done since the Rain of King Henry the Eighth.
So soon as he had obtained that of His Majesty, he in all haste sends this Proclamation to all the Bishops of Scotland, who being blown up with pride (following the Archbishops footsteps) began to erect a High-Commission Court in their Dioceses, and called to it the Gentry and Nobles, punishing them for trifling things; and sinning and confining them to the farthest part of the Kingdom, from Galloway to Cathnes, near three hundred miles. A cruelty never practiced in Scotland before in any Age.
Nay, the became so insolent, being made Privy Counselors (by the Archbishops solicitation of His Majesty,) And the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's, being made great Chancellor of that Kingdom (never practiced this three hundred years) that in open Council Table they gave the lie to the Peers of the Land; Namely, to the Earl of Argile; which affront was done by one Sedeserfe now Bishop of Galloway, and resident at this present in London, where began the fire to appear, which before this was but smoke.
The Nobles, Gentry, and Commons made a league, which they called a Covenant, and combined together for the rooting out of Bishops, and Conservation of their ancient Liberties, upon which is ensued a million of miseries, putting both the Kingdoms to excessive charges, exhausting the Kings Coffers, and oppressing the people.
I believe, If my Lord Archbishop were merely questioned, it would be found, he stirred up His Majesty to make up his Army two several times, which hath been the occasion of the utter ruin of two Shires, Northumberland and the Bishopric of Duresme, which loss will not be repaired in an hundred years.
These firebrands Bishops of Galloway and Ross, who are Clients to Canterbury, and altogether guided by him; it is more than expedient that they and other Incendiaties were given to the Scotts Commissioners to betryed by their Parliament. But I believe Ross will fly to Ireland, where His Majesty hath given him a Bishopric: And Galloway will be forced to hide himself in some Island and shake off his Robes, or become a Pedler in Poland, as his Father was before him.
One Sandall, a Clerke of the Rolls told me, he saw my Lord Sterling, Secretary of Scotland, (Agent at Court for the Bishops ) viewing very narrowly the Rolls, to see the original Institutions of the High Commission; which he would not have done, had he not been informed by my Lord's Grace.
I may not omit to let you know, how of his large liberality, he hath given to those fire-brand ministers (refuges in this Kingdom) at sundry times, large and prosuse charity, which he would never have bestowed on the poor Clergy of his Diocese.
I come to his Government, wherein he hath been like to a Cam • lion of divers colors; now punishing of Roman Priests, but poor ones, for the fattest he protected and cherished without all measure; As Father Leander Superior of the Benedictines Master Flanders, and Master Price, after Leanders death; and Master Gascoyne, and the whole Order of the Jesuits, as hereafter shall be related.
The poor Recusants for going to heat Mass, or only upon suspicion, were cruelly used by him; but the chief he tenderly loved and feasted, as Sir K • nelme Digbie, and others, to what end you may conjecture.
Afterwards▪ he took a fit to punish severely, Anabaptists, Familists, and Brownists, sometimes one, sometimes another; He followed the steps of Cardinal Wolsey, and intended, (because he could not be Po • e at Rome) to be a Patriarcke in these Kingdoms; To which end ('tis well known) he did so credit and grace Father Leander (aforesaid) cherishing him above the rest, giving him his ear at all times, remaining here at London publicly till his death; and after him Price, and Gascoyne aforementioned.
At the coming of Father Leander, he began to look cheerfully upon Recusant • ; then began he to erect Altars, to take away the Communion Table, to make all kneel when they took the Sacrament, to be all uncovered at Divine service, to stand up at the reading of the Gospel, bow at the name of Jesus, and to consecrate an old Church a new, as that of Saint Gylses, with many other Arch-trike • , that he might be in the Popes and the Queens favor, and so continue in his Majesty's good liking. Then began he to use rigout against Puritan Ministers, calling them into his high Commission some for Simony, as Mr. John Ward [and others] of Suffolk; some for contradicting the Bishop of Norwich; others for Heresy, as one Doctor Everd, Chaplin to the Earl of Holland.
Then began he to practice his Excommunications and aggravations against Sir Robert Willoughby (Son in Law to the Bishop of Worcester ) and Mr. Hope a Scottish man, Cup-bearer to his Majesty, for contemning his Citations. In the end, such were his Actions, that he is an Admiration to the whole world for Inconstancy. At the last he became soe outrageous, as were never any of his Predecessors, conventing before him the Bishop of Lincoln; whose heavy hand and Dragon-like wrath he felt many years, being in Prison in the Tower of London.
Soe was Bishop Goodman soundly whipt, for refusing to subscribe to his Canons, being laid in the Gate-house; so that he became the wonder of this Age.
Noah less wonderful hath he been in his Vatican at Lambith, sitting in his Gracefull Throne, compassed with Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, Doctors, Proctors, Notaries and Registers, guarded with a multitude of Tipstaves, from all Prisons in and about London, besides a hellish Guard of Promoters, In his Tribunal sitting in his Corner-Cap, Lawne sleeves and R • tchet; No Pope is so glorious on most festival days, as his Grace is on Thursdays in term time.
It is a petious thing worthy of consideration to see, what Injustice is don in that Court by his own knowledge; and what extortion and exaction is used by his Officers. There is not a more corrupt Court in the world, wherein Innocency is punished, & public sins countenanced; the greatness of the extortions of that Court cannot be expressed; some are a whole year before they can be heard, & at the last for a fatherly. Benediction, are remitted to Sir John Lamb and Doctor Ducke, I will instance in two parties.
The Lady Willoughby spent in suit in less then two years (as she related to me) five hundred pound • and above, and all tended, that her Husband should wear a white sheet at the Church door. When [God knows] her self deserved no less; For Doctor Ryves assured me, she was declared innocent by Bribery.
The other was Mr. Stapleton, Nephew to the Earl of King stone, who claimed a certain Lady to be his Wife, having married her before two witnesses, and used the formal words of Matrimony; And seen by the said witnesses lie together in naked bed; yet by force of money he was divorced from her, having spent in the suit, in Charges only, three hundred pounds.
In like sort Francis Conne [brother to Signiour Georgio Conne ] now Cup-bearer extraordinary to her. Majesty, was convented at the high Commission, for having married one Mistress Steward, his Country Woman in Scotland, and had married another, (one Mistress Wiseman ) in England, with whom he cohabited here in London.
The Scottish Woman claimed him, but she being poor and none to protect her, after two years suite he was declared to be Wisemans husband, money was his Cause for himself assured me, it cost him in gifts, feasting his Advocates and Clerks, above 150. pounds. What intolerable Injustice was this, it being notoriously known that the Scottish Woman was his wife?
The chief Extortioners are, the Registers of the Court, Stephen Knight, and his companion (Brother in law to Sir John Limbe.
When his Grace foresaw, the Parliament would call them in question, he presently deposed them, and made the said Knight principal Proctor in his Court, who fearing to be questioned for the same misdemeanors fled with his whole Family to Norwich, and there bought of that Bishop the Registers office, and so is like to continue his accustomed trade of extortion, except this Honorable Court call him coram to answer his innumerable oppressions which are to be seen in the Registers book of the high Commission.
He hath two bonds of mine, and two letters of Attorney made by me to him; His ordinary course was this, to take for everyone twenty shillings, for that he should have had but two shillings sixpence, which extended to a great sum in the year; And out of Terme he had Fees for six Clerks, and so many Promoters, which went throughout England, plaging the poor, and enriching themselves and their Master Knight.
Likewise, the other extortioner was Bonnyragge, the greatest Knave in the Country; For money he would do anything; He carried in his Pouch a number of Citations, and when he pleased for money dismissed any one; A Master Quashet, Mr. Smith the Jesuit, and Mr. Fisher of the same Order; And one Cutbert, a lay brother of theirs, of whom I spoke before; A great number of lay persons Recusants, whom I know have been dismissed by him some for forty shillings some for twenty shillings, but the least was ten shillings: Of a great part of Anabaptists, and Brownists, some that were poor he imprisoned; But the rich for money escaped, as themselves will depose. It is fit this Bonnyragge, and also the Bishop of London's Pursivants be called in question with many other of his Promoters, and under Officers; As Arthur Huffe living in Saint Peters street in Westminster.
[ 4] I come now to the fourth point concerning the Popes aspiring to the temporal government of these Kingdoms, and the manner how he proceeds, which I will clearly set down.
You shall be informed what his Ambition was, seeing himself exalted to Saint Peters Chair, being before Cardinal protector of the Scottish Nation. And which is ominous; the two former Popes Clement the eight, and Paul the fifth, his Predecessors, having been: in minoribus protectors of Scotland. He thought to do something more to reduce both (under one King) to the Romish Church. And as Clement the seventh had by his miscarriage been the Cause of this di • coriation, from the obedience of the sea of Rome, he might be the means of their reconciliation. Wherefore he was no sooner made Pope but the same day with his own hand (a thing not accustomed) he writ a letter to King James, of good memory, showing his election & promotion to saint Peters Chair and offering his correspondency with his Majesty; at the same instant he nominated Signiour Georgio Conne a Scottish youth (who was School fellow with his Nephew Signior Francisco, afterwards Cardinal ) who should inform him of all important business of England and Scotland.
This Signior George, was a very fair youth of some fifteen years of age, and of a fair disposition, having also access to his Holiness, (you may understand my meaning for in minority being Legat in P • lonia, he was much suspected of incontinency.) And as soon as any English, Scottish or Irish Runagates came to Rome, he went to their lodgings in the Popes behalf, and brought them of his Holiness Bread, and Wine, and other rarities, as Boligman, Sauseges and other dainties; letting them see all the Antiquities of Rome, and their Churches, though they were not of their Religion, and feasting them on the Popes charge when they visited the seven Churches, as the Lord Craven and others; And now the Pope with his politique brain, began to excogitate the means, to have correspondency with the King: by fortune there was at Rome a Hollender expert in drayning of Lands to make the Marish grounds pasturable and arrable; who having got access to his Holynesse, Informed him that all the Marish grounds in the champaigne of Rome (which was above six miles) might be drained and made profitable.
The Pope [for his profit] gave a great ear, and understanding by this man the means to effect if in a short time, that he needed great store of men to work, and that of all Nations the English were most expert, The Pope presently takes hold thereof, apprehending it, as a fit occasion to treat with our K. wherefore he sends hither the Hollander in post hast, by whom Signior Georgio writ to sundry of his friends, viz. to some of the Queens Court, by whose means [at last] he got access to his Majesty signifying from whence he came, and the great profit which would redouud to this Kingdom, if he would permit some two thousand Familyes of his People, with their Wives and Children to go and inhabit there, and after, successively more, For he had gotten promise of the Pope, that they should not be troubled, but use their consciences without any vexation at all: More, this Hollander signified to his Majesty, the great Commodity it would be to the trade in those parts, for transporting from hence, Cloth, pewter, lead and other Commodities, and from thence Wines, Raysins, Oyles, Capers and other fruits, with a great quantity of Allome.
The business is remited to the Council to consider, if his Majesty might have correspondency with the Pope, as a temporal Prince, as he hath with other Princes and States, (who are not so potent) as Holland Venice Florence, &c? After mature deliberation it was concluded, he might, for the causes prementioned.
The Hollander returns with speed to Rome, showing how well he had dispatched, together with His Majesty's Declaration, and Order of the Council, with Letters and answers of sundry persons to Signior Georgio, whom he had feasted at Rome, and knew of the Queens Court, being his Countrymen.
Then was it thought fit by those about Her Majesty, to begin the Treaty, and to break that holy Ice for the Popes honors sake; then was nominated Sir Robert Douglas (Couzin Germain to the Marquess Douglas ) an ancient friend to Father Philip's, and Signior Georgio; a disc • eet Gentleman, who had much travailed, and was expert in the Italian, French, Spanish, and Germain languages, A Courtier, yet modest and discreet.
But the Cardinal Richleau must be the man, who should have the honor to direct him, and to be sent by him to begin the correspondency betwixt his Holines and the Queen, (for in all this business the King must not be mentioned) from whom with many Letters, this Gentleman goes to the Court of France; where after few days he is dispatched by the said Cardinal, with money to make his journey and bear his charges at Rome, where graciously he is accepted of the Pope, his Nephew, and others of the Popes Cabinet Council.
There he remained above one year, and after a good viaticke was dismissed, and returned to London, with a few gifts (but small ones) to her Majesty, Father Philip's, and others of that Function; As some Meddulls Roscer • es, Agnus Deus and Pictures.
After this Gentleman's departure from Rome, was presently sent hither an Oratorian Priest called Signior Georgio Panzano, under pretence with a Breve from his Holiness, addrest to the Clergy, secular and regular, and Lay-Catholics of the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland; The substance of that Breve was, That his holiness was verry sorry, for such jars and divisions between the secular and the Clergy, to the great prejudice of the Catholic Church, and for that respect (having a • atherly care of Souls, in these Kingdoms of England and Scotland) he had sent expressly, that Reverend Father, Georgio Pansano one of his Family to compose and reconcile them if he could.
This man at Paris, quits his Priests Robes, and dressed himself in secular Apparel; his shaven Crown is covered with a monstrous Periewig: he writes to Father Philip's, who is to be the primum mobile and director of all, who sends to him at Paris, as to an Italian Gentleman desirous to see the Kingdom; A pass was delivered him to Gallie, where he hires a baryne and brings with him two Raggamuffian young boys, and one Interpreter, who was presently sent back to save charges.
At his first coming to London he lodged at the Italian Ordinary in the Strand; but shortly (being disturbed by much resort of pe •• ons of great quality which repaired to him) he took Chambers, in one Signior Germynes House (a Lombard by Nation) living then near to the New exchange, as you pass to the Covent Garden: this Agent had sundry meetings with the superiors of the Regular Order, but to those meetings the Jesuits would not come, though called and oft desired by the Popes Agent; At last it was concluded, they should not meddle with any Court business, they should speak honourably of the King and Queen, and be sparing to discorse of the Oath of Allegiance; yet never to undertake that it was altogether unlawful.
This Agent returned having negotiated his principal business, which was to have Signior Georgio (the Popes best friend) to be sent hither, which her Majesty obtained of the King, with great importunity. Pansano having remained here, about two years, and having had his Viaticum and good presents from her Majesty, and Catholics of the better sort, went away; In whose place succeeded Signior Georgio, bringing with him a great Breve, declaring him to be Apostolical Nuntio; and in his company, the Lord Don Luces brother, and his Pedagogue, one Connigham, Nephew to Sir David Connigham, his Majesty's receivor in Wales.
This Nuntio, (but styled after inter-Nuntio, for not incensing the States) comes hither in May, and finding her Majesty at Homeby in Northamptonshire, repairing thither, he was presently admitted, and then likewise gained audience of the King.
To the Queen, he presents rare gifts, some relics of Saints, meddalles, a few of Gold and Silver, with the Popes picture stamped on them, and other trifles of small value; In 〈◊〉 whereof, she sends to the Pope, a great quantity of scarlett to vest his Holiness, his Nephew, and the other Cardinals of the English Faction; He receives an hundred for one.
Here, he visits the great Ladies and Gentlewomen of the Court; He stays all the Progress at Northampton; returning to London, tis worthy of consideration to observe his carriage day and night, courting of Ladies and Gentlewomen.
In Terme time, all the Gentry of both Sexes, yea and poor women of any fashion that had scarce means to bring them to London; and were come thither to be cured of the Kings evil, must likewise visit him.
Such were his compo •• ments here, that I am ashamed to relate them. His nightlie Conversation abroad, and Conventicles with Ladies; Sir John Winter, Her Majesty's Secretary, Sir Toby Matthew, Sir Kenelme Digby, and Master Walter Montague, were his Cabinet Council; This last aspyring to be Cardinal after Signior Georgio's death.
Yea, he was so impudent and shameless, as to visit one of the greatest Ladies of the Kingdom alone, who being found by her Husbond, and demanded by him, what made him so bold, he was in fear to have been precipitated out of the Window; This his own Secretary told me: Two hours before day (In Winter) his manner was to visit Ladies and Gentlewomen, and to inquire of them how they slept that night. After three years and two months, impatient to stay any longer (aspyring to a Cardinals Hatt) loaden with great store of Jewels and Gold (which he got, partly of the monies which Recusants lent to the King, to assist him in his Northern expedition; and partly given him by Ladies and Gentlewomen, amounting to above ten thousand pounds) he returned to Rome, spitting his lungs; But the truth is, he was soundly paid with the French disease: A brave instrument to reduce this Realm to the Roman Religion!
He was very lavish and prodigal in his gifts, spending many thousand pounds, fitter to have been bestowed on his poor kindred, and beggarly Parents in Scotland who had scarcely to nourish them.
The Jesuits likewise collected from their Penitents, and got (at least) two parts of that money to themselves.
To return to the Pope, so soon as he had Intelligence, that his Ganymede and Creature was received with such honor, he thought he had got already, the temporal Monarchy of great Brit • aine, making his Eldest Nephew Francisco protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and erecting a particular Congregation for the matters of these Kingdoms; whereof his said Nephew was President, and two other Cardinals joined with him, and a new Secretary, and other Prelates of that Court, his Counselors.
He graciously entertained Master Walter Montague keeping him in his Palace, and sending him abroad in his Nephews Coach; And others of any note, as my Lord of West-Meath an Irish Baron, and others.
He made Signior Georgio Pat • iarch of Jerusalem, an Honor without any Revenew.
No less was his pride puffed up, when Sir William Hamilton (brother to the Earl of Abercorue, and Cozen to the Marquess Hamilton, was sent Ambassador from our Queen to that Court; whose carriage was like to Signior Georgio's here, carrying clothed in man's apparel thorough England, Scotland, France, and Italy, his sweet heart Engenius Bonny, a daughter of the Yeoman of His Majesty's Wine Celler.
After Signior Georgio, he sent hither a new Nuntio, Count Rossetti, a Noble man of Ferrara, but of better carriage, then his other deceased, whom he intended to make Cardinal, in leiu of the other defunct.
As soon as Walter Montague heard of Signior Georgio's death, he sent his Chaplain Post to Rome, with Letters from Her Majesty, entreating his Holynesse to make him Cardinal; The Popes answer was, he would gladly condescend to that motion, If she would oblige her self to make an estate to him for his maintenance conformable to a Cardinal; So was it dashed; And so will all correspondency be hereafter with that Court, by the wise and grave Council of the Parliament. So that Master Penricke, Agent in that Court for the Queen be called back; And a certain Knight, of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, (whom Count Rosetti intends to send hither, to keep correspondency) be likewise dismissed from hence; which done, all that Project will end in smoke; Always provided, that Master Montague, Sir Toby Matthew, Sir Kenelme Digby, Sir John Winter, be removed and bar'd from going to Rome, or to any of his Holiness Territories; Not yet to Italy, for fear of sedition, and keeping correspondency with their associates.
I heard a French Gentleman of good worth say, that he had seen a Breve from Rome, with this Inscription, Tobiae Mattheo Sacerdoti soci • tatis Jesus, which is, To Toby Matthew Priest of the Order of Jesus; wherein (inter alia) was, Confirma Amazonas illas quae strenue laborant in vinea pro Christo. First, Confirme those Amazonian Court Ladies (that is) those brave Catholic Catamountaines of the Popish faction, that labor • ustily for the advancement of Popery.
Touching the fifth point, in my Judgment, Roman Catholics, especially those [ 5] that have lands and goods, should be stopped from going over Sea; In respect by the selling and Mortgazing of their Lands the money is transported to foreign parts, and there spent, whereby the Kingdom is depauperated, His Majesty looses his yearly pay for their Recusancy; the Shites where they remained are disabled to pay so much subsedies as formerly in time of their Residence; And finally the poor looseth much by their absence.
This voluntary Relation of this ancient Intelligent. Popish-Priest (which I find to be generally true and real, by orher Letters, and Intelligence, and concurring with the Plot discovered to the Archbishop and King Himself in my Rome's Master-piece, in most particulars touching the Jesuits, Scottish troubles, Popes Nuncioes, and other Instruments of his here nominated) gives much luster and confirmation to many of the premises and some ensuing passages; therefore I could not well omit it, though it be somewhat tedious.
But to proceed: the 2d. intended Civil War against the Scots ceasing contrary to the Prelates expectations, through the overruling providence of God, both in the rude Common Soldiers, who refused to serve under their Popish Commanders (some of whom they murdered) declayming against the Bishops, breakiwg down their New-Rayles, Altars, Crucifixes, in diverse places, and in sundry of our Nobles who Petitioned His Majesty for a Parliament, and New Treaty with the Scotts together with the General opposition of Ministers and people against the new Canons and, &c. Oath, which put a period to this War without blood-shed: hereupon there were sundry New desperate Plots, Conspiracies, Councils entered into by the Popish and Prelatical party to undermine this Parliament soon after it was first Assembled, and imbroyle all our Kingdoms in New Civil Wars and distractions more dangerous then the former; of which I shall give you a short hi • , out of the Commons Journal, and some other papers, letters, examinations which have come unto my hands.
February 10. 1640. There were four Gen • lemen of the House of Commons, went up to the Lord's to discover a great design on foot among the Papists in England, Ireland, and Wales. That there were in Lancashire one thousand five hundred, in Ireland, eight thousand Papists in Arms, and many thousands in South-Wales, and North-Wales, well paid and provided for by the Earl of Strafford, Earl of Worcester, and others; and did use frequently to go to Mass at the sound of the drum.
There was also a great Nobleman in Wales that bought up all the Provisions he could, kept Corn enough for three years, and got all the Arms he could, and had a strong Commission to furnish whom he would: And there was also a Letter brought to the house, as from Secretary Windebanke in the Queens name, to have all the Papists fast every Saturday for the good success of that design. Whereupon there was also this day an order made, that all Judges in the next Circuits at the Assizes, should put the Law in execution against Jesuits and Priests, and make return of the proceedings herein to the Parliament.
Upon this occasion, February 22. There was a Message from the Lord's for a Conference with both Houses, for the disbanding of the Irish Army, and the removing of Papists from the Court and the English Papists in the Queens house-hold.
May 5. 1641. There was discovered to the House of Commons a strange conspiration in agitation, against the whole body of the Kingdom, for the landing and bringing in of a French Army, to which our English Army should be joined, which were all to meet by the 22. of this Moneth. whereupon the House sent out diverse warrants for Master Henry Perry, Colonel Goring, Sir John Suckling, Master Henry Jermyn, and others as conspirators therein, to appear before the House of Commons the next day.
There was also intelligence given to the House of Commons of 1400. barrels of Powder that were prepared in readiness, and loaden by stealth, to be carried away by the appointment of the Conspirators, upon which the Commons appointed some of the House to make further enquiry thereof.
Hereupon most of the parties upon this discovery fled into France, and had passes to transport them without search from the King.
May 14. There was a Report in the Commons House of a Jesuit, That should say (it being noised the Parliament House was on fire) the time was not yet come, but it would be so ere long; and of another that should say, there would be many fatherless Children in London very shortly: upon which there were more warrants sent out for the attaching of those Jesuits.
May 19. There was one Newton a Priest an English man, which belonged to the Spanish Ambassador, committed to the Gate-House, also a Message was sent to the Lord's, desiring that the French Letters might be stopped this week, as they were the last, and viewed by a Committee, which was accordingly done, the Committee reporting they had both weeks received intelligence of diverse dangerous plots in agitation against the State, but they have not as yet made a full report in disclosing of the same.
Upon this danger from Recusants, the Committee appointed to provide carefully against their future attempts, May 29. presented their resolutions to the House That if any man entertained a Popish servant knowing him to be so, and lodged him but one night, he should be imprisoned without Baile, or mainprize, during the Kings pleasure; But if he knew it not, for the present, if upon after knowledge of it, if he keep him in his House a months time, he should not only be imprisoned, but be fined according to the contempt. Likewise if any man married a Recusant, and had issue by Her, his Children should not only be Christened after the manner of the Church of England, but they should be also brought up in the Protestant Religion. In the willing neglect of which, they were not only to be imprisoned, but fined for their contempt.
Also if any man knew where any Armor Powder or other Ammunition which belonged to any Recusant was kept and gave not notice to the next Justices of Peace thereof, but concealed it, they likewise to be imprisoned, without Bail or mainprize, and fined for their contempt.
After this May 2. one Sanford was committed to prison by the House, for enticing a young Gentlewoman to go beyond Sea to be a Nun: And Master Preston and Master Allen committed, for refusing both the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy.
June 10. 13. 16, &c. The Conspiracy of Master Iermyn and the rest out of diverse Letters and examinations was reported to the House to consist of these particulars. 1. To bring in a French Army, and to surrender Portsmouth into their hands. 2. To seise upon the Tower of London: 3. To bring in the Northern Army to London to over-awe the Parliament, to support Episcopacy (the Bishops and Episcopal Clergy being to maintain 2000. Horses for this purpose) and uphold the Kings Prerogative and Revenew to the full as it was formerly. 4. To keep the Irish Army on foot from being disbanded, till the Scotts were first disbanded.
June 24. 1641. There was a Conference at a Committee of both Houses managed by Master Pym, consisting of diverse heads, whereof the fourth head was touching the Queens most Excellent Majesti • which contained diverse particulars.
1. THat His Majesty, may be pleased by advise of his Parliament, to persuade the Queen to accept some of the Nobility, and others of trust into her Majesty's service, into such places as are now in her disposal.
2. That no Jesuit nor none of other Orders, what Country men soever, whether French or Italian, be received into Her Majesty's service, nor any Priest of His Majesty's Dominions, English, Scottish, or Irish, and that they be restrained from coming to Court.
3. That the College of Capuchines at Somerset House may be dissolved, and sent out of the Kingdom: these two last mentioned concerning the Queen, Priests, Jesuits and Capuchines, for these particular reasons.
1. Public danger, and scandal of this Kingdom, and peace of the Kingdom.
2. Dis-affection of some of those wicked conspirators is expressed in two Letters, which Letters were here read openly.
3. A particular Letter of Father Philip's there also read.
4. Because of the Priests, Jesuits, and the College, there are diverse great quantities of gold transported frequently.
4. The fourth particular that concerneth the Queen, is upon special occasion of his Majesty's absence: That their Lordships will be pleased to join with us to advise the King, that some of the Nobility, and others of quality, with competent • uardes, may be appointed to attend the Queens person against all designs of Papists, and of ill affected persons, and of restraining resort thither in his absence.
5. The fifth Head concerneth the Kings Children; that some persons of public trust and well affected in Religion, might be placed about the Prince, who may take care of his education, and the rest of his Children; especially in matters of Religion and liberty.
6. The sixth Head concerned such as come into the Kingdom with Titles OF BEING THE POPES NUNCIO, that it may be declared, that if any man come with instructions into this Kingdom, from the Pope of Rome, he shall be in case of high Treason, out of the Kings Protection, and out of the protection of the Law. And there is notice upon very good grounds, that Count ROSSETI (The Popes Nuncio) doth yet continue in the Kingdom, AND YET RESORTS UNTO THE COURT: (notwithstanding the Kings former Promise to the Houses, to send him hence.)
A little after Father Philip's the Queens Confessor writ a very Seditious Letter to Mr. Montague into France, intercepted, and produced to be read in the House of Commons, by Master Pym, the 25. of June 1641. to this effect, to stir up the French against the PARLIAMENT.
This good King and Queen are left very naked; the Puritans if they durst, would pull the good Queen in pieces: Can the good King of France suffer a Daughter of France his Sister, and her Children to be thus affronted? Can the wise Cardinal endure England and Scotland to unite, and not be able to discern; in the end it is like they will join together and turn head against France? A stirring Active Ambassabour might do good service here; I have sent you a Copy of the Kings Speech on Satturday last, at which time he discharged his conscience, and was advised to make that speech by the Earl of Bristol, and the Lord Sey, but I believe there is a mistake in the writing, and that it should have been the Lord Savill. This Speech did much operate to the disadvantage of the Earl of Strasford. for the Commons were much thereby incensed and inflamed against him; and this brought forth the next day being Monday, a Protestation which was taken in both Houses of Parliament; of the same nature, but rather worse than the Scottish Covenant.
The Londoners who are very boisterous, came upon Monday 5 or 6000. and were so rude, that they would not suffer the Lord's to come and go quietly and peaceably to their houses; but threatened them, that if they had not justice, and if they had not his life, it should go hard for all those that stood for him, following them up and down, and calling for Justice, justice, justice.
There was in the House of Commons, fifty six that denied to pass the Earl of Straffords Bill, their names were taken, and they were fixed upon posts in divers parts of London, and there was written over the head, these are Straffordians, the betrayers of their Country.
By this means it came to pass that the Lord's and Judges were much affrighted, and the most of his friends in the Lord's House forsook him all; the Popish Lord's did absent themselves, the Lord of Holland and Hartford were absent, so was Bristol and others; Savill and the Duke only stuck close and faithfully to him and some sew other Lord's. God knows the King is much dejected, the Lord's much aff • ighted, which makes the Citizens and House of Commons show their heads: some have braved little less than to unthrone His Majesty, who if he had but an ordinary spirit, might easily quash and suppress these people. Our good Queen is much afflicted, and in my conscience, the Puritans if they durst would tear her in pieces; this cannot be for the honor of France, to endure a Daughter of that Nation, and her Children, should be thus oppressed and affronted.
The Earl of Holland is made General of the Army, whither he is gone down; the E. of Newport Master of the Ordnance, Belfore Lieverenant of the Tower hath proved an arrant Traitor to the King, who commanded him upon his Allegiance to receive a Captain and 1000 men into the Tower, which he most traitorously refused to do. One clause is omitted which should have been placed in the middle of the Letter, which was to this effect: That there was a Report in London, that the Parliament House was on fire, whereupon there was more than 1000 people very suddenly gathered together, whereby you may easily perceive the height and 〈◊〉 of the people's affections. May 6. Anno Dom. 1641.
There was another Letter sent from one Robert Phillips, one of the Queens Priests ( supposed to Master Montague • ) to this effect; You may expect some company with you ere long, Crofts, Suckling, Piercy, Iermaine are gone; all things here are in great uncertainties, Protestation is made, and taken by both Houses, much like, but much worse than the Scottish Covenant. I sent you some money by Mr. Iermaine; but now that he is gone, I make some doubt whether he might be mindful of you to take it with him. I have spoke to the Queen about your occasions, and will do what I can, though I am not able to undertake much.
Your loving friend, FRAN: PHILIPS.
HEereupon Father Philip's was sent for by a Messenger to appear before a Committee that afternoon to be examined about it.
The Messenger coming to White-hall, and finding him, acquainted him therewith, who said he would go in and eat something, and come presently and go with him.
But by a back door he went and acquainted the Queen with his sending for; and after some stay, came and told the Officer that he had been with the Queen, who had commanded him that he should not go till she had spoke with the King, and that he would obey her command before the Parliament. Which being related to the House of Commons, they were much distasted at it, and sent another Warrant to apprehend, and bring him forthwith the next day as a delinquent.
There was also a Warrant sent by the Serjeant at Arms for the Popes Nuncio, and to bring him likewise before the House, but he was not to be found. The next day, the King sent a Message to the Commons, promising that the Popes Nuncio should be presently sent away out of this Kingdom. Presently hereupon, the Officer was again sent with a Warrant to apprehend Father Philip's, and waiting for him at White-hall, complaint had been made (as it seemed) to the King about it, and the Lord Chamberlain at the Kings Command, sent for the Officer to examine him, by what Authority he came within the Verge of the Court, to Attach any one; who showing his Warrant, desired he would trust him with it to show the King, which the Officer did; And the Lord Chamberlain soon after returning, gave this answer; That His Majesty would satisfy the House about it, if Philip's did not appear. But in the afternoon, the said Philip's appeared before the Committee, and was examined, and commanded to attend the House of Commons the next day. After which Father Philip's was committed prisoner to the Tower, and these Articles of Impeachment drawn up against him; most of them comprised in Brownes Relation.
The Impeachment and Articles of complaint against Father Philip's the Queens Confessor, lately committed to the Tower, by the Honorable and High Court of PARLIAMENT.
THat the said Father Philip's hath been observed to have been a great cause, both in [ 1] himself and his Adherents, of a great part of the unquietness of this State.
He with Parsons and other their Assistants were the only cause, that the Pope [ 2] was stirred up to send Breves to these Kingdoms of Englaud, and Scotland, and to hinder the oath of Allegiance, and lawful obedience of the subjects to our Gracious King, that so they may still fish in troubled waters.
[ 3] The damnable Doctrine, which he and other Jesuits have taught, to destroy and depose Kings, hath been the cause of the civil Wars, like to be the fall of these Kingdoms, if God in his mercy did not prevent it.
[ 4] • hey have been the cause of the Monopolies projected in this Kingdom; especially concerning the Forest of Dean, and marking of butter Caske, where all the parties were partners and Confederates with them; as Sir Basel Brooke, sir John Winter, and a brother in Law of the said Sir John, that lived in Worcestershire, and Master Ployden, whose servant named Baldwin, hath been seen to deliver to Captain Read a substitute of the Jesuits, an hundred pounds at a time, to one Jesuit that lived in his house.
Father Philip's hath been a great Actor with the superior of the Capuchions, who [ 5] is a most turbulent spirit, and was sent hither by Cardinal Richlieu of France, to be a Spye at this Court for the French Faction, and hath therefore labored by all means to breed dissensions; for the French Aime at nothing more than to make a Schism betwixt the English and the Scots, that this State might be so weakened, and made unable to withstand them, that so they might have an opportunity to Conquor these Kingdoms; these unquiet spirits having access to her Majesty, may importune things not fit for the State.
[ 6] The said Philip's hath been guided by a Grey-Friar, who by degrees hath intruded himself to be a Clerke of her Majesty's Chapel, and Chaplain Extraordinary in time of Progress; who when he is out of London, goeth by the name of Mastor Wilson, but his true name is William Thompson Doctor of Divinity, as some Jesuits have affirmed, but a most furious spirit and unquiet; and therefore by a Nickename, is by some called Cacafugo, that is as much as if in English you should say, Shit-fire; by whom Father Philip's hath been so led, that he hath been very officious to perform whatsoever he would have done. These two have ruled all the business concerning the two Kingdoms on the Popish parts, and for the most part of Rome also,
The said Father Philip's hath placed many unfit persons about her Majesty, Sir John Winter to be her Majesty's Secretary, Seignior Georgeos Conne late Agent of [ 7] the Pope his Brother, was by his means admitted to be servant Extraordinary to the Queen, a man altogether unfit for that place, a most scandalous person, having three wives all now alive.
Sundry persons by the said Father Philip's have been admitted to be the Queens [ 8] servants Extraordinary, by some supposed office or other: as Master Labourne, George Gage (brother to Colonel Cage ) both Oratoriant Priests; the one of the French Faction very seditions the other of the Spanish, whose brother is now left Resident at Rome: for thereby his Master▪ Sr. William Hambleton late Agent at Rome▪ Penricke is sworn servant Extraordinary to her Majesty, who is a sworn Spaniard and Intelligencer for Rome, in respect his Brother is Agent here, by Father Philip's: These and many others who are factious and turbulent spirits, have by Father Philip's his means received Protection from the Queens Majesty.
The said Philip's hath been much ruled by Sir Toby Matthews, Sir John Winter, [ 9] and Master Walter Montague.
He was very forward with his Complices, for the breaking of the Ice to begin [ 10] the Treaty here for the Popes honors sake; and when Sir Robert Douglasse, and Seignior Georgio were nominated, whom he thought most fit, Cardinal Richlieu was thought fittest to be the man, who should direct him to begin the correspondency betwixt the Pope and the Queen; and therefore he was sent to France with many Letters, and from thence he was dispatched for Rome by the Cardinal, where he was received with great respect, and after a viatick, he was dispatched again for England with some few small gifts, Pictures, Crosses, Agnus Deies, and such like Popish stuff to Father Philip's, and other of that Function.
[ 11] The said Father Philip's was the chief Agent in correspondency with, and bringing in of Signior Georgio Panzani, the Oratorian Priest, by whose direction, this Priest being at Paris, left wearing of Priests clothes, and went in the habit of a Gentleman; and because he had a shaven Crown therefore he wore a Perriwigge, and Father Philip's, directed all those that sent to him, to write to him as to an Italian Gentleman, desirous to see these Kingdoms, and by Father Philip's his direction he afterwards came hither; who did here continue for the space of two years, practicing great and dangerous Innovations from place to place; and then having dispatched his business, returned to Rome, with great Presents from the Catholics of the greater sort.
Whereas it hath pleased God, to bless us with a hopeful Prince, to the comfort [ 12] of our King and Kingdom: Yet the said Father Philip's hath attempted to traduce his tender years to Popery. But God hath prevented him of his purpose, and let us pray to God to preserve that Royal Race from Popery, and the whole Land from all Innovation; that our Cracious King may Rule Gloriously, and the whole Land live in peace, to the honor of God, and comfort of us all, Amen.
Father Philip's during his Imprisonment in the Tower, was visited by many Jesuits, Priests, Papists, who refused to take the oath of Supremacy, some whereof were committed; and many suspected persons who had taken by Lodgings near the Tower (with an intention to surprise it, as was feared) were apprehended and restrained.
July 13th. 1641. The Commons were informed of the Queens intention to pass beyond the Seas, under pretence of going to the Spaw for her health, and carrying over the Lady Mary into Holland. Whereupon the Houses being jealous of some ill designs to be acted by her against the Realm in Forraigne parts appointed a special Committee of both Houses to attend His Majesty and the Queen at White-hall; and to present them with reasons against their intended journey, which they accordingly presented to the King the 15th of July, and the next day to the Queen her Self.
The Reasons were these.
1. There is a great cause to doubt, least the Papists have some design upon her Majesty's journey, because the House hath been informed, that divers of them have sold off their Lands to a good value, and used other means to get ready money. 2ly. It is observed, some of them have been very diligent, gathering great quantities of gold. 3ly. It is informed, that more than an ordinary number of Papists are gone beyond Sea already, and those of the better sort.
2. The great number of English fugitives now beyond the Seas, who by their late designs and practices are known to be full of malice to the State, and will no doubt seek all opportunities of access to her Majesty, and as much as they can labor to infuse into her Majesty, such evil Councils, as may trouble the peace of the Kingdom, whereof at this time there is more danger, because the affairs of the Kingdom, are not yet fully settled, and upon disbanding of the Army, all parts will abound with Soldiers, and such others as will be apt to be provoked to tumults and seditions; and especially in the time of the Kings absence in Scotland.
3. That the House of Commons have received information of great quantity of treasure in Jewels, Plate, and ready money packed up to be conveyed away with the Queen, not only in such a proportion as the present occasions, with due respect to her Majesty's honor may seem to require, but a far greater quantity: and that diverse Papists and others, under pretence of Her Majesty's goods, are like to convey great sums of monies, and other treasure, beyond the Seas, which will not only impoverish the State, but may be employed to the fomenting of some mischievous attempts to the trouble of the public peace.
4. That as it will be great dishonor to the State, if Her Majesty should not be attended and furnished suitably to her quality, so it will be a very heavy burden in this time of great necessity, and occasions of other public charges, if she should be provided in so royal a manner as shall be fit for her Majesty, and the Honor of the King and Kingdom.
5. That because we understand by Sir Theodore Mayern, that the chief cause of her Majesty's si • knesse, and distempers proceed from some discontent of her mind. The House of Commons have thought good to Declare; That if anything within the power of Parliament may give Her Majesty contentment, they are so tender of her health, both in due respect to His most Excellent Majesty and Her Self, that they will be ready to further Her satisfaction in all things, so far as may stand with that Public to which they are obliged.
6. That the Commons conceive it will be some dishono • r to this Nation, if Her Majesty should at this unseasonable time go out of the Kingdom, upon any grief or discontent received here: And therefore we shall labor by all good means to take away and prevent all just occasions of Her Majesty's tr • uble, in such manner as may further Her content, and therein Her health, which will be a very great comfort and joy to ourselves, and the rest of His Majesty's loving Subjects.
But notwithstanding all these Reasons, the Queen (though she seemed satisfied for the present) continued in Her resolution, and on Febr. 11th following, went from Greenwich towards Dover, and from thence into Holland with Her Daughter the Princesse Mary.
What ill offices she did there against the Parliament, Kingdom, by furnishing the King with Monyes, Ammunition, Arms, Horse, Men, and Commanders, to raise and carry on a civil War against the Parliament, and His Protestant Subjects, Selling and Pawning the Jewels of the Crown &c is so well known, I shall not relate it; and what ill offices of like nature she is now like to do against them in France, upon Her late Voyage thither, time will ere long more fully discover.
Before the Queens first departure hence▪ in July 21. 1641. There was a Petition read in the Commons House, in behalf of the Lay-Papists of England, wherein they made Protestation of their fidelity to the Crown and Kingdom, and desired a mitigation of the severity of the Laws against them: but nothing was done therein. August 12. 1641. The Queen Mother (who had formerly desired a Gard to secure her against the feared tumults of the people, and that being denied, supplies of money to transport her hence) departed from White-hall towards Italy, her Native Country, attended by the Earl of Arundell and his Lady, who never returned since. After this, upon the 28. 30. and 31 of August and in September following, upon the disbanding of the Irish Army, the Spanish Ambassador moved the King for four thousand of the Irish to serve his Master, which the King condescended too, and engaged himself by promise to grant, But the Lord's and Commons upon serious debate, considering the evil consequences of it, and fearing some dangerous design against the State, and our Religion to be couched under it, denied to condescend thereunto, for these two principle reasons which they gave to the King and Spanish Ambassador: First, for that th • Spaniard was an Assistant to the Emperor against the Palsgrave, and in keeping the Lady Elizabeth from being settled in her inh • ritance, so that to assist him, would be to turn the points of our own swords against ourselves. Secondly, That they are contrary in Religion to us, and that to assist them is not only matter of Conscience, but it would be of evil president if it should be granted: Whereupon it was moved, that no Officers should serve the Spaniard, witho •• leave, and that no Merchant nor Master of ship should transport any Ammunition of War to them, under penalty and confiscation of the same, and displeasure of the Parliament.
You have heard before what a laboring and plotting there was to keep the Irish Army from disbanding, and to give a new occasion of assembling them to some parts of Ireland under pretence of transporting them into the Low Countries or Spain to serve the Spaniard; but no doubt, the true reason was to execute that horrid bloody Massacre and design of surprising Dubline Castle and all other Forts of Irealnd, by the popish party in one day, which was formerly plotted, and intended to be put in execution the 23. of Octob. 1641 but that it was in part prevented by a timely discovery of it the very night before Dublin Castle should have been surprised by those Popish conspirators.
How, & by whom this horrid execrable conspiracy was plotted contrived and executed, you may read at large in The Rise, and progress of the Irish Rebellion in Doctor Jones his book of Examinations, and sundry other Treatises of this subject set forth by Authority of Parliament, whereunto I shall only annex such supplymentall evidences concerning the Rebellion which have come unto my hands, omitted for the most part, by them.
Among Secretary Windebankes papers I found this ensuing subscribed by Daniel Oneale about the year 1640. which hath some relation to this Irish Rebellion.
Owe • O Neall, by his Majesty's permission about five years▪ ago, raised a Regiment of 30. Companies, wherein there were 3500. men; by reason of the stop of supplies since, the Regiment is become so weak, that it is scarce 1000. strong: His humble request is, that being his Regiment was raised by his Majesty's leave, and that he intends, it for his Majesty's service when he has occasion for him, (to perform which I will engage my life and reputation to his Majesty) his Majesty would be graciously pleased to grant him a recrute, of 50. men to every Company, which he thinks will purge the Kingdom rather then impoverish it, and will enable him to come strong upon any summons to his Majesty's service.
Daniel O Neille.
This Owen Neal, as this writing Manifests, about the year 1635. raised a Regiment of 3000. men for the service of the Kings Majesty when he had occasion for them, which he transported into Flanders to serve the King of Spain for the present: which Daniel Oneale petitions, 1640. might be recruted, to enable him to come strong upon any sommons to his Majesty's service: This Owen Oneal was made acquainted with the Jrish Rebellion, and particularly sent to by the Lord Maguire and other the Conspirators to aid & assist them with Arms and men which he promised to send them before the Rebellion was fully concluded, as the Lord Maguire himself •• con • esseth, as you shall see anon: which compared with the Examinations following, & those published by Doctor Jones, and Daniel Oneiles activity to keep on foot the Irish Army and bring the Northern Army against the Parliament; will sufficiently evidence, that Oneyle had some Rebellious designs both in the raising & recrute of his Popish Regiment, to be acted within Ireland and his Majesty's Dominions upon occasion.
That this conspiracy was ploted and agreed on in the general, and discovered, if not to his Majesty, yet at least to Secretary Windebanke above a year before it brake forth, is manifest by this letter found, among Windebankes Papers thus directed.
-
To the Kings most Excellent Majesty.
- The King is abused.
- The Law is wrested.
- It slays the Innocent.
- It acquites the guilty.
- It is like a spiders Webbe.
- It catches the smalle.
- The great ones break through.
It is as it is Justly termed, concessum Latrocinium: I wonder the world is • o ecclipst in understanding as not to certify and prevent that, that must of necessity ruin ere long the Common-wealth, but your Majesty may let them rest, they bring in profit to your Exchequer, or Coffers, but at last they will shake the foundation of your Monarchy, and their own weight will make them shrink under their own burden, their supporters being not able to bear up their bodies.
I love and honor your Majesty so much that I would have discovered an intended Plot, which I doubt this next Summer will be put in execution against the State of our Kingdom of Ireland, but that I am sworn the contrary. I was requested (after many deep Protestations and injunctions not to make it known) to be an actor in the design; I refused it, and took time to consider: your Majesty with your learned Council, may find out and prevent the ensuing perils.
I have this day poisoned myself at the Kings Bench Barre to prevent the malice of Judge loanes, and of your Judges, whom as I shall Answer at the dreadful day, would unjustly have deprived me of life, had not myself prevented him; he hath done this, not for any benefit to the weal public, but upon particular revenge; he only aimed at my blood and life. I beseech your Majesty to give him my carcase to ear also: a corrupter Judge I suppose the Kingdom hath not any: Roberies, Murthers, and all manner of villainy shall pass by him • undiscerned let him be but bribed, otherwise the Inocents must suffer, and so have I. What the party was who writ this Letter, I cannot certainly determine; but certain it is he was some Soldier dwelling in Ireland at first, who should have been an Actor in the Irish Rebellion, & was charged under an Oath of Secrecy, not to reveal it, above a year before it brake out, this letter being written in 1640. before Windebankes slight, and Judge Jones his death. The party who writ it was (it seems) examined; concerning this Plot, as appears by these heads of his examination indorsed in another hand on the back of the Original, viz.
Roch, a Priest that lived in Develin, & a Bishop called Bar • well, w • ld commond him to Tyrone in Flanders, and he should be an Actor in the d • sign, THAT SHOVLD FREE THE PAPISTS IN IRELAND. We may TAKE DEVELIN BY AN ANSLAT, as easily as kiss a man's hand. The Kingdom is so secure, and the Soldiers so base, AS IT IS AS EASIE TO TAKE THE KINGDOME. The Soldiers are but hirelings for 13. pound a year, and so they serve all their men, and scarce pay them, but you shall be better used. Go into England, get up your debts. AND WEE WILL IMPLOY YOU. Stanley and others have been ill used AND GIVING THEIR SERVICE TO VS HAVE RELEASED THEMSELVES OF THOSE ENEMIES, SO MIGH • HEE Do,
The Examination and confession indorsed on the Letter informs us of these particulars: 1. That the Plotte mentioned in the Letter,, was to surprise Dublin; and the Kingdom of Ireland too: The very plot the Rebels intended, endeavored afterwards to put in execution: 2ly. that the end of it was to free the Papists in Ireland: 3ly. That they thought this Plot was as easy & feasible as to kiss a man's hand. 4ly. That one Roch, a Priest in Divelin, and a Bishop called Barnwell, were the parties who acquainted him with the Plot (under an Oath of secrecy) & would have engaged him in it. 5ly. That Tiroen (to wit Owen Oneal ) the man who raised the Regiment of 3500. men & desired a Recrute in the former paper) was the person to whom he should be recommended in Flanders, to be a principal actor in this Plot, being there enabled to raise men, Arms, and train up the conspirators to the use of Arms without suspicion or noise, better then in any other place. 6ly. That they had then drawn Standley and other Soldiers to their party. Seventhly that all this was confessed and discovered in manner aforesaid, above a year before this Rebellion brake out.
That this Plot was thus laid and discovered before hand to Owen O Neal in Flanders, will appear by this examination taken upon Oath in Ireland.
The Examination of Henry Mac Cart taken before Sir Gerrald Lowther Knight, Chief Justice of His Majesty's Court of Common Pleas, and Sir Robert Meredeth Knight, Chancellor of His Majesty's Court of Exchequer, of His Majesty's Privy Council of the Kingdom of Ireland; by direction of the Right Honorable the Lord's Justices and Council, the 12th. day of February, 1641.
WHo being sworn and examined saith; that about nine years since he this Examinant left the Kingdom of Ireland, and went into Flanders, under the command of James Fitz-Garret, of Ballysonan, in the County of Kildare, and at his said Captains landing In Flanders, he and his company were put into the Regiment of Owen Roe O Neal, Colonel under the Cardinal, where this examinant served for about two years of the said time, under the said Captain Fitz-Garret, and then was transferred under the command of Captain Conn O Neal in the same Regiment, and afterwards was preferred by the said Colonel Owen O Neal, to be his Major Domo. which Office is of the nature of Steward of his House, and after was by the said Owen, made Quarter-master of his Regiment, in which employment he this examinant remained until he was sent into this Kingdom by the said Colonel Owen O Neile. And this examinant saith, that Sir Phelim Roe O Neal had sent a Table with a Character from this Kingdom of Ireland, unto Col. Owen O Neal into Flanders, the which Table was lost at the siege of Air. And for the loss of which Character he this examinant heard the said Colonel lament much, saying; That all the great Towns, Ports, Provinces, and remarkable places, and persons in the Kingdom of Ireland had their particular names deciphered in that Table. After which time the said Colonel received from Captain Conn O Neal, Nephew unto him the said Owen, one other Table of Characters of the like contents. And the said Captain Conn was sent from Flanders into England about Lent last by the said Colonel, to obtain leave for the raising of men in this Kingdom of Ireland, under pretence of carrying the said men so to be raised into Flanders. The true intention of the raising of those men being to set on foot the Rebellion in Ireland, which hath since accordingly been done; and the said Conn having spent about six weeks in England retu • ned into Flanders, upon pretence of furnishing himself with money, for the raising of the said men: but before he the said Conn returned back for England, the said Colonel Owen being on a journey unto the siege of Air, there repaired unto him Hugh Mac Phelim Birne, now a Colonel, among the Rebells of this Kingdom of Ireland, who formerly had been a Captain in Tirones Regiment in Spain, and the said Hugh remained with the said Colonel Owen about four and twenty hours, most of which time they spent in private conference, in which discourse he this Examinant overheard the said Hugh say: We are to adventure our lives for the succouring of a scabbed Town of the King of Spain's. where we may happily lose our lives, and we can expect no worse then death if we go unto our own Country and succor it. And the said Hugh leaving the said Colonel in his journey towards Air, went unto Dunkirk, and from thence into England, and soon after at the Campe of Air there came unto the said Owen an Irish Friar, one of the O Neales disguised, who after much private conference with the said Colonel for about six days, the said Friar departed thence for England, together with Captain Edward Birne, and Captain Bryan, O Neal, a kinsmans of the said Colonels, and a Captain of his Regiment, and now in Ireland amongst the Rebells. And at the said Captains departure from the Colonel, he the said Col. presented him with a case of Pistolls, and shortly after the afore-mentioned Cap. Conn O Neal was again sent into England, and from thence he the said Captain Conn wrote into Flanders, unto the said Col. Owen, that Hugh Mac Phelim Birne, Captain Brian O Neal and the aforesaid Friar were gone to Ireland. And that he the said Conn had received a Letter out of Ireland from President Ross (by which name in their Table of Characters is understood Sir Phelim O Neal ) and that the said President Ross went very well on in his business, by reason that Brabant and Valous were fully satisfied to join together (by which Brabant and Valous are understood in the aforesaid Table of Characters, Vlster and Leinster) And did further write at the same time, that he the said Conn expected Lewis Lanois his coming into England (by which Lewis Lanois in their Table aforesaid is understood Daniel O Neal, brother to the said Conn now in restraint in England, and for whom he had stayed, and was in fear of staying over-long least he should be entrapped) And desired his Uncle the said Col. Owen O Neal, to send someone from him unto the said President Ross into Ireland, with his resolution and instructions what to do, which the said President daily expected, which Letters were sent from the said Conn unto him the said Owen into Flanders by a special Messenger: At which time one Byron Mac Phelim Birne came out of England unto the said Colonel Owen, and stayed with him a few days, and had conference with him, and so returned back for England; and after in October last the said Col. Owen O Neal sent one Art. Mac Ginnis a Friar, being his Nephew, into England, who at Dunkirk met with a Jesuit, who as this examinant was told was a son of the Lord Viscount Netterfield which came thither with him into England, and so for Ireland. And this examitant further saith, that in November last, news came unto the said Colonel Owen O Neal, that there was an enterprise to be made on the Castle of Dublin for the taking of the said Castle by the Lord Mac Guire, Mac Mahone, one of the O Neales and others; which Plot being discovered, the said Lord Mac Guire, Mac Mahone, O Neal and others were imprisoned. And that nevertheless the Irish had raised a great company of men, and possessed themselves of the Newrie, Dundalke, Ardmagh, Monaghan, and several other Country Towns. And that they had taken prisoners the Lord Calfield, the Lady Blaine, and her Children, and that their numbers did daily increase. And being demanded how they could have the said News so soon in Flanders, answered, that they had that and most of the News of Ireland, out of England; and that it was notable to observe, with what speed and certainty the Irish in Flanders received the News of Ireland out of England: upon receipt of which News, the said Col. was in a great rage against the discoverer, and said he wondered how or where that villain should live; for if he were in Ireland, sure they would pull him to pieces there. And if he lived in England, there were footmen and other Irish men enough to kill him. And he further saith, that the said Col. Owen acquainted the general Francisco de Melloe, with the said News, who told the said Colonel that he had understood as much before. And thereupon the said Col. desired License to depart for Ireland. And likewise that he might have Arms and Ammunition to carry thither with him: whereunto the said General Answered; That the said Col. should not want either Arms or Ammunition, or anything else that he could furnish him withal; if he the said Colonel were sure of any Port where they might be safely landed in Ireland. And thereupon the said General advised the said Colonel, to send one of trust into Ireland without Letters, to be informed there, which were the safest and best way Ports in Ireland where Arms and Ammunition might be landed; and to direct that some Friar or Priest might for that purpose be sent back into Flanders, to certify them of those Ports; and likewise that some person of special trust should be sent into France, Rome, and to the Emperor to negotiate with them, and to desire their assistance for the Irish in defense of their Religion: Hereupon the said Col. designed for that negotiation, one Ever Roe Tituler Bishop of Down: And by reason that he this Examinant, and the special employments which he had under the said Col. and the trust reposed in him by the said Colonel, were known unto the said Conn O Neal; and divers other of the Rebells now in Ireland's. He the said Col. chose this Examinant to send into Ireland, with the said Message and these instructions. That he this Examinant should repair unto Sir Phelim O Neal, Conn O Neal, Brian O Neal; and Hugh O Birne, and to acquaint them that he the said Col. was purposed to come from Dunkirke for Ireland with all expedition, and to bring with him three Ships, wherein should be three or four hundred Commanders and Officers, with Munition and Arms for Horse and Foot for the supply of such companies of Soldiers, as were or could be raised in Ireland by those of the Catholic League, for the prosecution of the war there next; that he the said Col. expected to be forthwith advertised and advised from them in Ireland (by some Friar or Priest to be sent from thence for that purpose ) what Port in that Kingdom he should land in. And directed the sending of the aforenamed Ever Roe Titular Bishop of Down into France unto Rome, and the Emperor to solicit their Aydes for the defense of the Religion in Ireland. And likewise further advised that the Lord's and great Commanders of the Catholic League in that Kingdom, should by all means avoid to fight any battle with the English or Kings Army, until the said Colonels arrival in Ireland, and they were better furnished with Arms and Munition: And that in the mean time and until his coming, if there were any Noblemen, and Gentlemen in Ireland who would not join with them in this war, they should Proclaime the said parties unnatural Members of that Nation and Kingdom, and enemies unto that Religion. And also that the Goods and Lands of those who would not join with them, should be given unto him or t •• m of that House or Family who would accept thereof, and join with them. And also that until his coming, and until they were better furnished with Arms they should not give the Kings Army and me • ting in the day time, but should set upon them in their Quarters by night, when they were wearied by marchi • g abroad in the Country, or upon other occasions. And another of this Examinants Instructions was, to persuade them by all means that they should not mistrust or doubt of his coming, for he would be with them ere long, and that he had taken a great Oath, that if he could not obtain leave, Munition and Arms from the General, yet if all failed he would adventure him and his whole estate in that service, and that if he lived he would assuredly be with them within ten weeks, and would bring with him Miners, Canons and Cannoneers, and such other instruments as should be necessary for them. And that he did wonder although there were no Miners there, that his Country-men did not employ and set on work such persons as digged for Iron, Mine, or Coals. And further that the Lord's and Commanders of the Catholic League in Ireland should send one Patrick Heggartie a Friar, who had spent much time in Scotland to solicit for them there. And to put the Scots in mind that they were for the most part descended from the Irish, and that the Irish never drew any of their blood. And therefore that they should not offer the Irish any injury: But keep themselves quiet in their own Country, not helping the one part or the other, Another of this Examinants Instructions was, to persuade the Lord's and great Commanders of the League, that they should hold firm, and not be deceived by the fair promises of the English or of the State in Ireland, as Tirone and Tircunnell were; who after they had submitted were forced to fly the Kingdom, and many others beheaded, and others restrained in the Tower of London until they there died and lost their Lands; and that they should not doubt of succor. And further saith, that he was directed by his said Colonel to impart these Instructions and Message unto such Lord's, Commanders and Gentlemen in Ireland; as the said Sir Phelim O Neal, Conn O Neal, Brian O Neal, and Hugh Birn • should direct and advise him unto. And that at his departure from his said Colonel, he the said Col. called for a Glass of Wine, and drank the health of the said Captain Hugh Mac Phelim Birne, who he said was desigred Governor of the Fort of Duncannon in the County of Wexford. And this Examinant further saith, that he being directed with a Letter in December last, from his Col. unto one Brian Birfield a Friar, and resident at Dunkirke, for the helping of him this Examinant, that he the said Friar would make a Journey forthwith unto Col. Owen O Neal, and from him unto Col. Preston, to labor the joining together of the said Colonels to go into Ireland, to further with all the force and aide they could make, the prosecution of the present war there. And further saith, that in his this Examinants Voyage from Ireland (he with a Friar in his company ) was landed at Dover before Christmas last; where they the said parties remained for three weeks, no examination or notice being taken of them there. And from thence the ship being bound for the Port of Waterford, the same landed him this Examinant and the Friar at the Port of Youghall, about the beginning of January last, where they were brought before the Earl of Cork, and by his Lordship sent by sea unto the City of Dublin. And further this Examinant saith, he conceived that the said Col. Owen may be easily surprised in his passage for Ireland, if he be laid for with good advisement. The said Owen purposing to come with his Men, Munition, and Arms unto Bergam, within a mile of Dunkirke, which place he intends to gain for his Garrison; and to carry in Lighters the said Arms, Munition and Men as secretly as he may by night unto the Ship at Dunkirke, without showing himself there: And his pretence will be that he is employed into Spain. And the said Col. purposeth to bring with him all the Irish Mariners which may be had about Dunkirke, where there are store; and in special one Captain Donnell a sea Captain, and so to come for Ireland, either by Dover, or if he see cause by the North of Scotland.
And this Examinant further saith, that he this Examinant durst not refuse to go into Ireland with the said message, and instructions, for fear of his said Mr. Colonel Owen O Neal, well knowing of his severity. But this Examinant intended to discover the same when he thought he safely might: And he saith, that he doth not know or hath heard of any other that was sent from his Colonel into Ireland of this message besides himself; but believeth that some Messenger might be sent from Col: Preston unto the Lord's of the Pale, and other Commanders in the Province of Lemster, as well as he was sent by his Col: unto Sir Phelim ô Neal, and those of Vlster; he also saith, that the principal Commanders and Captains of the Irish in Flanders, are these whose Names are under written, viz. Owen ô Neal, Col: Patrick Dovelle Serjeant, Major Conn ô Neal Captain, Bryan ô Neal Captain, which Conn and Bryan, are now in Ireland, Commanders with the Rebells; the rest of the Captains that are now in the Low Countries, of the said Col: Owen ô Neales Regiment, are these, viz. Melaghlin ô Moore, Griffin Cavanagh, Donnogh Laler, James Dillon, Stephen Delahord, Nicholas Dalton, George Hoverden, Richard Bourke, Gerrald Fitz-Gerrald, Dermot Consedeu, Neal ô Neal, John ô Neal, Henry ô Neal, Conn mack, Neal ô Neal, Bryan Roe ô Neal, John Donnelle, adjutant, Maurice ô Hean, adjutant, Henry Neal, son to the said Col: Owen, Captain of a Troop of Horse, David Brown, Col: to the said Captain, Edmund Loughram, Auditor in the the same Regiment.
Captains of particular Companies, not of any Regiment, viz. Col: Prest •• , William Butler, Maurice mac Donnell, James Geffry, and one Captain, Taylor.
- Henry mac Carton.
- Gerrald Lowther.
- Robert Meredith.
BY this examination it is clear, that ô Neales Regiment in Flanders, (consisting for the most part of Irish Papists) was purposely raised to train up the Irish in arms there, without any noise or suspicion to surprise the Forts in that Realm, and make a general Massacre of the Protestants there, when they should find • sitting opportunity; and that Owen ô Neal in Flanders, and Daniel ô Neal his Brother in England, (who was in extraordinary favor with His Majesty and the Queen at Court, and one in Mr. Iermyns conspiracy), were two of the principal contrivers, and abbetters of this conspiracy, in which all the Irish, Popish Bishops, Priests, Friars, Jesuits (and scattered like Frogs in several Popish Kingdoms and Seminaries) were very active.
I shall only add to this, That William O Conner, an Irish Priest, servant to the Queen-Mother, who lodged at one Mistress Scarlets house in Coven-Garden, and shifted his habit very often to disguise himself, coming to one Anne Hussey an Irish Gentlewoman, a little after Easter, 1640. with another Irish man in his company, having a long gray coat, & a sword girt close to his side, to her lodging; and going with her thence to Mistress Prinocks house in the Strand; she demanded of O Conner, who his companion was? who answered, he was one of the number of 7000. that were in private pay, AND IN READINES TO AYD THE CATHOLICKS, AND TO OUT THE PROTESTANTS THROATS THAT SHOULD RESIST THEM; and that he was one who played on the Flute to the Drum. After which, about the end of July, 1640. he came to her foresaid lodging, and said, He came upon great occasion, and in great haste, and he must immediately return back, for he had three Letters from the Queen-Mother, to deliver to three Ambassadors, the Spanish, the Venetian, the French, TO SEND TO THE POPE, FROM WHOM, OR FROM HIS LEGATE, WE MUST KNOW WHEN TO BEGIN THE SUBDUING OF THE PROTESTANTS: That they must first BEGIN TO CONQUER ENGLAND BEFORE IRELAND. Being demanded by him, How, or in what manner will they begin with England? And when will it be? He replied, When the King goes to Scotland. To which she answering, There was no hopes of the Kings going to Scotland; He replied, He warrant you he doth. He further added, That he had long been employed by the Queen-Mother in her business with all the Princes of Christendom: That they had some design to cut off and kill the King: adding, That they would kill an Heretic at any time, for the advancement of the Mother-Church of Rome; and swore by Saint Francis and Saint Dominick that he would do it: He further said, He was bound to keep the Queen-Mothers secrets; and that he would be burnt in fire before he would reveal them.
All this she discovered soon after to the Lord's of the Council, by whom and by several Justices of Peace, she was examined upon Oath, and produced Letters of this Priest, written to her with his own hand; whereupon, he was Committed close Prisoner to the Gate-house, where he yet remains unproc • eded against. After this she attested it in the Parliament House upon Oath, before the Rebellion brake forth, and witnessed it since upon Oath at the Archbishops Trial; who said she was mad when she attested it at the Council Table, demanding of her, how she durst speak anything of this Nature of the Queen-Mother? and telling her she was set on and hired by the City of London to do this, and Commanded her to be Committed: But she producing the Priests own Letter, and he confessing it to be his own hand before the Lord's; she was sent only to one of the Sheriffs of London's house, and there secured, till released by the Parliament.
About the time of this discourse, the Earl of Worcester a great Papist, and very powerful in Southwales, bordering next to Ireland, procured a Commission from His Majesty for to be Lord Lieutenant and Commander in chief of all Southwales, (as the Lord Herbert his Son an Arch-Papist, hath been since the Rebellion brake forth) as appears by this Minute, an Original draught of a Letter under Secretary Windebanks own hand to the then Lord Chamberlain signifying as much.
HIS Majesty being well inclined to employ the Earl of Worcester in some particular service best known to himself in South-Wales, being most confident of his Loyalty, Duty and good affection to His Person and Service; hath thought fit to acquaint Your Lordship therewith, considering the great Power and Interest Your Lordship hath in those parts, and hath commanded me in his Name to signify his pleasure to Your Lordship, that you give speedy and effectual order, to all Your Principal Officers, Tenants, and Dependents, and such others as have relation to you; that as soon as the said Earl shall produce any Commission or Authority from His Majesty, for the performance of any service in those parts, they fail not, to obey His Lordship in all such things as by virtue of such Power given by him and His Majesty he shall require and Command. This His Majesty expects Your Lordship shall do with expedition, to the end, Your Officers there may be the better prepared whensoever the said Earl shall exercise any such Commission from His Majesty; that so His Majesty's service may not suffer. His Majesty hath already signified His pleasure to the Lord President of the Marches to this effect, who hath yielded all obedience and conformity thereunto, and His Majesty is confident that in that Your Lordship and those who have Relation to you will give place to none.
This commission was ordered to be brought into the Commons house as dangerous.
But the happy unexpected Treaty and assembling of this Parliament, frustrating the intended Massacre and Design of subduing the Protestants in England for the present; the Plot in Ireland still proceeding, and was to be put in execution on the 23. of October, 1641. on which day, all the Forts and Towns in Ireland should have been surprised at an instant by the Popish Rebells, and most of the Protestants destroyed; and accordingly that very night Charlemont Fort was on the 23. of October at night surprised by Sir Phelim O Neal, a principal actor and conspirator in the Rebellion; who there took the Lady Calfield prisoner, and murdered the young Lord Calfield her Son: And at that time Sir Phelim ô Neal himself and other of his companions told her, That Dublin castle and city, and most other Forts of Ireland were surprised by their confederates the Papists; that the Tower of London was taken by their party, and the Archbishop of Canterbury released thence; (a good sign he was their friend:) that ENGLAND, and the Protestants there, were then, or would be very shortly in the same, or as bad a condition as Ireland, and Protestants there were; and some of them said, that their party had taken Edenbrough castle: All which was attested upon Oath by the Lady Calfield, and her Gentlewoman Mistress Mary Woodrose, at the Trial of Mac Mohon in the Kings Bench, in Michaelmas Term last: where this was likewise attested upon Oath, That ALL THE PAPISTS IN ENGLAND WERE PRIVY TO THE PLOT IN IRELAND, and intended the like in England, which we have since experimentally found to be true. Divers other Forts were the same day and soon after surprised by the Irish Rebels, and above one hundred fifty two thousand Protestants there destroyed in the first four months of the Rebellion, as the Rebells themselves certified the Pope upon inquisitions of their number taken upon Oath.
But notwithstanding those their successful proceedings in other parts, yet through the admirable Providence of God, they were prevented of the main part of their design; the surprising of Dublin Castle, the chief strength and Magazine of that Realm; which had they gotten, they had in very few days been Master of the whole Kingdom: For the very night before the Castle should have been surprised, the Plot was discovered to the Lord's Justices of Ireland by O • en Connelly; whereupon, that design was frustrated, and the Lord Maguire and Hugh Macmahone, two principal men in the Conspiracy, who came purposely to surprise it, with other their Confederates taken Prisoners; whose Examinations and Confessions, together with the Lord's Justices Letter to the Earl of Leicester; discovering the manner and proceedings of this Conspiracy; I shall here insert.
I shall begin with the Relation of the Lord Maguire himself, written with his own hand in the Tower, and delivered by him to Sir John Conyers then Lieutenant, to present to the Lord's in Parliament, because it is the fullest.
BEing in Dublin Candlemas Term last was 12. months, the Parliament then sitting, Mr. Roger Moore did write to me, desiring me that if I could in that spare time, I would come to his house (for then the Parliament did nothing but sit and adjourn, expecting a Commission for the continuance thereof, their former Commission being expired, and that some things he had to say to me, that did merely concern me; and on receipt of his Letter, the new Commission for continuing the Parliament Landed; and I did return him an answer, that I could not fulfill his request for that present, and thereupon he himself came to Town presently after, and sending to me, I went to see him at his Lodging, and after some little time spent in salutations, he began to discourse of the many afflictions and sufferings, of the Natives of that Kingdom, and particularly in those latter times of my Lord of Straffords Government, which gave distaste to the whole Kingdom) and then he began to particularize the suffering of them that were the more ancient Natives, as were the Irish; how that on the several Plantations they were all put out of their Ancestors Estates, all which sufferings he said did beget a general discontent over all the whole Kingdom in both the Natives, to wit, the Old and New Irish, and that if the Gent. of the Kingdom were disposed to free themselves furtherly from the like inconvenience, and get good conditions for themselves for regaining their Ancestors (or at least a good part thereof) Estates, they could never desire a more convenient time, then that time (the distempers of Scotland being then on foot,) and did ask me what I thought of it; I made him answer, that I could not tell what to think of it, such matters being altogether out of my Element; then he would needs have an oath from me of secrecy, which I gave him, and thereupon he told me, that he spoke to the best Gentlemen of Quality in Lemster, and a great part of Conaght, touching that matter, and he found all of them willing thereunto, if so be they could draw to them the Gent. of Vlster, for which cause said he, I come to speak to you; then he began to lay down to me, the case that I was in then, overwhelmed in Debt, the smallness of my Estate, and the greatness of the Estate my Ancestors had, and how I should be sure to get it again, or at least a good part thereof; and moreover how the welfare and maintaining of the Catholic Religion, which he said undoubtedly the Parliament now in England will suppress, doth depend on it, for (said he) it is to be feared, and so much I hear from every understanding man, the Parliament intends the utter. subversion of our Religon; by which persuasions he obtained my consent, and so demanded whether anymore of Vlster Gent. were in Town? I told him that Philip Relly, Mr. Torrilagh ô Neal, Brother to Sir Phillim ô Neal, and Mr. Cosloe, Macmahone, were in Town: so for that time we parted.
The next day he invited Mr. Relly and I to dine with him, and after dinner, he sent for those other Gent. Mr. Neal, and Mr. Macmaehone,, and when they were come, he began the discourse formerly used to me, to them, and with the same persuasions formerly used to me, he obtained their consent: And then he began to discourse of the manner how it ought to be done: Of the feazebility and easiness of the attempt, considering matters as they then stood in England, the troubles of Scotland, the great number of able men in the Kingdom (meaning Ireland, what succors they were (more then) to hope for from abroad, and the Army then raised all Irishmen, and well armed, meaning the Army raised by my Lord of Strafford against Scotland. First, that everyone should endeavor to draw his own friends into that act, and at least those that did live in one Country with them; and when they had so done, they send to the Irish in the Low-Countries and Spain, to let them know of the day and resolution, so that they be over with them by that day, or soon after, with supply of Arms and Munition as they could, that there should be a set day appointed, and everyone in his own quarters should rise out that day, and seize on all Arms he could get in his County, and this day to be near winter so that England could not be able to send Forces into Ireland before May; and by that time there was no doubt to be made, but that they themselves would be supplied by the Irish beyond Seas, who he said could not miss of help from either Spain or the Pope, but that his resolution was not in all things allowed. For, first it was resolved, nothing should be done, until first they had sent to the Irish over Seas, to know their advice, and what hope of success they could give, for in them, as they said, all their hope of relief was, and they would have both their advise and resolution before any further proceedings, more then to speak to, and try Gent. of the Kingdom, everyone as they could conveniently, to see (in case they would at any time grow to a resolution) what to be, and strength they might trust to: Then Mr. Moor told them that it was to no purpose to spend much time in speaking to the Gent. for there was no doubt to be made of the Ir • sh, that they would be ready at any time: And that all the doubt was in the Gent. of the Pale; but he said that for his own part, he was really assured when they had risen out, the Pale Gent. would not stay long after, at least that they would not oppose them in anything, but be Newters, and if in case they did, that they had men enough in the Kingdom without them. Moreover he said, that he had spoke to a great man (who then should be nameless) that would not fail at the appointed day of rising out to appear, and to be seen in the Act; but that until then he was sworn not to reveal him: And that was all that was done at that meeting; only that Mr. Moore should the next Lent following, make a Iourny down into the North, to know what was done there; and that he also might inform them what he had done, and so on parting Mr. Philip Relly, and I, did importune Mr. Moore for the knowledge of that great man that he spoke of, and on long entreaty, after binding us to new secrecy, not to discover him until the day should be appointed, he told that it was the Lord of Mayo, who was very powerful in command of men in those parts of Co • aght wherein he lived; and that there was no doubt to be made of him, no more then was of himself: and so we parted.
The next Lent following, Master Moore according to his promise came unto Ulster, by reason it was the time of Assizes in several Counties, there he met only with Mr. Rely, and nothing was then done, but all matters put off till the May following, where we or most of us should meet at Dublin, it both being Parliament and Terme time; in the mean time there landed in Ireland one Neall O Neal, sent by the Earl of Tyrone out of Spain, to speak with their Gent. of his name and Kindred, to let them know that he had Treated with Cardinal Richelieu for obtaining succor to come for Ireland, and that he prevailed with the Cardinal, so that he was to have Arms, Munition, and Money from him on demand to come for Ireland, and that he only expected a convenient time to come away, and to desire them to be in a readiness, and to procure all others whom they could to be so likewise; which mess • ge did set forward the proceedings very much, so that Mr. Moore, Mr. Relly; my Brother and I meeting the next May in Dublin, and the same Messenger being there too, it was resolved that he should return to the Earl into Spain with their resolution, which was; that they would rise out 12. or 14. days before or after Alhollantide, as they should see cause, and that he should not fail to be with them by that time; there was a report at that time and before, that the Earl of Tyrone was killed, which was not believed, by reason of many such reports formerly which were found to be false, and so the Messenger departed with directions, that if the Earls death were true, he should repair into the Low Countries to Colonel Owen O Neal, and acquaint him with his Commission from the Earl, whereof it was thought he was not ignorant, and to return an answer sent by him, and to see what he would advise, or would do himself therein: B • t presently after his departure the certainty of the Earls death was known, and on further resolution it was agreed that an express Messenger should be sent to the Colonel to make all the resolutions known to him, and to return speedily with his Answer, and so one Toole O Connelly a Priest (as I think Parish Priest to Mr. Moore ) was sent away to Colonel O Neal; in the interim there came several Letters and News out of England to Dublin, of Proclamations against the Catholics in England, and also that the Army raised in Ireland should be disbanded and conveyed into Scotland; and presently after several Colonels and Captains landed, with directions to carry away those men, amongst whom Col. Pluncket, Col. Birne, and Captain Breim O Neal came, but did not all come together, for Col. Pluncket landed before my coming out of Town, and the other two after: wherein a great fear of suppressing Religion was conceived, and especially by the Gent. of the P • le, and it was very common amongst them, that it would be very inconvenient to suffer so many men to be conveyed out of the Kingdom, it being as was said very confidently reported, that the Scottish Army did threaten, never to lay down Arms until an uniformity of Religion were in the three Kingdoms, and the Catholic Religion suppressed.; and thereupon both Houses of Parliament began to oppose their going, and the Houses were divided in their Opinions; some would have them go, others not, but what the definitive conclusion of the Houses was touching that point I cannot tell, for by leave from the House of Lord's I departed into the Country before the Prorogation: but before my departure I was informed by John Barnawall a Friar, that those Gent, of the Pale (and some other Members of the House of Commons) had several meetings and consultations how they might make stay of the Soldiers in the Kingdom, and likewise to arm them for the defense of the 〈◊〉 , being much injured both of England and Scotland then (as they were informed) and to prevent any attempt against Religion: and presently after I departed into the Country, and Mr. Relly being a Member of the House of Commons stayed the prorogation, and on his coming into the Country sent to me to me • e him, and I came to his house, where he told me that he heard for certain that the former Narration of Barnawall to me (for I did acquaint him with it) was true, and that he heard it from several there: also was Emer Mac Mahone (made privy formerly to all our proceedings) at Mr. Rellies lately come out of the Plea, where he met with the afore-named John Barnawall, who told him as much as he formerly told me; and moreover that those Colonels that lately came over, did proffer their service and industry in that Act, and so would raise their men under color to convey them into Spain, and then seixe on the Castle of Dublin, and with their Arms there to arm their Soldiers, and have them ready for any action that should be commanded them, but that they had not concluded anything, because they were not assured how the Gent. of the remote parts of the Kingnome (and especially of Ulster) would stand affected to that Act, and that assurance of that doubt was all their impediment. Then we three began to think how we might assure them of the assistance and help of Ulster Gent. It was thought that one should be sent to them to acquaint them therewith, and they made choice of me to come, by reason as they said that my Wife was allied to them, and their Country-woman, and would believe me, trust me sooner then other of their parts, they or most of them being of the Pale, and so (without as much as to return home to furnish myself for such a journey (Volens nolens) they prevailed, or rather forced me to come to Dublin to confer with those Colonels (and that was the last August was twelve-month) coming to Town I met Sir James Dillon accidentally before I came to my Lodging, who was one of those Colonels; and after salutation he demanded me where my lodging was, which when I told him, and parted; The next day being abroad about some other occasions of my own in Town, I met him (as he said) coming to wait on me in my Chamber, but being a good way from it, he desired me to go into his own Chamber being near at hand, and then began to discourse to the present sufferings and afflictions of that Kingdom, and particularly of Religion, and how they were to expect no redress (the Parliament in England intending, and the Scots resolving never to lay down Arms until the Catholic Religion were suppressed, then he likewise began to lay down what danger it would be to suffer so many able men as was to go with them to depart the Kingdom in such a time, neither (saith he) doth their other Gent. that are Colonels, and myself affect our own private profit so as to prefer it before the general good of the Kingdom; and knowing that you are well-affected thereunto, (and I hope, said he, ready to put your helping hand to it on occasion) I will let you know the Resolution of those other Gent. and mine, which is if we are ready to raise our men, and after to seize on the Castle where there is great store of Arms, and arm ourselves there. This was the fi • st motion that I ever heard of taking the Castle, for it never came into our thoughts formerly; nor am I persuaded never would, if it had not proceeded from those Colonels, who were the first motioners and contrivers thereof for ought known to me; and then to be ready to prevent and resist any danger that the Gentry of the Kingdom like thereof and help us, for we of ourselves neither are able nor will do anything therein without their assistance: I began according to the directions that was sent with me to approve of the Resolution, and also to let him know how sure he might be of the assistance of those of Ulster; then he told me that for my more satisfaction I should confer with the rest of those Colonels themselves, as many as are privy to the Action, and accordingly a place of meeting was appointed that after-noon, and on the time and place appointed there met sir James himself, Colonel Bourne, and Col. Pluncket, and that former discourse being renewed, they began to lay down the Obstacles to that enterprise, and how they should be redressed.
First, if there should war ensue, how there should be money had to pay the Soldiers.
Secondly, how and where they should procure succor from foreign parts.
Thirdly, how to draw in the Pale Gentry.
Fourthly, who should undertake to surprise the Castle, and how it should be done.
To the first it was answered, That the Rents in the Kingdom everywhere, not having respect whose they should be, due to the Lord's and Gentry thereof, should be collected to pay the Soldiers; and moreover they might be sure (nay that there was no doubt thereof) to procure money from the Pope, who gave several promises formerly to my Lord of Tyrone, (in case he could make way to come into Ireland) to maintain six thousand men yearly at his own charge, and that notwithstanding that my Lord of Tyrone was dead, yet that he would continue the same forwardness now. To the second it was answered by Colonel Bourne, that help from abroad could not fail them, for (said he) Colonel O Neal told me that he had or would procure in readiness, (I do not remember which of those the Colonels spoke, or whither he spoke positive, that Col. O Neal had the Arms, or would procure them) Arms for ten thousand men. And moreover (said he) I make no great question that if we send into Spain we shall not miss of Ayde; for I being in London the last year, in the Scots troubles, I was in conference with one of the Spanish Ambassadors there then, and talking of their troubles then a foot, he said, that if the Irish did then rise to, and send into Spain, their Messengers would be received under Canopies of gold; these last words he told me, and someone man of those that were present privately, whose name I cannot call to mind, (neither well remember I whether he spoke to them all or no.) Then it was thought that when they were both in Arms for defense of the Catholic cause, they would be succoured by the Catholic Princes of Christendom. To the third it was Answered by Colonel Pluncket that he was as morally certain (for those were his words) as he could be of anything that the Pale Gentry would join with them, and assist them; for he said I have spoke to several of them since my landing in the Kingdom, and I find them very ready and willing, and withal I have at London spoke to some of the Committees, and particularly to my Lord of Gormonstone to let them know his resolution, and they approved of it very well, and withal they knew of the former consultations by those Gentry, told me by Barnewall: For it was said but very secretly, that the King did in these terms say to Mr. Nicholas Pluncket, one of the Irish Committee then in England, that if they would stick to him, he would stick to them; this I heard I think from the said John Barnewall, but in truth I am not sure whether from him or no, but certain I am that he from whom I heard it did confidently report it. All this was not done at the first meeting, but at three or four meetings, and so on the last meeting it was resolved to the last doubt touching seizing the Castle; That Colonel Pluncket and Col. Burn should undertake that task because they were nearer to it then any other, and also seize on all the Forts, Garrisons and other places where they think any Arms should be, and in particular London Derry, which should be undertaken by those of Ulster. And then there was a set day appointed for the execution thereof, that was the fifth of the ensuing September. (this being the latter end of August, or the beginning of September. Anno 1641. I do not know whether) and everyone should make provision to rise out that day, and they were named that should first succor them that should take the Castle with men presently, namely sir James Dillon, who did undertake to be with them within three (or at the most four days with one thousand men, and so much more, should come to them out of the North, for those two Colonels did not intend to use above one hundred men in the surprisal, whereof they were to have twenty good able Gentlemen; for they made account that having the Castle, they with the Artillery would master all the Town until they were relieved by men from the Country: and because there was a doubt made, how all this could be done in so short a time, they did appoint that all that were there present should not fail to meet again there the 20. of September, to give an accompt of all things as well hopes as impediments, and if on that interview all things should happen to be well, that they go forward, or if otherwise, to prolong the Execution of it to more convenient time, and so we parted, every man into the Country, about his own task, and I in my way home, came to Mr. Rellyes house, and there I received a Letter from Sir Phelim ô Neal, that his Lady was dead, and to be buried on the Sunday following; this being on the Satterday, and desiring mein all kindness to come to the buri • ll; and Mr. Relly having received another Letter to the same effect, would needs have me go thither, (whereunto I was very unwilling, being weary withal, not provided to go to such a meeting) as well (said he) to prevent any iealousy from the Ladies friends, as also, to confer with Sir Phelim touching all these proceeedings, (for neither he nor I did ever speak with Sir Phellim concerning those matters before) but to his Brother Tirolagh ô Neal, and coming thither, we found Captain Bryan ô Neal, lately come out of the Low-Countries, sent over by Col: ô Neal, to speak to and provoke those of Vlster to rise out into Arms, and that he would be with them on notice of their day; the same day or soon after it: and it was asked of the said Captain, what aide he could send or procure, being but a private Colonel, or where he could get any? he replied that the said Col: told him, that he had sent to several places that Summer to demand aide, and in particular to Cardinal Richelieu into France (to whom he had sent twice that year) and had comfortable and very hopeful promises from them, and especially from that Cardinal on whom he thought the Colonel did most depend, so that there was no doubt to be made of succor from him, and especially when they had risen out, that would be a means to the Cardinal to give aide: We did the more credit him in regard of the former Treaty between the said Cardinal and the Earl of Tyrone, as formerly is said; for my own part, I did and do believe that the Col: doth depend on France for aide; more then on any other place, as well for these reasons, as also that Ever Macmahone formerly mentioned told me, that presently after the Isle of Rees enterprize (he being then in the Low-Country, did hear for certain that the Earl of Tyrone together with the Colonel did send into France to the Marshall of France (that was general of the French Forces at the Isle of Ree) to deal with him for procuring of aide to come then for Ireland, and that he received an answer from the said Marshall, that he was most willing and ready to contribute his endeavors for his furtherance therein, but that for the present he could not answer my Lord's expectation, by reason that the King had wars in Italy, which he thought would be at an end within half a year or little more, and then my Lord should not doubt of anything that he could do for his assistance, but those continued a great deal longer, so for that time that enterprize faild: So after the Burial was done, I gave these Gentlemen knowledge of what I had done at Dublin, and how I was to retire thither, and then they began to think how to surprise London-Derry, they being near it, but could not then agree in the manner; and so Sir Phelim desired me to take his ho • se in my way going to Dublin, and that I should have a resolution to carry with me touching London-Derry, and thereon I parted home; but soon after came to Dublin, to the afore appointed meeting with those Collonells: But first, I took in my way Sir Phellim ô Neales house to be certain what he had done; and his answer was, that he knew that matters could not be put in execution by the 5. of October, as was appointed, and that they would make another longer day for it, and that he would provide for the taking of London-Derry by that day; and so I came to Dublin, to give an accompt of that was done, and also know what further should be done: I was not two hours in my lodging, when Mr. Moore came to me (who knew of what was done by those Colonels formerly from Col. Burn, and told me that the Messenger sent to Colonel Neal was come with answer, desiring us not to delay any time in rising out, and to let him know of that day beforehand, and that he would not fail to be with us within fourteen days of that day with good aid, also desiring us by any means to seize the Castle of Dublin if we could, for he heard that there was great provision in it for War, and Mr. Moore moreover said, that time was not to be over-slipped, and desired me to be very pressing with the Col. to go on in their resolution; but on meeting the Col. with them they were fallen from their resolution, because those of the Pale would do nothing therein first, but when it was done they would not fail to assist us; Col. Pluncket did affirm, and so by several meetings it was resolved on by them to desist from that enterprize for that time, and to expect a more convenient time; but before that their resolution Sir Phelim O Neal, and the afore-said Capt Brion O Neal followed me to Dublin (as they said) to assist and advise me how to proceed with that Colonel (but neither they nor Mr. Moore would be seen therein themselves to those Gent. but would meet me privately, and know what was done at every meeting, alleging for excuse, that I being first employed in that matter, it would not be expedient that they should be seen in it. And moreover they would not know to be in the Town but by a few of their friends, until they were in a manner ready to depart the Town, at least as long as I was in Town, for I left them there: But when I made them acquainted with their determination of desisting from that enterprise, they thought it convenient that we should meet with Mr. Moore, and Col. Burn, to see what was further to be done concerning the former intention of their own, and accordingly we did send to them that they should meet us, and on that meeting it was where was only Sir Phelim, Mr. Moore, Colonel Burn, Captain Neal and myself; after long debate it was resolved, that we with all those that were of our Faction should go on with that determination that was formerly made, concluded to, to rise out; moreover to seize on the Castle (as the Collonells were purposed, for if it were not for their project and the advise sent by Col: Neal, we would never venter to surprise it, neither was it ever thought on in all the meetings and resolutions between, before that those Collonells did resolve on it; but by reason that the other Gent. that were privy to these proceedings were not present, the certainty of the time, and the manner how to execute it, was put off to a further meeting in the country, and this was resolved in Dublin on the Sunday at night being the 26. or 27. of Septem. and that meeting was appointed on the Saturday following, at Mac Collo mac Mohones house in Farney in the county of Monaghan, and thereupon we all left the Town, only Sir Phelim stayed about some other his private occasions▪ but did assare his being there at that day; and by reason that at that meeting the Gent. of Leinster could not be, considering the remoteness of the place from them, it was thought fit that Mr. Moore should there meet to receive the final resolution, and should acquaint them therewith; and in the mean time Colonel Burn, who had undertaken for Col. Pluncket, should inform them all of the intention conceived, and dispose them in readiness against that day that should be appointed; on Saturday I came to Mr. Mac Mohones house, there met only Mr. Mac Mohone himself, Captain Neal, Ever Mac Mohone, and myself, (and thither that same day came the Messenger that was sent to Col. Neal, and did report the Colonels Answer, and advise verbatim, as I have formerly repeated from Mr. Moore ) and by reason that Sir Phelim his Brother or Mr. Philip Relly that were desired to meet, did not meet, we stayed that night to expect them, and that nigh • I received a letter from Sir Phelim, entreating us by any means not to expect him until the Monday following, for he had nor could dispatch some occasions merely concerning him, but whatsoever came of them, he would not fail on the Monday, and the next day after receipt of the letter being Sunday (by Mr. Moors advise) we depared from Col. Mac Mahones house, to prevent (as he said) the suspicion of the English there (many living near to Long • ros • e in the County of Ardmagh to Mr. Torilagh O Neales house, not Sir Phelims brother, but son to Mr. Henry O Neal of the Fires) son in Law to Mr. Moore, a • d left word that if Sir Phelim, or any of those Gent. did come in the mean time they should follow us thither, (whether only went Mr. Moore, Captain O Neal and myself ) and there we expected until the Tuesday subsequent, before any of those did come: On the Tuesday came Sir Phelim and Ever Mac Mahone, all the rest failing to come, Mr. Mac Mahones wife was dead the night before, which was the cause that he was not there, but I gave his assent to what should be concluded to win therein, and execute what should be appointed him, and then we sive, viz. Sir Phelim, Mr. Moore, Captain O Neal, Ever Mac Mahone, and my self, assuring ourselves that those Gent. absent would both allow and join to what we should determine, did grow into a final resolution, grounding all or most part of our hope and confidence on the succor from Col. Neal, to seize on the Castle, and rise out all in one day, and the day was appointed on the 23. of that month (this being the fifth day of September, having regard therein to the day of the week whereon that day did fall, which was the Saturday, being the Market day, on which day there would be less notice taken of people up and down the streets; Then began a question who should be deputed for the surprisal of the Castle, and then Mr. Moore said he would be one of them himself, and that Col. Burn should be another, and what other Gent, of Leinster they could procure to join with them; and seeing the Castle had two Gates, the one the great, and the other the little Gate, going down to my Lord Lieutenants Stables, hard by which Stable without the Castle was the Store-house for Arms, they of Leinster would undertake one Gate, and that should be the little Gate, and the Gate should be undertaken by those of Ulster, and (said he) of necessity one of you both (meaning Sir Phelim and me) must be there for the mere countenance of that matter, it being the glory of all our proceedings, and all that his speeches were well liked of all present, but Sir Phelim would be exempted from that employment, and so would I, but then all of them set on me, desiring me to be one, alleging for reason that their proceedings and resolutions were very honorable and glorious, it being for Religion, and for to procure more liberty for their Country, as did (say they) of late Scotland, and that in taking the Castle consisted all the glory and honor of that said Act, all which should be attributed to them which should be employed therein, and so by consequence all or most part to be there, being (as they said) the chief in that enterprise, and more, Sir Phelim said, that he would endeavor to take or procure others to take LONDON-DERRY the same day, and if he should be away that place would not be taken: with these, and many other persuasions they obtained my consent, and then the Captain offered himself; they began to think what number should be employed in that Act, and they concluded on two hundred men, a hundred from each Province for those States which they seize on: of which number Sir Phelim O Neal should send forty with an able sufficient Gentleman to conduct them, and likewise Captain Neall twenty, Mr. Colonel Mac Mahone, Mr. Relly, ten more, and I should bring twenty two. Then began a doubt how they should raise those men, and convey them to Dublin without suspicion? and it was answered, that under pretence of carrying them to those Colonels that were conveying soldiers out of the Kingdom, it might safely be done; and to that purpose Sir Phelim O Neal, Mr. Moore, and the Captain had several blank Pattent • with deputations to make Captains to those Colonels, which they sent to those Gentry that should send men to Dublin: for the more color they be thought of what was to be done in the Country that day, and it was resolved that everyone privy to that matter in every part of the Kingdom should rise out that day, and seize on all the Forts and Arms in the several Counties, to make all the Gentry Prisoners, the more to assure themselves against any averse fortune, and not to kill any but where of necessity they should be forced thereunto by opposition (and that those that were appointed for taking the Castle should observe) and in particular the Gentry: all their Army in Ulster to take that day London Derry, which Sir Phelim did undertake, and Knockfergus which they thought Sir Henry Mac O Neal would do, and to that end Sir Phelims brother Terlagh O Neal should be sent to them; and the Nu • ie, which should be undertaken by Sir Conne Kenish, and his Brothers, for whom Sir Phelim (in regard they were his Brothers in Law, his deceased Lady being their Sister) did undertake: Moreover it was agreed, that Sir Phelim, Mr. Relly, Mr. Coll • Mac Mahone and my Brother should, with all the speed they could after that day, raise all the forces they could, and follow us to Dublin, but to arm the men and succor us, and defend and Garrison the Town and Castle, and likewise Master Moore should appoint Leinster Gentry to send like supply of men. Then there was fear of the Scots conceived, that they should presently oppose themselves, and that that would make the matter more difficult, and to avoid which danger, it was resolved on not to meddle with them, or anything belonging to them, and to demean themselves towards them as if they were of themselves, which they thought would pacify them from any opposition, and if the Scots would not accept of that offer of Amity, but would oppose them, they were in good hope to cause a stir in Scotland that might divert them from them, and I believe the ground for that hope was, that two years before, in or about the beginning of the Sco • s troubles, my Lord of Tirone sent one Torilagh O Neal (a Priest) out of Spain, and that this I take it was the time that he was in Treaty with Cardinal Richelieu to my Lord of Argile, to treat with him for help from my Lord, for him to come into Ireland as was said for Marriage, between the said Earl and my Lord of Argiles Daughter (or Sister, I know not which) and this Messenger was in Ireland, with whom Mr. Torilagh O Neal, Sir Phelims Brother had conference from whom this relation was had: that said Messenger went into Scotland, as I did hear from the said Mr. Neal, or from Emer Mac Mahone afore named; I know not from which of them; but what he did there I cou • d never hear, by reason that my Lord of Tyrone was presently after killed: They were the more confirmed therein, hearing that my Lord of Argile did say (near on the same time as I guess, and when the Army was raised in Ireland as I think) to a great Lady in Scotland, I know not her name, but did hear that she was much imbarked in the troubles of that Kingdom; then she questioning how they could subsist against the two Kingdoms of England and Ireland, that if the King did endeavor to stir Ireland against them, he would kindle such a fire in Ireland as would hardly or never be quenched: And moreover, they knew my Lord to be powerful with the Ilanders, Red-shanks in Scotland, whom they thought would be prone and ready to such Actions, they for the most par • disce • ded out of Ireland, holding the Irish Language, manners still, and so we parted. The next day being Wednesday, from Lough Ross every man went about his own task, and so when I came home I acquainted my Brother with all that was done, and what they had appointed him to do, and did like according as they appointed me, send to Mr. Relly to let him know as much, and the 18. of the same month I began my Journey to Dublin, and when I came to Dublin (being the day before the appointed day of putting that resolution in execution there, I met with Captain Conn O Neal, sent out of the Low Countries by Colonel O Neal, who was sent after the Messenger sent by us formerly to the said Colonel, was by him dispatched with his Answer) to encourage us in our resolution, and to speedy performance, with assurance of succor, which he said would not • aile of the Colonels behalf, and for the more certainty of help from him, and to assure us that the Colonel had good hopes to procure aid from others; he said, that it was he himself that was employed from him to Cardinal Richelieu twice, that some men who gave very fair promises to assure the Colonels expectation, with which he said that the said Colonel was really with himsel • e assured of the Cardinals aid, and that he was likewise commanded by the Colonel upon our Resolution of the day to give notice thereof to him, and that he would be within fourteen days over with them with aid, but he landed nine or ten days before, and meeting with Captain Brian O Neal, who made him acquainted with what was resolved, he did write all the matter to Col. O Neal, so as he was sure of his speedy coming; and so that Evening he and I came to meet the other Gentry, and there were met Mr. Moore, Col. Burn, Col. Pluncket, Captain Fox, and other Leinster Gentry, a Captain I think of the Burnes, but I am not sure whether a Burn or Toole, and Captain Bryan O Neal, and taking an accompt of those that should have been there, it was found that Sir Phelim O Neal, Mr. Col. Mac Mahone did fail of sending their men, and Col. Burn did miss Sir Morgan Kennanaugh that had promised him to be there, but he said he was sure he would not fail to be that night or the next morning in Town, and of the two hundred men that was appointed there was only eighty present, yet notwithstanding they were resolved to go on in their resolution, and all the difference was at what time of the day they would set on the Castle; and after some debate it was resolved in the after-noon, and the rather hoping to meet the Col. there then, for they said, if they should take the Castle, and be enforced by any extremity for not receiving timely succor out of the Country (having them they could not want) and so parred that night, but to meet in the morning to see further what wrs • o be done; and immediately thereon I came to my Chamber, and about nine of the clock Mr. Moore, and Captain Fox came to me and told me all was discovered, and that the City was in Arms, and the Gates were shut up, and so departed from me, and what became of them or of the rest I know not, nor think that they escaped, but how and at what time I do not know, because I myself was taken that morning.
To this I shall add his Examinations taken before the Lord's Justices of Ireland, and since in England
The Examination of Connor Lord Magwire, Baron of Eniskillin, taken before us, Charles Lord Lambart, and Sir Robert Meredith Knight, Chancel • r of his Majesty's Court of Exchequer, the 26. day of March 1642. by Direction of the Right Honorable the Lord's Justices and Council.
WHo being Examined saith, That about the time when Mr. John Bellew came out of England with • he Commission for the continuance of the present Parliament, Koger Moore, in the said Moors Chamber in the house of one Peter de Costres of this City, acquainted him this Examinant; that, if the Irish would rise, they might make their own condition for the regaining of their own Lands and freedom of their Religion, at which time the said Moore also acquainted him this Examinant, that he had spoken with sundry of Leinster who would be ready for that purpose, and withal told him this Examinant, that he was assured a good part of Conaght would do the like, and thereupon moved this Examinant to join likewise with them with all he could make, unto which motion he this Examinant yielded. And the next day following, there was a meeting in his the said Moors Chamber aforesaid▪ where were Col: Mac Bryan, Macmahone, Tir • lagh ô N • ale, Philip mac Hugh ô Relie this, Examinant, and Roger Moore, where discourse was had of that busi • esse, yet nothing concluded on; save that Roger Moore and the rest should go and prepare their parties: And this Examinant further saith, That about May l • st, he this Examinant, Roger Moore, Philip ô Relie, and Roger mac Guire, this Examinants Bro • her, dispatched a Priest, one Toole ô Conleij, who lived in Leinster, unto Owen ô Neal into Flanders to acquaint him with the business concerning the General Rebellion then in preparation, which said Priest re • urned about a Moneth before the time appointed for execution thereof: And the answer which the said Priest brought from the said Owen ô Neal was, that he would (within fifteen days after the people were up) be with them with his best Assistance and Arms; and it being demanded why he said Owen should bring Arms considering the C • stle of Dublin was to be taken and the Arms therein. This Examinant answered, that they so provided for Arms, that they might not want any in case they could not take the said Castle, whereof they doubted: And this Examinant acknowledgeth, That the Castle of Dublid, was to have been surprised by himself, Captain Bryan ô Neal, Captain Con ô Neal Captain Macmahone, one Owen ô Relie, Roger Moore Hugh Macmahone, Col: Pluncket, and Captain Fox, and likewise further acknowledgeth, that Hugh mac Pheli •• , Captain Con ô Neal, and Bryan ô Neal, brought from Owen ô Neal out of Flanders, the very same Message which the said Priest brought: And this Examinant further saith, That he was told by Roger Moore, that a great Man was in the Plot, but he might not name him for the present: And at another time, and during the sitting of the Parliament; the last Summer, he this Examinant was informed by one John Barnwell, a Tranciscan Friar then resident in this City, that those of the Pale were also privy unto the Plot (meaning the present Rebellion) and lastly saith, That of those persons who came to attend him this Examinant for the surprise of the said Castle of Dublin only Cohonough Maguire, was privy unto the business in hand, and that the last meeting (when the day appointed for execution thereof was resolved on) was at Logh Ross, where were present only, Ever Macmahone Vicar General of the Diocese of Clogher, Thomas mac Kearnan, a Friar of Dundalk, Sir Phelim ô Neal, Roger Moore, and Bryan ô Neal.
Charles Lambart. Rob: Meredith. Concordat cum Originally. Ex. per Paul Harris.
Memorandum, That this within written being shown and read unto the within named Lord Maguire, and himself having perused the same, his Lordship did acknowledge the same to be true in all things, saving, that he doth not now acknowledge that Barnwell told him, that those of the Pale were privy to the Plot; neither doth acknowledge, that Cohonagh Maguire was privy to the Plot, before his coming to Dublin.
This Examination and acknowledgement, was made and taken the 22. day of June, 1642. Anno Regni Caroli Regis deremo ditum, before us.
- John Bramstone.
- Thomas Malet.
- Io. Conyers.
- W. Ayloffe.
- Nath. Finch.
The Examination of Cornelius Maguire, Lord Baron of Eniskillin in Ireland, taken before Isaac Pennington Esq Lieutenant of the Tower of London; and Laurence Whitaker Esq two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, for the County of Middlesex, the first day of October. 1644.
HEE denieth the receiving of any Letters or Messages out of England before the Rebellion, nor did he ever hear of any. He, saith he▪ was but a mean Instrument in the design in Ireland: He confesseth, he intended to Seize upon the Castle of Dublin, and the Magazine there, and keep it till they had redress of some grievances, which they purposed to propound to the Parliament there: One whereof was, to have a Toleration of the Roman Catholic Religion. He confesseth that he came accidentally to Phillip Rellyes house as he came up to Dublin; and as he remembereth, Mr. Macmahone was then there, and that his intention of coming up to Dublin, was to put the aforesaid design in execution, and that then and there, they had speech about that design; but remembereth not the particulars: Which design was to be put in execution the 23. day of Octob. in that year, and that he was taken there that very day, being Saturday upon search made for him, carried before the Lord's Justices, examined, committed and sent over into England.
He saith further, that he made his escape out of the Tower of London, upon Sunday the 18, of August last, about four of the clock in the Morning.
- Laurence Whitaker.
- Isaac Pennington.
The Examinations of Hugh Macmahone, taken at Dublin in this conspiracy, since condemned of High Treason in the Kings Bench, and executed as a Traitor at Tiburn the last Michaelmas Term, I concur in substance with the L. Maguires: and here follow in their order of time.
The Examination of Hugh oge Macmahone of Connagh, in the county of Monoghan Esq aged 35. years, or thereabouts, taken before the Right Honorable, the Lord's Justices and Council.
THe said Examinant saith, That he thinks here will be trouble this day throughout all the Kingdom of Ireland, and that all the Fortifications of Ireland will be this day taken as he thinks: And he saith, that he thinks that it is so far gone by this time, that all Ireland cannot help it: He saith that he was told this by Captain Bryan ô Neal. He saith that Captain Bryan ô Neal, and Captain Hugh Birne, were designed for surprising the Castle of Dublin; and that if he, this Examinant were one for surprising the Castle of Dublin, those two Captains were principal therein. He saith the place of meeting was to be at the Examinants Lodging. He saith that twenty prime men out of every County in Ireland were to be at Dublin this last night concerning that matter; and that they were to consult of it this Morning at the Examinants Lodging▪ Their Weapons were to be Swords and Skenes, and that the Captains that were raising men in the Irish Countries, were they that should send men hither to second the business. He saith, when they had Dublin, they made sure of the rest, and expected to be furnished with more Arms at Dublin. He said, I am now in your hands, use me as you will, I am sure I shall be shortly Revenged: And being demanded whither the Lord Maguire was one appointed to this business; he at last said, he thought he was.
William Parsons.
R. Dillon. Ad. Loftus. I. Temple. Tho: Rotherham. Robert Meredith. Hugh mac Mohone his Examination, the 22. of March, 1641.
HE saith, that Sir Phelim ô N • ale, the Lord Maguire, and Philip mac Hugh ô Relli, were the first complotters and contrivers of the late Rebellion in Ireland.
He further saith, that the said Sir Phelim, the said Lord Maguire, and the said Philip mac Hugh ô Relli, did tell him this Examinant, that all the parties who were Parliament men at the Session of Parliament holden about May last, that were Papists, did know of the intended Rebellion in Ireland, and did approve of the said Rebellion.
He further saith, that Philip mac Hugh ô Relly did tell to this Examinant about May last at Dublin, that the Committee or Agents who were employed into England by the Parliament, would procure an Order or Commission from the King, to Au • horize the Papists of Ireland, to proceed in their Rebellious courses, and that the said Philip mac Hugh ô Relly, did also tell him the same again in October last, in the County of Monoghan, a little before the 23. of October; at which time this Examinant came to this Town.
He also saith, that Col: Mac Bryan mac Hone, upon a Wednesday being the 20. of October last, did at his own house tell to this Examinant, that the King had given a Commission to the Papists of Ireland, to seize upon all the Garrisons and strong holds in Ireland, and that this Examinant should see the said Commission at his coming to Dublin, and that Captain Bryan ô Neal, Grandchild to Sir Turloe mac Henry should bring this Examinant to the Agent, who was one of the Committees that did bring the Commission out of England, but the Agents name the said Col: mac Bryan, did not, or could not tell him.
He further saith, that his Nephew Philip mac Hugh O Relli, about six days before the 23. of October last, being at his own house of Ballanecarrick, did tell this Examinant, that the Lord Maguire would be at Dublin upon the 23. of October last, to take the Castle of Dublin; and this Examinant did then promise to be there at the same time, to the same end and purpose▪ if he did see the Commission.
He further saith, that Captain Brian O Neal meeting with this Examinant at Finglas near to Dublin, upon the 22. of October, did tell this Examinant that there would be twenty persons out of every county in the Kingdom, to assist in the taking of the Castle of Dublin.
He saith further, that Art. mac Hugh Oge mac Mohone came in the company of this Examinant to this city of Dublin, to assist in the taking the Castle of Dublin.
He further saith, that Collo mac Brian mac Mohone did procure Rory Oge mac Patrick mac Mohone, to persuade Patrick mac Art mac Mohone, and Patrick ma • Owen mac Mohone, Ardell mac Patrick mac Mohone, and two other mac Mo • ones, whose names he knoweth not, and Donogh ô Finely to come to Dublin, to assist in the taking of the Castle of Dublin, who were all apprehended in the house in Dublin, together with this Examinant.
Fr. Willoughby. Concordat cum originally. Exam. Paul Harris.
The said Hugh mac Mohone having heard this his Examination taken in Ireland the 22. of March last now read unto him, he doth acknowledge the same to be true in all parts, as the same is therein set down; save only that by the Rebellion in Ireland, mentioned in the third line thereof, he meant and intended the Rebellion in Ulster, and the intent and attempt to take the Castle of Dublin▪ And saith, that Sir Phelim O Neal and the Lord Maguire, did not tell him that the parties who were Parliament men, did know of the intended Rebellion in Ireland, or did approve thereof; but saith, that Philip mac Hugh O Rely first in May 1641. covertly and afterwards on Monday next before the 23. of October last, did tell this Examinant in express words, and that the matter of the Rebellion, did first begin and proceed amongst the Parliament men in Ireland in the last Parliament there: And this Examinant saith, he is Grandchild to Hugh late Earl of Tyrone, and that this Examinant is of the age of 35. years or thereabouts, and was born at Rusleigh, in the County of Monaghan in Ireland: And this acknowledgement he made 24. Iunii 1642. before us,
- John Bramstone.
- Tho: Malet.
- Hugh Macmahone.
- Io. Conyers.
- W. Ayloffe.
- Ralph Whitsell.
- Nath Finch.
- Io. Glanvill,
- William Constantine.
The Examination of Hugh Macmahone taken before Isaac Pennington Esquire, Lieutenant of the Tower of London, and Laurence Whitaker Esquire, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, the first day of October. 1644.
HE saith, that one Philip O Relly told him there was a Commission from the King sent into Ireland, and that their design was to assure themselves of the Castle of Dublin till things were settled, and that 20. out of every Shiere in Ireland should join to seize upon the Castle, and Magazine of Dublin, and the other strength of that Kingdom, till they might bring their design to effect, which was to be assured of some demands which they were to make to the Parliament there; and that O Relly told him they had a Commission from the King to seize, as he hath said, and told him also he saw a Warrant pretended to be under sir Maurice Eustace, Speaker of the Parliaments hand to that purpose, and that it was an agreement amongst them that this seizing should be general throughout the Kingdom as he was told. He saith, that it was one of his businesses that brought him to Dublin to put this matter in execution, if it could be done in a fair way, and that O Relly told him all he hath said in the May before; and saith that O Relly being then in the County of Cavan, directed twenty to come up out of the County of Monoghan to put this design in effect, whereof this Examinant was one, and of that County only seven or eight came up to him; and saith, that the Lord Magwire came up to Dublin about the same time, about the same design, and that five nights before he met with the Lord Magwire at Philip O Rellyes house, at which time Philip O Relly related all this to this Examinant, and the Lord Magwire told him he was to go to Dublin about that design.
He saith, that the 18th. of August last, being Sunday, about four of the clock in the morning, he did saw in pieces the Door of his Lodging in the Tower, and with a bed-cord let himself down, and having gotten over two walls waded through the ditch, and so escaped.
- Lawr▪ Whitaker,
- Isaa • k Pennington.
The Examination of Hugh Mac Mahone, taken the 20. day of Octob. 1644.
I. HE saith, that the Warrant which Philip O Neal told him of, was for the seizing of some strong Holds in his Country, which was the County of Cavan; remembereth not whose hand or hands were subscribed to it besides Sir Maur▪ Eustaces, and that the intention of that Warrant was, that the strong Holds of that County should be seized upon until they of that County had satisfaction unto their demands and grievances, which were to be presented to the Parliament. He remembereth not the date of that Warrant, nor how long it did bear date before the discovery of the Plot: remembereth not who w • re acquainted with the Warrant besides Orelly and himself, saving only one Hugh Orel • y, who was then present, when Philip Orelly shown it to this Examinant; and Philip Orelly told him that the like Warrant was to go into all Shieres of that Kingdom, and that it was to be accompanied with a Commission from the King or with other Copies of it; which he saith, he hath since heard to be false.
II. He confesseth, he was at Philip Orellyes house five nights before the discovery of the Rebellion; and that he told him this, except that the design thereof was resolved upon in the May before, and that the matter touching the seizing of the Castles of the Kingdom, was referred to a Committee of Parliament to be considered of; and saith, that the Lord Magwire met him that night at Orellyes house, with his wife and children; but denieth, that the Lord Magwire heard any of the conference which this Examinant had with Philip Orelly, but only at this Examinants departure from thence in the morning, he said, he should mere this Examinant in Dublin: but upon better advertisement this Examinant saith, that at his taking leave of the Lord Magwire, this Examinant said to him; What if the matter be as Orelly said, and that we seize upon the Castle at Dublin, how if the City stir? The L. Magwire answered; What should they stir for, when we will do nobody no hurt? perhaps we may shoot off a warning-piece, when we have taken the Castle, in some void place, or some Chimnies to make a noise.
III. He knoweth not anything.
IV. & V. He saith, he did discourse about that Plot with one Rory Mac Mahone, and Kedman Mac Mahone, but did not consult with them about it otherwise then by telling them, what Philip Orelly had told him; and that he was the first and last that ever told him of it, and he thinketh Rory Mac Mahone, and Redman are still living, but where he knoweth not.
VI. He saith, that one Art. Mac Mahone, and two Boys did accompany him to Dublin the 22. of October, of which boys one was 24. or 25. years old, and the other 16. or 17. which Art. was also taken there and put in prison, and for the two boys he knoweth not what became of them, and saith, that 8. persons came up after him out of the County of Monaghan, which were part of the twenty that were to be sent up out of that County; but remembereth not the names of any of those eight persons, and he spake not with any of them.
VII. He saith, that Ockonelly (as he remembereth) told him of the taking of Charlemon • , or of some stir about it, but by whom it was taken or seized upon he knoweth not, if it were taken; nor knows who was at the taking of it.
VIII. He knoweth the L. Blanyes house in the County of Monaghan, but knoweth nothing of the Fort of Mont-Joy, nor whether there be such a place, or no.
IX. He knoweth not what Forts or places were taken in this rebellion.
X. He knoweth most of the parties named in this Inter; but denieth that ever he had any discourse with any of them about the rebellion, more then that he told two or three of them what Philip Orelly had told him.
XI. He had speech with Con Mac Bryan Mac Mahone, so far as to tell him what Orelly had told him, but with the other man no speech at all.
XII. No speech with any of them.
XIII. He knoweth of no other encouragement given to him but that Orelly told him, that the King did say to Pluncket, stick you to me, and I will stick to you, and the Commission formerly mentioned which the Lord Magwire said, was not true.
XIV. Knoweth no more then he hath said, but that Mackennay should come up from the County of Monaghan with twenty men, to be of the number of those that should seize the Castle.
- Isaac Penington.
- Lawrence Whitaker.
To these Examinations I shall add this ensuing Testimony which will more fully discover the bloody intentions of those Conspirators against the Protestants and English in Ireland.
John Carmicks Testimony upon Oath to the Jury in Court at the Kings Bench in Westminster Hall, upon the trial of Hugh Oge Mac Mahon, Esquire the 18. of November, 1644.
THat upon the 21. of October 1641. Fergus O Howen one of the followers or servants of Bryan Mac Gwire Esquire, came to my Chamber in the Castle of Eniskillin, in the County of Fermanagh in Ireland, and after, he endeavored to bind me to keep secret a matter of great concernment, which he said he had to disclose unto me, and particularly to conceal it from Sir William Cole, and all other English-men: He discovered unto me that the Lord Magwire, and the above named Hugh Oge Mac Mahon, accompanied with sundry Irish-men of the Counties of Fermanagh and Monaghan, did take their Iournies out of the said Counties upon the nineteenth and twentieth days of October, 164 • . to the City of Dublin, with resolution and intent, to surprise, and seize upon his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, and to murder and kill his Highness Lord's Justices, and Council of the Kingdom of Ireland, and the rest of the Protestants there; and also to possess themselves of the City of Dublin, and to put all the Protestants there likewise to the Sword, and that to that effect; there were other great men and others of the Papists of that Kingdom to repair unto and meet them in Dublin on Saturday 23. Octob. 1641. or there abouts.
And that all the Castles, Forts, Sea • ports, and Holds that were in the possession of the Protestants in the several Counties and Provinces in the Kingdom of Ireland, were then also designed and resolv • d to be surprised and taken by the Irish Papists, and the Protestants in every of those Castles Forts, Sea-ports and Holds, to be then also put all to the sword by the Irish Papists in Ireland, in their own several parts and limits, by men thereunto chiefly and particularly appointed by the contrivers thereof.
And especially this Castle and Town of Eniskillin (with the rest) will also be taken, and all you that be Protestants in it put to the sword▪ whereof I give you this notice, advising you to get yourself and goods out of this Town and Castle with all expedition, and sell your stock, of Cattle, and whatsoever else you have in the Country, for any money that you can get for them; for I assure you these things that I tell you will come to pass before it be seven days next after this day, and this Castle and Town will be no place of refuge or safety for you; wherefore I desire and advise you again, to get you hence, with all speed, for the war against the English and Protestants will be universally raised throughout the Kingdom of Ireland, which if you find not to be true (as I say) before it be full fourteen days to an end, then I will give you leave to cut off my head. Whereupon I presently acquainted Sir William Cole with this, and even then also one Flartagh Mac Hugh a Gentleman and Free-holder of that County came to the said Sir William the said one and twentieth of October in Anno 1641. declaring upon Oath, that the Plot for the surprising of the Castle and City of Dublin, the Castle of Eniskillin, and all the Castles and strengths in Ireland (which were in the possession of Protestants in that Kingdom, together with some further mischief to be done to the Protestants in general) was to be put in full execution by the Papists upon the 22. and 23. of October 1641▪ throughout the said Kingdom: And that Bryan Mac Coconnaught Mac Gwire Esquire, did send him the said Flartagh Mac Hugh, to give notice and warning thereof, to the said Sir William Cole, whom he earnestly desired to be upon his Guard, upon Friday the 22. and Saturday the 23. of October 1641. For the Lord Magwire, who is gone with Mac Mahon (this Prisoner now at the Ba • ) and others to Dublin this week, with purpose to possess themselves of th • Castle and City of Dublin, hath written his letters lately to Conn O Rourke, Owen O Rourke, Murtagh Oge O Flumagon and others, to go on with that Plot in these parts; and hath appointed his Brother Rory Mac Gwire in his absence to command the Irish Papists of this County of Fermanagh, for the surprising of the Castles and houses of the Protestants, and especially this Castle and Town of Eniskillin. And after he had ended this Relation, he requested the said sir William Cole and me, that his name should not be used as in discovering of the said evils, least it should prove his ruin and destruction amongst his Country men; and thereupon he departed, promising to return with further Intelligence of the progress of that matter unto the said Sir William Cole.
Of all which the said Sir William dispatched letters of notice unto the Lord's Justices and Council of Ireland the same day, and also gave notice by several other letters and Messengers to his Neighbors, the undertakers, and other Protestants in the several parts next adjoining to him.
And yet upon the 23. of October 1641. Redmond Mac Rory Mac Mahon, (cozen German of the prisoner at the Bar) with armed multitudes and Collours displayed, did enter into the Town of Clownis, in the county of Monaghan, and possessed themselves of the Castle and all other houses there, and did rob and spoil the Protestants, viz. Edward Aldrith Esquire and others, of all their money, plate, household-stuff, goods and chattels, within and without doors, as Robert Aldrith Gentleman, John Mac Reavy and others affirmed upon Oath, before the said sir William Cole.
And upon the 23. of October 1641. or there abouts, Art Roe Mac Mahon Esquire, kinsman of the prisoner at the Bar, did surprise and seize upon the Castle, Fort, and Town of Monaghan in the County of Monaghan, did rob, strip and dispoile, hang and kill the Protestants there; as namely, Richard Blayney Esquire, a Parliament man, Luke Ward Gentleman and others, and did then also imprison the Lady Blayney, wife of Henry Lord Blayney, and some of her servants and others Protestants, as was also affirmed upon Oaths of the persons afore-said, before the said sir William Cole.
And Colonel Mac Bryan, Mac Mahon of Fearney (being the Earl of Essex his Lands in that County) another kinsman of the prisoner at the Bar, did break out the same time into open Rebellion in the said County of Monaghan, he being a Papist▪ and a Member of the Parliament then in Ireland, as was also affirby the persons afore-said upon Oath before the said sir William Cole.
And Neill Mac Kennay of the Troogh Esquire, another kinsman of the prisoner at the Bar, did rebel the day aforesaid, in manner aforesaid, in the said County of Monaghan, and did seize upon the Castle of Glosslogh, and imprison Mr. Robert Barkclay a Protestant Minister, and his wife, after he had robbed them of all their goods: he the said Minister and others did upon Oath also affirm before the said Sir William Cole, and Redmond Mac Mahon, cozen German of the prisoner at the Bar, with Colours displayed, and armed multitudes did upon the 18. day of December 1641. or there abouts, come with Rory Mac Gwire with armed men, in all to the number of 1500. or there abouts, before the Castle of Lisgoole in the County of Fermanaugh in Ireland, where they murdered and burned Thomas Grahum Gentleman, Matthew Moore a Protestant Minister, Richard Peasant, Richard Rainbow, and others to the number of one hundred thirty and one protestants or there abouts.
And also the same Rebells afterward, viz. upon the 25. of December, 1641. or there abouts, after quarter given unto Tho. Trotter, Francis Trotter, Alexander Bell, and other Protestants, to the number of 152. persons or there abouts, which for safety of their lives, fled into the Castle of Tully in the County of Fermanagh, belonging to sir Geo▪ Hume Baronet, did murder them all, & then burned the said Castle the same day, which was done by the command or permission of the said Rory Mac Gwire, brother of the said Lord Mac Gwire, by the aggravation and council of one Patrick O Cassedie a papist Friar, who concluded his invective Exhortation in these or the like words, I will take the sin and guilt of the blood of these Heretics upon my Soul, and do absolve you all thereof, and therefore spare not one of them.
This proved upon Examination of Edmond Grace, Rich: Fawcet, and divers other English Protestants (that were then present) upon oath before the said Sir William Cole, whose Examinations I did write, and did see and hear the several examinants depose the same. And I did see the said Castles on fire about the times aforesaid.
And further I say, that I have heard sundry credible persons in Ireland relate, that the Roman Catholics in that Kingdom, did brag and report that they did destroy 152000. Protestants in the province of Ulster, in the beginning of this late Rebellion; and the Examinations of sundry English and Scotch men protestants (taken upon Oath at several times by Sir William Cole a Justice of Peace in the County of Fermanagh in Ireland) doth particularly show the number of 764▪ Protestants hanged, killed, burned, and drowned in that County by the Rebells there in that Rebellion, besides many that were cut off, touching whom no evidence could appear.
And it was averred upon the Oaths of Flartagh mac Hugh, John Oge mac Hugh, and Terlagh Oge Mac Hugh before the said Sir William Cole, that 150. men were appointed to surprise the Castle of Eniskillin, under the leading of Don Magwire and Bryan Mac Rory, Mac Gwire, who were to murder the said Sir William Cole and his wi • e, children and servants, and throw them over the wall into the River, and then to do the like unto the Protestants in the Town and Corporation of Eniskillin; for which service they were not only to have the spoil and riches of the said Castle and Town, but to have also the Barony of Clanawley granted and confirmed in Fee to them and their Heirs from the said Lord Mac Gwire and his Heirs. And the said Don Mac Gwire was for the same taken (in February or March last, or there abouts by the said Sir William Cole, to whom he confessed upon his Examination, that he was to have surprised and taken the Castle and Town of Eniskillin the 23. of Octo. 1641. but denied that he had any intent to kill the said Sir William, or his wife, or children; wherefore the said Sir William did commit him to prison in his Majesty's goal at Eniskillin about February or March 1643. where he remained the 18. of May 1644. when the said sir William and myself came on his Journey hither into England, and where I believe he yet continueth in safe custody, and so will until he be brought to Justice. John Carmick.
The like was then attested by Sir William Cole, Sir William Hamilton, Sir Arthur Loftus, Sir Charles Co • t and others, upon oath at this Trial; and that the Irish Rebels did rip up divers Irish wom • ns bellies great with child, and toss their Infants upon their pikes, and throw them to their dogs to eat, ravished some to death, buried others alive, drowned others, after quarter, and used unheard of cruelties of sundry kinds, without provocation. And yet now they must be reputed the Kings good subjects, and sent for over into England to commit the like cruelties on us here; which should cause all English men's hearts and bloods to rise up for vengeance against such blood-sucking Villains.
The manner of the discovery of that Conspiracy, and apprehension of some of the Conspirators, who were to surprise Dublin last, is thus expressed by the Lord's Justices of Ireland, in a Letter to the Earl of Leicester then Lord Deputy, extracted out of the Original.
The Lord's Justices of Ireland's Letters to the Earl of Leicester, &c. Octob. 1641.
MAy it please your Lordship: On Friday the 22. of this Moneth after nine of the clock at night, this bearer Owen Connelly, servant to Sir John Clotworthy Kt, came to me the Lord Justice Parsons to my house, and in great secrecy (as indeed the case did require) discovered unto me a most wicked & damnable Conspiracy, plotted and contrived, and intended to be also acted by some evil-affected Irish Papists here. The Plot was on the next morning, Saturday the 23. of Octob. being Ignatius day, about nine of the clock to surprise his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, his Majesty's chief strength of this Kingdom, wherein also is the principal Magazine of his Majesty's Arms and Ammunition, and it was agreed (it seems) amongst them; that the same hour all other his Majesty's Forts, and Magazins of Arms and Ammunition in this Kingdom should be surprised by others of those Conspirators; and further, that all the Protestants and English throughour the whole Kingdom that would not join with them should be cut off, and so those Papists should then become possessed of the government and Kingdom at the same instant.
As soon as I had that Intelligence, I then immediately repaired to the Lord Justices Palace, and thereupon we instantly Assembled the Council, and having sat in Council all that night, as also all the next day, the 23. of October, in regard of the short time left us for the consultation of so great and weighty a matter: although it was not possible for us upon so few hours warning, to prevent those other great mischiefs which were to be acted even at that same hour, and at so great a distance as in all the other parts of the Kingdom; yet such was our industry therein, having that night caused the Castle to be that night strengthened with armed men, and the City guarded as the united councils of those evil persons (by the great mercy of God to us) became defeated, so as they were not able to Act that part of their Treachery which indeed was principal, and which if they could have effected would have ended the rest of their purposes the more easy. Having so secured the Castle, we forth-with laid about for the apprehension of as many of the offenders as we could, many of them having come to this City, but that night intending (it seems) the next morning to Act their parts in those treacherous and bloody crimes.
The first man apprehended was one Hugh Mac Mahone Esquire (Grand-so • n to the Traitor Tirone ) a Gentleman of a good fortune in the County of Monoghan; who with others was taken that morning in Dublin, having at the time of their apprehension offered a little resistance, with their swords drawn; but finding those we employed against them more in number, and better armed yielded: He upon his Examination before us at first denied all, but in the end when he saw we laid it home to him, he confessed enough to destroy himself, and impeach some others, as by a Copy of his Examination herewith sent may appear to your Lordship. We then committed him until we might have further time to examine him again, our time being become more needful to be employed in Action for securing this place then in examining.
This Mac Mahon had been abroad, and served the King of Spain as a Lieutenant Colonel.
Upon conference with him and others, and calling to mind a Letter we received the week before from sir William Cole, a Copy whereof we send your Lordship, here enclosed we gathered that the Lord Magwire (was to be an Actor in surprising the Castle of Dublin; wherefore we held it necessary to secure him immediately, thereby also to startle and deter the rest when they found him laid fast: his Lordship observing what we had done, and the City in Arms, fled from his Lodging early before day (it seems) disguised, for we had laid a watch about his Lodging, so as we think he could not pass without disguising himself, yet he could not get forth of the City, so surely guarded were all the gates.
There were found at his Lodging hidden some Hatchets with the Helves newly cut off close to the Hatchets, and many Skeines, and some Hammers. In the end the Sheriffs of the City, whom we employed in strict search of his Lordship, found him hidden in a Cockloft, in an obscure house far from his Lodging, where they apprehended him, and brought him before us.
He denied all, yet so as he could not deny but he had heard of it in the Country, though he would not tell us when or from whom; and confessed that he had not advertised us thereof as in duty he ought to have done. But we were so well satisfied of his guilt by all circumstances, as we doubted not upon further Examination when we could be able to spare time for it, find it apparent; wherefore we hold it of absolute necessity to commit him close prisoner, as we had formerly done, Mac Mahone and others, where we left them on the 23. of this month in the morning, about the same hour they intended to have been Masters of that place, and this City.
That morning also we laid wait for all those Strangers that came the night before to Town, and so many were apprehended, whom we find reason to belive to have hands in this Conspiricy, as we were forced to disperse them into several Goales; and we since found that there came many Horsemen into the Suburbs that night, who finding the Plot discovered, dispersed themselves immediately.
When the hour approached, which was designed for surprizing the Castle, great numbers of Strangers were observed to come to Town in great parties several ways, who not finding admittance at the Gates, staid in the Suburbs, and there grew numerous, to the terror of the Inhabitantss; we therefore to help that, drew up, and instantly signed a Proclamation, commanding all men, not dwellers in the City or Suburbs, to depart within an hour upon pain of death, and made it alike penal to those that should harbor them; which Proclamation the Sheriff Immediatly proclaimed in all the Suburbs by our commandment, which being accompanied with the example and terror of the committall of those two eminent men and other, occasioned the departure of those multitudes: And in this case all our lives and fortunes, and above all, his Majesty's Power and regal Authority being still at the stake, we must vary from ordinary proceedings, not only in executing Martial Law as we see cause, but also in putting some to the Rack to find out the bottom of this Treason, and all the Contrivers thereof, which we foresee will not otherwise be done.
On that 23 day of this Moneth, we conceiving that as soon as it should be known, that the Plot for s • izing Dublin Castle was disappointed, all the Conspiratos in the remote parts, might be somewhat disheartened; as on the other side, the good Subjects would be comforted, and would then with the more confidence stand on their guard, did prepare to send abroad to all parts of the Kingdom this Proclamation, which we send you herein enclosed, and so having provided that the City and Castle should be so well guarded, as upon the sudden we could provide, we concluded that long continued consultation.
On Saturday at twelve of the clock at night, the Lord Blaney came to Town, and brought us the ill news of the Rebels seizing with 200 men his House (at Castle Blainey, in the Countey of Monoghan, and his wife, children, and servants; as also a House of the Earl of Essexs called Carrickmacrosse with 200 men, and a house of Sir Henry Spotwords in the same County with 200 men, where there being a little Plantation of British, they plundered the Town and divers houses, and it since appears that they burnt divers other Villages, and robbed and spoiled many English and none but Protestants, leaving the English Papists untouched as well as the Irish.
On Sunday morning at three of the clock, we had intelligence from Sir Arthur Tir • ingham, that the Irish in the Town had that day also broken up the Kings store of Arms, and Munition at Newry, where the store for Arms hath been ever since the Peace, and where they found threescore and ten barrels of Powder, and armed themselves, and put them under command of Sir Con-Magenis Knight, and one Cerly a Monk, and plundered the English there, and disarmed the Garrison: And this though to much, is all that we yet hear is done by them.
However we shall stand on our guard the best we may to defend the Castle and City principally, those being the pieces of most importance: But if the Conspiracie be so universal as Mac Mahoun saith, in his Examination it is, namely, that all the Counties of the Kingdom have conspired in it, which we admire should so fall out in this time of universal peace, and carried with that secrecy that none of the English could have any friend amongst them to disclose it; then indeed we shall be in high extremity, and the Kingdom in the greatest danger that ever it underwent, considering our want of men, money, and arms, to enable us to encounter so great multitudes as they can make, if all should so join against us: the rather because we have pregnant cause to doubt that the Combination hath taken force by the incitement of Jesuits▪ Priests and Friars.
All the hope we have here is that the old English of the Pale, and some other Parts, will continue constant to the King in their fidelity as they did in former Rebellions.
And now in these straits, we much under God depend on aide forth of England for our present supply with all speed, especially money we having none; and Arms which we shall exceedingly want, without which we are very doubtful what account we shall give to the King of his Kingdom.
But if the Conspiracy be only of Mac Guire and some other Irish, of the kindred and friends of the Rebell Tyrone, and other Irish in the Counties of Down, Monaghan, Cavan, Termanagh, and Armagh, and no general revolt following thereupon, we hope then to make head against • them in a reasonable measure, if we be enabled with money from thence, without which we can raise no forces; so great is our want of moneys as we have formerly written, and our debt so great to the Army; nor is money to be borrowed here, and if it were, we could engage all our estates for it; neither have we any hope to get in his Majesty's Rents and Subsidies in these disturbances, which adds extremely to our necessities.
On Sunday morning the 24, we met again in Council, and sent to all parts of the Kingdom the enclosed Proclamation, and issued Patents to draw hither seven horse Troopes, as a further strength to this place, and to be with us, in case the Rebels shall make head, and march hitherward, so as we may be necessitated to give them Battle; we also then sent away our Letters to the Presidents of both the Provinces of Munster and Conaught: and we likewise then sent Letters to the Sheriffs of the five Counties of the Pale, to consult of the best way and means of their own preservation; That day the Lord Viscount Fitzwilliam, and the Lord of Houth, and since the Earl of Kildare, Trigall, and the Lord's of Dunsany and Slane, all Noble men of the English Pale, came unto u • , declaring that they then, and not before, heard of the matter, and professed all Loyalty to his Majesty, and concurrence with the State; but said they wanted Arms, whereof they desired to be supplied by us, which we told them we would willingly do, as relying much on their faithfulness to the Crown; but we were not yet certain whether or no we had enough to Arm our strength, for the Guard of the City and Castle, yet we supplied such of them as lay in most danger, with a small proportion of Arms and Ammunition for their Houses, lest they should conceive we apprehended any jealousy of them: And we commanded them to be very diligent in sending out Watches, and making all the discoveries they could, and thereof to advertise us, which they readily promised to do.
And if it fall out that the Irish generally rise, which we have cause to suspect, then we must of necessity put Arms into the hands of the English Pale in present, and to others as fast as we can, to fight for defense of the State and themselves.
Your Lordship now sees the condition wherein we stand, and how necessary it is first that we enjoy your presence speedily, for the better guiding of these and other the public affairs of the King and Kingdom: and secondly, that the Parliament there be moved immediately to advance to us a good sum of money, which being now speedily sent hither, may prevent the expense of very much Treasure and blood in a long continued war: and if your Lordship shall happen to stay on that side any long time, we must then desire your Lordship to appoint a Lieutenant. General to discharge the great and weighty burden of commanding the Forces here.
Amidst these confusions and disorders fallen upon us, we bethought us of the Parliament which was formerly adjourned to November next, and the Terme now also at hand, which will draw such a concourse of people hither, and give opportunity, under the pretence of assembling and taking new councils, seeing the former seems to be in some part disappointed, and of contriving further danger to this State and people; we have therefore found it of unavoidable necessity to prorogue the Parliament to the 24 day of February next, and therefore we do by Proclamation prorogue it accordingly, and to direct the Term to be adjourned to the first of Hillary Terme, excepting only the Court of Exchequer for hasting in the Kings money if it be possible.
We desire that upon this occasion, your Lordship will be pleased to view our letters concerning the Plantation of Conaught dated the 24 of April last, directed to Mr Secretary Vane in that part thereof, which concerns the County of Monaghan, where now these fires do first break out.
In the last place, we must make known to your Lordship, that the Army we have consisting but of 2000 foot and a 1000 horse, are so dispersed in Garrisons in several parts of the four Provinces for the security of those parts, as they continually have been since they were so reduced, as if they be all sent for to be drawn together, not only the places whence they are to be drawn, and for whose safety they lie there, must be by their absence distressed; but also the Companies themselves coming in so small numbers may be in danger to be cut off in their March; nor indeed have we any money to pay the Soldiers to enable them to March. And so we take leave an • remain
Your Lordships to be commanded.
From his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, 25. Octob. 1641.
Poscript.THe said Owen Connelly who revealed this Conspiracy, is worthy of very great consideration to recompense that faith and loyalty, which he hath so extremely to his own danger expressed in this business; whereby under God, there is yet hope left us of deliverance of this State and Kingdom from the wicked purposes of those Conspirators: And therefore we bese ••• your Lordship, that it be taken into consideration there, so as he may have a mark of his Majesty's most Royal bounty, which may largely extend to him and his Posterity, we not now being able to do it for him.
As we were making up these our Letters, the Sheriff of the County of Monoghan and Dr Teats having fled came unto us, and inform us of much more spoil committed by the Rebels in the Counties of Monoghan and Caven: And that the Sheriff of the County of Caven joins with the Rebels, being a Papist and prime man of the Irish.
What encouragement these Conspiratours had from Rome, to proceed on in this design (after it was in part prevented) will evidently appear by these three Letters written from thence to the Lord Mac Guire, and Sir Phelym▪ Oneale in Irish, intercepted by the Lord's Justices in Ireland, and sent over (thus truly translated) into England, together with a Letter May, 11. 1642. In which we may clearly discover, that Cardinal Barbarino who was so intimate with Windebanke, and held correspondency with him and the English Papists; had a great hand in plotting this long intended Rebellion, and was privy to it ere it brake forth.
A Copy of a Letter from Francis Mac Guire from Rome to the Lord Mac Guire.
My honored Lord,
THousand commendations unto you, to Bryan Rowry, and the rest; I have heard of yours, and Hugh Oge his imprisonment; truly, I never heard worse news in all my life, who esteem that it is rather much good then any hurt, which will redownd to you, and the whole Nation from these your troubles: Truly (my Lord) if you be dead through that attempt (the • which God forbid) it is a most glorious and everlasting name, which you have added to yourself. The Pope and the two Cardinals his two Nephews are acquainted with your case, and heard likewise how valorously, Phelym and Rowry, and the rest of the Gentlemen, their assistants have behaved themselves, and rejoiced greatly thereat; so that I make no question he will help you if you demand his side, as becomes you; therefore Bonaventura O C • nny brother to Eneas O Con • y, who is Lecturer here, thought fit to write unto the General Phelym touching this matter: and I advise you to see wisely unto the reasons which he writ, and unto the good which will arise from them in time, and that you and Phelym be guided and directed by them, and the rather for that Bonaventura is a wise, prudent, and learned man, and as loving and faithful unto you as I am; if you be not present, Rowry will supply your place. I beseech you above all things, and for the love of Jesus Christ, let true love be established among you all, and let not the temptation of the Devil or man divert your mind from cherishing all possible love and amity between yourself and Bryan Mac Coghonaght and his children, (as I doubt not you will) endeaver to draw unto you, not only your own kindred; but also the ancientest root of the Irish, wheresoever dispersed or distant, and all to the glory of God, and the defense of your Religion; and I will be bound God will be your help: If you bear out your year, believe me, the Pope and all the Catholic Kings will be glad that you crave their assistance: the merciful God grant it, and defend you from the out-rage of your enemies. So will he pray night and day, who is
Your poor Kinsman Francis Mac Guire.
• rom Isitdors College, Rome 4 Ian. 1642. after the Roman account.
Were it not that I have not finished my Studies, there is nothing in the world, I had rather then to live with you, to do for you any service even to my death, though I want nothing where I am: and seeing I am not present with you, let none be your Council, but such as be wise, and conscionable men, and acquainted with the Customs of other Nations: I commit you to God's protection, and behave yourself nobly for your Religion; commend me to Hugh Ma • Maho • n and his children▪ seeing the way is very long. I will be so bold as to send unto you no more paper at this time.
Malachias is a Lecturer in the Country, an excellent Italian; as you think best, either send for him to go over, or else let him tarry here.
A Copy of a Letter from one in Rome to Sir Phelym O-Neal.
Right Honorable,
YOur Honor and worth doth embolden me, though unacquainted, to present unto your honor herewith, my humble duty and service, which shall be always at your Lordships command, if in ought your Lordships may be pleased to make use thereof. I have received of late some Letters out of London, wherein they write that your Lordship hath taken Arms in Ireland against the King of England; of this I have informed our old Father, who received much comfort thereby, and promised to give his helping hand to all your exploits, which our Munster men here underhand do offer to make his Holiness believe, that if any such business or alteration be in Ireland, it is rather begun by my Lord Roch or Wormouth, then by you, or any in your Province, being very poor and wanting the ability or means to maintain or make up any such Army: this with other sinister informations, doth this Munster Agent (whom in God's name Mr Reily nominated for Vlster ) offer to diminish the • ame and credit of those who venture their life and health for the common good of their Country and Church: It is most necessary, that your Honor do write with all speed and by several ways, both to this old man with his Nephew Cardinal Francisco, and also to our Protector Cardinal Anthony, or send some natural Prelate, that may inform them at large of all your proceedings and mind: In the mean time what I or Father Bonaventura Conne • can do shall not be wanting; observe always good correspondency with the Ancient Catholic houses of both England and Scotland, as your Predecessor the defunct did, and also with those here and elsewhere: Father Francis F • rrall is in Vienna to serve us; and Father Magnesius in Madrid, so as nothing may be wanting, if due correspondency be observed, trust and make use of old Ross de Cruce, who knows how to see your letters directed unto me: See that you live all in a general union, and not have any contradiction among you, otherwise you can hardly arrive to what we desire you. If any service I can do you either here or elsewhere, be sure to command me as your own, in the mean time, my daily prayers shall not be wanting for your happy and prosperous success in all your p • oceedings, desiring the mighty Majesty to lend you his helping hand • and so will I take leave, wishing your honor a most happy new year,
Your Lordships humble servant and cousin to commad, G. F.
Rome 4 Ianu. 1642.
Here I send you a letter from Father Bonaventura Conneo, a most good and discreet friend of yours. This is Gerrald Farrall, as appears by other Letters. This man did write several other Letters to this purpose, to several other Priests and Titulary Bishops in this Kindome.A Copy of a Letter from Bonaventura O-Conny, to Sir Phelym Roe O-Neal, from Rome.
To my Honoured friend Phelym Roe O-Neal, with my well wishes, in Ireland.
My honored Lord,
THe great God help you, I would have often written unto you since I received St Francis his habit, and especially during these seven years I lived in Rome, had not the Lord which lately died, and Hugh Roe my brother charged me to keep no correspondency with you, or with any other friend there, to avoid all suspicion and damage which might happen unto you thereby; now, if that which is written unto us, and which we hear from all parts, be true, to wit, That the thing which we long desired, whereof our hope was in God and you heretofore become to pass, the time of writing and keeping correspondency with you, touching such matters as are best and most needful unto you in the present opportunity, is now at hand: therefore I could not choose but write above all things these few lines unto you in my mother tongue, as being most safe and less suspicious in these times. The holy Father and his two Nephews, Cardinal Anthony Barbarino Protector of Ireland, and Cardinal Francis Barbarino, who hath all the power here in such matters as concern the Pope, have heard of the War and Confederation which you make for your Religion and Liberty; And truly I cannot express the greatness of the joy (no wonder) which they receive thence, in such manner that if they had received Letters, or if you had sent an Agent unto them, to express your will or designs, you should want no help for your better proceedings: Wherefore I would have you to send some able man, with a Declaration of your grievances in form of Law: my Brother Owen Roe O Conny the Priest, is in Spain, except he begun into Ireland before this; he hath finished very well his studdy of Philosophy, Theology, and Law; and is well spoken in the Latin, Spanish, and Dutch; he is, as I know, wise, sober, discreet, learned, and bred according to the manner of several Nations, to treat with any Prince of what matter soever. Furthermore, he is (as you know) faithful and natural to the other Lord's, your Confederates, which qualities are most requisite in any man to be sent hither, or to any other place upon the like Embassage. I protest unto you before God, that I commend him, not in that he is my Brother, but that I am not acquainted with any man of better ability to be employed here in your service then he, since Hugh Roe my Brother died, through the great misery and pains he hath taken in his last travel. I am Teacher here in the College of the Irish, these six years, employed all that time about the affairs of the late slain Lord: I might do you some service, if I had some intelligence from you, and some help of him whom you intend to send hither. There is nothing I desire more, then to return to my Country, though I be settled here to my own contentation. I pray use me, and the rest of my functions after such manner, as shall seem best unto you, for your own service. Father Arthur Mac Gennis is in Madrid, and so are many others, who would perform any service wherein you would be pleased to employ them. Father Francis Mac Gennis is in Germany; so likewise is Father Francis O Farrell, who loves and honors you, and is very intimate with th • Emperor, who might well help you now, since you have eased him of the troubles of the Palatinate, whom only he feared. There is also in Germany a Priest from the County of Tyrone, Edmond Mac Grava, a learned man, having late commenced Doctor. In France there is a Divinity Professor, Patrick O Connor, descended from the Connoy of Leinster, who did much service unto the late deceased Lord; he is of nature, loving, constant, of audacity, guided with discretion, as is his Cousin Leander O Connor, who I doubt not will do any service for you. Michard O Gormeley is in the Low Countries Guardian of Lovaine, and many more of the like sort: see yourself what is best to be done with Owen O Neal, who is in Flanders, and with Conn Mac Carmack, who is Serjeant Major in Spain, but more is the pity, a man of no great poli • y or wisdom. I would all the old Trained Soldiers were there. I will write to my Brother Murtagh O Conny who was ancient to the deceased Lord, and is now Captain; and to the rest of the Nobility of Vlster, that they repair unto you without delay: you may write to the King of Spain, among other things, to give them leave to come unto you. I know not what the Earl of Tireconnell does upon this occasion, his Regiment is disbanded, and he himself is gone to the Court to Madrit; I fear much that if he should go into Ireland, he would do more hurt then good. Noble Sir, fear God above all things in prosecuting wisely the Fortune which God offers unto you; let love and unanimity be among yourselves; show all possible kindness to the old Irish of Leinster, and oblige unto yourself all men as near as you may. Beware of the tricks of the Munster men, who at this • our show no candid dealing towards you in Rome, as you shall soon understand, except you send your Agent to prevent it with all speed; for they ascribe unto themselves, without any ground, the praise and glory of all your Heroicall deeds, as you may learn of Levite that lives with your self. Be sure to have a great heart, and make some chief head among you; but reserve the Crown for Con his side the Neales. Remember the old slavery wherein you have lived a long time, and the destruction which will generally come upon you, except you get the upper hand. You will prevail, if you join together as you ought; God send it. I would advise every chief Officer among you to have a Secretary along with him, to write a Diurnall of your passages and overthrows which your enemies receive, which will redound much to your glory: spoil not the Country for fear of famine. I will not fail to write according as I shall hear from you: we would send unto you a Bull after the form of the Bull which Hugh Mac Baron got, if we had received your Letters: and if the Church do well, they will turn over the election of Prelates there to the Nobility, and give them Authority in that point.
Your faithful Servant, Bonaventura O Conny.
Rome from Isiodors College 4 Jan.
after the Roman Account.With what bloody cruelty, industry, animosity on the Popish Rebels part, and what encouragements, pretended, if not Real Commissions, countenance, assistance from the Court and Popish party here, this war against the Protestants in Ireland, (to the destruction of near two hundred thousand of them or more ) hath been carried on; how the aid, moneys, arms, assistance then sent them by the Parliament from hence, hath been retarded, and intercepted by their Court friends here: how the Estates and Goods of the Protestants there have been seised on by the Rebels, and their persons murdered, For the Exaltation of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, the Advancement of His Majesty's Service, and his defense against the Parliament: how his Majesty, since their effusion of so much Protestant blood, hath admitted them all to his Royal favor, without exception of any particular person, by Articles of Pacification, wherein the stiles them his GOOD SVBIECTS: how he hath by special Commissions (as Aulicus himself informs us) drawn over the English Forces sent from hence into Ireland against the Rebels, to fight against the very Parliament Forces; administering an Oath to every Officer and Soldier before they were transported from Ireland hither, To the utmost of his power, and hazard of his life, to fight against the Forces now under the conduct of the Earl of Essex, and against all other Forces whatsoever that shall be raised under what pretence soever, contrary to his Majesty's Command or Authority: how Captain John Read, one of the chief Actors in this Conspiracy, there taken Prisoner in the field and sent thence to the Tower, hath since his escape from thence been knighted by his Majesty; who granted him a Patent for Butter and a special Protection heretofore, though a most desperate Papist, and Agent for the Jesuits, who had a Chapel, and kept weekly Conventicles in his house for Jesuits sundry years: how the very Popish Irish Rebels themselves have been in great numbers impor • ed and entertained in his Majesty's Armies with much respect, yea some of the chiefest of them highly honored and favored at Court, to the very envy of the Protestant party there, notwithstanding all their bloody massacres in Ireland and England too; and their base Irish coin made currant in England by special Proclamation; how they have gained Letters of Mart from the King, to spoil and rob his Protestant Subjects Ships, Goods, Persons by sea; and what hopes they have that the City of Bristol it self shall be shortly put into their power; notwithstanding their General Assembly held at Kilkenny in nature of a Parliament, where they have erected several Courts of Justice civil and military, created sundry Judges, Officers of all sorts, imposed arbitrary Taxes, enacted Laws, usurped to themselves both a transcendent Regal and Parliamentary Power; which yet they execute in their own names as a SVPREAM COVNCELL, hath been already so fully related in Dr. Jones his book of Examinations, The Rise and Progress of the Irish Rebellion, The Mystery of Iniquity, The Acts of the General Assembly of the Rebels at Kilkenny An. 1642. with sundry other late printed Relations, and Declarations of both Houses concerning Ireland, yea in sundry Oxford Aulicusses, and are so experimentally known to most, that I shall totally pretermit them; And conclude only with the Testimony of Sir Arthur Lof • us, delivered upon oath in the Kings Bench in Mac-Mohuns trial, concerning the Popes Bull lately sent from Rome to the Irish Rebels (portending more massacres and wars both there and here) to this effect, That his Holiness did give them his fatherly Benediction, and a plenary indulgence for all their sins, for the extraordinary service they had done for the Catholic Cause and Church, in invading, extirpating the Heretics in Ireland; exhorting them to proceed on in that acceptable service, till they had fully completed that work. A true copy of which Bull sent to the Lord's Justices in Ireland, he both saw and read.
How the English Papists, all privy to that Design (as was then attested on oath at the same trial) to divert all assistance of the Irish Protestants from hence, have raised up a bloody civil war in England, to the ruin of many thousand gallant men on either part, and almost utter desolation of our Kingdom; how (contrary to his Majesty's first Orders, Proclamations) they have all had free access to his Court, Armies, Forts, and received very gracious entertainment, if not great commands in both; and how both English, Irish, Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish, and German Papists have combined all their Purses, Forces, Arms, Pollicies, and Power together, to assist the King (who yet adheres unto their party, Councils) against his Parliament, and Protestant Subjects, is so experimentally known to all of all sorts, especially to the Protestants in his Majesty's Court, Armies, Quarters, that it would be a mere unnecessary expense of time and paper to make any particular relation of them.
Should I here insert all other papers concerning Papists and their proceedings, which have come unto my hands, I might tire both the Reader and myself, and make my Gate far larger then my City; I shall therefore close up this introduction with three late Letters from beyond the Seas, discovering fully to the world, how vigorously the Popish Faction still carry on their designs of reconciling us speedily unto Rome, and are now in agitation to procure a Cardinals Cap from the New Pope for the Lord Aubeny Brother to the Duke of Lenox (one of the late Commissioners sent from Oxford to the Parliament, about the Treaty of Peace) to which our present Negotiations with the Pope for a Cardinalship for so great a Person at this nick of time, is a very sad inauspicious Prologue, • ngaging all who have any sparks of real love to God, Religion, his Majesty, their Country, or Posterity, to look about them with greatest care, for fear of Circumventions.
The first Letter was written out of Flanders (by some Priest or Jesuit of the Spanish Faction) to Mr Henry Howard, relating the manner of the New Popes election; with the Queens sending Sir Kenelm Digby to Rome to him for a Cardinals Cap for the Lord Aubeny (since made an Abbot in France ) and intimating that there is some design to make the Lord Herbert a professed Papist, Governor of Bristol ere long, and to put that City and Castle into the Papists hands; where thousands of them at this present reside, and some overtures of putting this design in speedy execution (if our late intelligence thence deceive us not) have been lately made, and much feared by the Inhabitants. This Letter was intercepted in its passage towards Oxford, and brought to the Committee of Examinations, where the Original remains, out of which I copied it.
YOu hear ere this, that Cardinal Pam • ilio, a Roman borne, a great Lawyer, and a very wise man, is made Pope, with the name of Innocentius Decimus; he was made by the Spanish Faction, who having excluded Cardinal Sachetti, though a gallant man, but desired above all by the French and Barbarinoes, and after that excluded also another, a Dominican, whom Barbarino desired to advance; by these exclusions, our Faction, of which the Cardinal of Florence was the Capo, constrained Barbarino to join with them in favor of Pamfilio, as being also a Creature of the last Pope: but the French Faction opposed all they could, though in vain. He hath been Nuntio in Spain eight years, that it is conceived he is well affected to that Crown: but I wish he may carry himself indifferently, and like an Universal Father; and only favor that party which shall most apply it self to reason. He is 70 years old and a half, but of a very strong Constitution. His Nephew, being but one, is not above 18 years old, and so he is not sit for Businesses: he hath therefore made choice of three or four Cardinals to assist him in the Government: and Cardinal Pancirellio being one of them, is to lodge in S. Peters, as his chief Confident. He will certainly set instantly upon the business of the General Peace, part of his Arms is a Pigion, which is a good Augury.
Tell me whether the Archbishop of York be at Oxford; he is a gallant man, and of good intentions; be acquainted with him. Where is my Lord Herbert all this while? is he Governor of Bristol? It is writ from Paris lately, that Sir Kenelm Digby is going to Rome, sent by the Queen, and among other things, he must solicit a Cap for the Duke of Lenox his Brother. In my conscience, between you and me, I think Mr Thomas Courtney deserves it infinitely better, and would make good use. Thus I end,
Yours, &c. The 22 of Octob. 1644.
Burn this Letter, I pray you, and tell me you have done it. To my very good Friend Mr Hen Howard, recommend to Mr Francis Howard his Brother.The second Letter was writ by Sir Kenelm Digby, and sent to Mr Walter Montague in the Tower and forti • ies the former, though in more obscure terms.
I Hope you have your book ere this time; Mr Gibson my Lord of Pembrooks Dwarfe took charge of it at his going h • nce, and I am confident he will be most careful to deliver it into your own hands, if it may be, if not, he will give it to—of the house as you direct: I sent it open, that it may give no ombrage, but as for the note under Standre • s hands, assuredly there is none at Pontoise. La Mere and I have looked over every paper in the Cabinets, she giving me them one by one through the grate: she had emptied all together, when she sent your Indian ones to be sold, which caused some confusion. We find a copy of that note under Filbricks hand, attested by him and Tho. Cook to be a true copy, and mentioning, that Filbrick being then to go into England, was to take the Original note with him, to demand thereupon the money of Standrets brother Oliver. I understand that Filbrick will be here shortly with my Lord Iermyn, and then I will know of him what he did with the Original note. In the mean time, I have desired La Mere to send this attested copy to Mr Foster to do with it as you shall hereafter direct: I have given your fine Cane to La Mere to keep carefully for you; I fear I shall not be so happy as to have much conversation with the Paradise of Pontoise, before my going into Italy, for the Queen presseth much my departure; yet I hope so much time will slide away before, that I may hear of your enlargement from your close habitation, and obey your command of not going out of your call, till you give me my dismissory. La Mere and I have had much conference of what is fit to be done in your behalf, and of what advantage the present resolution of your enlargement thence may be to you in the main of the business. And after much debate, both she and Mr Fi • ton are come to my sentiment, That you should accept of your freedom, though clogged with the condition of not coming over hither. Me thinks your coming into France might as well be accorded unto, so that both you and this Queen give your words of not coming to the Court, nor negotiating any business; however that will be relished, I wish you and all your friends might lay your strength upon permission for you to go into Italy. At the worst settle your abode in Monsieur Sabrans house, for time may enlarge their enlargement with more ease then from the strictness you now are under: Still the burden of my song is, get out upon any terms, for take my word, if in any reasonable time you gain so much liberty as to be capable of it, your Italian business will be done, which otherwise the necessity of affairs (or at least the conceived necessity) will cast it upon the Lord you know, who hath very powerful advancers, by his friends in this Court, by his being much liked (in a manner accepted of) in Italy, and by his own much pressing and public declaring himself for it, and thereupon taking the sentane. The Queen is firm to you, if you may be capable of it in any reasonable time, and accordingly hath declared to that Lord. But if it cannot be in your behalf, then she hath promised him her powerful assistance. I pray you write me as soon as you can, all your Sentiments and Orders upon this, as also upon what you may reflect upon concerning my journey: for I shall sails by your compass, and lose no time in doing so; for I shall not be able to delay much.
I have desired La Mere to send Mr Foster the several notes I have given for money received of you, that I may take them in, and give one formal one for the whole sum, (in case I pay it not before I go) deducting the 100. l. you had of mine. I have had in all 480 pistols, out of which deducting 140 for that 100. l. (for that is the lowest and ordinary rate of exchange) I have had; though some more diligent persons have had 48 of advantage) there remaineth due to you 340 pistols, which in English money (at the same rate of 40 per cent.) is 243. l. sterling; which by the Grace of God shall ere long be reimbursed you, either here or in England, and peradventure before I go hence. La Mere telleth me, there is no hope of getting above 200 pistols for the hanging though she have employed Madam le Cant. and other friends and several Tapistiers about them. If you will let them go now, I pray you let me have them to carry with me into Italy: That is, if I have money to pay for them when I receive them, for otherwise I will not have them (knowing how much you stand in need of present money. Farewell, dear Sir, I have interrupted your meditations too long.
The 21 Octob.
This Letter, written with Sir Ke • elm Digbies own hand, and sent by him to Mr Montague (a man best acquain • ed, of any living, with all the secret Negotiations and Treaties between Rome and us, and best able to discover them, having had a great share in the plotting and acting of them was intercepted, and brought to the Committee of Examinations, where the Original remains, out of which I have transcribed this extract.
The third is the Clause of a Letter lately written by a Noble English Lady, now residing in Paris, to a Member of the house of Commons; wherein she writes thus to him for News in confirmation of the two preceding Letters, touching the intended English Cardinal, and Sir Kenelm Digbies Embassy from the Queen to Rome.
Paris Decemb. 8. 1644.
My Lord Aubeny is now made an Abbot, The Queen of France hath given him one worth 1500 Pistols a year: There is a speech HE SHALL BE A CARDINALL. Sir Kenelm Digby GOES EMBASSADOVR TO ROME TO THE NEW POPE FROM THE QVEENE, &c.
What little hopes we can then have of a firm or real Peace, whiles the Popish Party are so prevalent, active, audacious, as even in this very nick of time to send a special Ambassador to Rome from our Queen to the New Pope, to solicit a Cardinals Cap for the Lord Aubeny (brother to the Duke of Lenox, a man so nearly allied to his Majesty, and many great Personages in this Realm) I shall humbly refer to the consideration of all understanding men, both here, and in his Majesty's Quarters. Certainly I dare say with old Father Latimer, That the Romish Hats never brought good into England, heretofore; and can they presage ought but much more evil • o us now? What good our last great Cardinal Poole of Noble extraction, brought to this our Realm, and Religion in Queen Mary's days, you may read in the Statute of 1 & 2 Phil. & Mary ch. 8. in Mr John Fox his Acts and Monuments, volum. 3. and can we now expect any better fruits from this intended Cardinal of more Noble Parentage? I fear me, no: Wherefore I can give no other sentence of him, and all others designed to this Antichristian dignity, or ambitious of it, then Father Latimer hath long since passed against them, in the case of Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester (made a Cardinal by the Pope in King Henry the • ixt his reign:) He was made a Cardinal at Calys (in France, where our new Cardinal is now to be made) and thither the Bishop of Rome sent him a Cardinals Hat: He should have had a Tiburn-tippet, an half-penny halter, and all such proud Prelates. And they do well deserve it, their only aim and endeavor being to reduce, reconcile, and enslave our souls, bodies, estates, Realms to the Antichristian vassalage of the Sea of Rome, which is no less then High Treason by our Laws.
For my own particular, I have ever been a cordial affecter, endeavourer, promoter of our public Peace to the uttermost of my power, & shall ever (God willing) continue such; but my own Judgment, Reason, Conscience persuade me, we shall never enjoy any real, solid, lasting Peace one with another in any of our three Realms, whiles we negotiate a Peace, or hold the least correspondency with the Sea of Rome, which hath lately drenched, and almost drowned us all in our own blood, metamorphosed all our Kingdoms into so many Acheldamaes, after a long-enjoyed Peace, and by new Letters, Commissions to raise Irish Forces in Ireland, and new Contributions, Conspi • acies, Designs against us in France, Italy, and other Popish Realms, during the overtures of a Treaty of Peace, threatens us only with a continual succession of wars.
It was a memorable Answer that Jehu made to Joram King of Israel, when he and Ahaziah King of Judah went out against him, 2 King. 9. 21, 22. And it came to pass when Joram saw Jehu, th •• he said, is it PEACE Jehu? And he answered, WHAT PEACE, so long as the Whordoms of thy mother Jezebel, and her witchcrafts are so many? as long as we have any enchanting Iezebels domineering in our Councils, and soliciting us to Court at least, if not to commit open fornication with the whore of Babylon (as to many have done of late years) alas what peace can we expect, or what have we to do with Peace? We have all cause to consider what the Apostle writes, 2 Cor. 6. 14, 15, 16, 17. Be not unequally yoked with Vnbeleevers: for what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? and what communion hath light with darkness? and what concord hath Christ with Belial? or what part hath he that believeth with an Infidel? or what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols? Wherefore come out from among them, and be ye separate, saith the Lord, and I will receive you: yea, I will be a father unto you, and ye shall be my sons and daughters, saith the Lord Almighty. Doubtless we shall never enjoy any well-grounded Peace with God, or one another, till we utterly renounce and separate ourselves wholly from all communion, fellowship, agreement, concord with the idolatrous Antichristan Church of Rome: and execute exemplary justice on all those who have been active instruments to reconcile, seduce us to her; of whom I can give no other Character nor issue of their Consultations, then that of the Prophet Isaiah They conceive mischief, and bring forth iniquity: they hatch Cockatrice egs, and weave the Spiders web; he that cateth of their egs, dieth, and that which is crushed, breaketh out into a viper. Their webs shall not become garments, neither shall they cover themselves with their works; their works are works of iniquity, and the act of violence is in their hands. Their feet run to evil, and they make haste to shed innocent blood: their thoughts are thoughts of iniquity; wasting and destruction are in their paths: the way of peace they know not, and there is no Judgment in their goings; they have made th • m crooked paths: whosoever goeth therein shall not know peace. Therefore is Judgment far from us, neither doth Justice overtake us; we wait for light, but behold obscurity, for brightness, but we walk in darkness. We grope for the wall like the blind, and we grope as if we had no eyes: we stumble at noon-day as in the night, we are in desolate places as dead men. We roar all like bears, and mourn sore like doves; we look for judgment, but there is none; for salvation, but it is far off from us. As ever therefore we would enjoy peace or safety, let us eternally renounce all Leagues, Treaties, correspondencies with these enemies of our peace, these Authors of our forepast and present dangers, wars, desolations: If all our former smarting experiences of their Treacheries, Cruelties in Ireland, in England, with their many late Treacheries, Designes upon us, even since the late Overtures of this approaching Treaty of Peace, will not now awaken us unanimously and effectually to provide, secure ourselves against them for all future Ages, God in his justice may and will deliver us over, one time or other, to their sword, power, va alage, and continue this war among us (somented by their Councils, supplied by their Arms, and Contributions) till we be all consumed one of another, and made a Prey to our foreign Enemies▪ which deplorable misery and Antichristian bondage, the God only Wise, of his infinite mercy make us all wise timely to prevent.
A Table to some principal Passages in this Necessary Introduction, &c.
Note that the figures of the pages in the book from 206, to 253, are for the most part misprinted, and that the references to them in this Table are as they should have been, not as they are printed,
-
A.
- ABbot, Archbishop of Canterbury his Remonstrance to King James, against a toleration of Popery, and the Spanish Match, page 39, 40. His Letter to his Suffragan Bishops for prosecuting Recusants, p, 78, 79.
- Abbot, Audomarus Johannes his Letter to Secretary Windebank, concerning the Papists fidelity to the King in the Scottish wars, and other particulars, p, 194, 195.
- Altars, inserted into the Scottish Liturgy by Archbishop Laud, p, 160. Broken down and removed by the rude Soldiers raised against the Scots, p, 171, 212.
- Alvey, an Arminian Vicar of Newcastle, an intelligencer against the Scots, his Letter to Archbishop Laud, p, 188, 189.
- Articles concerning the Spanish Match, with their alterations and ratifications, p, 3, to 8. 14, 15, 25, 40, to 46.
- Arminianism planted here by the Jesuits, their chief engin and bridge to Popery • ountenanced by Bishop Laud, and Arminians to, p, 92, 93, 94, 146, 147.
- Articles of the French Match, p, 70, 71.
- Articles and Favors condescended to by King James and King Charles in behalf of Romish Priests and Catholics upon the Spanish and French Marriage treaties, p, 44. to 49, 71.
- The Lord Aubeny (brother to the Duke of Lenox ) newly made an Abbot in France and to be forthwith made a Cardinal at the Queens solicitation by the new pope, p, 252, to 255.
- Monsieur Aubert sent along with Secretary Windebank by the Queen, when he fled, to assist him, p, 126, 128.
-
B.
- Cardinal Barbarino the lates Popes Nephew made Protector General of the English and Scottish Nations; and Superintendent of the Society of Jesuits erected in London, p, 141, 144, 145, 146, 210, 211, 214. His arms set above the Kings, p, 145. A great friend of Secretary Windebanks, entertaining his son at Rome, who brought • ver in his Trunk divers things to Con the Nuncio from him, p, 141. 144, 145, 146, He sent over statues into England, p, 146. He had a hand in the Irish Rebellion, and much rejoiced at it, p. 247 to 251.
- Barnwell an Irish Popish Bishop a great stickler in the Re • ellion there, p, 220, 229, 231,
- Bishop Beadles Letters concerning the increase and insolency of the Papists in Ireland, p, 99, 100, 111, 112, 113.
- The Bishops of Scotland's Letters to Archbishop Laud concerning their Liturgy and Canons, p, 149, 150. Their insolency towards the Peers, through Canterburies advancing of them, p, 206. They deemed themselves the representative Church of Scotland, and above a general Assembly, p, 167, 168.
- Fr. Boetius the Popish Bishop of Elphin in Ireland, his certificate, p, 113.
- The Lord Digby Earl of Bristol his Negotiations in and Letters from Spain, touching the Spanish Mat • h, and the Palatinate, p, 2, to 69. Impeached of High treason by Sir Robert Heath the Kings Attorney, by the Kings special command, (for persuading him to become a Papist, and alter his Religion in Spain, and other miscarriages) in the Lord's House in Parliament, p. 32, 33, 34.
- Major Bret sent agent to Rome from the Queen, with the Archbishops privity, as was there conceived, An. 1635. p, 143.
- John Brown a popish Priest, his notable discovery of sundry plots of the Jesuits, Queens Priest, Agents, Popes Nuncioes, &c. to this Parliament, p. 207, to 215.
- The Duke of Buckingham accused by the Earl of Bristol of high treason in Parliament, for laboring to seduce the King to become a Papist, and other miscarriages in Spain, p, 30, 31, 32. His voyage into France to bring over the Queen, p, 73, &c. His voyage to Ree, and betraying of Rochelle, p, 84, 85, 86.
- Burlemachi, the chief Conveyer of Secretary Windebanks Letters since his slight, p, 138.
- Sir John Burrows papers writ to the Archb, concerning the war with Scotland, p, 172, to 175.
- Bonnyragge his exactions, p, 212▪
-
C.
- The Bishop of Calcedon, Smith, sent from the Pope into England, where he ordained Pri • sts, and seduced his Majesty's subjects: Proclamations for his apprehension procured by the secular and regular Priests, who persecuted and caused him to • lie into France, p. 98, 99, 100. The Oath the English Priests were to take to him, p, 82, 83. Windebanks correspondency with him to make him his intel • igencer in France concerning the Scots, p, 199.
- The Lady Calfields testimony concerning the Irish Rebellion; that the Rebels gave out England was in the same condition with Ireland; the Tower of London surprised by their Party, and the Archbishop of Canterbury rescued thence, p, 226.
- Secretary Calverts Letters to the Earl of Bristol, Gage, and others touching the Spanish Match, p, 21, 25, 28 29.
- Cardinals at Rome writ to by King James, during the Spanish treaty, and their respects to him, p, 26.
- Cardinals Caps sought after, expected by, or promised to Mr. Walter Montague, Mr. Sommerset, Mr. Brudnell, and the L. Aubeny, p, 143, 199. 200, 211, 252, 253, 254.
- A Cardinalship seriously offered twice one after another, to Archbishop Laud, p, 149,
- John Carmick his testimony concerning the late Irish Rebellion, p, 241, 242, 243.
- King CHARLES his voyage into Spain whiles Prince of Wales; by whom and for what end designed, to wit, to make him a professed Papist; the Palsg • aves eldest son being at the same time intended to be sent to the Emperors Court, to be there trained up in Popery, p, 30, to 38. The arts and persuasions there used to make him a Papist, ibid. The Popes Letter to him there▪ and his answer to it, sent to the Pope, p, 36, to 39. His Oath and Articles in favor of Papists there sworn and subscribed, p, 40, to 49: His Letters of procuration, and delays there put on him by the Spaniard, p, 48, to 52. His return from Spain, and the jewels he there gave away at his departure, p, 49, to 56. His Match with France, and the articles concerning it, p, 69, 70, 71. His pardon of 20 Priests and Jesuits within three days after it, p, 71, 72, 73. His Answer to the Petition of both Houses against Recusants at Oxford Anno 1625. and his Proclamations against Recusants and Priests, with the ill execution of both, and the discharging priests, protecting Recusants notwithstanding, p, 74, to 148, His Warrant to Captain Pennington, An. 1625, to sink the English ships who refused to serve the Papists against the Protestants in Rochelle, &c, p, 84, 85, 86, His setting the Lone on foot, and Letters concerning it, An. 1626. p, 86, 87, 88. The Parliaments Remonstrance to him called in by proclamation, and answered by Bishop Laud by his command, An. 1627. p, 90, to 95. His proclamations against the Bishop of Calcedon procured by the secular priests, p, 98, 99, 100. Advices to him concerning the Queens Priests, p, 119, to 103. His Passe to Secretary Windebank when he fled into France, and the continuance of his Royal favors to him there, though he professeth in sundry Letters, he did release no Priests, &c. but by his Majesty's specall direction and command, p, 123, to 140. Windebank sends his petition to the Parliament to him to correct and further it in the Houses, p, 134, 135. The received Copy of his Letter to the Pope in 〈◊〉 behalf of the Duke of Loraign, p, 142. Pope Urban the 8, his affection to his Majesty, p, 142. What opinion they held of him at Rome, An. 1635. p, 14 〈◊〉 43. His Articles and Letter concerning his Chapel in Scotland, and 〈…〉 Archbishop Laud to hold correspondency with the Dean of it, the Bishop of Dunblane, • . 148, 149. His Command to the Archbishop of S. Andrew's, to hold correspondency with the Lord Traquaire, p. 151. His Warrant concerning the Scottish Canons without date, p. 152. His Instructions to the Archbishops and Bishops of Scotland; and a pretendant Warrant to archbishop Laud concerning the Scottish Liturgy, p. 156. His offense at the opposition of the Scots against this Liturgy, p. 165. Canterbury and Wentworth his sole advisers in the Scottish wars, to subdue them by an Irish Army, p. 170, 171, &c. His antedated Warrant to Canterbury, to warrant the Clergies benevolence against the Scots, p. 174. His courteous entertainment of the Popes Nuncioes, p. 141, 210▪ Privy to the Popish General assembly (in nature of a Parliament at London, and to th •• contributions against the Scots, p. 189, &c. His consent for Owen Oneale to raise a regiment of 3500. men to serve the Spaniard in Flanders that he might come over strong upon all occasions to his assistance, p, 219, 220. His release of Priests, Jesuits, and stay of proceedings against Recusants, p. 122, 123, 124, to 137. Acquainted in general with the Irish Rebellion by a paper directed to him above a year before it brake out, p. 231, 238, 239, 240. His Pacification with, favor to, and entertainment of the Irish Rebels, and sending for them into England, and those sent against them to fight against the Parliament p, 251. His encouragement to stick close to them if they stuck close to him, and pretended Commission, at least, to authorize their conspiracy, p, 251. His Commission to the Earl of Worcester, a Papist, to be Lord Lieutenant of all South. Wales, p, 225, 226, His children by the Spanish Lady how to have been educated, p. 21, 22, 24.
- St. Clara his Book printed here to reconcile us to Rome, the Author approved, defended against the Jesuits by Secretary Windebank, as in the Kings name, p. 143, 145.
- The Commons petition against popish Priests, and Recusants, and the Spanish match, with their Protestation in point of privilege, An. 1621. p. 10, to 14. Their Petition against Priests and Recusants, An. 1625. p. 62, to 70. Their Remonstrance concerning Religion and the growth of Popery and Arminianism, both in England and Ireland, with Bishop Lauds answer to it, p. 90, to 95.
- Signiur George Conne the Popes second Nuncio, when sent into England, his deportment here, and entertainment at Court, p. 143, 144, 145, 146, 209, 210, 211.
- President of the Grand assembly of the Papists in London, called by the Queen to contribute aide against the Scots, p. 189.
- Lord Conwayes Letters to archbishop Laud concerning popular tumults; the Earl of Holland fortifying New-castle; the Scots and Martial Law, p. 183, 184, 185, 186.
- Popish Corporals inserted into the Scottish Liturgy by Canterbury; their manner of consecration, p. 162.
- Lord Cottington, Secretary to Prince Charles, who accompanied him into Spain, and was active in that ntch, p. 31. The Earl of Bristols Letter to him, p. 49. The Lord's of the Councils Letters to him in the Scottish business, p. 186, 187.
- Contributions of the English Clergy and Civil Lawyers-against the Scots, p. 174 to 183.
-
D.
- Sir Kenelm Digby his entry into Religion in France, p. 141. His intimacy with the Popes Nuncioes, and archbishop Laud, and activity to promote the popes designs, p. 206, 211. His Letter concerning the collection of monies by the papists against the Scots, p. 189, 190. His Letter to Mr. Walter Mo • tague, touching his Embassy from the Queen to the new elected Pope; p. 253, 254,
- Earl of Dorset, how thought of at Rome, An. 1635. p. 143.
-
E.
- The Bailiffs of Edenburghs Letter to archbishop Laud, in excuse of the tumult above the Service-Book, &c. p. 166.
-
F.
- Father Fitton (agent for the secular priests at Rome ) presented to the King by the Earl of Arundell, though a Priest, p. 171. Mr. Montague's adviser now at Paris p. 253.
- Th. Flemming the popish archbishop of Dublin, publicly protested against in print for sundry grievances, and appealed from to the Pope by the secular priests in Ireland, p. 107, 108, 109.
- Mr. F • sters discourse concerning a Reconciliation, p, 146. What he obtained at Paris for the English fugitives p, 138, 253.
- Mr. Fortes • ues Letter from Rome to Secretary Windebank p. 200.
-
G.
- George Gage King James his agent at Rome, his Letter to King James from thence, touching the Spanish Match, and Letters from hence to him, p, 13, 14, 15, 21, to 29.
-
H.
- Sir William Hamilton our English Agent at Rome, his arrival, entertainment and carriage there, with his intimacy with Secretary Windebank, and entertainment of his sons there, p, 143, 144, 146, 211.
- Hoyle a Jesuits Letter concerning the Scottish troubles, p, 171.
-
I.
- King James his instructions to the Lord Digby, with all his articles, Letters, proceedings, concerning the Spanish Match, p. 1, to 69. His Letters to, and articles sworn to the King of Spain in favor of papists, and Discharges of papists and Recusants, p, 8, 9, 23, to 29. 44, to 48. His speech at Council table in favor of papists, p, 30. H •• Letter to the Speaker of the Commons House, and dislike of the Commons Petition against the increase of popery and the Spanish Match, and dissolving the Parliament thereupon, p, 9 to 14, He writ Letters to the pope and Cardinals, who had a good opinion of his favor towards them and Roman Catholics, p, 24, 26, 30, 31. How deluded by the Spaniard, under pretext of the Spanish treaty, p, 10, to 21, 27, 28. His Protestation concerning the Articles sworn by him and his Council in favor of papists▪ p, 47, 48. His recalling the Prince from Spain, and breaking of the treaty by advice of Parliament, though very unwillingly, p, 49, to 63. How he would have over-reached his parliament by mis-reports of the Spanish, treaty, p, 20. His Letter written with his own hand to Secretary Conwey concerning the Commons petition against the papists, and war with Spain, p, 62. Pope Clement the 8. writ to him p, 208. His Letter to the Bishop of Wort • burg in favor of the popish Scottish Seminaries there, p, 194, 195.
- A Jesuits Letters concerning the Parliament, 1627. their project upon it and the Realm, p, 89, 90. A Jesuits Oration to pervert the King whiles he was in Spain, p. 35, 36. A College of Jesuits surprised in Clarkenwell, yet some released by their Court friends, p, 88. A College built by them in Queens street, and their activity in the Scotch wars, 144, 172, 189, to 193. The hurt they have done to all Christian Realms and States, many of which have banished them. p. 202. to 208. Petitions against them in parliament, yet favored, protected, and released: See Commons, Petitions▪ Papists, and p, 71, 72, 73, 80, 122, to 130. Jesuits Letters from hence to their Superiors and fell • ow Jesuits, concerning the Scottish affairs, discovering their privity to the Archbishops secrets and Kings counsels, p, 170, 171, 172.
- Father John, Agent for the Benedictines at Rome, a great Servant of Windebanks, page 146.
- Father Joseph his Letter of thanks to Secr. Windebank for his releasing of, and favor to popish Priests, p, 123.
- Ireland, the monstrous increase of Popery, Monasteries, Jesuits, popish Bishops, Priests, and Papists, complained of in Parliament by the Commons, yet denied, p, 93, 94, Manifested by a Proclamation of the privy Council there, p, 100, 101. by Bishop Bedles letters, the Commons petition, and other Evidences, p, 101, to 214, Cherished in Ireland of purpose by the Lord Deputy Wentworth to balance the Protestants, and make them serve his turns in Parliament, p, 113, 117, 118, 238. Their t • mult in Dubliu, p, 119, Divisions between the secular Priests and regular in Ireland, and their titular Archbishop of Dublin, p, 106, to 110. The Deput • es project to pack a Parliament in Ireland, and conquer that Nation and Kingdom by it, p, 114, to 119. The Protestants grieved and oppressed by the Papists there, p, 110, to 113, The Protestation of the Archbishops and Bishops there against a Toleration of Popery p. 83. The rise and progress of the late Irish Rebellion, and the chief Actors in it, p, 218, to 252. Discovered in gross to the King, and Windebank above a year before it brake out, p, 219, 220, &c. All the Irish in foreign parts privy to and active in it, especially their Priests and Friers, p. 220, to 252. All the Papists in England privy and assistant to it, p. 226, 251. The Pope, Cardinal Barbarino, and Irish at Rome privy to it, and much rejoiced at it, p, 230. &c. 247. to 253. The Spaniards, French, and other popish States acquainted with it, and assistant to it, p, 220. to 253. Above one hundred fifty two thousand Protestants murdered, and destroyed the four first months by the Rebels, p. 226, 242, 243. The Pops Indulgance granted to the Rebels for extirpating the Heretics, and exhorting them to persevere in and accomplish that work, p. 251.
- Mr Henry Iermyn his plot and • light, p, 212, 213.
- His Letter to Windebank into France, and power with the Queen, p. 131. 134.
- Judge Jones, a character of him. p. 220.
-
L.
- Archbishop Laud privy to the Kings and Dukes voyage into Spain: and a furtherer of that Match, p, 34, Writ letters to the Duke of Buckingham into France, and was privy to that macth, p, 73, 74. A procurer and count • nancer of Dr Manwarings and Sybthorpes Sermons in justification of Lones and arbitrary taxes imposed by the Kings prerogative without a parliament, and accused in parliament for licensing them. p, 86, 90. Accused by the Commons as a Favourer of Arminians, and persons popishly affected, Iun. 11. 1628. p, 92. His saucy and scandalous false answer to the Commons Remonstrance, p, 93, 94, 95. Bishop Bedles and Vshers letters to him concerning the power and increase of papists in Ireland, p. 101, to 113. The Lord Deputy Wentworth his desperate dispatch to him concerning parliaments in Ireland, p. 114. to 118. Windebanke made Secretary of State by him, p. 122, 123. Presents his humble service to him out of France. p. 127. What opinion they had of him at Rome and Venice p. 143. Twice proffered seriously a Cardinals Cap, p. 140. He advanced Bishop Montague an Arminian, and one who held correspondency with the popes Nuncio, p. 146, 147. His Innovations in England, and power in Ireland, p. 148. His whole proceedings, letters, directions, alterations, Contributions, &c. concerning the late Scottish Liturgy, and Wars against the Scots, p. 148, to 189. He fradulently ex post facto procureth and forgeth divers Warrants from the King, written wi • h his own and his Secretary Dells • and, touching the Scottish Canons, Liturgy, Contributions, and intelligence with the Scottish Bishops, p. 149. 152, 156, 174. His many popish alterations and insertions for the introducing of Altars, Transubstantion, the sacrifice of the Mass, Prayer to Saints and other Popish rites, writ with his own hand and taken out of the Roman Missal, and Pontifical, made in the New Scottish Liturgy, worthy observation p. 156 to 164. An Enemy to the Sabbath, p. • 58. The Kings chief Counselor in the Scottish Wars by the Jesuits own letters, and adviseth him to subdue them by an Irish Army, p. 170. 171. his Listing, Assessing and conventing men before the Council Table to lend to the Scottish Wars; his and the Clergies large contributions towards these Wa • , with his letters to further the s • me, p. 174. to 189. The Lord Conwayes and other letters to him concerning the Scotts affairs, and Wars, p. 172. 173. 174. 183. to 189. His tyranny, injustice in the high Commission, and intimacy with Father Leander and other Popish Priests and Recusants, p. 205. to 209. 198. The Irish Rebells reported, their Confederates in England had taken the Tower of London, and rescued film from the Parliament, p 226. His pride in Scotland and here page 205. 206. 207.
- Earl of Leicesters favors to Windebanke in France, p. 130. 133.
- Father Leander General of the English Benedictiones, (Archbishop La • ds Chamberfellow in Oxford, and very intimate with him here,) sent over to reconcil • us to Rome p. 145. 206. 207. persecuted by the Jesuits p. 144.
- Livet a Papist, proceedings against him stayed by royal command p. 140.
- Ludovicus a sancta Maria, his Theological conclusions printed at Rome, p. 145. his Lecherous and lewd behavior in England, Ibid. Cardinal Ludovisio protector of the Irish Nation p. 109.
-
M.
- Marshall Law the Lord Conwayes advice about it, p. 185. 186.
- Master Moore a chief Actor in the Irish Rebellion. p. 227. to 237.
- Henry Mac Carter his full examination touching the Irish Rebellion. p. 202. 203. 204.
- Mass endeavored to be introduced by Archbishop Land, in the Scottish Li • urgy, into which he inserts divert things out of the Mass & Roman Missal p. 158. to 163.
- Mac-Mohon's examinations touching the Irish Rebellion. p. 237. to 241.
- Maguires examinations & Confession touching the Irish Rebellion p, 226. to 240.
- Nich, Le Maistre his testimony concerning the design of the French match p. 69.
- Sir Toby Matthew; a dangerous active Jesuit, p. 210. 211 The Popes Bull to him. commending his last Nuncio Rossetti to his charge as to his Angel Guardian, p. 201. 211. Si • Henry Merry, a Recusant his protection p. 139.
- Master Middletons Letters to Archbishop Laud from Venice, p. 142. 143.
- Bishop Montague • advanced by Laud, an Arminian, his intimacy with the Popes Nuncio, his letter to Windebanke for a Licence to his son to go to Rome, and his entertainment there p. 146. 147.
- Master Walter Montague, his first voyage to Rowe, his extraordinary entertainment in his passage thither, there this intimacy with the Pope and Cardinals, promised and expected a Cardinals Cap, his dangerousness, Sir Kelime Digbies late letter to him, and the Queens intention to make him a Cardinal at this present, could he procure his liberty. p. 140. 141. 143. 210. 211. 212. 253. 254.
- His Letters to the Papists concerning a contribution against the Scotts p. 190. 191. his intimacy with Windebanke p. 131. 132, 133. 134.
-
N
- Nuncioes sent from the Pope into England: see C • n, Pau • ani, Rossetti. The Apprentices and People take notice of them p. 895. to 199. 208. to 282.
-
O.
- Oath of King James to the Spanish Articles, and in favor of Papists, p. 43. to 47. of K. Charles to like purpose, and not to endeavor to convert the Queen or withdraw her from, or hinder her in her Religion p. 46. 47. 71. of the privy Council not to prosecute Papists p. 46. of English Priests to the Bishop of Calcedon. p. 82. 83
- Oblations Popis • i introduced by Bishop Laud, pag. 159.
- Ordinntion, A form of it, by a Popish Irish Bishop, pag. 84.
- Owen, Daniel, and Sir Phelim Oneale chief actors in the Irish Rebellion, having formerly raised a Regiment of Papists, and carried them into Flanders for that purpose, pag. 219. to 250.
- A Letter to Sir Phelim Oneale from Rome, pag. 248. 249.
- O-Conner, one of the Queen Mothers Priests, his desperate speeches concerning a Plot Massacre to the Protestants in England, &c. to Anne Hussey, pag. 225.
-
P.
- Papists and popish Priests and Jesuits plots to usher Popery into our Realms, pag. 1. 2, 4. &c. Their dangerous increase in England, Ireland, and petitions against it: p. 10. to 12, 65. to 85. how protected, favored, &c. notwithstanding all pretended Proclamations against them by the King, Queen, Bishop Laud, Windebanke, and others, pag. 12. 13. 25, 29, 45, to 48, to 150. 206. to 214. Their forwardness to promote the lean, An. 1626. pag. 88. Their Assembly, Collections and large contributions towards the Scottish Wars, pag. 189. to 194.
- English, and Irish Papists joint Conspiracie in the Irish Rebellion, and present Wars: See Ireland, King James, King Charles, Windebanke, Laud: Articles:
- Gregorio Pa • zani, the Popes first English Nuntio, his Arrivall and entertainment in England, pag. 141. 143. 209, 210.
- His intimacy with Windebanke, and Letters of thanks to him from Rome, for his daily favors whiles here, pag. 141. 146. his intimacy with • ishop Montague, and Letters in favor of his Son to Rome, pag. 147.
- Stay of proceedings against the Lady Perkins, for sending her daughter to be a Nun pag. 139.
- Penricke, the Queens last agent at Rome, and his brother the Queens servant an Intelligencer for Spain and Rome, pag. 205.&c.
- Father Philip's the Queens Confessor his Letter to Secretary Windebanke, pag. 144 See p. 134. His dangerous Letters▪ commitment by the Parliament, and Articles there exhibited against him, pag. 205. to 217.
- His dangerous positions, pag. 119. 120, 121. his danger about the Queens person, and her chief Counselor, pag. 205. to 217. Sparsim.
- Doctor Pocklington his Letter concerning the Clergies contribution against the Scotts, &c. pag. 179. 180.
- Pope Gregory the 15. his dispensation must be granted to complete the Spanish Match. p. 3. 4. 5. 13. 14. 15. 18. 19. his exceptions to and alterations of the Articles with Spain, p. 4. to 9. 14. 15. 18. 39. 40. The Articles he obtained from King James in favor of Papists, ere he would grant a dispensation, p. 8. 14. 41. to 49. his letter to the Bishop of Conchen in Spain to reduce King Charles and our Realms to his obedience during his residence there; & his Letter to King Charles in Spain to seduce him in his Religion. p. 34. to 38. His Clogged dispensation and death, p. 39. 49. King James Letter to him, p. 26. 31.
- Pope Urban the eight his election and new dispensation for the SPANISH Match pag. 50. 61. His dispensation with the French Match, pag. 70. 71. His consolatory Bull to the English Catholics p. 81. 82. He claims an absolute Jurisdiction over the Queens househould, endeavoring thereby to usurp a temporal Jurisdiction, p. 119. to 123. 208, 209, &c. The Kings Letter to him in behalf of the Duke of Loraigne, and his affection to & opinion of the King. p. 142. 143. his Nuncioes sent into Eng. and entertained here: see Conne Panzani, Rossetti, Nuntio: and p. 209. to 212.
- His Bull to Sir Toby Matthew. p. 201. 211. Privy and assistant to the Irish Rebellion, p. 230. 247. to 553. his Bull and Indulgence to the Irish Rebells p. 253.
- The election of Pamphilio the now Pope his age and intentions: and the Queens sending Sir Kenelme Digby to him p. 252. to 255.
- Father Price General of the Benedictines, his intimacy with Laud, London, Windebank: procures the searchers place at Dover by their might, and puts in Papists to be his Deputies there, pag. 198. 206. 207.
-
Q▪
- The Queens marriage with the King, designed to introduce Popery, pag. 69. The Articles of her marriage and present effects of it in favor of Papists, p. 70. to 74, 83. to 198. The King bound by Oath not to endeavor her conversion to our Religion by any means; (but, she not obliged not to seduce the King) pag. 71. The Pope challengeth jurisdiction over her household, p. 119. to 122. 208. The dangerous positions of her Priests, Ibid: Priests, released by the K. and others at her instance, p. 122. 123. 190. Her favors to, and Letters of favor to the Queen, and Officers of France, in the behalf of Secretary Windobanke; and the many courtesies he and his received from her since his • light, p. 127, to 140. She sends Major Bret, Sir Will. Hamilton, Mr. Walter Montague and others successively to Rome, p. 140. 141, 143, 144, 146. 204. to 214.
- Her calling of a general Assembly of all the Romish Catholics at London to assist the King against the Scotts, her Letters to them for that purpose, & Message to the Parliament, pag. 189. to 196. Dangerous Popish Incendiaries about her person. pag. 204. to 218.
- Her contributions and assistance to English and Irish Papists, and these unnatural Wars, p. 194. 151.
- The Queen-Mothers arrival in England, to further the Papists Designes, and Massacre of the Protestants, p. 189, 225. The people murmur against her; her desire of a gard and departure hence, p. 195. to 198. 218.
-
R
- Captain Read: a chief agent of the Jesuits; an Actor in the Irish Rebellion; escapes out of the Tower, and since affirmed to be Knighted by the King, p. 147. 25 • .
- Robert Read Secretary and Nephew to Windebanke, his Letters out of France to Master Thomas Windebanke, pag. 125. to 139.
- Rebellion in Ireland: See Ireland, p. 218, to 251.
- Judge Richardson, his stay of proceedings against Recusants by command, and Letter to Windebanke concerning the same, pag. 139. 140.
- Cardinal Richelieu: his favor to Windebanke, Master Montague and the English Fugitives at Paris, p. • 30. 131, 132, 138. His Spies and Activity here, p. 204. to 217. Privy and assistant to the Irish Rebells, pag. 232. 233. 234.
- Count Rossetti the Pope▪ last Nuntio, his arrival in England, and the Bull to Sir Toby Matthew concerning him, pag. 210. 211. Complained of in Parliament promised to be sent away hence, yet secretly detained here, pag. 193. 214.
- Rochelle lost by the means of our ships: &c. p. 84. 85. 86.
-
S.
- Sabbath, denied by the Arch-bishop and his creatures, p. 158.
- Sacrifice of the Mass endeavored to be introduced by Canterbury, in the Sco • tish Liturgy, p. 160. 161. 162. 163.
- Scottish Innovations, Liturgy, Wars, Troubles, occasioned by Canterbury fully related out of his own Papers and Letters. p. 148. to 196.
- Spanish Treaty concerning the Match, Palatinate, and all the passages concerning it, and their juggling with us in it fully related from p. 1. to 69. The Spanish fleet 1639. designed for England beaten by the Hollanders, at which the Arch-bishop and others were much discontented. pag. 198.
- Standing up at Gloria Patri, the New Creed, &c. enjoined by Canterbury, and Chanting divine service, together with New holy days, and divers Popish Innovations in the Scotts Liturgy. p. 118. to 163.
- The Lord S • udamores Letter to Windebanke. p. • 46.
- Earl of Strafford, his advice concerning the calling and packng a Parliament in Ireland to conquer the Realm thereby, and to balance the Protestants and Papists in it. p. 113. to 118. 238. his advice and Lauds to subdue the Scotts by an Irish Army, and not to trust the English. p. 170. 171. his oppressions, one principal cause of the Irish Rebellion. p. 227.
-
T.
- Transubstantiation introdu • ed by 〈◊〉 in the Sco • tish Liturgy. p. 161. G. 7. (Father Talbot as I conjecture) a Jesuits Letters concerning the affairs that war with Scotland. p. 170. 171.
-
W
- Wilson a dangerous seditious Priest. p. 205. The Kings Commission to the Earl of Worcester a Papist, to be Lord Lieutenant of all South-Wales and command the forces there, when the Papists had a design, and secretly entertained thousands of Irish and others to cut the English Protestants throats. p. 205. 206.
- Master Wilfords Letters from Rome to Secretary Windebanke concerning English Cardinals. p. 199. 200.
- Sir Francis Windebanke made Secretary of State by Arch-bishop La • des procurement p. 122. his extraordinary favor to Priests, Jesuits, Papists, the Popes Nuncioes, his, letters from them and great respect at Rome, and the entertainment his Sons had there for his sake. p. 122. to 148 his charge in Parliament and slight into France, and Letters thence p. 123. to 139. he had a Passe from the King, and yet counterfeits another. p. 125. 126. he • lays all his charge in discharging Priests, Jesuits, and stopping proceedings against Papists, by Letters of Grace, on the King and Queen. p. 123. to 134. The Queens Letters of favor in his behalf, and his extraordinary entertainment in France for her sake, with his addresses, Letters to her Majesty and the continuance of hers and the Kings favor to him ever since his • light. p. 125. to 139. his Petition intended to the Parliament. p. 136. 137. his Sons letters to him from Rome and Italy. p. 144. 145. 146. his Letters out of France to his Son at Court. p. 126. to 139.
Errata.
COurteous Reader, the Printers carelessness hath occasioned these ensuing Error • , which I must d • sire the to corect: p. 4. l. 36. 37. • b declari • ur, Decla •• bitur, p. 8. l. 1. dele, m •• o sunt Vassalli p. • l. 〈…〉 39. procure, p. 32. l. 4. trust, l. 11. pro • ered, p. 35. l. p. 35▪ l. 1. 〈…〉 p. 38. l. 13. continuance, p. 40. l. 47. perpet •• m, p. 42. l. 1. In • an • , p. 43. l. 7. minimum, l. 35. Duce. l. 44▪ Scaccarij, l. 37. Arc • i • orum, p. 45. l. 20. de. elinquet • l. 36. 〈◊〉 , p. 48. l. 47 and p. 49. l. 8. business, l. 10. Comedy, p. 50. l. 4. newly elected Pope. l. 6. we, were, l. 12. magis l. 21. jucundoque in •• undoq • e, p. 51. l. 4 • quar • i, p. 54. l▪ 47. Causa p▪ 55. l. 2. •• rcis, l. 7. Infan •• m in, p. • 4. l. 56. prefixed, p. 65. l. 51▪ royal, loyal, p. 70. l. 10 that p. 72. l. 55. judiciorum, p. 73. l. 15. N • str • rum, p. 78, l. 24▪ superstition, p. 81. l. 37, cu • ▪ cum, p. 82. l. 2. amarities, l. 13. quos, quod, l. 28. • alun • , l. 51. Calcedonensi, l. 52. em, etiam, p. 86. l. 47. Letters, p. 93. l. 40 embraced, p. 99. l. 4▪ day, p. 101. l. 45. Bedle, p. 17. 45. Thomas p. 119. l. 36. resumed, reserved, p. 124. l. 39▪ very like, p. 126. l. 3. not l. 20▪ hence, thence, p. 1 • 7 l. 53▪ that, than, p. 129▪ l. 32▪ affectionate, p 134. l. 20. con • ident. p. 142. l. 17. dele. p. 143. l▪ 38. must, most. p. 147. l. 3. Bishopric, writ thus to Secretary wind • anke, p. 149. l. • signer, p. 155. l. 52 • this. the, p. 157. l. 37. • 13. 313. p. 166. l. 22. rising, p. 180. l 23. Rebells, Rebellium▪ l. 34. dele and. p. 189. l. 28. considerates, p. 190 l 23. •• cilitation, p. 133. l. 13. is, this, p. 195. l 8. your, his, p. 198. l. 24▪ • ereon, l. 25. dele, or, l▪ 46. About which time the Pacification with Scotland was dissolved & a waragainst them concluded by the Archbishops and Papists means, and a Parliament assembled to gran • Subs • dies to support this war. But, &c. p. 199. l▪ 〈◊〉 Papists, p, 203 l▪ 32. to, the, p. 207. l. 15. 〈◊〉 , p. 109. l. 2. if, • f, 39 De • es. p. 〈◊〉 . P •• ckes, p. 228. l. 44 where, when, p. 229 l. 19. • rian. P. 231. l. 28. S • ptem October. Margin p. 31. l. 2. Francoi • , p. 59. l. 3. Harborers, p. 158. l. 3. 4. Idol • la • ria R • m • nae, p. 162. l. 2. Bin • feldius l. 17. E • cha • is •• a.
To the Reader.
READER;
NOte that from p. 206. to the end, most of the printed pages (through the Printers over-sight) are mistaken, and must be mended with a pen, and then the Errata and Table referring to them will fall out right, which are as these pages should have been, not as they are misprinted: Else there will be a mistake in both so far as they relate to the misprinted pages.