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A Witty Encounter

Pierre du Moulin Sr (1568-1658) · 6,278 words · 28 min

The source for this document is https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A20965.0001.001

Project Note

This is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.

The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.

This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.

Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.

However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.

This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.

Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org

Imprimatur. Tho Weekes. Episcop Londinensi Cappellanus domesticus.

A WITTIE ENCOUNTER Between Monsieur du Moulin, and Monsieur De BALZAC.

Esteemed two the most Elegant Pens of their nation.

Wherein they deliver things weighty, and important both in Religion and STATE.

Faithfully translated out of the french coppy by A. S. Gent.

Imprinted at London for B. Fisher and are to be sold at his shop in Aldersgate-street. 1636.

TO THE HONORABLE, MY MVCH Honor'd Friend Sir WILLIAM HOWARD, Son to the Illustrious THOMAS EARLE Of Suffolk.

Sir,

I dare adventure to commend to you, and the Age, these ensuing Letters, written by two esteemed great in the Learned Republic. Truth commands me to answer for them, that there is no proportion between their bulk, and value, being defective in nothing but length. For the Authors themselves Monsieur du Moulin, and Monsieur de Balzac, their Pens are justly ranked amongst the most excellent of their Nation. The Logic, and many worthy Divine works of the former have gained him a great name even amongst his adversaries: the latter (though of the like ability) hath made himself Master of a more glorious Fame; but in my judgment, Imp'd out with many a false Feather; neither his great Cardinal, nor Monsieur du Moulin shall with their most cunning Rhetoric lull me into such a gross error as to believe him Master of that▪ Eloquence which Antiquity desired, yet despair'd of. O! that any man who hath had the least cast of Cicero's, and Livy's flowing, or Seneca's distilling Eloquence should give so sinister a judgment! Great praise is due to the man, and it is by all deservedly paid him, but what is in him most elegant you can term, at the best but the Scraps of Cicero's abundant Eloquence, whose Zany if we call him we do him a grace, if we introduce him a Corrivall, we do Cicero an affront.

I confess the times are infinitely bound to him, and his like, for keeping civil Language from degenerating into Barbarism, and most men from hackings, hewing, and enterfaring in their discourse, but I will never allow them as Emendators of the Ancients, it is enough if as happy Imitators I admit them.

O Marcus! Marcus! did thy Ghost now walk amongst us, thy bloodlesse face would essay to blush after death, to hear thy all-convincing, charming Tongue, (which hath made Guilt tremble, and shook Tyrany it self) compared with the faint, Hectick Eloquence of Balzac, which now even in its Birth is near utter extinction, whereas thy Rhetorical Flowers shall bud, and flourish till fire consumes the World, and all Terrestriall Oratory gives way to the Celestial. Nor would thy shame be less, Anaeus Seneca, to have (after all the glories thy Penn hath purchased) such a competitor as Balzac, who holds the same place with thee, and Cicero, that in the Triumvirat with Anthony and Octavius did Lepidus, who in the Government of the World stood only for a Cypher.

But to justify my assertion I will take so much pains as to compare their stiles. That of Cicero is not composed for the Scene, only to delight, but for the Sand also, and the Fight. it is like a Tree which produceth not only the Foliage, as an Ornament, but the Fruit too, as food.

Here you may detect Venus, and Minerva, kissing in every line. With the reading of him the most prostrate, groveling wit must needs be raised, the most benumbed take fire. This is none of those lukewarm Spirits, which can infuse no heat into others because they have none themselves; for as we cannot light a Taper at another not already lighted: so we cannot take flame from a wit not already fired.

The mind of this Writer enflames his Style, his Style his Reader. Now for that of Seneca ; his words are choice, proper, and so Significant, that at the first view a man would think they implied more, then indeed they do. It is peculiar to his Genius alone to comprehend plenty, and solidity of sense in parcimony of Speech, Perspicuity in Brevity. Then his matter is always grave, and weighty, drawn out from the very Center of History, and Philosophy.

To come to the Style of Balzac. You may at first sight discover in it not a becoming care, and a neat dress, but a vain affectation, and the Fucus it self. And as his Language is affected, so his conceptions are for the most part idle, and shallow, no way able to satisfy the expectation of a full, and knowing man. They consist for the most part of Hyperbolicall Complements, and malicious Invectives: witness with me the supreme Spirit, that I tax him not as a detracting Enemy, but an impartial Examiner. Justice her self will warrant me to pull that Palme out of his usurping hand, which Ignorance had there placed. I confess I cannot endure to see him borne by the vulgar breath to so high a pitch, as to out-soar all Antiquity, who hath not written so many Pages as he hath moderne equals, nay Superiors in that persuasive Art. The reason of this their so immoderate praise, is no other then that their infant knowledge derides the Simplicity of their Ancestors, whose Science it should have in admiration. My own indignation, and the Printers petition, (who complains much of the Books brevity,) have caused me to spin out this Epistle to an unvsuall length. My comfort is (if this way I deserve censure) I am faulty with Seneca, and many brave Authors, who have delivered their minds in Letters far more prolixe. I am now only a Petitioner to the Reader for a license to add so many words only as will let you know, (Noblest Sir,) that I truly honor You, and and that I create you (who understand well the Original) Judge of the Translation, which hath already been Honor'd with many great Approbations. I am confident that you will make use of your mercy rather then your Justice towards him, who into your hands hath voluntarily put the life of his Reputation in good Letters, to him far, far dearer then his Natural, during which he vows to remain

Sir,

Your most humble Servant, A. S.

THE LETTER OF Monsieur de Moulin, to Monsieur de Balzac.

SIR,

I Received your Book, which it pleased you out of your free grace to send me, assuring you that you could not have bestowed it on any man that more esteemed, or less merited the honor: for though I number myself amongst the most unworthy to obtain even the lowest place in your memory ; yet I rank myself amongst the foremost in praising your virtue, by which you have ascended to the summity of elegancy of Phrase, and drawing the Bridle after you, have left at once Admiration, and despair to posterity. Of the description of eloquence made by the Ancients (which was reputed no other then an Idea ) you have formed a Body, and showed that there is a Plus ultra in that Art which they never arrived at. The force and dexterity of your Wit, having passed the limits of their imagination, you at once inform, & ravish the understanding, and link together two things rarely sociable, Solidity and Ornament. This Age cannot boast of a greater felicity then to have produced a man that hath by effect expressed how far Eloquence can extend: but I had rather discourse of this subject with others then your self., who (without affecting praise) are content only to merit it, which the more you shun, the closer it follows you. He that would praise your Pen to the full, must borrow it, which to exercise, I vow you have chosen a subject answerable to your ability: for as the actions of the King could not be performed by any but himself, so they could not worthily be discrib'd by any but you. Indeed you insult over our miseries, yet are not blameable, in that you write out of your own feeling and apprehension, as also that without this Master-stroke, the Picture of the King could not be perfectly finished. Of whose power, though GOD hath made use in our humiliation, yet hath not his M ty forgotten our ancient services, nor that the dead King his father, of glorious memory, in the time of his affliction, had no other Sanctuary then our Churches. You will not be offended, Sir, if I tell you that in my conceit the Lord presents you with another subject, suitable to so excellent a spirit as is yours, viz. the valor & happy success of the King of Sweed. For (since the King whom you draw with so rich colors cannot any way be sulled or darkened by the praise of this other) you shall follow, I believe, his inclination, in Limming the Picture of the King, an Emulatour of his Virtue. In the mean time this Work of yours shall not be to me only a proof of your sufficiency, but a testimony of your bounty, w ch when I shall behold amongst my other books I shall begin to think myself somebody, since by such a present you testify the good opinion you have of me, w ch shall oblige me to wish you all happiness, and to remained,

Monsieur,

Your thrice humble, and thric affectionate Servant, DV MOVLIN.

The Answer of Monsieur de Balzac, to Monsieur du Moulin.

Sir,

N O Modesty can resist praise proceeding from you, and I should much dissemble should I deny that I took pleasure in being taken with the first lines of your Letter. But I knew myself too well to remain long in that error. I am now awakened out of this plesing dream and clearly see that when you speak so much in honor of my industry, you lay aside the severity of your Judgment. You have done me more favor then Justice, and to praise me, you have run the hazard of offending Truth her self. Now that you yourself are arrived at the Gole, you encourage both w th hands & voice those that are in the Carriere, & to persuade them to follow you, make them believe they may go beyond you. And this was (without Lying) an admirable device, which at first sight I discovered not: But be it as it will, from what principle soever this Glorious approbation of me is derived, sure I am, I value it at no lower a rate then a man ambitious does a Crown, and without penetrating into your design. I glory in my Fortune, w ch is not small, Si r , in that I am beloved of you, whom I ever perfectly honor'd, and whom I have a long time beheld in the Huguenot party as an excellent Pilot, who braves a whole Fleet in a single Brigandine. We have the right, and authority, but you the Subtilty, & the Stratagems, and you repose as great trust in your Wit, as we in our cause. It is certain that this way you are able to give Sedition the Countenance of a just War, and to a multitude of Mutiniers, the face of an Army well disciplined. By this you endeere to many an opinion, which hath lost the grace of its Verdure, & though it incline to it's declination, yet must we acknowledge that it retains both features, and color in your Writings, and that never man knew better the Art of giving Weakness a shadow, or of supporting Ruin with a greater strength. I speak always in this Phrase, when you are my Theame, and side not w th the Vulgar, who never keep entire the liberty of their Judgment, nor are apprehensive of their own defects, or other men's Virtues. For my own part, out of what Cloud so ever the Day breaks it is fair in my Eye and I assure my self that even in Rome the more honest, & well bred People praised Haniball, & that none but Rogues reviled him. It is no other then a kind of Sacrilege, to ravish from any man the gifts of GOD, and should I not confess that you have received, much, I should Judge myself jniurious to him, who hath conferred much on you, and in a different cause, should offend our common Benefactor. True it is that sometimes I have not flattered your party, & that I was a little incensed against the Authors of these last Troubles. But having observed in your books, that our Judgments are conformable, and that the subjection due to Sovereignty makes a part of the Religion you teach, and profess, I thought I might well deliver your consent as I did, being in that no other then your simple Interpreter. Whether the Tempest arise ftom the North, or the South, it is to me alike odious, and I profess not to take a pattern of my Duty either from England, or Spain. My Humour is not to combat the Times, but to oppose some present occurrences. I have enough to do to conceive the Idea of Cato, and Brutus, and living under the command of another, I find not amore commodious Virtue then obedience. Were I a Smisse, I would content myself to be the Kings Godfather, and would by no means be his Subject, nor change my liberty for the best Master of the World, but since GOD hath caused me to be borne in Chaines, I will carry them cheerfully, and being neither cumbersome nor heavy, I will not hurt my Teeth in essaying to bite them asunder. There is a great apparance that Heaven approves a Goverment which it hath preserved during the succession of twelve Ages. Had an evil continued so long, it would have become in a manner legittimate. If antiquity in men be venerable, in States it ought to be Sacred. Those great Spirits I describe in my work, which were of your party should have lived at the beginning of the World, and have given Laws to a new people, and labor'd to establish a new Goverment. But as the invention of good things is necessary, so the mutation even of bad is dangerous. I have not a Cruel thought, but such as aim at the Heads of your party, against whom I inveigh as Enemies, nor is it my intent to insult over your miseries, with which inhumanity, though civilly, you reproach me. Should I be guilty this way, who have published that the King should be blessed by all the World, if (having once abated the pride of the Rebells ) he trampled not on the infortunity of the afflicted? The Persecutors of those that submit themselves are with me in the same execration with the Violaters of Tombes. I do not only pity, but in some sort reverence affliction. I know that heretofore it was the Custom to consecrate the places stricken with Lightning. The finger of GOD is to be reverenced in the persons of the miserable, and great adversities should rather produce Religion, then receive reproaches. But I should speak improperly should I give the Kings success such an Epithite. In his Victory we all are winners. All the penalty imposed on those of your party, is to be as happy as we ourselves, and they are at this day possessors, and enioyers of that security, whereof before the taking of their Cities they were even fond, and jealous. Our King will not compel the Consciences of his Subjects to put on the Yoake, neither desires he to have them receive by force that w ch ought not to be admitted but by persuasion, nor to make use of such remedies against the French as are only proper against the Moors. If the King of Swede demean himself thus in his prosperity, and that he do not sully so pure a gift w th proscriptions, & punishments, I here promise you to perform what you desire of me, and to employ all my Art, & Tooles in erecting him a Statue. You hit my inclination on the head in entreating me to praise this Prince, in whose Scarfe if all the Crowns Imbroydered were turned into so many Kingdoms, they would not in my opinion, be too much to recompense a Virtue so rare, or to busy a spirit so vast: As I expect nothing, but what is great from his Ualour, so I hope for nothing but what is just from his Equity ; and though in Spain they have declared him to be the true Antichrist, I am not devout enough to believe this News, nor fearful enough to be daunted at it. I only answer the scrupulous who question me thereupon, that the King hath in the mean time a Second that does him good service, and that one could not present the House of Austria anything to study on that better diverted it from the care it took of our affairs. I will pass no further, Sir, it is better to rest at the door of holy places, then enter without preparation, besides this discourse is become already very long, for the beginning of our acquaintance. It may please you to pardon the content I take to entertain you, w ch is the cause I have neither been mindful of your affairs, nor my own custom, which is not to Preach to my friends: but you gave me the Text that I handled, and I thought that in laying my heart open to you, even to the very bottom, and not dissembling my thoughts you would repose hence forward, confidence in my freedom, with which I protest truly that I am

Monsieur,

Your thrice humble, and thrice Obedient Servant, De Balzac.

THE REPLY OF Monsieur du Moulin, To Monsieur de Balzac.

SIR,

I Had long ere this answered your Letters, had they been in my custody, but they ran up and down the Citty a long time, every Man being desirous of a Coppie, and from the Citty they passed to the Villages, where the Plague had scattered us. For although in all your writings the force, and vivacity of your Wit shines forth being seasoned with grace, and sweetness, yet in these Letters we find you have surpassed yourself, so elaborate is the style, & the conception strong, lofty & delightful. They are both conspicuous, and the Solidity takes not away the clearenes, in w ch you are most unlike many writers of these times, who through many thorns give a small light, such as a glass sends forth being placed in a Briar. Wherefore in rejecting the praises which I ascribed to your Pen, you show by effect that you merit them: For you refuse the title of Eloquent with so much Eloquence, that it seems you have endeavored to prove that your modesty is unjust, & to accuse me as defective in your praise. If you desire belief, you must change your Style, & that you may be persuasive become Barbarous. It would be much to my disadvantage to insist upon every part of your Letter. I dare not enter with you into these lists, for I never made profession of Elegant speech, it sufficeth me to be understood, the Scope of my writing, not being to tickle the Eare, but to pierce the Conscience. It is a privilege they have who maintain the true Doctrine, that their Incongruities pass for Elegancies, making Barbarism, and Truth sociable: for as the Red, and Blew Flowers growing amid'st the Corn are pleasing to the sight, but detrimentall to the Harvest : So the insertion of Rethoricall ornaments into good, & sound Doctrines diminisheth the fruit of instruction, and makes us instead of relishing the matter to dwell upon the words, and poise the Periods. These flowers must fall before the Fruit Flourish. A down right phrase often times makes a far greater impression. I may add that it is be hoofefull in such cases sometimes to apply strong reprehensions. Here to use flowers of Retoricke is as if a man should whip his Children with a Nose-gay. It is for false Religions to borrow these evasions. As in their Churches and Ceremonies they desire splendor, so they require a lofty & artificial Language. They are in this like to a Woman all glistering with Diamonds, but wanting her eyes. I speak this Sir, in way of answer to the offensive praises w ch you too liberally bestow upon me. You applaud in me the rare quality of lying, & of defending a bad cause w th dexterity, and Stratagems, having neither right, nor authority. You affirm also that I uphold an opinion which hath lost its Verdure, being in the declination, and to praise me to the height you say, I am able to give Sedition the face of a just War, which dexterity in sedusing you rank amongst the gifts of God, & have in it great esteem. Thus in tickling you prick me, & raise me to a high and Eminent Seat, having first begrim'd and disfigur'd me. Pardon me Sir, if I tell you that there is no blame which is not more tolerable then these praises. To employ Art and industry, to defend Error serves to no other purpose, then to go to Hell with a better grace, to sweeten poison, & to damn himself, and others with greater dexterity. It were a thousand times better for such a man to be dumb then so unfortunatly Eloquent, & to be the most sottish amongst men, then to be Master of such an ingenious perversity. He should make a wrong estimate who should number a fradulent Eloquence, amongst the gifts of God, whereas, indeed, it is the Devil himself, who sharpens the tongue and Pen of such a Man, and lends him Arms to War against God himself. In a word, you give me such praises as Homer bestowed on Paris when he comended the fairness of his hair, but withal makes him the ruin of his country. If Riches, Benefices, and Pensions were on our side to be obtained, then you had some color to think that a Spirit ambitious of Eminency might be intifed by these baits to defend a bad cause. But ( Poverty, & ignominy being the inseparable companions of our profession) to abandon Virtue, without receiving a reward, were to loose Piety, & common sense together. Whereas you say our Religion hath lost the lovely title of new: I answer, that it is impossible it should loose that it never had: But if it were, or had been new, this cannot be ascribed to it as a grace, but as a mark, or Scarre, left it by Novelty, which may impart a grace to habits, or sauces, but not to the Doctrine of Salvation. Italy is deservedly upbraided with it, where the New Saints rob the Old of Glory, & the Romish Church, in w ch the Pope vaunts, he hath power to alter that which God hath commanded in his word, & to make new Articles of Faith who not being able to say with S t Peter, Silver, and Gold have I none, makes use of his Fisher-boat to trafique, & causeth his Keys to Iingle, whose Lockes he hath changed. From this head the defluction is fallen upon the Body of the Clergy. He hath brought again the Bank into the Temple, & leaving out the Dominicall letter, gives him self over to the Golden number. From hence it proceeds that all things with him are vendible, even God himself, and the remission of Sins, & that private Masses are only said for the Souls of those who have been beneficial to the Church. A rich man cannot die at a cheap rate, ingenious Avarice having found out a way to extract from the very Sepulchers. There scarcely can be a greater change then of a spiritual Monarchy, to make a Temporal. But our Religion is the pure, & ancient Christianity, being only new in this, that it rejects all Novelty, & esteems all Doctrine as new, which was not from the beginning. Celestial Truth being brought into the world by the Son of GOD himself, the violence, & commotion of the people have no more strength to withstand it, then have the Winds to divert the rays of the Sun. Wherefore I make an Augury clean contrary to yours, and in steed of the declination you speak of assure myself that it will flourish, & with its luster penetrate, & disperse the darkness of the Age. And I wonder how you can flatter yourself, with so vain a hope in a time wherein our Religion receives so ample an increase in the Nether-lands, and in Germany, even in the Greek Churches, conforming themselves to our confession, drawn thereto by the clear Evidence of Truth. It is without doubt one part of the praise you reserve for the King of Sweed, that he did contribute to so good a work, whose Clemency (besides his Valour & success) you will extol in that in all places by him conquered, he used no violence against the Roman Clergy, but spared the Jesuits themselves, although they teach the Murder of Princes, & that their Schools have Produced soe many King-killers. These have not long ago called this King Antichrist, now in their Colleges compose panegyricks in his praise. If our Churches in France suffer any diminution, that is not caused by virtue of the contrary party, but by the avarice of some of our Nobility, which impaires their Dignity, in making them listen to this, Tibi Dato, propounded by that grim Docter to the Son of God. Against the force of Iron and Steele many have sufficiently armed themselves, but not against that of Silver, & in this Golden Age a bag of Pistolets is of great weight, and put in balance against Conscience it self often outweighs it. But the Church is no more weakened by this, then is a Body by Vomiting a worm, or voiding putrifaction. Pride, Vanity, and Avarice, are more conveniently lodged in the Temple of an Jdol, then in the House of God. True it is that they of your party, do speak of our Religion with great disdain, as of a Cause deplored, which notwithstanding hath often raised it self from the very ground. They speak of us, as if we enterprised to undermine the Alps with a Pin, or to run a Lyon through w th a straw. They defile, & deform us with Injuries, and deal w th us, as Whilome did the Enemies of the Gospel, who clad the Martyrs in skins of wild Beasts, to animate the Dog to tear, and devour them. Thus they disfigure us, & set us out like Monsters, to incense the People against us. But the Son of GOD hath prepared us to endure this disgrace, he himself having passed through the like trials. And we ought not to lessen, much less loose our Courage, since it is God's cause, who can turn hindrances into helps, and through impossibilities cut out, and plain himself a way. I promise myself so much from your goodness & Prudency, that you will bear with me if I be very sensible in this Point, for you are too clear sighted not to discern the weakness of your cause, having a long time lived in Rome, where examples of Vices mingle themselves with Decisions of faith, where the Jews (Enemies to the name of Christ) live in peace, but the Christians, & the Faithful are condemned to the Fire ; where in Lent the Shambles are shut, & the Stews open, where the Penitents whip themselves in public for the sins of others; where there is an Ordinary Traffique of Annats, Benefices, Dispensations, & Absolutions, & I remember to have read in one of your Letters, that it is good fishing there, & that you distinguish between the Roman Religion & the Papal Court, least the corruption of the one should prove a prejudice to the othet. Yet doth this Court Governe, and give rules to that Religion. An excellent Wit as yours, will not be fettered with such Childish opinions. You have no doubt a more nice, & delicate Religion then the Vulgar, and of that which your Church ordains take but so much as is agreeable to your humor. Without question you laugh at the Hipocondriacall devotion of them who adore Bones, and kiss, and cloth, Images, & turning the Consecrated Graines repeat prayers by Art, in words which they understand not. Assuredly you judge it not fit, that Service should be said in an unknown Tongue, as if God were become to men a Barbarian, or the Pope had forbidden God himself to speak French. At Rome you might have seen Altars to w ch the Pope hath fastened Pardons of a hundred & two hundred Thousand years, w th as many Quarantaines, & the faculty of delivering a Soul out of Purgatory. You have seen the Superstitious madness of the People, who come two or three hundred Leagues to a Iubily, to have remission of their Sins, which God presents to us at home by the Doctrine of the Gospel. You are not ignorant from what ground the Pope derives this Liberality, which is that he treasures up the superabundancy of Fasts, of Buildings, of Pilgrimages, of Saints, & of Munkes, & turns them into satisfaction for the Sins of others. When at Rome you cooled your Chamber with an artificial Gale, able to give a Ship way, & ascended your Coach only to cross the street, you thought little of these Superstitions. If you will be so curious as to peruse the Missal, and read there the cautions, & Rubriques, which provide for inconveniences, in case the Wind should carry God away, or the Rats eat Jesus Christ, or the Priest disgorge him, certainly you will then excuse us, and say, It is no wonder that these poor people can hardly digest these things, being no way correspondent to the dignity of the son of God. Upon two Points we chiefly insist, the one is the succession of the Pope in the Apostolate, & Primacy of Saint Peter : and the other is the office w ch the Priests assume to themselves, of being Sacrificers of the Body of Christ, yet could we never obtain a proof of the institution of these two tenets by the word of God. But of these matters too much is already said, from which superfluity I had abstained, had not you provoked me to it, To the remainder of your Letter I subscribe. Obedience to our Sovereigns is a thing just, and necessary. To find out occasion of Rebellion either in a man's own Religion or in that of his King is to make insurrections to defend Religion by courses condemned by the same Religion. Such as these being perplexed in their own particular affairs, hope to find ease in troubled waters, and to save themselves amidst a Confusion. Never yet did the cause of God advance it self that way. Moses had power to inflict greiuious punishments on Egypt, & her King, notwithstanding he would never deliver the children of Israel out of Egypt without the permission of the King. I am of opinion that in Civil affairs it is more expedient for the people to have a bad Master, then none at all. How much then are we bound ( having a good and merciful Prince ) to tender him faith and obedience? who in pardoning us hath not done like those, whose Clemency is attended by disdain, esteeming their offenders not worthy their anger. But he hath in this followed his own natural inclination, which leads him not only to Pardon, but to benefit, so that to be Conquer'd by him is an advantage. For the rest, I never believed that there can be a worse State then an Anarchy, where everyone is a Slave, because everyone is a Master, and where excess of Liberty is cause of servitude: For this Liberty brings with it Licentiousness, and Licentiousness Confusion, & Confusion servitude. As the hand were an improper member, if all the Fingers were of a just length: so a multitude of equal persons cannot move without discommodity. Your Maxim that the change even of the worst Laws is dangerous, holds good in all save in matters of Religion. To subject ourselves by docility to Laws w ch lead directly to Hell were to break the Laws Divine ; neither can they who make such Laws secure before GOD those that obey them. But where only the loss of Goods, and Life is in question, there it is better to put on an unjust Yoke, then to be free'd by the disturbance of the Public Peace, & rebellion against our Sovereign : for the force of human Laws doth not consist in this, that they are just, but in this, that they are Laws, and ordained by him, who hath authority. And though some things in them are unjust, yet it is just to obey them. There are many States w ch have enjoyed a long time Peace, and prosperity under unjust Laws duly observed, and other some there are, who living under good Laws ill observed, have fallen into Ruin & confusion. This Peace, and Prosperity is ever to be found more firm and durable in a Monarchy, then in any other form of State, for this is the only civil government which imitates the universal government of the world, where there is but one Master, & all other states when they are come to a full growth, must of necessity be reduced to this. And amongst the Monarchies which at this day have a subsistence, that of France excels both for antiquity & good laws. That this State is well composed, the unstable humor of our Nation addicted to Innovation is an evident proof w ch (had not the frame been firm and the edifice well cimented ) had ere this utterly subverted the Kingdom. Being borne under this Monarchy, we desire the prosperity of it, & wish that the Crown of our Kings, may be like that of an Egg, which always as in Age, so in growth increaseth. Were our Religion generally received in France, the royal Majesty would be the more exalted, & his power more then by half augmented: for then the Pope would pretend no longer to have power over the Life, & Crown of our Kings, nor would boast anymore that their deposition depends on his Beck. There would then be in France no other Justice then the Kings, Contentions arising on this side the Alps would no more be decided at Rome ▪ their Clergy should be subject to the Civil Laws & should be iusticeable before the Royal Judges. The Silver of the Kingdom should no longer be exhausted, and be sent to Rome in Exchange for Annates, Dispensations, and Pardons. Soe much Land of the Nobles possessed by the Clergy now lying dead, should owe the same service, and Tributes to the King, as do other Lands in the possession of the Nobility. To be brief, I dare affirm, that the principal cause why we are hated, is, that we defend by the word of GOD, the right of our Kings against the Usurpation of Popes, who make them kiss their Pantaple, and under color of Penance, inflict on them Corporal punishments. But this is our unhappines, that as the Scripture is a book hidden from our Kings, so in that which concerns the liberty, and independency of their Crowns, they learn nothing, but from those the Pope holds tied by the Belly. But I have proceeded too far The pleasure that I take in entertaining you, makes me forge that I write an Epistle, not a book, and hath carried me beyond my lymitts. That clause of your Letter wherein you say I am able to give Sedition the face of a just War, hath incited me to take a kind of Revenge in tormenting you w th the length of my Letters. That shall not hinder me from admiring the Beauty and Vigour of yout Witt. I honor the gifts of GOD where ever I find them. On the other side I hope the small tartnes, and sharpness of my style shall not deprive him of your good Graces who honors you, and is Monsieur,

Your thrice Humble▪ and thrice Obedient Servant, Du Moulin.

FINIS.

Errata.

EPistle p. 2. line 12. for of the likabillity, r. not of the like ability ibid. l. 16. A full point after Fe there. Epist. p. 7. l. 20. a full point after Inuectives. p. 3. l. 4. for Bridle r. bridg p. 10. l. 6. read. Sweade. p. 11. l. 3.4. r. 〈…〉 limming the picture of a King. p 16 l. 11 a full point after not. p 48. l. 2 fo mies r. times p. 71. l. 9. for, even in the Greek Churches, r. even the Greek Churches. p. 73. l. 11, for these have read, these who have. p. 78. l 3. for dog. r. dogs. p. 85. l. 11. r. Hypocondriacall. p. 88. l. 7. read, hindered.