Self-Homicide is Not So Naturally Sin that it may Never be Otherwise

SECT. I.

A S Lawyers use to call that impossible, which is so difficult; that by the rules of law it cannot be afforded, but by the indulgence of the Prince, and excercise of his Prerogative: So Divines are accustomed to call that sin, which for the most part is so, and which naturally occasions and accompanies sin. Of such condition is this SELFHOMICIDE: which to be sin everybody hath so sucked, and digested, and incorporated into the body of his Faith and Religion, that now they prescribe against any opposer; and all discourse in this point is upon the degrees of this sin, and how far it exceeds all other: So that none brings the metal now to the test, nor touch, but only to the balance. Therefore although whatsoever is in our appetite good or bad, was first in our understanding true or false, and therefore if we might proceed orderly, our first disquisition should be employd upon the first source, and origen, which is, whether this opinion be true or false, yet finding ourselves under the iniquity and burden of this custom, and prescription, we must obey the necessity, and preposterously examine: First, why this fact should be so resolutely condemned, and why there should be this precipitation in our judgment, to pronounce this above all other sins irremissible: and then, having removed that which was nearest us, and delivered ourselves from the tyranny of this prejudice: our judgment may be brought nearer to a straightness, and our charity awakened, and entendred to apprehend, that this act may be free not only from those enormous degrees of sin, but from all.

SECT. II.

They who pronounce this sin to be so necessarily damnable, are of one of these three persuasions. Either they mis-affirm that this act always proceeds from desperation; and so they load it with all those comminations with which from Scriptures, Fathers, Histories, that common place abounds. Or else they entertain that dangerous opinion, that there is in this life an impenitiblenesse, and impossibility of returning to God, and that apparent to us (for else it could not justify our uncharitable censure;) Or else they build upon this foundation, that this act being presumed to be sin, and all sin unpardonable without repentance, this is therefore unpardonable, because the very sin doth preclude all ordinary ways of repentance.

SECT. III.

To those of the first Sect, if I might be as vainly subtle, as they are uncharitably severe, I should answer, that all desperation is not sinful. For in the devil it is not sin, nor doth he demerit by it, because he is not commanded to hope. Nor in a man which undertook an austere and disciplinary taming of his body by fasts or corrections, were it sinful to despair that God would take from him stimulum carnis. Nor in a Priest employed to convert infidels, were it sinful to despair; that God would give him the power of miracles; If therefore to quench and extinguish this stimulum carnis, a man should kill himself; the effect and fruit of this desperation were evil, and yet the root it self not necessarily so. No detestation nor dehortation against this sin of desperation (when it is a sin) can be too earnest. But yet since it may be without infidelity, it cannot be greater then that. And though Aquinas there calls it sin truly, yet he says he doth so, because it occasions many sins. And if it be as others affirm, Poena peccati, it is then involuntarium, which will hardly consist with the nature of sin: Certainly, though many devout men have justly imputed to it the cause and effect of sin, yet as in the penitential Cannons, greater Penance is inflicted upon one who kills his wife, than one who kills his mother; and the reason added, not that the fault is greater, but that otherwise more would commit it; So is the sin of desperation so earnestly aggravated; because springing from Sloth, and Pusillanimity, our nature is more slippery and inclinable to such a descent, than to presumptions, which yet without doubt do more wound and violate the Majesty of God, then desperation doth. But howsoever, that none may justly say, that all which kill themselves, have done it out of a despair of God's mercy, (which is the only sinful despair) we shall in a more proper place, when we come to consider the examples exhibited in Scriptures, and other Histories; find many who at that act have been so far from despair, that they have esteemed it a great degree of God's mercy, to have been admitted to such a glorifying of his name, and have proceeded therein as religiously as in a sacrifice; and as one says, elegantly, of Job, venere in gloriosa Proverbia, and of whom we may properly say, that which Moses said, when they punished upon one another their Idolatry, Consecrastis man •… vestras Domino.

When I come to consider their words who are of the second opinion, and which allow an impenitiblenesse in this life (of which Calvin is a strong Authorizer, if not an Author; who says, that actual impenitence is not the sin intimated in Matth. 12. 30, & 31. But it is a willing resisting of the holy Ghost, into which whosoever falls, Tenendum est, saith he, we must hold that he never riseth again) because these hard and mis-interpretable words fall from them, when they are perplexed, and intricated with that heavy question of sin, against the holy Ghost, and because I presume them to speak proportionally and analogally to their other Doctrine, I rather incline to afford them this construction, that they place this impenitiblenesse only in the knowledge of God, or that I understand them not, then either believe them literally, or believe that they have clearly expressed their own meanings. For I see not why we should be lother to allow, that God hath made some impeccable, then impenitible. Neither do I perceive, that if they had their purpose, and this were granted to them, that therefore such an impenitiblenesse must of necessity be concluded to have been in this person, by reason of this act.

SECT. IIII.

But the third sort is the tamest of all the three, and gives greatest hope of being reduced, and rectifyed: For though they pronounce severely upon the fact, yet it is only upon one reason, that the fact precludes all entrance to repentance. Wherein I wonder why they should refuse to apply their opinions to the milder rules of the Casuifts which ever in doubtful cases, teach an inclination to the safer side. And though it be sa •… er to think a thing to be fin, then not, yet that rule serves for your own information, and for a bridle to you, not for another's condemnation. They use to interpret that rule of taking the safer side, that in things necessary (necessitate finis, as repentance is to salvation) we must follow any probable opinion, though another be more probable; and that, directly that opinion is to be followed, Quae favet animae: which they exemplify thus. That though all Doctors hold that baptism of a child not yet thoroughly born, in the hand or foot to be ineffectual, yet all Doctors counsel to baptize in that case, & to believe of good effect. And the example of the good thief informs us, that repentance works immediately; and from that history Calvin collects, That such pain in articulo mortis, is naturally apt to be get repentance; Since the Church is so indulgent, and liberal to her children, that at the point of death she will afford her treasure of baptism to one which hath been mad from his birth, by the same reason us to a child; yea, to one fallen lately into madness, though it appear he were in mortal sin, if he have but attrition, which is but a fear of hell, & no taste of God's glory; And •… uch attrition shall be presumed to be in him, if nothing appear evidently to the contrary: If she be content to extend and interpret this point of death, of every danger by sea, or travel; If she will interpret any mortal sin, in a man provoked by sudden passion, and proceeding from indeliberation, to be no worse nor of greater malignity, then the act of a child. If being unable to succor one before she will deliver him from excommunication after he is dead. If she be content that both the penitent and confessor, be but diligentes, not diligentissimi; If rather then she will be frustrate of her desire to dispense her treasure, she yields that mad and possessed men, shall be bound till they may receive extreme unction. If lastly she absolve some whether they will or no, why should we abhor our mothers example, and being brethren, be severer than the Parent? Not to pray for them which die without faith is a precept so obvious to every Religion, that even Mahomet hath inhibited it: But to presume impenitence, because you were not by, and heard it, is an usurpation.

This is true repentance (saith Clement) [ To do no more, and to speak no more, those things, whereof you repent; and not to be ever sinning, and ever asking pardon.] Of such a repentance as this our case is capable enough.

And of one who died before he had repented, goo •… Paulinus would charitably interpret his haste, [That he chose rather to go to God debitor quam liber] and so to die in his debt rather than to carry his acquittance. As therefore in matters of fact, the delinquent is so much favored that a Lay-man shall sooner be believed which acquits him, then a Clork which accuseth (though in other cases there be much disproportion between the value of these two testimonies;) So, if any will of necessity proceed to judgment in our case, those reasons, which are most benign, and which, (as I said) favent anima, ought to have the best acceptation and entertainment.

SECT. V.

Of all those definitions of sin, which the first Rhapsoder Pet. Lombard hath presented out of ancient learning, as well the Summists as Casuists do most insist upon that which he brings from S. Augustine, as, commonly, where that Father serves their turns, they never go further. This definition is, that sin is dictum, factum, concupitum, contra aternam legem Dei. This they stick too, because this definition (if it be one) best b •… ares their descant; and is the easiest conveyance, and carriage, and vent for their conceptions; and applying rules of Divinity to particular cases: by which they have made all our actions perplexed and litigious, in foro interiori, which is their tribunal: by which torture they have brought men's consciences to the same reasons of complaint, which Pliny attributes to Rome, till Trajans time; that Civit •… f •… -aata legibus, legibus evertebatur. For as Informers vext them with continual delations upon penal Laws, so doth this act of sinning entangle wretched consciences in manifold and desp •… ate anxi eties.

But for this use this definition cannot be thought to be appliable to sin only, since it limits it to the external Law of God, (which word though Lombard have not, Sa •… and all the rest r •… tain for this eternal Law is ratio gub •… rnativa Dei, which is no other then his eternal decree for the government of the whole world, and that is Providence. And certainly against this, because it is not always revealed, a man may without sin both think and speak and do: as I may resist a disease, of which God hath decreed I shall die. Yea though he seem to reveal his will, we may resist it, with prayers against it, because it is often conditioned, and accompanied with limitations and exceptions. Yea though God dealt plainly by Nathan, [The child shall surely die] David resisted God's decree by prayer and penance. We must therefore seek another definition of sin which I think is not so well delivered in those words of Aquinas [Omnis defectus debiti actus habet rationem peccati] as in his other; [Peccatum est actus devians ab ordine debiti finis, contra regulam naturae rationis, aut legis aeternae] For here lex aeterna being put as a member and part of the definition, it cannot admit that vast and large acceptation, which it could not escape in the description of S. Augustine, but must in this place be necessarily intended of lex divina. Through this definition therefore, we will trace this act of Self-homicide, and see whether it offend any of those three sorts of Law.

SECT. VI.

Of all these three Laws, of Nature, of Reason, and of God, every precept which is permanent, and binds always, is so composed and elemented and complexion'd, that to distinguish and separate them is a Chymick work: And either it doth only seem to be done, or is done by the torture and vexation of school-limbicks, which are exquisite and violent distinctions. For that part of God's Law which binds always, bound before it was written, and so it is but dictamen rectae rationis; and that is the Law of nature. And therefore Jsidore as it is related into the Canons, dividing all Law into divine and human, addeth [Divine consists of nature, Human of custom] Yet though these three be almost all one; yet because one thing may be commanded divers ways, and by divers authorities, as the common Law, a Statute, and a Decree of an arbitrary Court, may bind me to do the same thing, it is necessary that we weigh the obligation of everyone of these Laws which are in the Definition.

But first I will only mollify and prepare their crude and undigested opinions and prejudice which may be contracted from the often iteration, and specious but sophisticate inculcatings of Law, and Nature, and Reason, and God, with this Antidote, that many things which are of Natural and Human and Divine Law may be broken. Of which sort to conceal a secret delivered unto you is one. And the Honor due to Parents is so strictly of all these Laws, as none of the second Table more. Yet in a just war a Parricide is not guilty; yea by a law of Venice, though Bodin say, it were better the Town were sunk then ever there should be any example or president therein; A son shall redeem himself from banishment by killing his Father being also banished. And we read of another state (and Laws of Civil Commonwealths may not easily be pronounced to be against Nature) where when Fathers came to be of an unprofitable and useless age, the sons must beat them to death with clubs: And of another, where all persons of above 70 years were dispatched.

SECT. VII.

This term the law of Nature, is so variously and unconstantly delivered, as I confess I read it a hundred times before I understand it once, or can conclude it to signify that which the author should at that time mean. Yet I never found it in any sense which might justify their vociferations upon sins against nature. For the transgressing of the Law of nature in any act doth not seem to me to increase the hay nousnesse of that act, as though nature were more obligatory than divine Law: but only in this respect it aggravates it, that in such a sin we are inexcusable by any pretence of ignorance since by the light of nature we might discern it. Many things which we call sin, and so evil have been done by the commandment of God; by Abraham and the Jsraelites in their departing from Egypt. So that this evil is not in the nature of the thing, nor in the nature of the whole harmony of the world, and therefore in no Law of nature, but in violating, or omitting a Commandment: All is obedience or disobedience. Whereupon our Country-man Sayr confesseth, that this SELF-HOMICIDE is not so intrinsically ill, as to Ly. Which is also evident by Cajetan where he affirms, that I may not to save my life, accuse myself upon the Racke. And though Cajetan extend no farther her •… in, then that I may not bely my sel •… : Yet 〈◊〉 evicts, that Cajetans reasons, with as much force forbid any accusation of myself, though it be true. So much easier may I dep •… rt with life then with truth, or with fame, by Cajetan. And yet we find that of their fame many holy men have been very negligent. For not only Augustine, Anselm, and Hier •… betray themselves by unurged confessi ns, but St Ambrose procured certain prostitute women, to come into his chamber, that by that he might be defamed, and the People thereby abstain from making him Bishop. This intrinsique and natural evil therefore will hardly be found. For, God who can command a murder, cannot command an evil, or a sin; because the whole frame and government of the world b •… ing his, he may use it as he will. As, though he can do a miracle, he can do nothing against nature; because [That is the nature of everything, which he works in it.] Hereupon, & upon that other true rule, [whatsoever is wrought by a superior Agent, upon a patient, who is naturally subject to that Agent, is natural] we may safely infer, that nothing which we call si •… ne is so against nature, but that it may be sometimes agreeable to nature.

On the other side, nature is often taken so widely and so extensively, as all sin is very truly said to be against nature. Yea, before it come to be sin. For S. Augustine says [Every vice, as it is vice, is against nature.] And vice is but habit which being produced to act, is then sin. Yea the parent of all sin, which is hereditary original sin, which Aquinas calls, [a languor and faintness in our nature, and an indisposition, proceeding from the dissolution of the harmony of original Justice] is by him said to be in us, [ quasi natural] And is, as he saith in another place, so natural, [that though it is propagated with our nature, in generation, though it be not caused by the principles of nature.] So as if God would now miraculously frame a man, as he did the first woman, of another's flesh and bone, and not by way of generation, into that creature, all infirmities of our flesh would be derived but not original Sin. So that original sin is traduced by nature only, and all actual sin issuing from thence, all sin is natural.

SECT. VIII.

But to make our approaches nearer. Let us leave the consideration of the Law of nature, as it is Providence, and God's decree for his government of the great world; and contract it only to the law of nature in the less world, ourselves. There is then in us a double law of nature, Sensitive and Rationall; and the first doth naturally lead and conduce to the other. But because by the languor and faintness of our nature, we lazily rest there, and for the most part go no further in our journeys therefore out of this ordinary indisposition, Aquinas pronounceth, that the inclination of our sensitive nature is against the law of reason. And this is that which the Apostle calls the law of the flesh, and opposeth against the law of the spirit.

Now although it be possible to sin and transgress against this sensitive nature, which naturally and lawfully is inclined upon bonum delectabile, by denying to it lawful refreshings, and fomentations; yet I think this is not that law of nature which these abhorrers of SELF-HOMICIDE complain to be violated by that Act. For so they might as well accuse all discipline and austerity, and affectation of Martyrdom, which are as contrary to the Law of sensitive Nature.

SECT. IX.

And therefore, by law of nature, if they will mean anything, and speak to be understood, they must intend the law of rational nature: which is that light which God hath afforded us of his eternal law; and which is usually called recta ratio. Now this law of nature as it is only in man and in him directed upon Piety, Religion, Sociablenesse; and such (for as it reacheth to the preservation both of Śpecies and individuals, there are lively prints of it in beasts) is with most authors confounded and made the same with jus gentium. So Azorius, and so Sylvius delivers [That the law of nature, as it concerns only reason is j •… gentium;] and therefore whatever is jus gentium that is, practiced (and accepted in most, especially civil'st nations) is also law of nature, which Artemidorus ex •… mplifies, in these two, Deum colere, mulie •… ibus vinci.

How then shall we •… ccuse Idolarry, or immolation of men to be sins against nature? For (not to speak of the first, which like a de •… uge overflowed the whole world, and only Canaan, was a little Ark swimming upon it, delivered fr •… m utter drowning, but yet not from sto •… mes and and leaks, and dangerous weather-beatings,) immolation of men was so ordinary, that [almost every nation, though not batba •… ous, had received it.] the D •… uids of France made their divinations from sacrifices of men. And in their wars they presaged also after the same fashion. And for our times it appears, by the Spanish relations, that in only Hispaniola they sacrificed yearly 20000 children.

SECT. X.

However since this is received [ that the nature of everything is the form by which it is constituted, and that to do against it, is to do against nature] since also this form in man is reason, and so to commit against reason is to sin against nature, what sin can be exempt from that charge, that it is a sin against nature, since every sin is against reason. And in this acceptation Lucidus takes the law of nature, when he says [God hath written in our hearts such a law of nature, as by that, we are saved in the coming of Christ.] And so every act which concurs not exactly with our religion shall be sin against nature. Which will appear evidently out of Jeremiah's words, where God promiseth as a future blessing, that he will write his laws in their hearts, which is the Christian law. So that the Christian law, and the law of nature, (for that is the law written in hearts) must be all one. Sin therefore against nature is not so enormous, but that that may stand true, which Navar saith [that many laws both natural and divine do bind only ad veniale.] And so (nor disputing at this time, whither it be against reasonal ways or no,) (for reason and virtue differ no otherwise than a close box of druggs, and an emplaister or medicine made from thence and applied to a particular use and necessity; and in the box are not only aromatike simples, but many poisons, which the nature of the disease, and the art of the Administrer make wholesome.) This SELF-HOMICIDE is no more against the law of nature, then any other sin, nor in any of the acceptations which we touched before. And this is as much as I determined for this first Distinction.

SECT. I.

THere is a lower and narrower acceptation of this law of nature (which could not well be discerned but by this light, and fore-discoursing) against which law, this sin, and a very few more, seem to be directly bent, and opposed. For Azorius says, [That there are sins peculiarly against nature, which are contra naturalem usum hominis] which he exemplifies in unnatural lusts, and in this. And of the former example Aquinas says, [That there are some kinds of lusts which are sins against nature, both as they are generally vices, and as they are against the natural order of the act of generation.] In the Scriptures also this sin of mis-using the Sexe, is called against nature, by S. Paul. And once (in the vulgar edition) in the Old Testament. But (as I intimated once before) this sin against nature is so much abhorred, not because the being against nature makes it so abominable, but because the knowledge thereof is so domestic, so near, so inward to us, that our conscience cannot slumber in it, nor dissemble it, as in most other sins it doth. For, in that example of the Levite in the book of Judges, (if those wicked men did seek him for that abominable use, which Josephus says, was only for his wife; And when himself relates to the people the history of his injury in the next chapter, he complains that they went about to kill him to enjoy his wife, and of no other kind of injury;) though the Host which had harbor'd him dissuade the men thus, [solum non operemini hoc contra naturam] will any man say, that the offer which he made them to extinguish their furious lust, to expose to them his own daughter, a virgins, and the wife of his guest, (which Josephus increases by calling her a Levite and his kins-woman,) was a less sin, then to have given way to their violence, or less against nature, because that which they sought was contra naturalem usum. Is not every voluntary pollution, in genere peccati, as much against the law of nature, as this was, since it strayes and departs from the way, and defeats the end of that faculty in us, which is generation? The violating therefore of the law of nature, doth in no acceptation aggravate the sin. Neither doth the Scripture call any other sin, then disorderly lust by that name; S. Paul once appeals to the law of nature, when arguing about the covering of heads, of men or women at public prayer, he says, [Judge in yourselves;] And [Doth not nature teach you, that if a man have long hair, it is a shame.] Not that this was against that law of nature to which all men were bound, for it was not always so. For, in most places, shavings and cuttings, a •… d pullings, are by the Batyriques and Epigrammatists of those times, reprehended for delicacy and effeminatenesse. And the Romans till for rain corruption had envenom'd them, were ever called gloriously Intonsi; but because (says Calvin) [it was at that time received as a custom throughout all Greece, to wear short hair, S. Paul calls it natural.]

So Vegetius says [That from November to March the Seas are shut up, and intractable lege naturae,] which now are tame and tractable enough, and this also lege naturae. And that custom which S. Paul called natural in Greece, was not long natural there. For the Bishops of Rome, when they made their Canons for Priests shavings, did it because they would have their Priests differ from the Priests of the Greek Church. So that S. Paul mentioning the law of nature, argues not from the weight and heinousness of the fault, as our adversaries use; but useth it as the nearest and most familiar and easy way to lead them to a knowledge of decency, and a departing from scandalous singularity in those public meetings.

SECT. II.

And though Azorius (as I said) and many others, make this Self-homicide an example of sin, against particular Law of Nature; yet it is only upon this reason, that self-preservation is of Natural Law. But that Natural Law is so general, that it extends to beasts more then to us, because they cannot compare degrees of obligation and distinctions of duties and offices, as we can. For we know that [some things are natural to the species, and other things to the particular person] and that the latter may correct the first. And therefore when Cicero consulted the oracle at Delph • s, he had this answer, [Follow your own nature.] And so certainly that place, [It is not good for the man to be alone,] is meant there, because if he were alone, God's purpose of multiplying mankind had been frustrate. Yet though this be ill for conservation of our species in general, yet it may be very fit for some particular man, to abstain from all such conversation of marriage or men, and retire to a sollitude. For some may need that counsel of Chrysostom, [Depart from the high way, & transplant thyself in some enclosed ground: for it is hard for a tree which stands by the way side, to keep her fruit, till it be ripe.] Our safest assurance, that we be not mislead with the ambiguity of the word Natural Law, and the perplexed variety thereof in Authors, will be this, That [all the precepts of Natural Law, result in these, Fly evil, seek good;] That is, do according to Reason.

For these, as they are indispensable by any authority, so they cannot be abolished nor obscured, but that our hearts shall ever not only retain, but acknowledge this Law. From these are deduced by consequence, other precepts which are not necessary always; as Redde deposit •… . For though this seem to follow of the first, Do according to reason, yet it is not always just. And as Aquinas says, The lower you go towards particulars, the more you depart from the necessity of being bound to it. So Acacius illustrates it more clearly, [It is natural, and binds all always, to know there is a God. From this is deduced by necessary consequence, that God (if he be) must be worshipped; and after this, by likely consequence, that he must be worshipped in this or this manner.] And so every Sect will a little corruptly and adulterately call their discipline Natural Law, and enjoin a necessary obedience to it. But though our substance of nature, (which is best understood of the foundations and principles, and first grounds of Natural Law,) may not be changed, yet functio nat •… a, (which is the exercise and application thereof,) and deduction from thence may, and must. The like danger is in deducing consequences from this natural Law, of Self-preservation; which doth not so rigorously, and urgently, and illimitedly bind, but that by the Law of Nature it self, things may, yea must neglect themselves for others; of which the Pelican is an instance, or an emblem.

And St. Ambrose Philosophying divinely in a contemplation of Bees, after he hath afforded them many other praises, says [That wh •… n they find themselves guilty of having broken any of their Kings Laws, P •… nitenti condemnatione se mul •… taunt, ut immoriantur a •… ulet sui vulnore.] Which magnanimity and justice, he compares there with the Subjects of the Kings of Persia, who in like cases are their own executioners. As this natural instinct in beasts, so rectified reason belonging only to us, instructs us often to prefer public and necessary persons, by exposing ourselves to unevitable destruction.

No law is so primary and simple, but it foreimagines a reason upon which it was founded: and scarce any reason is so constant, but that circumstances alter it. In which case a private man is Emperor of himself; for so a devout man interprets those words, [Faciamus hominem ad i •… ginom nostrum, id est, sui juris.] And he whose conscience well tempred and dispassion'd, assures him that the reason of self-preservation ceases in him, may also presume that the law ceases too, and may do that then which otherwise were against that law.

And therefore if it be true that [it belongs to the Bishop of Rome, to declare, interpret, limit, distinguish the law of God,] as their Doctors teach, which is, to declare when the reason of the Law ceases: it may be as true which this Author, and the Canons affirm, that he may dispense with that Law: for he doth no more, then any man might do of himself, if he could judge as infallibly. Let it be true that no man may at any time do anything against the law of nature, yet, [As a dispensation works not thus, that I may by it disobey a law, but that that law becomes to me no law, in that case where the reason ceases;] So may any man be the Bishop & Magistrate to himself, and dispense with his conscience, where it can appear that the reason which is the soul and form of the law, is ceased. Because, as in Oaths and Vowes, so in the Law, the necessity of dispensations proceeds from this, that a thing which universally considered in it self is profitable and honest, by reason of some particular event, becomes either dishonest or hurtful; neither of which, can fall within the reach, or under the Commandment of any law; and in these exempt and privileged cases, [the privilege is not contrajus universal, but contra universalitem juris.] It doth only succor a person, not wound, nor infirm a law. No more, then I take from the virtue of light, or dignity of the Sun, if to escape the scortching thereof, I allow myself the relief of a shadow.

And, as neither the watchfulness of Parliaments, nor the descents and indulgences of Princes, which have consented to laws derogatory to themselves, have been able to prejudice the Princes non obstantes, because prerogative is incomprehensible, and over-flows and transcends all law. And as those Canons which boldly (and as some School-men say) blasphemously say, Non licebit Papae, diminish not his fullness of power, nor impeach his motus propriores, (as they call them) nor his non obstante jure divino, because they are understood ever to whisper some just reservation, sine justa causa, or rebus sic stantibus, so, what law soever is cast upon the conscience or liberty of man, of which the reason is mutable, is naturally condition'd with this, that it binds so long as the reason lives.

Besides, Self-preservation, which we confess to be the foundation of general natural Law, is no other thing then a natural affection and appetition of good, whether true or seeming. For certainly the desire of Martyrdom, though the body perish, is a Self-preservation, because thereby, out of our election our best part is advanced. For heaven which we gain so, is certainly good; Life, but probably and possibly. For here it holds well which Athenagoras says, [Earthly things and Heavenly differ so, as Veri-simile, & Verum;] And this is the best description of felicity that I have found, That [ it is reditus uniuscujusque rei ad suum principium.] Now since this law of Self-preservation is accomplished in attaining that which conduces to our ends, and is good to us, (for libertv, which is a faculty of doing that which I would, is as much of the law of nature as preservation is; yet if for reasons seeming good to me, (as to preserve my life when I am justly taken prisoner, I will become a slave; I may do it without violating the law of nature.) If I propose to myself in this SELF-HOMICIDE a greater good, though I mistake it, I perceive not wherein I transgress the general law of nature, which is an affection of good, true, or seeming: and if that which I affect by death, be truly a greater good, wherein is the other stricter law of nature, which is rectified reason, violated?

SECT. III.

Another reason which prevails much with me and delivers it from being against the Law of nature, is this, that in all ages, in all places, upon all occasions, men of all conditions, have affected it, and inclined to do it. And as Gardan says it, [Mettall is planta sepulta, and that a Mole is Animal sepultum.] So man, as though he were Angelus sepultus, labors to be discharged of his earthly Sepulcher, his body. And though this may be said of all other sins, that men are propense to them, and yet for all that frequency, they are against nature, that is rectifyed reason, yet if this sin were against particular Law of nature, (as they must hold, which aggravate it by that circumstance,) and that so it wrought to the destruction of our species, any otherwise then intemperate lust, or surfer, or incurring penal Laws, and such like do, it could not be so general; since being contrary to our sensitive nature, it hath not the advantage of pleasure and delight, to allure us withal, which other sins have.

And when I frame to myself a Martyrologe of all which have perished by their own means for Religion, Country, Fame, Love, Ease, Fear, Shame; I blush to see how naked of followers all virtues are in respect of this fortitude; and that all Histories afford not so many examples, either of cunning and subtle devises, or of forcible and violent actions for the safeguard of life, as for destroying.

Petronius Arbiter who served Nero; a man of pleasure, in the office of Master of his pleasures, upon the first frown went home, and cut his Veines. So present and immediate a step was it to him, from full pleasure to such a death.

How subtly and curiously Attilius Regulus destroyed himself? Woe being of such integrity, that he would never have lied to save his life, lied to lose it; falsely pleading, that the Carthaginians had given him poison, and that within few days he should die, though he stayed at Rome.

Yet Codrus forcing of his death, exceeded this, because in that base disguise he was likely to perish without fame.

Herennius the Sicilian, could endure to beat out his own brains against a post; and as though he had owed thanks to that brain which had given him this devise of killing himself, would not leave beating, till he could see and salute it.

Comas who had been a Captain of thieves, when he came to the to ture of examination, scorning all foreign and accessory helps to die, made his own breath, the instrument of his death, by stopping and recluding it.

Annibal, because if he should be overtaken with extreme necessity, he would be beholden to none for life nor death, died with poison which he always carried in a ring.

As Demosthenes did with poison carried in a pen.

Aristarchus when he saw that 72 years, nor the corrupt and malignant disease of being a severe Critique, could wear him out, sterved himself then.

Homer which had written a thousand things, which no man else understood, is said to have hanged himself, because he understood not the Fishermens riddle.

Othryades who only survived of 300 Champions, appointed to end a quarrel between the Lacedemonians and Athenians, when now the lives of all the 300 were in him, as though it had been a new victory to kill them over again, killed himself.

Democles, whom a Greek Tyrant would have forced, to show that he could suffer any other heat, scalded himself to death.

P •… rtia, Cato's daughter, and Catulus Luctatius sought new conclusions, and as Quintilian calls them, [Nova Sacramenta pereundi,] and died by swallowing burning coals.

Poor Terence because he lost his 108 translated Comedies, drowned himself.

And the Poet Labienus, because his Satirical Books were burned by Edict, burnt himself too.

And Zeno, before whom scarce any is prefer'd, because he stumbled, and hurt his finger against the ground, interpreted that as a Summons from the earth, and hanged himself, being then almost •… oo years old. For which act, Diogenes Laertius proclaims him to have been [Mira falicitate vir, qui incolumis, integer, sine Morbo excessit.]

To cure himself of a quartane, Portius Latro killed himself.

And Festus, Domicians Minion, only to hide the deformity of a Ringworme in his face.

Hippionas the Poet rimed Bubalus the Painter to death with his Iambiques.

Macer bore well enough his being called into question for great faults, but hanged himself when he heard that Cicero would plead against him, though the Roman condemnations at that time inflicted not so deep punishments.

And so Cessius Licinius to escape Cicero's judgment, by choking himself with a napkin, had (as Tacitus calls it) precium festinandi. You can scarce immagine any person so happy, or miserable, so repos'd or so vain, or any occasion either of true loss, or of shamefastness, or frowardness, but that there is some example of it.

Yet no man, to me seems to have made harder shift to dy, then Charondas, who first having made a new law, that it should be death to enter the Counsel Chamber armed, not only offended that Law, but punished it presently by falling upon his sword.

But the general hour of such death is abundantly expressed, in those swarms of the Roman Gladiatory Champions, which, as Lipsius collects, in someone month cost Europe 30000 men, and to which exercise and profusion of life, till express Laws forbade it, not only men of great birth, and place in the State, but also women coveted to be admitted.

By Eleazars Oration recorded in Josephus, we may see how small persuasions moved men to this. [He only told them, that the Philosophers among the Indians did so. And that we and our children •… ere borne to dy, but neither borne to serve.]

And we may well collect, that in Caesar's time, in France, for one who died naturally, there died many by this devout violence. For he says there were some, whom he calls Devotos, and Clientes, ( the latter Laws call them Soldurios) which enjoying many benefits, and commodities, from men of higher rank, always when the Lord died, celebrated his Funeral with their own. And Caesar adds, that in the memory of man, no one was found that ever refused it.

Which devotion I have read some where continues yet in all the wives in the Kingdom of Bengala in the Indies.

And there not only such persons, as do it in testimony of an entire dependency, and of a gratitude, but the Samanaei, (which did not inherit Religion, and Priesthood, and wisdom, as Levites did amongst the Jews, and the Gymnosophists amongst them, but were admitted by election, upon notice taken of their sanctity) are said to have studied ways how to die, and especially then when they were in best state of health. And yet these Priests whose care was to die thus, did ever sum up, and abridge all their precepts into this one, Let a pious death determine a good life. Such an estimation had they of this manner of dying. How pathetically Latinus Pacatus expresses the sweetness of dying when we will; [Others, saith he, after the conquest, making a braver bargain with Destiny, prevented uncertain death by certain; and the slaves scaped whipping by strangling. For whoever feared, after there was no hope •… Or who would therefore for bear to kill himself, that another might? Is another's hand easier then thine own? Or a private death fouler then a public? Or is it more pain •… to fall upon thy sword, and to oppress the wound with thy body, and so receive death at once, then to divide the torment, bend the knee, stretch out the neck; perchance to more then one blow?] And then wondering why Maximus, who had before murdered Gratia •… , and was now suppressed by Theodosius, had not enjoyed the common benefit of killing himself, he turns upon Gratian, and says, [Thou Reverend Gratian, hast chased thin •… Executioner, and wouldest not allow him leisure for so honest a death, least he should stain the sacred Imperial robe with so i •… pious blood, or that a Tyrants hand should perform thy revenge, or thou be beholden to him for his own death.] And with like passion speaks another Panegyrique to Constantine, who after a victory, took their swords from the conquered, Ne quis incumberet dolori. By which language one may see, how natural it was to those times, to affect such dispatch.

And in our age, when the Spaniards extended that Law, which was made only against the Cannibals, that they who would not accept Christian Religion, should incur bondage; the Indians in infinite numbers escaped this by killing themselves; and never ceased, till the Spaniards by some counterfeitings made them think, that they also would kill themselves, and follow them with the same severity into the next life.

And thus much seeming to me sufficient, to defeat that argument which is drawn from Selfepreservation, and to prove that it is not so of particular law of Nature, but that it is often transgressed naturally, we will here end this second Distinction.

SECT. I.

AFter this when men by civ •… litic and mutual use one of another, became more thrifty of themselves, and sparing of their lives, this solemnity of killing themselves at funerals wore out and vanished; yet leysurely, and by unsensible dimunitions. [For first in show of it, the men wounded themselves, and the women scratch'd and defaced their cheeks, and sacrificed so by that aspersion of blo •… d. After that, by their friends graves they made graves for themselves, and entered into them alive, (as Nuns do when they renounce the world.) And after in show of this show, they only took some of the earth, and were it upon their heads: and so for the public benefit were content to forfeit their custom of dying]

And after Christianity, which besides the many advantages above all other Phylosophies, that it hath made us clearly to understand the state of the next life: which Moses and his followers (though they understood it) disguised ever under earthly rewards, and punishments; either because human nature after the first fall, till the restituti on and dignification thereof by Christ, was generally incapable of such mysteries, or, because it was reserved to our blessed Savior to interpret and comment upon his own Law, and that great successive Trinity of human wisdom, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, saw but glimmeringly and variously; as also for matters of this life, the most Stoic and severe Sect that ever Cast bridle upon mankind, I say, after Christianity had quenched those respects of fame, ease, shame, and such, how quickly naturally man snatched and embraced a new way of profusing his life by Martyrdom?

SECT. II.

For whilst the famous acts, or famous sufferings of the Jews, for defense even of Ceremonies, (many thousands of them being slain, only because they would not defend themselves upon the Saboth;) And whilst the custom of that Nation ever embrued in sacrifices of blood, and all, most of all other Nations devout and earnest even in the immolation of men. And whilst the example of our blessed Savior, who chose that way for our Redemption to sacrifice his life, and profuse his blood, was now fresh in them, and governed all their affections, it was not hard for their Doctors even by natural reasons, and by examples to invite, or to cherish their propensnesse to Martyrdom.

Clement therefore when h •… handles this point, scarce presents to them any other argument then natural men were capable of, and such food, and such fuel, as would serve the taste and fervor of such an one as were not curious above Nature. As, that Death was not naturally evil: That Martyrdom was the beginning of another life. That the Heathen endured greater pains for less reward. That a Barbarous people immolated every year a principal Philosoper to Xamolxis an Idol; and they upon whom the lot fell not, mourned for that. And with most earnestness that Martyrdom is in our own power: which be arguments better proportioned to Nature, then to Divinity; and therefore Clement presumed them men inclined, or inclinable by nature to this affection.

Tertullian's Reasons are somewhat more sublime; yet rather fine, and delightful, then solid and weighty; As, That God knowing man would sin after Baptism, provided him, Secunda solatia, lavacrum Sanguinis: That the death of Saints, which is said to be precious in God's sight, cannot be understood of the natural death common to all: And that from the beginning in Abel righteousness was afflicted. And these reasons were not such as would have entered any, in whom a natural inclination had not set open the gates before.

Cyprian also takes the same way; and insists upon application of Prophecies of these two sorts; That they should be despised in this world, and that they should be rewarded in the next.

To these were added external Honors,

Annual celebrating their Memories, and entitling their deaths, Natalitia; And that early instituting of the office of Notaries to regulate their passions, even i •… Clemens time; And the proposing their Salita capita to be worshipped; which word (though Eunapius speak it profanely) was not undeserved by the general misuse of such devotion.

And after the Monopoly of appropriating Martyrdom, and establishing the benefit thereof upon them only which held the integrity of faith, and were in the unity of the Church; of which persuasion Augustine, and Jerome, and most of the Ancients are cited to be; and then by continual increasing the dignity and merit of it, as that ex opere operato, it purged actual sin, as Baptism did original; And that without Charity, and in Schism, though it merited not salvation, yet it diminished the intenseness of Damnation.

And by these they incited man's nature to it, which also might be a little corruptly warmed towards it, by seeing them ever punished who afflicted them, for so Tertullian says, that [no City escaped punishment, which had shed Christian blood.]

After this, they descended to admit more into their fellowship, and communicate and extend these p •… iviledges: for by such indulgence are Herod's Infants Martyrs: So is John the Baptist, though he died not for a matter of Christian faith: So is he which suffers for any virtue, and he which dies in his mothers womb, if she be a Martyr. And so is he which being for Christian profession wounded deadly, recovers: and he which being not deadly wounded, dies after of sickness contracted by his own negligence, if that negligence amounted not to mortal sin.

So not only the sickly and infirm succeeding Ages, but even the purest-times did cherrish in men this desire of death, even by contrary reasons; both which notwithstanding by change of circumstances, had apparance of good. For as fire is made more intense, sometimes by sprinkling water, sometimes by adding fuel. So when their teachers found any coolenesse or remissness in them, and an inclination to flight, or composition with the State, then Cyprian noted such with the ignominy of Libellatici, because they had taken an acquittance of the State, and says of them [Culpa minor sacrificatorum, sed non innocens cons •… entis.]

And then Terrullian equally infames flying away, and such marchandizing, when he says, [Persecution must not be redeemed; for running away is a buying of your peace for nothing, and a buying of your peace for money is a running away.]

And then we shall find that even against the nature of the word Martyr, it became the common opinion, that death was requisite and necessary to make one a Martyr.

So in Eusebius, the Christians though afflicted, modestly refuse the name of Martyrs, and profess that they have not deserved it, except they may be killed.

Contrary wise in other times when the disease of head-long dying at once, seemed both to wear out their numbers, and to lay some scandal upon the cause, which wrought such a desire in men, which understood not why they did it, but uninstructed, uncatechized, yea unbaptized, (but that the charity of the Supervivers imputed to them Baptisma fluminis, as they hope, or at least, Sanguinis, for that they saw) did only, as they saw others do; Then I say (as a Learned Writer of our time says, [That the Church abstains from easy Canonizing, Ne vilesceret Sanctit as] (which is not here Holiness, but Saintship) least the dignity of Martyrdom should be aviled by such promiscuous admittance to it, they were often contented to allow them the comfort of Martydome without dying; which was but a returning to the natuturall sense of the word.

So Ignatius stiles himself in his Epistles, Martyr. Yea more then the rest he brought down the value thereof, and the dear purchase, for he says [That as he which honors a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall have a Prophets reward; So he shall have a Martyrs reward which honors [vinctum Christi.] And so our most blessed Savior, proceeding in his merciful purpose of increasing his Kingdom upon earth, yet permitting the Heathen Princes to continue theirs as yet, the Christian Religion was dilated and oppressed; and the professors thereof, so dejected and worn with confiscations and imprisonments, thought that as in the Passover from Egypt every door was sprinkled with blood; So Heaven had no door from this world but by fires, crosses, and bloody persecutions: and presuming Heaven to be at the next step, they would often stubbornly or stupidly wink, and so make that one step.

God forbid any should be so malignant, so to mis-interpret me, as though I thought not the blood of Martyrs to be the seed of the Church, or diminished the dignity thereof; yet it becomes any ingenuity to confess, that those times were affected with a disease of this natural desire of such a death; and that to such may fruitfully be applied those words of the good B: Paulinus, [Athleta non vincit statim, quia eruitur: nec ideo transnatant, quia sespoliant.] Alas! we may fall & drown at the last stroke; for, to say le to heaven it is not enough to cast away the burdenous superfluities which we have long carried about us, but we must also take in a good frayte. It is not lightness, but an even-reposed steadfastness, which carries us thither.

But Cyprian was forced to find out an answer to this lamentation, which he then found to be common to men on their death beds, [We m •… urne because with all our strength we had vowed our selves to Martyrdom, of which we are thus deprived, by being prevented by natural death.] And for them who before they were called upon, offered themselves to Martyrdom, he is fain to provide the glorious and satisfactory name of Professors.

From such an inordinate desire, too obedient to nature, proceeded the fury of some Christians who when sentence was pronounced against others, standing by, cried out, We also are Christians.

And that inexcusable forwardness of Germanus, who drew the beast to him, and enforced it to tear his body; And why did he this? Eusebius delivers his reason; That he might be the sooner delivered out of this wicked and sinful life. Which acts Eusebius glorifies with this praise, [That they did them mente digna Philosophis] So that it seems wisest men provoked this by their examples; As at the burning of the temple at Jerusalem, Meirus and Josephus, though they had way to the Romans, cast themselves into the fire. How passionately Ignatius solicits the Roman Christians not to interrupt his death. [I fear saith he, your charity will hurt me, and put me to begin my course again, except you endeavor that it may be sacrificed now. I profess to all Churches; quod voluntarius morior] And after, Blandiciis demulcere feras; entice and corrupt the Beasts to devour me, and to be my sepulcher, fruar best is, Let me enjoy those beasts, whom I wish much more cruel then they are; and if they will not attempt me, I will provoke and draw them by force] And what was Ignatius reason for this, being a man necessary to those Churches, and having allowable excuses of avoiding it? [quia mihi utile mori est.] such an intemperance urged the woman of Edissa, when the Emperor Valens had forbidden the Christians one temple, to which particular reasons of devotion invited them, to enrage the Officers with this Contumely, when they asked her, why thus squalid, and headlong she dregg'd her son through the streets, I do it least when you have slain all the other Christians, I and my son should come to late to partake that benefit. And such a disorderly heat possessed that old wretched man, which passing by after the execution of a whole legion of 6666, by iterated decimation, under Maximianus, although he were answered that they died, not only for resisting the Roman Religion, but the State, for all that, wishit that he might have the happiness to be with them, and so extorted a Martyrdom. For that age was grown so hungry and ravenous of it, that many were baptized only because they would be burnt, and children taught to vex and provoke Executioners, that they might be thrown into the fire.

And this assurednesse that men in a full persuasion of doing well would naturally run to this, made the proconsul in Africa proclaim, Is there anymore Christians which desire to dy, and when a whole multit •… de by gen •… rall voice discovered themselves, he bid them [Go hang and drown yourselves and ease the Magistrate.] A •… d this natural disposi •… ion, afforded Mahomet an arg •… meant against the Jews, [if your Religion be so good, why do you not dy?] for our p •… mitive Chu •… ch was so enamo •… ed of death, and so satisfied with it, that to vex and torture them more, the M •… gistrate made laws to take from them the come •… ort of d •… ing, and increased thei •… persecu •… ion by c •… asing it, for they gloried in their Numbers.

And as in o •… her w •… fares men m •… ster an •… reckon how m •… ny they bring into the 〈◊〉 , their confidence of victory was in the multitudes of t •… em which were lost. So th •… y adm •… t into the Catalogue Herod's •… nfants, and the 〈◊〉 Virgins. And when 9000 Soldiers u •… der Adrian by apparition of an Angel are said to have embraced Christian Religion, and when •… he E •… perour sent others to execute them, 1000 of those ex •… cutioners join'd to them and so the who •… e 10000 were crucifi •… d And of an intirelegion massacred at once we spoke but now. And Baronius speaks of 10000 cr •… cified in Armenia, celebrate upon the 22 ^th . of June: whether divers from the •… 0000 under Adrian or no, I have not examined. Saint Gregory says, [Let God number our Martyrs, for to us they are more in number then then the sands.] And Baronius says, That excepting the first of January, (whic •… ye •… in the Rom •… n Martyrologe records as many, as most other days) there is no day which hath not 500 Martyrs; almost everyone hath 900, or 800.

SECT. III.

And when the Church increased abundantly under all these 〈◊〉 for, As in profane and secular wars, the greater the Triumphs of a 〈◊〉 are, the greater also are his Armies, because the •… more and more co •… cur to his splendor, and to prat •… ipate his fortu •… es; So in this spiritual warfare, t •… e greater the triumphant Church was, the great •… g •… ew the Militant, assisted both with the Example & 〈◊〉 of the o •… her. And when all these treadings down did but harrow our Savior's field, a •… d prepare and better it for his Harvest, The bl •… ud of the 〈◊〉 (for though, a •… say still, very many died out of a natural 〈◊〉 of despis •… g th •… s 〈◊〉 , a great number had their di •… ect ma •… ke upon the glory of God, and went to it awake) having, as a N •… cephorus says, almost strangled the Devil, he try •… by his two greatest Instr •… ments, (when they are •… is) the Magistrate, and the Learned, to ave •… t them fr •… m this inclination.

For, suggesting to the Magistrate that their forwardn •… sse to dy •… , gr •… w only from their faith in the Resurrection, he procured th •… re bo dies to be burnt, and their ashes scattered into Rivers, to frustrate and defeat that expectation; And he raised up subtle Heretics, to infirm and darken the virtue and majestic of Martyrdom.

Of which the most pestilently cunning Basilides, foresuspecting that he should not easily remove that desire of dying, which Nature had bred, and Custom confirmed in them, tried to remove that which had root only in their Religion, as being yet of tenderer growth, and more removable then natural impressions. Therefore he offered not to impugn their exposing themselves to death in all cases, but only said, that it was madness to die for Christ, since he, by whose example they did it, was not crucified, but Simon who bore the Cross.

Another Heretic, called Helchesar, perceiving that it was too hasty to condemn the act of Martyrdom even for Christ, thought only to slacken their desire to it, by teaching, that in time of Persecution, so we kept our heart at Anchor safe, we were not bound to testify our Religion by any outward act, much less by dying.

Which Doctrine the Gnostici also taught, but prevailed little, both because the contrary was rooted in Nature, and because they accompanied this doctrine, with many others, foul and odious even to sense; and because they were resisted by Tertullian, a man mighty, both in his general abilities, and in his particular and professed earnestness to magnify Martyrdom: And against these he writ his Scorpiacum.

SECT. IIII.

This way giving no advantage to Heretics, they let loose the bridle of their own nature too, and apprehended any occasion of dying as forwardly as the Orthodoxall Christians. And because the other prescribed against them, and were before hand with them in number, to redeem time and overtake them, they constituted new occasions of Martyrdom.

Petilian against whom St. Aug: writ, taught, that whosoever killed himself as a Magistrate, to punish a sin committed before, was a Martyr.

And they who are by Saint Augustine, and others, called Circumcelliones, and Circuitores, (because (I think) as their Master, they went about to devour) would entreat, persuade, enforce others to kill them, and frustrated after all those provocations, would do it themselves, and by their survivors be celebrated for Martyrs. These were of the Donatists, of whom Saint Augustine says, To kill themselves out of respect of Martyrdom, was Ludus Quotidianus Other Heretics also, whose errors were not about Martyrdom, hastened to it. So the Cataphrygae, who erroneously baptizing the dead, Ordaining Women, Annulling second Marriges, and erring in such points, could soon boast of their number of Martyrs; perchance because Tertullian being then on their part, they found him, as he was wheresoever hec me, a hot encourager of men to Martyrdom. It is complained in Euse •… ius, that Heretics seeing their arguments confuted, fled •… ow to their number of Martyrs, in wh •… cn they pretended to exceed the others. And from their numbers of Martyrs, the Euphenita called themselves Martyrians. And thereupon Baro •… us says, [Amongst the heath •… n, perchance you may hear, and the e •… fina one Emped •… cles, which will burn himself, but amongst the Donat •… sts, Hominum examina.]

SECT. V.

So that the authority gained by their forwardness to equal the number of true Martyrs, w •… s so great, and began so far to perplex the world, that some Councils foreseeing, that if both sides did it equally, it would all be imp •… ted to human respects, began to take it into their care to provide against it. And th •… reupon Council exhibites an express Canon. That no Christian leaving true Martyrs, should go to false, •… uia alteni à D •… o. And another corrects the other H •… esie of diminishing the reputation of Martyrs thus, Martyr •… m dignitatem nemo profanus infamet.

SECT. VI.

Thus when the true Spirit of God drew many, the spirit of Contention m •… ny, and other natural infirmities more, to expose themselves easily to death, it may well be thought, that from thence the Au •… hors of these lat •… er Ages; have somewhat remitted the intensn •… sse of Martyrdom, and mingled more all •… yes, or rather more m •… tall, and not made it of so great valu •… alone, as those earnest times did: for since Saint •… homas said, [That though Martyrdom be a work of greatest perfection, yet it is not of it self, but as it is wrought by charity, and expresses that]

Vasquis 〈◊〉 Cord •… bensis for saying that it is any worship of God: •… or [it is not says he, a Sacrifice nor work of Religion, but of fortitude, which is but a moral virtue] Therefore it is now taught, [that it is a mortal sin to provoke another to inflict Martyrdom.] And a Martyr, (though 〈◊〉 purge much) is bound to cleanse himself by everv one of the Deg •… ees of penance, for saith Ca •… bo, [it is not Sacramentum, but opus 〈◊〉 .] So they seem tender and 〈◊〉 by addition of 〈◊〉 inc •… ements, to cherish or further that 〈◊〉 of dying, to which by reason of our 〈◊〉 , and this worlds encumbrances, our nature is too propense and inclined.

Only the Jesuits boast of their hunting out of Martyrdom in the new worlds, and of their rage till they find it. He which hath brought them all upon one Scene, says that [Altonsus Castro at his execution in the Molucca, was so overjoyed that he forgot his modesty: [Rapimus Martyrium, says he, spontanea irruptione,] And [one would think that it were a disease in us,] [Which we do, least the rest of our life should be Meritis sterile, & gloria vacuum] [we bargain and contract with our profession, upon that Condition, that we may prodigere animas in hostili ferro;] [And we possess no more, then such small matters as only serve to cut off our life.] So that, if this desire of dying be not agreeable to the nature of man, but against it, yet it seems that it is not against the nature of a Jesuit. And so we end this Distinction, which we purposed only for the consideration of this desire of Martyrdom, which swallowed up all the other inducements, which, before Christianity contracted them, tickled and inflamed mankind.

SECT. I.

THere remains only for the fourth and last Distinction of this first part, our reason by which this SELF-HOMICIDE seems to me to escape the breach of any Law of Nature, which is, that both express literal Laws, and mute Law, custom, hath authorized it, not only by suffering, and connivency, but by appointing it.

And it hath the countenance not only of many flourishing and well policed states, but also of Imaginary Common-wealths, which cunning Authors have Idaeated, and in which such enormous faults are not like to be admitted. Amongst the Athenians condemned men were their own executioners by poison. And amongst the Romans often by bloodlettings. And it is recorded of many places, that all the Sexagenarii, were by the laws of wise States, precipitated frō a bridge. Of which, if Pierius his conjecture be true, that this report was occasioned by a custom in Rome, by which men of that age were not admitted to surffage; And because the way to the Senate was per pontem, they which for age were not permitted to come thither, were called Depontani, yet it is more certain, that amongst the Ceans unprofitable old men poisoned themselves; which they did crown with garlands, as triumphers over human misery. And the Ethiopians loved death so well, that their greatest Malefactors being condemned to banishment, escaped it Ordinarily by killing themselves. The civil law, where it appoints no punishment to the delinquent in this case, neither in his estate nor memory, punishes a keeper, if his prisoner kill himself; out of a prejudice, that if means may be afforded them, they will all do so.

And do not we see it to be the custom of all Nations now, to manacle and disarm condemned men, out of a fore-assurance that else they would escape death by death? Sir Thomas Moore (a man of the most tender and delicate conscience, that the world saw since Saint Augustine ) not likely to write anything in jest mischieuously interpretable, says, That in Vtopia, the Priests and Magistrates did use to exhort men afflicted with incurable diseases, to kill themselves, and that they were obeyed as the interpreters of God's will; But that they who killed themselves without giving an account of their reasons to them, were cast out unburied. And Plato who is usually cited against this opinion, disputes in it, in no severer •… ashion, nor more peremptory then thus, [What shall we say of him, which kills his nearest and most dear friend? which deprives himself of life, and of the purpose of destiny? And not urged by any Sentence, or Heavy Misfortune, nor extreme shame, but out of a cowardliness, and weakness of a fearful mind, doth unjustly kill himself? What Purgatory, and what burial by law b •… longs to him, God himself knows. But let his friends inquire of the Interpreters of the law, and do as they shall direct.] You see nothing is delivered by him against it, but modestly, limitedly, and perplexedly.

And this is all which I will say of the first member of that definition of sin which I undertook, which is, transgressing of the Law of Nature. Wherein I make account that I have sufficiently delivered and rescued this Self-homicide, from any such violating of the Law, as may aggravate the fact, or make it heinous.

SECT. I.

THat part of the Definition of sin, which we received for the second place, is, That it be against the Law of Reason; where, if we should accept Reason for Recta Ratio, (especially primarily, and originally,) it would be the same as Law of Nature. Therefore I rather choose to admit such an acceptation thereof, as may bring most doubts into disputation, and so into clearness.

Reason therefore in this place shall signify conclusions drawn and deduced from the primary Reason, by our discourse and ratiocination: And so sin against reason, is sin against such arguments and conclusions as may by good consequence be de •… ived from primary and original Reason, which is light of nature.

This primary reason therefore, against which none can plead lycense, law, custom, or pardon, hath in us a sovereign, and masculine force; and by it, through our Discourse, which doth the motherly office of shaping them, and bringing them forth and up, it produces conclusions and resolutions.

SECT. II.

And as in earthly Kingdoms, the Kings children, and theirs, and their race, as far as we may reasonably presume any tincture of blood, have many privileges and respects due to them, which yet were forfeited if there appeared any bastardy or interruption of lawful descent from that root; And though these respects and obsequiousnesse, belong to them as they are propagated from that root, and as some sparks of that Sovereignty glimmer in them, yet their Servants and Officers take them where they find them, and consider them only as Dukes, or Lord's, and possessors of patrimoniall estates, but every man's heart and allegiance is directed and fastened upon the Prince, and perchance a step or two lower, with a present and immed ate relation to the father, and what they have from him. So whē from those true propositions, which are the eldest children and issue of our light of Nature, and of our discourse, conclusions are produced, those conclusions also have now the Nature of propositions, and beget more; and to all these there belongs an assent and submission on our parts, if none by the way have been corrupted and bastarded by fallacy. And though (as in the other case) men of a weak disposition, or lazey, or flattering, look no farther into any of these propositions, then from whose mouth it proceeds, or what authority it hath now, not from whence it was produced, yet upon the heir apparent, which is, every necessary consequence from natural light, every man's resolution is determined, and arrested by it, and submitted to it. And though human laws, by which Kingdoms are policed, be not so very near to this Crown of certain Truth, and first light, (for if they were necessary consequences from that law of nature, they could not be contrary in divers places and times, as we see laws to be) yet I do justly esteem them nearer, and to have more of that blood royal in them, then the resolutions of particular men, or of Schools.

Both because it is of the essence of all human law, that it agrees with nature, (I mean for the obligation in interiori fore, without which a law hath no more strength, then an usurper, whom they which obey, watch an opportunity to dispossess.)

And because Assemblies of Parliaments, and Councils, and Courts, are to be presumed more diligent for the delivery and obstetrication of those children of natural law, and better witness that no false nor supposititious issue be adm •… tted, then any one man can be. For the law is therefore well called Communis Reip. sponsio, because that word signifies as well, that, to which they have all betroth'd themselves, as, the security and stipulation which the State gives for every man's direction and assurance in all his civil actions. Since therefore we have in the first part thoroughly examined, whether this Self homicide be always of necessity against the law of nature, it deserves the first consideration in this second part, to inquire how far human Laws have determined against it, before we descend to the arguments of particular Authors, of whatsoever reverence or authority.

SECT. III.

And because in this disquisition, that law hath most force and value, which is most general, and there is no law so general, that it deserves the name of Jus gentium; or if there be, it will be the same, (as we said before) as Rocta Ratio, and so not differ from the law of Nature.

To my understanding, the Civil or Imperial law, having had once the largest extent, and being not abandoned now, in the reason, and essence, and nature thereof, but only least the accepting of it should testify some dependency upon the Empire, we owe the first place in this consideration to that Law.

This therefore which we call the Civil Law, (for, though properly the Municipall Law of every Nation be her Civil Law, yet Rome's Emperors esteeming the whole world to be one City, as her Bishops do esteem it one Diocese, the Roman Law hath won the name of Civil Law, being a decoction and composition of all the Regal Laws, Dec •… ees of the Senate, Plebescites, Responsa Prudentum, and Edicts of Emperors, from 1400. years before Justinian, to so long time after, as the Eastern Emperors made them authentic; being of such largeness, as Iustinians part thereof consists of 150000. of those distinctions which he calls verses, and is the sum and marrow of many millions, extracted from 2000. Volumes.

This Law which is so abundant, that almost all the points controverted between the Roman and the reformed Churches, may be decided and appointed by it. This Law, I say, which both by penalties, and Ana •… hemaes, hath wrought upon bodies, fortunes, and consciences, hath pronounced nothing against this Self-homicide, which we have now in disputation.

It is true that of Adrian the Emperor, who was about 120. years after Christ, we find one Rescript, in the body of the Law, [ That if a Soldier do attempt to kill himself, and not effect it, except he offered it upon impatience of grief, or sickness, or sorrow, or some other cause, capite plectatur.] Which Rescript is repeated again in another Title, and there (though the other general clause, or some other cause, might seem to have reached far enough,) are added especially for excusing causes, [weariness of life, madness, or shame.] You see with what moderate gradations this Law proceeded, which being (as it seems) to contend and wrestle with a thing customary, and naturally affected, extends not at all to punish it when it is done, as in many other crimes the Laws do, by confiscation, and by condemning the memory of the delinquent, and ignobling his race.

Nor embraces it all manners of doing it; (yea scarce any, considering how benignly, and favorably penal Laws are to be interpreted:) Nor overtakes it all men, but only such as being of present use, as well much disadvantage might grow to the Army, if suddenly any numbers of them should be suffered to turn upon this natural and easy way of delivering themselves from painful danger, as much damage to the State, if those men matriculated for Soldiers, to whom there belonged by the laws, as many privileges and immunities under the Roman Emperors, as ever did to the Clergy under their Roman Bishops, after they had thus maym'd themselves, and defrauded the State of their service, should by this inh •… rent character of Souldiership, enjoy all those advantages, which those Laws afforded them.

There is one law more in the body of the Civil Law, which seems to reach farther, because it binds not it self to any one condition of men; which is, [That if a man already accused, or taken in the manner, for any such crime, upon which his goods should be forfeited upon conviction, kill himself before judgment, his goods shall be forfeit;] else nor. For the Law adds her opinion of the fact. [Non facti celeritas est obnoxia, sed conscientia metus] And proceeds, [Qui causam mortis habet, habeat successorem.] So that that Law presumes there are just causes to work such an effect. And upon the consideration of this Civil Law, I determined to bestow this first Distinction.

SECT. 1.

THat which they call the Canon Law is of larger extent then this; for it reaches to bind the Princes themselves, at least by their acceptation and submission to it.

And as the subject of it, is greater, being people and Prince; so is the object, being the next and eternal life. Yea it is so vast and undetermin'd, as we know not in what books to seek the limits thereof, nor by what rules to set the land-marks of her jurisdiction.

For, (for the book,) it is evident that the Primitive Church had Codicem Canonum, which was inserted into the body of the Roman Law, and had no other subfistence, but as it was incorporated there. Thereupon Gelatius writes to Theodorus the Goth, King of Italy, to entreat him, that as by his authority the Roman Law was observed in Civil matters, so it might be still in Ecclesiastic. And after the expulsion of the Goths, Leo 4. entreated and obtained the same from Lotharius. From this Codex Canonnm; the Emperors determined and decreed in many Ecclesiastic causes; From this Codex the Councils after were governed in making their Canons: as we may see particular Canons of this Book cited, the book being often called for in the Councils, and being then ordinarily named, The body of the Canon Law. This body consisted of the Canons of nine Councils authorized by the Emperors.

But for those immense additions grown to it since that time, of Bulls, and Decretal Letters of Popes, Decrees of suspicious and partial and S •… hismatick Councils, (for nothing is more properly Schism, and Solutio continui, than a rent between the Civil and Ecclesiastic State; which occasioned many of the later Councils,) the rags of Fathers decerpted and decocted by Gratian, and the glosses of these made also as authentic as the Text. I perceive not what title they have to be of the body of the Canon Law, except where the Princes have incorporated and denizen'd them.

But least to quarrel with their authority now, might seem in us a subter-fuge and shift to decline them, as though they were heavy against us, in this point which we have now in hand; we will accept them as they are obtruded, and dissemble nothing, which in them seems to resist this opinion, though in common entendment this law is likely to be severe against it, because the civil laws content themselves ever with any excuse or color in favor of the Delinquents, because when a fault is proved it punishes severely, but the Canon Laws which punish only medicinally, and for the souls health, are apt to presume or believe a guiltiness, upon light evidence, because those punishments ever work good effects, whether just or no.

SECT. II.

And first because heresy which is laesa Majestas Divina, of all crimes is the principal object of that Court, I say, that this proposition, is not by anything extant in the Canon law, (and therefore not at all) heretical, allowing to them their largest definition of heresy; which is, [Any thing which is against Catholic faith, that is Scriptures rightly understood; Or the traditions and definitions of the Church, or general Councils lawfully gathered, or definition of the sea Apostolic, or the common opinion of Fathers, in a matter of faith.] The proposition may perchance seem to some so ill qualified, as it may be male sonans, or temeraria, or perchance sapiens heresis, for all these proceed from the indisposition and distempred taste of the apprehendor, which must not always be idly flattred and pampred, but invited to the search and discovery of truth, who else being the greatest Prince in the world, should have no progress, but be straightened in a wretched corner. First therefore, (to cast a glance upon every part of the definition of heresy) whether it be against the Scriptures rightly understood or no will be more properly and naturally examined, when we come to the last part, which is of Divine law.

Next, there is no tradition nor definition of the Church in the point at all, much less as of a matter of faith, which is the second limb of the definition.

No decree of any general Council. No rescript or Bull of any Pope. And for the common opinion of the Fathers (besides that it can be no safe rule, because as [Azorius notes, Controverters often say on both sides, this is the common opinion; And certainly that is the common opinion in one Age which is not in another; yea, in one Kingdom at the same time, which is not in another, though both be Catholik: As in Germany and France, by the common opinion Latreia is not due to the Cross, in Spain by the common opinion it is,] it cannot appear, by the Canon law, that this is the common opinion of the Fathers; for Gratian who only of the Compilers of the Canon law toucheth the point, (as far as either my reading or search hath spied out) cites but two Fathers, Augustine, and Jerome. Whereof the latter is of opinion, that there may be some cause to do it. But in the Canon law I find no words, not only to lay the infamous name of heresy upon it, but that affects it with the mark or style of sin, or condemns the fact, by inflicting any punishment upon the offender.

I speak here of the Canon law, to which the Canonist will stand: which are the Decretal letters, and all the extravagants. For, of Gratians Decret. that learned and ingenious Bishop of Tarracon, hath taught us what we should think, when he says, [ That he is scarce worth so much reprehension; who having nothing that is profi •… able or of use, except he borrows it, is admired of the ignorant, and laughed at of the learned,] [who never saw the books of the Councils, nor the works of the Fathers, nor the Registers of the Popes letters.] And whose compilation had not that confirmation from Eugenius 3, as is falsely attributed to it.] Yet although Gratian have not so much authority, that by his inserting an imperial law, or fragment of a Father, it should therefore be canoniz'd and grow into the body, and strength of the Canon law, (for then though that law were abrogated again by the Emperor, it should still be alive and been •… e by a stronger obligation in the Canon, which Alb. Gentilis proves to be against the common opinion.) yet by consent, thus much is afforded him, that places cited by him, have as much authority in him, as th •… y had in the Author from whom he took them. And therefore when we come to handle the Reasons of particular Authors, we will pretermit none whom Gratian hath cited, for that is their proper place.

SECT. III.

And in this Distinction where we handle the opinion of the Canon Law in the point (not because Gratian cites it, but because the Canons of all Councils are now usurped as Canon Law) we will consider a Canon of the Braccarense Council cited by him.

But first, (although he have it not) we will not conceal the Antisidorense Council, (which was before the other, under Gregor. 1. Anno 590.) For as the Civil Laws by limitation of persons and causes, gave some restraint and correction to this natural desire of dying when we would, which they did out of a duty to sinew and strengthen, as much as they were able, the Doctrine of our blessed Savior, who having determined all bloody sacrifices; enlightens us to another Doctrine, that to endure the miseries & afflictions of this life, was wholesome, and advantageous to us; the Councils also perceiving that this first engraffed and inborne desire, needed all restraints, contributed their help.

This Canon then hath these words, [If any kill themselves, Istorum oblata non recipiantur.] For it seems, that Preaching and Catechizing had wrestled, and fought with their natural appetite, and tamed them to a perplexity whether it might be done or no; and so thinking to make sure work, in an indiscreet devotion, they gave oblations to the Church, to expiate the fault, if any were. These oblations the Council forbids to be accepted, not decreeing anything of the point, as of matter of faith, but providing against an inconvenient practice.

Neither was it much obligatory, or considerable, what it had decreed, being only a Diocesan Council, of one Bishoppe, and his Abbats, and whose Canons Binius presents, because (though some of them be out of use, of which this may be one) yet they are (says he) some discoverers of Antiquity.

The other Council which Gratian cites and besides which two I find none) hath these words, [For those that kill themselves, there shall be no commemoration at the oblation, nor shall they be brought to burial with Psalms.] which intimates, as the language of the Canon Law is, Caninam sepulturam.

But the gloss upon this doth evict from another Canon, that if the person were not under excommunication, it is not so; [For we may communicate with him dead, with whom we may communicate living.] Which shows that his act of dying so, put him not into worse state in this respect. This answers the first punishment inflicted by that Canon. And for the second which is denial of Cristian burial, it is very rigorous to conclude a heinousness of the fact, from that, since the true Canon Law denies that to men slain at Tilt, though it afford them, if they be not presently dead, all the Sacraments appliable in that extremity, as Penance, Eucharist, and Unction.

So that, though since it denies burial to men whom they esteem in state and way of salvation, the Gloss here collects reasonably, [That this punishment reaches not to the dead, but only to deter the living;] referring to this purpose an Epistle of Gregory, saying, [So much as a sumptuous funeral profits a wicked man, so much a base, or none at all hurts a godly.]

Lastly, that Clementine which reckons up many causes for which Christian burial is denied, amongst which one is a local interdict, at what time the holiest man which dies in that place cannot be buried, which sometimes extends to whole Kingdoms, instructs us sufficiently, that one may be subject to that punishment, if it be any in that Law) and yet not guilty of such a crime as this is reputed to be.

And the Romans in their Religious Discipline, refused solemn burial, to any which perished by lightnings, though they buried offenders in the town, as they did Vestals and Emperors; because as their Dedication to God had delivered the Nuns, and Soveraigntie the Emperors from bondage of Law; so did Justice, to which they had made full satisfaction deliver offenders punished. And since both Saint Jerome, and the Bracarense Council, inflict the same punishments upon those Catechumen, who although they had all other preparations, and degrees of maturity in the Christian Faith, yet departed out of this world without Baptism, as they do upon Self murderers, and so made them equal in punishment, and consequently in guiltiness; I think it will ill become the Doctrines of our times, and the Analogy thereof, to pronounce so desperately of either of their damnations. Sert. Senen. lib. 6. Annot. 7. p. 311.

And here we end our second Distinction of this second Part, which was allotted for the examination of the Canon Law.

SECT. I.

OF Arguments of this Nature, which are conclusions deduced out of reason and discourse, next to these general Laws of the Empire, and of the Church, (which though it might seem for the generality thereof, to have deserved the first place, we handled in the second room, because the power thereof hath been ever litigious and questionable,) I may justly rank the Laws of particular states.

By our Law therefore, as it hath not been long in practice, (for Bracton seems not to know such a Law, when allowing an entire chapter to that title, he only repeats the words in that Imperial Law, which I cited before, and so admitts, (if he admit that Law, that exception, Sine justa causa) he which kills himself is reputed felo de se; and whether he be chargeable with any offense or no, he sorfeits his goods: which devolving to the Kings Almoner, should on the Kings behalf be employed in pious and charitable uses.

And it is not only Homicide, but Murder, And yet the reasons alleged there, are but these, That the King h •… h lost a Subject, that his Peace is broken, and that it is of evil example.

Since therefore, to my understanding, it hath no foundation in Natural nor Imperial Law, nor receives much strength from those reasons, but having b •… custom only put on the nature of law, as most of our law hath, I believe it was first induced amongst us, because we exceeded in that natural desire of dying so. For it is not a better understanding of nature, which hath reduced us from it; But the wisdom of Lawmakers and observers of things fit for the institution and conservation of states.

For in ancient Common-wealths, the numbers of slaves were infinite, as ever both in Rome and Athens, there were 10 slaves for one Citizen; and Pliny says that in Augustus time, Isidorus had above 4000. And Vedius Pollio so many, that he always fed his fish in ponds with their blood; and since servitude hath worn out, yet the number of wretched men exceeds the happy (for every laborer is miserable and beastlike in respect of the idle abounding men;) It was therefore thought necessary by laws, and by opinion of Religion, (as Scaevola is alleged to have said, Expetit in Religion Givitates falli,) to take from these weary and macerated wretches, their ordinary and open escape, and ease, voluntary death.

And therefore it seems to be so prohibited, as a Lawyer says, hunting and usery is [Ne inescarentur homines] and as Mahomet to withdraw his Nation from wine, brought them to a religious belief, that in every grape there was a Devil.

As therefore amongst us a natural disease of stealing, (for as all other, so this vice may as well abound in a Nation as in a particular man, and Dorotheus relates at large, the sickness of one of his fryars, who could not abstain from stealing, though he had no use of that which he stole) hath draw from a Council holden at London under Hen 3. a Canon which excommunicates the Harbourers of Thieves (quibus abundat Regio Angliae, and mentions no other fault but this, and from the Custom, and Princes, and Parliaments severe Laws against theft, then are justifiable by Nature, or the Jews Judicial Law, (for our Law hangs a man for stealing in extreme necessity, when not only all things, to him, return to their first community, but he is bound in conscience to steal, and were, in some opinions, (though others say he might neglect this privilege) a Self-murderer if he stole not.

And Scotus disputing against the Laws of those Nations, which admit the death of a thief robbing by day, because whoever kills such a thief, is expressly by God's Law a murderer, ask where have you read an exception of such a thief from the Law, Non occides, or where have you seen a Bull fallen from Heaven to justify such executions? So it may be, a natural declination in our people to such a manner of death, which weakened the state, might occasion severer Laws, then the common ground of all Laws seems well to bear.

And therefore, as when the Emperor had made a Law, to cut off a common abuse of misdevout men, that no man might give anything to the Clergy, no not by Testament, Saint Jerome said, I lament and grieve, but not that such a Law is made, but that our manners have deserved such a Law, so do I in contemplation of these Laws mourn, that the infirmity and sickness of our Nation should need such Medecines.

The like must be said of the like Law in the Earldom of Flaunders; If it be true, That they allow confiscation of goods, in only five cases, whereof this is one; and so it is rankt with Treason, Heresy, Sedition, and forsaking the Army against the Turk, which be strong and urgent circumstances to reduce men from this desire.

SECT. II.

For wheresoever you find many and severe Laws against an offense it is not safe from thence to conclude an extreme enormity or heinousness in the fault, but a propensnesse of that people, at that time, to that fault. Thereupon Ignatius and many others, even entire Councils, were forced to pronounce, that whosoever fasted upon Sundays were Murderers' of Christ.

So in France the Laws abound against Duells, to which they are headlongly apr.

So are the resolutions of the Spanish Casuists, and the Bulls of the Popes, iterated and aggravated in that Nation, against there Bullbayting, to which they are so enormously addicted, which yet of it self is no sin, as Navar retracting his opinion after 70 years holds at last.

These severe laws therefore do no more aggravate a fault, then mild punishments diminish it. And no man thinks Rape a small fault, though Solon punish it, if she be a Virgin, and freeborn, with so much money as would amount to our five shillings: and the Salique law punishes a witch, which is convict to have eaten a man, pecuniarily, and la •… no high price. And therefore Bartolus allows that in cases of public profit or detriment, the Judges may extend an odious and burdenous law beyond the letter, and restrain a favorable and beneficial law, within it, though this be against the Nature and common practice of both these laws.

If therefore our, and the Flemish law be severe in punishing it, and that this argument have the more strength, because more Nations concur in such laws, it may well from hence be retorted, that everywhere men are inclinable to it: which establisheth much our opinion, considering that none of those laws, which prescribe Civil restraints from doing it, can make it sin; and the act is not much descredited, if it be but therefore evil, because it is so forbidden, and binds the conscience no farther, but under the general precept of obedience to the law, or to the forfeiture.

SECT. III.

It seems also by the practice of the Jews, (for Josephus speaks of it, as of a thing in use) that they did not bury such as killed themselves, till the Sun set. But though I know not upon what Law of theirs they grounded this, and I find not by writers of either of their Policies since their dispersion, (for though they have no Magistracy, but be under the Laws of those places into which they are admi •… ted, in all cases except where they be exempted by privilege, yet they do also testify a particular derestation of some sins by outward penances among themselves, as in theft, they bind, and whip, and enjoin to public confession, and in Adultery the offender sits a day in Winter in freezing water, and in Summer upon an Anthill, or amongst hives of Bees naked, though, I say, I find not by Galatine, Sigontus, Buxdorfius, nor Molther, that this was or is in use amongst them, yet because Josephus, though but Oratorily says it, we will accept it; and believe that it was upon the reason common almost to all Nations, to deter men from doing it, and not to punish it being done. And of like use, that is, in terrorem, was also that Law of the Athenians, who cut off that hand after death which perpetrated that fact; which Law Josephus remembers in the same place.

SECT. IIII.

That reason which is grounded upon the Edict of Tarquinius Priscus, who when this 〈◊〉 of Death reigned amongst his men like a contagion, cured it by an opprobrious hanging up their bodies, and exposing them to birds and beasts. And upon that way of reducing the Virgins of Mil •… sium, who when they had a want •… nnesse of dying so, and did it for fashion, were by Decree dishonourably exhibited as a spectacle to the people naked, prevails no farther then the argument before, and proves only a watchful sol •… citude in every State, by all means to avert men from this natural love of ease, by which their strength in numbers would have been very much impaired. And thus we determine this Distinction.

SECT. I.

The first place then, is in an Epistle of Saint Augustine to Donatus the Heretic; who having been apprehended by the Catholics, fell from his Horse, and would have drowned himself: and after complains of violence used towards him, in matter of Religion, wherein he claims the freedom of Election, and conscience. Saint Augustine answers, we have power to endeavor to •… ave thy soul against thy will, as it was lawful to us, to save thy body so. If thou wert constrained to do evil, yet thou oughtest not to kill thyself. Consider whether in the Scriptures, thou find any of the faithful that did so, when they suffered much from them, who would have forced them to do things to their souls destruction.

To speak a little of Saint Augustine in general, because from him are derived almost all the reasons of others, he writing purposely thereof, from the 17 to the 27 Chapter of his first book De Civitate Dei, I say, as the Confessaries of these times, comparing Nav •… and Sotu •… two of the greatest Casuists, yield sometimes that Navar, is the sounder and learneder, but Sotus more useful and appliable to practique Divinity; So, though Saint Augustine for sharp insight, and conclusive judgment, in exposition of places of Scripture, which he always makes so liquid, and pervious, that he hath scarce been equalled therein, by any of all the Writers in the Church of God, except Calvin may have that honor, whom (where it concerns not points in Controversy,) I see the Jesuits themselves often follow, though they dare not name him, have a high degree and reverence due to him, yet in practique learning, and moral Divinity, he was of so nice, and refined, and rigorous a conscience, (perchance to redeem his former licentiousness, as it falls out often in such Convertits, to be extremely zealous) that for our direction in actions of this life, Saint Jerome, and some others, may be thought sometimes fitter to adhere unto, then St. Augustine; Yet I say not this, as though we needed this medicament for this place.

For I agree with Saint Augustine here, That neither to avoid occasion of sin, nor for any other cause, wherein myself am merely or principally interested, I may do this act; which also serves justly for answer to the same zealous Father in the other place, cited by Gratian; for with him I confess, [That he which kills himself, is so much the more guilty herein, as he was guiltless of that fact for which he killed himself.]

Though, by the way, this may not pass so generally, but that it must admit the exception, which the Rule of Law upon which it is grounded, carries with it, [Nemo sine culpa puniendus, nist subsit causa.] And so, as Saint Augustine, we, with as much earnestness, say, [Hoc asserimus, hoc dicimus, hoc omnibus modis approbamus. That neither to avoid temporal trouble, nor to remove from others occasion of sin, nor to punish our own past sins nor to prevent future, nor in a desire of the next life, (wherethese considerations are only, or principally) it can be lawful for any man to kill himself.] But neither Saint Augustine nor we deny, but that if there be cases, wherein the party is dis-interested, and only or primarily the glory of God is respected and advanced, it may be lawful.

So that, as Valens the Emperor, having surprised Jamblicus, when his divining cock had described three let •… s of his name who should succeed, slew all whose names were Theodor •… Theodotes, or Theodulus, but escaped Theodosius who fulfilled the Prophecy, So Saint Augustine hath condemned those causes which we defend not, but hath omitted those wherein it is justifiable.

In which case being hard to be discerned and distinguished 〈◊〉 others arising from human infirmity, it that rule which Antonius de Corduba, gives in cases of simony, be as he says it is, a good guide in all perplexities, it will ease very much.

He says, because in the case of simony, many difficulties g •… ow, because not only by clear and common judgments, temporal reward may be taken for spiritual offices, by way of gift, stipend, wages, alms, sustenation, or fulfilling the law or custom of that place, but also by some. Doctors, even by way of pr •… ce, and bargain, if not directly for the spiritual part thereof, yet for the labor necessarily annexed to it, because every Curate cannot distinguish in these cures, he bids him [ever do it, with an intention to do it so, as God knows it may de done, and as wise men know a •… d would teach that it might be done: For thus saith he, humbly remitting ourselves to the learned, which are our fathers instruction, what ever defect be in us, yet Saluamur in fide parentum.] And in this sort (e) Pindarus making an implicit prayer to God, that he would give him that which he knew to be best for him, died in that very petition.

Except therefore Saint Augustine have that moderation in his resolution; That a better life never receives a man after a death whereof himself was guilty, we will be as bold with him, as one who is more obliged to him then we, who repeating Augustine's opinion, That the Devil could possess nobody, except he entered into him by sin, rejects the opinions, and says, The holy Father speaks not, of what must of necessity be, but what for the most part uses to be.

SECT. II.

And in our case we ought (as I think rather to follow Saint Jerome's temper, who in his exposicion upon Jonas, (which I wonder why Gratian cited being so far from his end and advantage) says, [In persecution I may not kill myself, absque eo, ubi cassitas periclitatur] where I am so •… arre from agreeing with Gratian, that [Absque eo, is inclusivoly spoken, and amounts to this phrase, no not though] as I think that good learned father, included in that word Castitas, all purity of Religion and manners; for to a man so rectified death comes ever, and every way seasonably and welcome. For [ qualem mors invenit hominem, ita homo inveni •… mortem.]

SECT. III.

From this place of Saint Jerome, I believe, and some other, which perchance I have not rea •… , and some other places in others, of like charitable d •… scent to this opinion. Lavater having made his profit of all Peters Martyrs reasons almost against this act, and adding some of his own, when they both handle the duties of Saul, confesseth that in this case of preserving Chastity, Augustine, Chrysostom, and Lactant us, and Jerome departed from their opinion who condemned this Act.

SECT. IIII.

Peter Martyr also presents one other reason, of which he seems glad, and well contented in it, which is, That we may not hasten death, because Mors malum.

But it is not worthy of his gravity, especially so long after Clemens Alex. had so thoroughly defeated that opinion.

But if it be Malum, it is but Malum poena. And that is an evil of which God is Author, and is not that Malum quo mali suinus; neither doth it always prove the patient to be evil, (though God for all that be always just,) for himself said of the man borne blind [Neither he, nor his parents have sinned.]

And of that Malum poenae, which is esteemed the greatest in this life, of temporal affictions, because of the near danger of empairing our soul, which is to be possessed, Thyraeus, from Saint Jerome and Chrysostom says, that it is not always inflicted for sin, but to manifest the glory of God.

And therefore the greatest evil which can be imagined, of this kind of evil, which is [ Damnation, hath not so much Rationem mali, as the least sin that draws Damnation.]

Death therefore is an act of God's justice, and when he is pleased to inflict it, he may choose his Officer, and constitute myself as well as any other.

And if it were of the worst sort o •… evil, •… et as Saint Augustine says that [in the Act of Marriage, there is Bonus usus mali, id est concupiscentiae, quo malo male utuntur adulteri.] And as good Paulinus praises Severus, that [he having in Conjugio peccandi licentiam, departed not from his accustomed austerity,] so may the same be said of death in some cases, as in Martyrdom.

For though Martyr urge farther, that death is called God's enemy, and is therefore evil, yea Musculus says upon that place, [It is often commended in Scriptures, because towards the faithful God useth it to good ends, and makes it Cooperari ad salutem.] And by what authority can they so assuredly pronounce that it falls out never in our case? Besides this, death hath lost much of her natural malignity already, and is not now so ill, as at first she was naturally; for as Calvin notes here, [she is already so destroyed, that she is not lethalis, but molesta.]

SECT. V.

One reason more Martyr offers of his own, which is, Vita Donum, life, because it is the gift of God may not be profused; but when we have agreed to him, that it may not be unthriftily and prodigally cast away, how will he conclude from thence, such an ingratitude, as that I shall forfake God's glory? and may in no case ponere animam? How will it follow from I must not always, to I may never?

SECT. VI.

Lavater after many other urges this reason; That because Judges are established, therefore no man should take Dominion over himself.

But in the Church of England, where auricular confession is not under precept, nor much in practice, (for that we admit it not at all, or refuse it so, as the Waldenses did, though a reverend man say it, is more then I knew) who is judge of sin against which no civil law provides, or of which there is no evidence? May not I accuse and condemn myself to myself, and inflict what penance I will for punishing the past, and avoiding like occasion of sin?

Upon this reason depends that perplex •… d case, whether the Pope may not give himself a •… olution from Acts and Vowes, and partake his own 〈◊〉 , although by the best opinion it is agr •… ed, that to do so is an act o •… jurisdiction, which by Lavaters rule, no man may 〈◊〉 upon himself.

The Imperial laws forbid i •… a generality any to be judge in his own •… cause, but all Expositors, except Sovereigns. And in ordinary Judges, all agree with Baldus [That in facto notorio if the dignity of the Judge be concerned, he is the proper Judge of it. And he says that it belongs to the Pretor to judge, whether such a cause belong to his judgment or no] And with a Non obstante even upon Natural law, as the words of the privilege are, Theodorius allowed Bishops to be Judges in their own cause. So [if a son which had not been Sui juris had been made •… onsul, 〈◊〉 he have emancipated himself, or authorized another to have adopted him.]

And besides th •… , it appears, that the Popes have exercised ju •… sdiction upon themselves, even before they were Popes, (for Ioha 22 having permission to chu •… e o •… e Pope, chose himself, which deed Naucler relates and just •… fies) by Canonical rules it is plain, that he may exercise jurisdiction upon himself in an •… case where there is not a distinction of persons enjoined Iure Divine, as in Baptism: which will not be stretched to our case.

And certainly the reason of the Law, why none should be judge in his own cause, is, because everyone is presumed favorable towards himself. And therefore if it be dispensable in some cases beneficial to a man, much more may it be in cases of inflicting punishment, in which none is im •… gined to be over rigorous to himself.

And if man were by nature as slavish, as the [ Esseni, by profession and rule, who had power of themselves in nothing, but juvando & miserendo] I see not, but when this becomes an act of advantage to ourselves, we may have jurisdiction enough to do it.

And what is more evident to prove, that in some cases derogatory and prejudicial to us, we have this right over ourselves, then that every man may cedere suo jure, And Non uti privilegio.

And it was by all condemned in Gregory, in the great Schism, that after he had promised to depart from the Papacie, by oath, in which was a clause, that he should neither ask, give, nor accept absolution from that oath, he induced his Mendicants to preach, that it were deadly sin in him to de-relinquish the Church. So also have many Kings departed from, their Government, and despoiled them of their burden, at their pleasure. For, as one says, of the whole Church, it may be said of every particular member; it was ever in Political bondage, but not in Spiritual.

So that, if there be cases, wherein one may assuredly, or probaly, after just diligence used, conclude upon an illumination of the Spirit of God, or upon a ceasing of the reason of the Law at that time in him, that man is then Sui Iuris.

For though in cases where there is a proper Court, I am bound to it; yet, as Kings which are both Sovereigns, may therefore justly decide a cause by War, because there can be no competent Judge between them; So in secret cases between the Spirit of God, and my conscience, of which there is not certainly constituted any exterious Judge, we are ourselves sufficient to do all the Offices; and then delivered from all bondage, and restored to our natural liberty, we are in the same condition as Princes are, who if in the rigor of words they may not properly be said to give themselves Privileges, have yet one general inherent Privilege, and when they will, they may declare, that in that particular case, they will not take a new, but exercise their old Privilege.

SECT. VII.

And because Josephus hath one reason which tastes of Divinity, we will consider it in this place. He says, our Soul is, particula Dei, and deposed and committed in trust to us, and we may not neglect on disharbour it, before he withdraw it. But we are still upon a safe ground, That whensoever I may justly depart with this life, it is by a S •… mmons from God; and it cannot then be imputed to any corruption of my will: for, Velle non creaitur, qui obsequitur Imperio. Yet I expect not ever a particular: inspiration, or new commission, such as they are forced to purchase for Sampson, and the rest; but that resident and inherent grace of God, by which he excites us to works of moral, or higher virtues.

And so, when it is so called for again, it were a greater injustice in us to deny or withhold anything, of which we were Depositaries, then if we were Debtors; yea, (not to depart) from Josephus. Allusion or Metaphor of Depositum. If it were a fault to let go that of which I were Depositary, before it were truly called for, yet in Consc •… entia errante, I were excusable; for it is [Ex substantia depositi, ut deposit arius tantum de dolo teneatur non de culpa.] Yea, when I have a secret from another, Data fide, I have this in all respects, in Natura Depositi; and yet no man doubts, but that I may in many cases, depart with this secret.

SECT. VIII.

There are many Metaphoricall and Similitudinarie Reasons, scattered amongst Authors, as in Cicero and Macrobius, made rather for illustration, then for argument or answer; which I will not stand to glean amongst them, since they are almost all bound up in one sheaf, in that Oration of Josephus. Or else will be fitly handled in those places of Scripture, which make some such allusions.

SECT. IX.

Josephus then in that Oration hath one Reason drawn from the custom of an Enemy. We esteem them enemies, who attempt our lives, and shall we be enemies to ourselves? But besides that, in this place, Josephus speaks to save his own life, and may justly be thought to speak more ex animo, and dispassioned, wherein the person of Eleazar he persuades to kill themselves, there is neither certain truth in the Assertion, nor in the Consequence. For do we esteem God, or the Magistrate our enemy, when by them death is inflicted? And do not Martyrs, in whose death God is glorified, kiss the Executioners, and the Instruments of their death? Nor is it unlawful, unnatural, or unexpedient for us, in many ca •… es, to be so much our own Enemies, as to deny ourselves many things agreeable to our sensitive nature, and to inflict upon ourselves many things repugnant to it, as was abundantly shown in the first part.

SECT. X.

In the same Oration he hath another allusorie argument, [That a Servant which runs away, is to be punished by the Law, though his Master be severe; much more if we run away from so indulgent a Master, as God is to us.] But not to give strength or delight to this reason, by affording it a long or diligent answer; we say, In our case the Servant runs not from his Master, but to him, and at his call obeys his voice. Yet it is as truly, as devoutly said. [The devil is overcome by resisting, but the world, and the flesh by running away.] And the farther, the better.

SECT. XI.

His last, which is of any taste, is [That in a tempest, it were the part of an idle and treacherous Pylot, to sink the Ship.] But I say, if in a Tempest we must cast out the most precious ware aboard, to save the lives of the Passengers, and the Merchant who is damnified thereby, cannot impute this to any, nor remedy himself, how much more may I, when I am weather beaten, and in danger of betraying that precious soul which God hath embarqued in me, put off this burdenous flesh, till his pleasure be that I shall resume it? For this is not to sink the ship but to retire it to safe Harbor, and assured Anchor. And thus our fourth Distinction, which was to embrace the reasons proposed by particular Authors, whether Divine or Profane, and as well Oblique and Metaphoricall, as Direct, shall here be determined.

SECT. I.

ANother sort of Reasons is produced from grounds of Moral Virtues. Of which S. Thomas proposeth two, which we limit for this Distinction; for that of Saint Augustine, That it is against Fortitude, hath another room.) First then Aquinas says, it is against justice, and against Charity.

And the first in two respects, both because he steals from the Universe, or from that State, to which his service is due, one person, and member of the body; and also, because he usurps upon the right of God. But the first of these may as well be said of all who retiring themselves from functions in the Common-wealth, defraud the State of their assistance, and attend only their own ends, whether in this life, or the next.

For certainly to do even that, so intensely, as we neglect ou •… office of Society is in genere rei, the same offense, as this.

But as there are many which follow Aquinas herein; So Navar, and Sayr, and others are up •… n better reason of opinion, that this can be no sin against Justice.

And for the second reason, This is not to usurp upon God's Authority, or to deal with another's servant; if I become his Servant, and his Delegate, and his Commissioner, in doing this, when he can be no other way so much glorified. And though the passage from this life to the next, be not generally left to our freewill, and nobody be properly Lord of his own life, yet [Though we have not Dominium, we have Usum, and it is lawful for us, to lose that when we will]

Between which negative killing, and positive killing, how little and narrow a distance t •… ere is, and how contiguous they are, we shall see in another place.

If therefore the reason why we may not die thus, be, because we are not Lord's of our own life, but only God, then the State cannot take away our life; for [That is no more Lord of our life, then we are,] •… hat is, she cannot do it, but in cases where she is God's Officer.

And if in this case, there were any injury done to the State, then certainly it were in the power of the State, to license a man to do it, and he should upon such a license be excusable in conscience. For this, in the State, were but Cedere in re suo, which any may lawfully do.

And lastly, if the State were injured in this, the State might lawfully recompense the damage, upon the heir and goods of the Delinquent; which, except in those places, where express Laws allow it, cannot be done.

Yet, I think, the better opinion, (to judge by number of Authors) will be, That if that person be of necessary use to that State, there are in it some degrees of injustice; but yet no more, then if a General of much use, should retire into a Monastery. But if we may safely take this resolution, That it is not against justice, we may ease ourselves of all that labor which must be spent upon the third part; for, since the foundation of that will be principally the Commandment, Thou shalt not kill; If this killing be not against Justice, it is no breach of any part of the Decalogue, and so no sin.

If any should think, that it may be an injustice to ourselves, Aquinas in the same place clears it. And if it were possible, for a man to injure himself, which is not, yet this injury might be oftentimes such an one, as Cicero says, his banishment was, [Non modo non propul sands, sed emenda,] considering how much happiness might recompense it.

And whether it be against Charity or no, because Charity is not properly a Moral virtue, nor of this place, because many of those places of Scripture, which we must handle in the last part, are built upon this ground of Charity, we will not examine, till we come thither. Here I will only say, That though it be yet under D •… putation and questionable, whether this be against Charity, or no; this is certainly against Charity to pronounce so desperately, as men use to do, against them who fall into it.

SECT. II.

Of such reasons derived from the rules of Moral virtue, Aristotle insinuates two. For observing that this kind of death caught men by two bai •… s, Ease and Honor, Against them who would dy to avoid Miserie, He teaches Death to be the greatest misery which can fall upon us. Which (not to examine how it can consist with the rest of his Doctrine) was to that purpose, the most slippery and insinuating persuasion.

And then, that Honor and Fame might draw none, he says, It is Cowardlinesse, and Dejection, and an argument of an unsufferable and impatient mind. But of the first of these we have spoken before, in answer to one of P. Martyrs reasons. And of the other we shall have occasion to say in ugh, when we come to a place where Saint Augustine says the same thing, and so we may ease this Distinction of that business.

SECT. I.

HAving thus considered those Reasons, which in the best Authors are to be found, and shown such Rules, as serve for the true understanding of them, and of all others which spring from the same, or like heads, before we determine this Second Part, which is of the law of Reason; it shall be requisite that we also touch those Reasons, which on our part are by others, and may be by us produced, by which this Self-homicide may be delivered either a toto, or a tanto

But not to stop long upon that Law and practice in the State of Rome, That any who had his causes allowed in the Senate, might kill himself; upon which Quintilian frames a Case, That a Son who by Math maticians Predictions, was first to kill many Enemies, and then his Father; having in the wars performed the first part, makes petition to the Senate, that before he come to perform the last part, he may be admitted to kill himself, and argues it for the Son, by many reasons appliable to his particular case, and to our main question, I will hasten to our chief strength.

SECT. II.

It may then give much light to this business, if we compare Desertion and Destruction, and consider where and wherein they differ. Certainly, in Almighty God, it is not the same thing to forsake and to destroy, because he owes us nothing; and ever in his forsakings there are degrees of Mercy, because he might then justly destroy us, and may after at his good pleasure return again to us.

But between men who are mutual Debtors, and naturally bound to one another, it is otherwise. For a Magistrate, or Minister that abandons his charge, and neglects it, destroys it. So says Agapetus the Deacon to Justinian the Emperor, Privati vitium est patrare, principis omittere. Yea, a private man which hinders not a man's wrong, (when it belongs to him to do it) offers it. [Fame morientem si non paveris, occidisti,] saith Ambrose. And [That Clergy, man which hinders not a manslaughter, if he can, is thereby irregular.] And he which to himself denies necessary things, or exposes himself inordinately to such dangers as men use not to escape, kills himself. He that is as sure that this Medicine will recover him, as that this Poison will destroy him, is as guilty if he forbear the Physic, as if he swallow the Poison. For what is this less, then to attend the ruin of a house, or inundation of a stream, or incursion of mad beasts? They which compare Omissions, and Committings, require no more to make them equal, but that we omit something which we could, and should do.

SECT. III.

First, therefore in all Laws, in such faults as are greatest, either in their own nature, or in an irremediablenesse when they are done; all approaches, yea the very first step to them, hath the same guiltiness, and is under the same punishment, as the fault it self. As in Treason and Heresy, the first consent is the absolute fault.

And we have an example of a Woman b •… rnt for petty T •… eason, for compassing the death of her husband, though it were not effected.

Homicide is one of those crying sins, and hath ever been reckoned in Atrocibus. For though the Athenians removed all Dracoes Laws by disuse, for their extreme severity, yet they retained those against Homicide.

And this Homicide, says Tolet, may be done five ways, by 1. Commandment, by 2. Advise, by 3. Permission, by 4. H •… lpe, or by the fact it self.

And in the fi •… st and worst Homicide committed in Paradise, in which were employed all the persons in the world, which were able to 〈◊〉 to evil, when though there was but one man, all the Millions which have been and shall be, were massacred at once and himself too, as many of these kinds of Homici •… es were found, as was possible in so few persons. For as one notes, [The Serpent counseled, the Woman helped, and Adam perpetrated,] and we •… ay safely and reverently say) God permitted If then everyone of these be a kind of Homicide, no approach towards it can be lawful, if any be lawful, that is not Homicide. Let us therefore consider how far, and in how many of these ways Self-homicide may be allowable.

SECT. IIII.

First therefore, though it be the common received opinion, [Mandatorem, & Man •… atarium eidem poenae subjici,] Yet by the way of Prec •… pt, we cannot properly work upon our selv •… s, because in this act, the same party must be agent, and patient, and instrument.

Nor very properly by the second way of advise; yet so near, we may come to the nature of it, that after discourse we may advise •… lie choose one part, an •… refuse the other, (for Cujus est velle, ejus est & nolle) and so we may w •… sh to our selves, that which is naturally evil, I mean, Malum poenae; as the Eremite by earnest prayer obtained of God, that he might be possessed of the Devil for certain months, because he found in himself an inclination to pride and security.

Thus certainly in some cases, we may without sin wish Death; and that not only for enjoying the sight of God, (for so says a holy man, Pro vision Dei, millies corpus nostrum morti dare optamus) but even to be so delivered from the encumbrances of this life; for so it hath [rationem boni] as Peter Martyr argues; and then, [ Nove meliorem est Corruptio p •… imae habitudinis.]

This therefore we may wish; and yet it is so far from being lawful to wish anything which were evil; that [ It is sin to wish, that anything which is naturally evil, were not so, that so we might then wish it, when it were discharged of that natural illness.]

Death it self therefore is not evil, nor is it evil to wish it, is it evil to further that with more actual help, which we may lawfully wish to be done?

These two extreme Religions, which seem to avile secular Magistr •… cie, and subject Monarchs either to an O •… dinarie, or else to a Consitory, accept willingly this saying, Curse not the King, no not in thy heart; That is, wish not ill to him. Nor have I observed that the Authors of either distemper have in their Books allowed, that the Subject might wish the death of the Prince, but in the same cases, where he might contribute his actual help. For both Papists and Puritans teaching that a lawful King may become a tyrant, (which to my understanding cannot consist with the form and right of an inheritable Monarchy.) Yet one who pretends to go the middle way (and that is truly in this case, Via Regia, says, [That as well we, as the Romanists esteem a King of another Religion a Tyrant.] And [That it is impossible to make such a King, but he must be a Tyrant, in the opinion of one side.]

And for his own opinion delivers [ That no man can be bound by oath of fidelity to the Pope, upon this reason, because he is not indeed Vicarius Dei, as he presumed him, and swore him to be.]

And conformably to this, that book whose title and scope is of the foundation of matter of State in France, and (as it pretends in all Christendom) when after it hath enraged Subjects against Tyrants, it comes to declare what a Tyrant is, exemplifies in the King of Spain, and upon such reasons, as any Malignitie equal to that Author, may cast upon what Prince it will.

And lastly, whoever shall well compare (l) Beccariaes book, with Beza's, if that other be Beza's) though they differ Diametrally in many things, yet by their collision and beating together, arise abundantly sparks of this pestilent Doctrine, That as Tranquillity was, so now Religion is, the reason why we admit Kings, and why they are none, when they neglect Religion; upon these Doctrines, I say, it is inferred, [That it is lawful to wish the death of a Tyrant, or of a favourer of Heretics, though he die in mortal sin.] To wish therefore, and to do, are naturally the same fault; and yet, though it be [a sin to offer myself even to Martyrdom, only for weariness of life.] [Or to wish death simply for Impaciencie, Anger, Shame, Poverty, or Misfortune;] yea to wish heaven merely for mine own happiness; yet certainly S. Paul had some allowable reasons, to desire to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. And Calvin by telling us upon what reason, and to what end he wished this, instructs us how we may wish the same. He says, Paul desired not death, for deaths sake, for that were against the sense of Nature, but he wished it, to be with Christ.

Now, (besides that, by his leave,) we desire many things which are against the sense of Nature, to grant that we may wish death to be in heaven, (though Peter Martyr before alleged, be of the same persuasion) is a larger scope, and somewhat more dangerous and slippery a grant, then we urge towards, because herein only the interest and good of the party seem to be considered; And yet (a) Immanuel Sâ extends it farther. [That we may wish sickness to one, for his correction; and death for the good of the State; yea to our Enemy which is like to do us much harm for avoiding this our particular damage; and we may rejoice at his death, even for that respect of our own d •… livery] All which will hold as well, if we be urged with like reasons, to wish it to ourselves.

To conclude therefore this point, That it may become lawful to wish our own death; I will only relate an History, which though it be but matter of fact (if it be so much) yet it is of such a person, as his acts govern and persuade, with very many, as far as Rules. In the life of Philip Nerius, who in our age instituted the last Religion approved and established in the Church of Rome, we read, that he being entreated (as he was ordinarily in like desperate cases,) to come to one Paulus Maximus a youth of 14. who was then ready to expire his soul by sickness, before he could perfect his Sacrifice, and the office which he had begun, before the message came to him, the young man died. When he had been dead about half an hour, Nerius came, and after he had used some loud exclamations, the youth revived again, looked up, and talked in secret with Nerius a quarter of an hour. The discourse •… nded, Nerius gave him his choice, whether he would live, or die; and when the boy wished death, he gave him leave to dy again. Now, though it were a greater miracle, then any in that book; if any man should believe all that are in it, (for in it are attributed to Nerius, stranger things then the book of Conformities imagined in Saint Francis (for I believe that Authuor purposed only like Xenophon or Plato, or Sir Thomas Moore, to ideate and form, then to write a credible History, though Sedulius have defended it, with so much earnestness of late; yet thus much is established out of this, whether Fable or History, that their opinion, who authorised this book, is, that it was lawful in Maximus to wish his own death, since a man of so much sanctity as Nerius, did approve and second, and accomplish that opinion of his.

SECT. V.

The next species of Homicide in Tolets division, is Permission; which when it is toward ourselves, is by the School-men usually called Desertion, or Dereliction, and Mors negativa.

Of which I perceive not any kind to be more obnoxious, or indefensible then that which is so common with our Delinquents, to stand mute at the Barre. And though Civil Laws which are often enfo •… ced to choose of two evils, the least, that is to say, the least hurtful to civility and society, and must admit sometimes particular mischief, rather then a •… general inconvenience, may excuse this; yet, since out of the law of Conscience, which can in no case come to be so entangled and perplexed, that it can be forced to ch •… se anything naturally evil, no man hath as yet, to my knowledge, impugned this custom of ours, it seems to me, that as well our Church as our State, justifies this Desertion of ourselves: and this, for so low and worldly a respect, as the saving of our temporal estate, or escaping the ignominy of another death.

But that we may the better discern the limits, how far these Omissions, and Desertions, and Exposings of ourselves, are allowed us; first I must interpret one rule, [That charity begins with it self, to be understood only in spiritual things.] For I may not do a sin, to save (in the language of School-men) the goods, or honor, or li •… e, of the Pope; but for temporal things I must prefer others before myself, if a public profit recompense my private Domage. I must also lay down another rule, [That as for myself, So for my neighbor whom I am bound to love as myself,]. I may expose goods, to safeguard honor, and honor, for life, and life for 〈◊〉 profit. And to these I must join a third rule, [That no man is at any time enforced to exercise his privilege.] [For the written Law every man is bound to kn •… w, but pr •… viledges and exemptions from that Law, he may be exc •… sably ignorant of and in such ignorance transgress them.] Hereupon i •… is sa •… ely inferred, that though every man have naturally this privilege, to resist force with force, and be authorised by that, to lay violent hands, even upon the Popes life, as Gerson exemplifies, or upon the Emperors, as Acacius, when either of them exceeds the limits of their Magistracy, (for then the party becomes the Depu •… y, and Lieutenant to Nature, which is a common and equal Sovereign to them all.)

Yet I may wayve this benefit, if I will, and even by a thief, I may suffer myself to be killed, rather then kill him in that mortal sin. Which our Countryman Sayr, holds as the common opinion from S •… tus, Navar, Cajetan, and many others. And none, that I have seen excepts to it, in any other person then a Soldier, or such as hath the lives and dignities of others so enwrapped in theirs, as they cannot give away themselves, but by betrayin •… others. And this Desertion seems to be of Natural reason, because it is to be found in all laws; for even in the Alcorum we read [Vindicans non est reus, Patiens tamen optime facit.]

And our law, which if a man kill another in his own necessary defense, punishes him with loss of goods, and delivers him from death, not by acquitall, but by way of pardon, seems to me, to pronounce plainly, that it is not lawful to defend my life by killing another; which is farther, then any of the others went. And when I c •… mpare our two laws, That if I defend my se •… fe I am punished, and the other before mentioned, That if I kill myself I am punished in the same manner, and measure; they seem to me, to be somewhat perplexed and captious.

And as I may depart from my natural privilege of defending myself, so I may obtain from any extrinsique or accessory help, which is casually, or by providence (if God reveal not his will therein) presented unto me, [for a man condemned to death, is not bound in conscience to redeem his life with money, though by the law of the place he might do it. And though Saint Thomas say, [That he which is condemned to dy, kills himself, if he apprehend not, an opportunity to escape by flight, when it is presented, and likewise if he refuse meat, when he is condemned to be famished,] yet the whole stream is against him, Sotus, Navar, Cajetan, and Sayr. And Navar adds, that in these days (and yet now it is not so likely to be Symbolum Idolotricae pravitatis) a man is bound rather to famish, then to eat meat offered to Idols.

And therefore they say; that Aquinas his opinion, That a man is bound to use his privilege for safeguard of his life, is only true then, when he doth not wayve it, for some end berter and worthier then our natural life; of which sort all spiritual advantages are. So that in such cases they all agree, we may abandon and forsake ourselves.

And we may step farther yet in this Desertion; for we may offer ourselves for the good of our neighbor. For the temporal life cannot be more precious then our soul; which, in rigor is murdered by every sin consented unto. Yet Chrysostom says, [No praise is enough to give Sara for consenting to lie, and to submit herself to Adultery for salvation of her husbands life.] I know Saint Augustine is earnest against this.

But his earnestness is upon the matter of fact, for he denies that either Abraham or Sara consented to any sin; But when he disputes De jare, whether Sara by Abraham's consent might expose her self, to save his life, and is much troubled with the example of one which was prisoner, for debt to the State, under Acindinus a Praefect, under Constantius, whose wife being solicited by a rich man, who would give so much as would discharge her husband, to possess her own night, by her husbands consent, earned his liberty in that manner; at last he leaves it indifferent for any man to think it lawful or unlawful in such a necessity, though indeed his own opinion decline from it. Bonaventure denies, that for the temporal good of another, I may offer willinlgy my life. But he grounds it upon the same reason that Augustine doth; That we may not love another more then ourselves, which in this case we seem to do.

But many of the Fathers, Jerome, Ambrose, and Lactantius, and many of the School, as Aqui •… Fra. Victoria, Sotus, Banns, and infinite are against him: and answer Saint Augustine thus, That in that case, a man doth not prefer his friend before himself, but he prefers an Act of virtue, and of friendship, as things of more spiritual Nature, before his own temporal life.

But that for the spiritual good of another, a man should expose his own life, is an unresisted doctrine, and as Sayr says, [It is sub praecepto,] So a Curate is bound to baptize, and to anoint in the plague time. Yea, it is an act of Virtue, though not of necessity, (as in the Curates case) [To visit a sick man, in such a time, though you be a private man, and your end be not spiritual comfort.

And we may yet proceed farther, for we may lawfully dispossess ourselves of that, which was before afforded us, and without which we can have no hope to sustain our lives. As in a persecution, a private man, having food left sufficient only to sustain one man, may give it to a public person, and so perish. And only Sotus denies, that in a shipwreck, if after we have both been in equal danger, I catch and possess myself of anything to sustain me, I may give this to my Father, or to a Magistrate: against the strength of Navar, Tolet, Fra. Victor. and many others.

The farthest, and uttermost degree of this Desertion, is inordinate and indiscrete voluntary fasting, of which Saint Jerome, (as it is related into the Canons) says, [That by such an immoderate innocence, and indiscrete singing of Psalms, and Offices, a man looseth his dignity, and incurres the note of madness,] And upon this place Navar says, That Saint Jerome pronounceth, an [Indiscreete fasting which shortens the life, if the party perceive that it work that effect, though it be without intention to shorten his life, and that he do it, to be the better able to satisfy God, yet it is a Self-Homicide.] And he adds in another place, speaking of the same purpose, [It makes no difference whether thou be long in killing thyself, or do it at once]

And so Cassianus says expressly, [That that Friar killed himself, which having vowed in his journey, to eat nothing except Godgave him meat immediately, refused to eat, when thieves accustomed to kill passengers by that place, came and presented him bread.] And yet, though he says he killed himself, he imputes nothing to him but Indiscretion. And therefore saith one, [Our Savior Christ exceeded not 40. days in his fast, Ne sui Homicida videretur.] And he interprets that word, Esuriit, [That then he perceived his body to languish and suffer detriment by fasting] For, if he had not hungered till then, his fasting had had no virtue. So that he gave over, when he found the state of his body impaired by fasting, yet pursuing and imitating the superstition of the Philosophers, who taught that [Dum corpus augemus, mortaliores efficimar,] And that (e) [Per tenuitatem assimilamur Deo,] How much the writers in the Roman Church suffer, and obliquely adhort these inordinate Fasts, and other disciplines, appears by that which I cited out of Clarus Bonarscius before, and wheresoever they have occasion to speak thereof.

And in no one thing more, then that they inculcate so often, [That it was the practice of the Devil, to appear to Saint Francis, and cry out to him, that no man which kills himself with such maceration, could be saved,] which Bonaventure relates in his life.

Whatsoever hath been done by others, they teach, we ought to exceed. And since [The Monks in Prester John his Dominions, fast strictly fifty days, and stand all that time to the chin in water.] Since they find in Abbas Vrsperg, a maid that fasted two year and a half after she had received the body of our blessed Savior.

And an Eremit 22. years, without receiving anything, they say no fast can be too severe, which is undertaken to reduce our body to a tamenesse. Yea, [though that be already perfectly effected, yet a man is bound to the fasts enjoined.] For [Fasting, without charity, doth wash away sin.] By this rigor of fasting, they seem sure, that our Savior watched all those 40 days: because [Qui dormit, prandet.] And as it is not likely that Moses slept in his 40 days conversation with God, so is it unlikely that Christ did less then he. And so Saint Francis is extol'd by them, for observing three Lents every year, which Saint Jerome so much detests in the Montanists. And though their ends were divers, yet this shows, that to some ends, these enormous witherings of our bodies are allowable. Upon which reason John Baptists austerity is so much dignified; And Saint Peters feeding upon Lupins; And Saint Matthews living without flesh. And not only the Emperor Iustinians choice, [Who in an extreme sickness in Lent, would take nothing but herbs, and salt, and water,] but also the Carthusian Rule, by which though it appear that flesh would save the Patients life, he may not eat it. And by the Apostolical constitutions, (which Turrianus extols so much, that by them he confutes much of the Reformed Churches doctrine) [A man must fast to death, rather then receive any meat, from an Excommunicate person.] And in another Chapter, [If anything be in a case of extreme necessity accepted from such a person, it may be bestowed in full, that so their Alms may be burnt, and consumed to ashes, but not in meat to nourish ourselves withal.]

So, to determine this Section of Desertion, since we may wayve our defense which Law gives, by putting ourselves upon a Jury; and which Nature gives, to repel force with force, since I may without sling, or eating when I have means, attend an Executioner, or Famine, since I may offer my life, even for another's temporal good, since I must do it for his Spiritual, since I may give another my board in a Shipwracke, and so drown, since I may hasten my arrival to heaven, by consuming penances, it is a wayward and unnoble stubborness in argument, to say still, I must not kill myself, but I may let myself die; since of Affirmations and Denyals, of Omissions and Committings, of Enjoy •… ing and Proh •… bitory Commands, ever the one implies and enwraps the other. And if the matter shall be resolved and governed only by an outward act, and ever by that; if I forbear to swim in a river and so perish, because there is no act, I shall not be guilty, and I shall be guilty if I discharge a Pistol upon myself, which I knew not to be charged, nor intended harm, because there is an act.

Of which latter opinion Mariana the Jesuit seems to be, as we shall have occasion to note, in the next Member and species of Homitide, which is, Assistance.

SECT. VI.

But before we come to that, we must, though it be not, nor naturally could be delivered in Tolets Division; consider another species of Homicide, which is Mutilation or Mayming.

For, though in Civil Courts, it be not subject to like penalty, yet if it be accompanied with the same Malignitie, it is in conscience the same sin, especially towards ourselves; because it violates the same reason, which is, that none may usurp upon the body over which he hath no Dominion.

Upon which reason, it is also unlawful for us to deliver ourselves into bondage; (which I mention here, because it ariseth from the same ground, and I am loath to afford it a particular Section. Yet holy Paulinus, a Confessor, and Bishop of Nola, then whom I find no man celebrated with more fame of sanctity and integrity, to redeem a Widows Son, delivered himself as a a slave to the Vandals, and was exported from Italy to Afrique; and this, as I think, when he was necessary to that place, being then there Bishop; for that was but five years before his death.

But to return to Mutilation, it is clear by the Canons, that towards irregularity, it works as much, and amounts as far, to have maimed, as to have killed.

And in a Council at London, Anno 1075 one Canon forbids a Clergy man, to be present at judgment of death, or of Mutilation. And amongst the Apostles Canons this is one, [He that gelds himself cannot be a Clerke, because he is an Homicide of himself, and an enemy to God's creature. [ And to geld, is to maim in our Law.]

So in the next Canon it is said, [ A Clerk which gelds himself must be deposed, Quia homicida sui.] And a Lay-man must for that fault be excommunicated three years, quia vitae suae posuit insidias.] It was therefore esteemed equivalent to killing.

And Calvin, esteemed it so heinous, that he builds his Argument against Divorce upon this ground, [God made them one Body, and it is in no case lawful, for a man to tear his own body.] But if this be so lawful as Divorces are lawful, certainly this peremptory sentence against it, must admit some modification.

Without doubt, besides the examples of holy men who have done it, to disable themselves from taking the burden of Priesthood, of which Saint Mark the Evangelist was one, who to that end cut off his thombe. And besides, that as our Savior said, [Many should geld themselves for the Kingdom of heaven.] So Athenagoras, 50 years after Christ, says, [that many did practice it.] It is doubted by none, [But that a man unjustly detained to a certain execution, may cut off that limb by which he is tied, if he have no other way to escape: or being encompassed with dogs, he may cut off a hand, and cast it to them, to entertain them while he escape.

SECT. VII.

The last species of Homicide, on this side; the last act, is an actual helping and concurrence to it. And every step and degree conducing purposely to that end, is as justly by Judges of Consciences, called Homicide, as Ardoinus recknoning up all poisons, which have a natural malignity and affection to destroy man's body, forbears not a Flea, though it never kill, because it endeavors it, and doth all the hurt it can; and he is diligent in assigning preservatives and restoratives against it.

And so to that Amalekite, which told David he helped Saul to dy, when he found him too weak to pierce himself, David pronounced judgment of death, for (saith he) thine own mouth hath confessed, That thou hast killed the Lord's Anointed.

Certainly, Mariana the Jesuit, whom I named before) esteems this actual concurrence to ones death, as heavy as the act it self; yea, as it seems, though the party be ignorant thereof. For, after he concluded how an Heretical King may be poisoned, he is diligent in this prescription, [That the King be not constrained to take the poison himself, but that some other may administer it to him: And that therefore it be prepared, and conveyed in some other way then meat or drink, because else, saith he, either willingly or ignorantly he shall kill himself.] So that he provides, that that King who must die under the sins of Tyranny and Heresy, must yet be defended from concurring to his own death, though ignorantly, as though this were a greater sin.

Since therefore this hastening of our death by such an act, is the same, as the entire Self-homicide, let us consider how far •… e irreproved Custom, and example, and Law doth either allow or command it.

For that it is allowable, it seems to me some proof, [ That before any man accuses him, a Malefactor may go and declare his fault to the Judge.]

Though amongst Italian relations, that in Sansovine concerning England have many marks and impressions of malice, yet of that custom, which he falsely says to be observed here, [That men condemned to be hanged are ever accompanied to their Executions by all their kindred, who then hang at their feet, to hasten their ende; And that when a Patient is abandoned by the Physicians, his nearest kinsman strangles him with a pillow.] Of this, I say, that Author had thus much ground, that ordinarily at Executions, men, out of a Charity, as they think, do so; and women which are desperate of sick persons recovery, use to take the pillow from under them, and so give them leave to die sooner. Have they anymore the Dominion over these bodies, then the person himself? Or if a man were able to do these Offices to himself, might he not do it? Or might he not with a safe conscience put so much weights in his pockets, as should countervail their stretchings? I speak but comparatively; might not he do it as well as they?

For to my understanding such an act, either in Executioner or by-stander, is no way justifiable; for it is both an injury to the party, whom a sudden pardon might redeem; and to the Justice, who hath appointed a painful death to deter others. The breaking of legs in Crucified men, which was done to hasten death, was not allowed but upon Petition. And the Law might be much defrauded, if such violence might be used, where the breaking of the halter delivered the Prisoner from death; as in some places it doth; and good opinions concur, that it is to do ever without doubt, whatsoever is for ease, or escaping painful passage out of this life; in such cases, a man may more allowably do by his own act, then a stranger may. For Law of Nature inclines and excuses him, but they are by many Laws forbidden to hasten his death; for they are no other ways interested in it, then as parts of the whole body of the State, and so it concerns them, that Justice be executed. Yet we see, this, and the other of withdrawing the pillows, is ordinarily done, and esteemed a pious office. The Athenian Executions were ever by the hand of the offender, in judgments of poison.

And in that law of Purgation assigned by God, to ease a man on whom the spirit of Jealousy was come, the Woman was to take the water of curses and bitterness, which should make her infamous, and her belly swell, and her thighs to rot. And those forms of Purgation, which were called Vulgares, lasted long, even in the Church; For there is nothing extant against them, till Stephen the fifth, Anno 885.

And not only Charles the great, in whom the Church acknowledged Piety enough, induced one form severer then the rest, which was to walk upon 9 burning Harrows. But Britius a Bishop, being but callumniated by the people extrajudicially, to have got his Laundresse with child, after his innocence had prevailed so far with God, that the child of 30 days age, being adjured in the name of Christ, had acquitted him, did not admit, but chose and extort a form of Purgation, to carry burning coals upon his head. With us, both the species of Ordalium lasted evidently till King Johns time.

And though into that of boiling water men were forced to go, yet that was but for the meaner sort; but to carry the three pound weight of red hot Iron, which was for the Purgation of the persons of better quality, was an act, as all the former were, in which a man must of necessity do something actually himself, and be the Executioner of his own Judgment; which as long as these forms of Purgation, and the other by Battle, were lawful, was lawful also to be done.

And in S. Dorothaus, who everywhere professes a love to that obedience, which himself calls indiscreet, you shall read many praises given to men, who did not only forsake themselves, but actually further their destruction; though not effectually; which makes no difference, if it be in dangers, which usually men escape not. He praiseth one Friar, who being by his Abbot commanded to return that night, the waters being risen, committed himself to a raging torrent, in such an obedience.

And another, who being bid by his Abbot, to go into the Town, where he doubted he should fall into some temptation, by some spectacle, went but with this protestation, That he hoped not in the protection of God, but in him who sent him. But the most natural to our present purpose is this; That a holy old man seeing his servant mistake poison for honey, and put it into his broth, eat it nevertheless without chiding; and when the servant perceived it, and exclaimed, Sir, I have killed you, answer, it is all one, for if God would have had me eat honey, he would have directed thy hand to honey.

Of the holiness of Joseph of Arimathaea, we have testimony enough; who being sent by the Apostles to preach the Gospel, amongst other persecutions, was constrained to drink poison: in which there must of necessity be such an act, as we dispute of now.

How much did Baint Andrew contribute to his own Crucifying? How much Saint Laurence to his broiling, when he called to the Tyrant, This side is enough, turn the other, and then eat?] [ Magni quod faciunt, praecipiunt,] says, Quintillian. And these acts of men, otherwise esteemed holy, may ever be good warrants and examples to us, when the cause is not prejudged by any greater authority, as Scripture, or Councils, nor that very act accused by any Author.

But to stay no longer upon Examples, amongst Casuists I observe the greater number to deny, that it is lawful for a man condemned, to do the last and immediate act conducing to death, as the drinking of poison; But the acts some what more removed, they agree he may do.

And even this act of drinking poison, Fra: a Victoria defends, to be lawful. So that amongst them it is not clear, but that a man may do it. Yea, in very many cases, it is not only lawful to do as much, without any condemnation, but it is necessary, and by their rules, sinful to omit it. For Curates must go to infected houses, to minister the Sacraments. And if a Priest enter a wood, where three wait to kill him, and one of them repenting that purpose meet him; and by way of Confession sub Sigillo, discover the fault, the Priest is bound to go forward to a certain death into a wood, rather then by returning to let the others know, that he knew it by confession. So peremptory is their Doctrine, how ever their practice be, against revealing Confessions. And though perchance this seem a wanton case, framed upon impossible concurrences, as Soto esteems of it, yet the reason may have use; That though self-preservation be Divine Natural Law, and the seal of Confession but Divine Positive Law, yet because circumstances are not alike, in this, a public good shall be preferred before his private life. So that we may do some Acts ourselves, which conduceth probably, yea certainly, as far as human knowledge can reach, to our destruction: which is the nearest step to the last act of doing it entirely ourselves.

SECT. VIII.

Of which last act, as we spoke whilst we considered the Law of Nature, and must again when we come to understand those places of Scripture, which seem to aim towards it, so before we conclude this part, of the Law of Reason, we may fitly present such deductions, comparisons, and consequences, as may justly seem in reason, to annihilate or diminish this fault. Of which, because most will be grounded, either upon the conscience of the Doer, or upon the Churches opinion of the fact when it is done, we will only consider how far an erring Conscience may justify any act, and then produce some examples of persous guilty of this, and yet canonized by the Church, by admission into the Martyrologe, and assigning them their Feasts, and Offices, and Vigils, and like religious Celebrations. Therefore to make no use of Pythagorus example, who rather then he would offend his Philosophical conscience, and either tread upon the Beanes himself, or suffer his Scholers to speak before their time, delivered up himself, and forty of them to his Enemies sword. And to avoid the ambages and multiforme entangling of Schoolmen; herein we will follow that which is delivered for the common opinion; which is, that not only a conscience which errs justly probably and Bona side, that is, after all Moral industry and diligence hath been used, (yet I mean not exquisite diligence, but such as is proportional to the person, and his quality, and to the knowledge which that man is bound to have of that thing, at that time) is bound to do according to that mis-information, and mis-persuasion so contracted. But also, if it err negligently, or otherwise viciously, and mala side, as long as that error remains and resides in it, a man is bound not to do against his conscience.

In the first case, if one in his conscience think that he ought to lie, to save an innocent, or that he ought to steal to save a famished man, he is a Homicide if he lie not, or steal not.

And in the second case, though he be not bound to any Act, yet it is lawful to him then, to omit anything necessary otherwise. And this obligation which our Conscience casts upon us, is of stronger hold, and of straighter band, then the precept of any Superior, whether Law, or person; and is so much juris naturalis, as it cannot be infringed nor altered, beneficio divinae indulgentiae, to use their own words. Which Doctrine, as it is everywhere to be gathered among the Casuists, so is it well collected and amassed, and and argued, and confirmed, especially by Azorius. If then a man after convenient and requisite diligence, despoiled of all human affections, and self-interest, and [Sancto bonaee impatientiae igne exardens,] as Paulinus speaks; do in his conscience believe that he is invited by the Spirit of God to do such an act as Jonah, Abraham, and perchance Sampson was, who can by these rules condemn this to be sin? And therefore I doubt there was some haste and praecepitation in Cassianus his judgment, though otherwise, a very just esteemer and valuer of works of devotion and obedience; who pronounces that that apparition of an Angel, to Hero an Eremit, after 50 years so intense and earnest attending of God's service, and religious negligence of himself, that he would scarce intermit Easter day, from his strict fasting, and being now Victoriarum conscientia plenus, (as the Panegyrique says) was an illusion of the Devil to make him destroy himself. Yet Hero being drawn out of the Well into which he had cast himself, and living three days after, persisted in a devout acknowledgement that it was the Spirit of God, which solicited him to that, and died in so constant an assurance and alacrity, that Paphnutius the Abbot, though at first in some suspense, did not number him inter Biathanatos, which were persons reputed viciously to have killed themselves.

Nor may it be necessarily concluded, that this act was therefore evil, if it appeared to be from the Devil. For Wierus, tells us of a maid whom the Devil persuaded to go such a Pilgrimage, and at such an Altar, to hear a Mass, for recovery of her health.

Certainly if as Vasquez holds, [it be not Idolatry to worship the Devil in an Apparition, which I think to be God] it can be no offense to believe him, after I have used all means to discern and distinguish: For not only those Rules which are delivered ordinarily to know him by, are apparently false, which are a difference in his hands or feet, or some notable deformity by horns, or a tail, of which Binsfeldius seems confident of the first, and (h) Menghi of the second. But that Rule that God always infuseth or commands good things, if it be understood of that which is good, in the common and natural course is not always safe, for it held not in Abraham, nor the Israelites case. Therefore though Vasquez his first excuse, That such a worship is not Idolatry, because by reason of our immediate relation to God, we never arrest nor stop upon the Devil by the way, will do no good in our case of believing, yet his other will, which he hath in the same place, That there may be an invincible ignorance, and that in that any exterior act whatsoever, proceeding from a sincere and pure intention of the mind, is an act of true Religion. For safelier then the Panegyric could say to Constantine, [Suacuique Prudentia Deu •… est] may we say of every man's conscience thus rectified. If therefore they will still turn in their circle, and say, God concurs to no evil, we say nothing is so evil, but that it becomes good, it God command it; and that this is not so naturally evil, that it requires a special commission from God •… ; but as it becomes good, if he commands it, so it becomes indifferent, if he remove the reasons with which the precept against it was conditioned. If they return to S. Augustine's two reasons against Donatus, whereof the first was, [we have authority to save thy body against thy will,] And the second, [None of the faithful ever did this act] we are thereby hastened to the other consideration, how they which have done it, have been esteemed of by the Catholic Church.

But to speak a little in passing of Saint Augustine's second reason, (for the first hath very little force, since though it may be lawful to preserve a man willing to die, yet it is not always of merit, nor obligatory; And therefore Ignatius doth so earnestly dehort the Rom •… ns from endeavoring to succor him. And Corona Civica which was given to any which had rescued a Citizen in the wars, was not given though he produced witnesses of the fact, except the person so rescued confessed that he received a benefit thereby;) why doth S. Augustine refer Donatus in that second reason, to examples. For if Donatus had produced any (as out of credible and authentic History he might very many, and out of Scriptures Canonic in S ^t . Augustine's opinion, he might have alleged the example Eleazar, and of Rasis,) Saint Augustine was ever provided for this retrait, That it was a special inspiration, and not to be drawn into consequence or imitation.

Had it been a good Argument in Rome for 500. years, that Divorce was not lawful, because no example was of it? Or almost for 2000. That a woman might not sue it against her Husband, because till Herod's daughter there was no example of it? But now when the Church hath thus long persevered, in not only justifying but solemnizing many examples hereof, are not Saint Augustine's Disciples guilty of the same pertinency which is imputed to Aristotle's followers, who defending the Heavens to be inalterable, because in so many ages nothing had been observed to have been altered, his Scholars stubbornly maintain his Proposition still, though by many experiences of new Stars, the reason which moved Aristotle seems now to be utterly defeated?

Thus much being spoken by the way of Saint Augustine, and having purposely sepos'd the examples recorded in the Scriptures, for our third part, we will consider some Examples registered in the Ecclesiastic History.

The Church whose dignity and constancy it becomes well, that that Rule of her own Law, be ever justly said of herself, [Quod s •… mel placuit amplius displicere non potest] where new reasons do not interpose, celebrates upon the 9. of February the Birth, (that is the death, of the Virgin and Martyr Appollonia; who, after the persecutors had beat out her teeth, and vexed her with many other tortures, when she was presented to the fire, being inflamed with a more burning fire of the Holy Ghost, broke from the Officers hands, and leapt into the fire.

For this act of hers many Advocates rise up for her, and say, that either the History is not certain, (yet the Authors are Beda, Usuardus, Ado, and (as Barronius says) Latinorum caeteri) Or else, says Sayr, you must answer that she was brought very near the fire, and as good as thrown in: Or else that she was provoked to it by divine inspiration. But, but that another divine inspiration, which is true Charity, moved the beholders then to believe, and the Church ever since to acknowledge, that she did therein a Noble and Christian act, to the special glory of God, this act of hers, as well as any other, might have been calumniated to have been done, out of weariness of life, or fear of relapse, or hast to Heaven, or ambition of Martyrdom.

The memory of Pelagia, as of a virgin and Martyr, is celebrated the ninth of June. And though the History of this woman suffer some perplexity, and give occasion of doubting the truth thereof, (for Ambrose says, That she and her Mother drownd themselves; and Chrysostom that they slung themselves down from a house top. And Baronius saw this knot to be so hard to unentangle, that he says, [Quid ad hac dicamus, non habemus]) yet the Church, as I said, celebrates the Act, as though it were glad to take any occasion, of approving such a courage in such a cause, which was but preservation of Chastity. [ Their Martyrdom saith Saint Augustine was ever in the Catholic Church frequented Veneratione Celeberrima.]

And Saint Ambrose, when his sister Marcellina, consulted him directly upon the point, what might be thought of them who kill themselves in such cases, (and then it is agreed by all that the opinions of the Fathers are especially to be valued, when they speak of a matter, not incidently or casually, but directly and deliberately) answers thus, [We have an example of such a Martyrdom in Pelagia] And then he presents her in this religious meditation, [Let us die, if we may have leave, or if we be denied leave, yet let us die. God cannot be offended with this, when we use it but for a remedy;] and our faith takes a way all offense. Here is no difficulty: for who is willing to die, & cannot, since there are so many ways to death? I will not trust my hand least it strike not home: nor my breast, least it withdraw it self: I will leave no escape to my flesh, for we can dve with our own weapons, and without the benefit of an Executioner.

And then having dressed her self as a Bride, and going to the water, Here, says she, let us be baptized; this is the Baptism where sins are forgiven, and where a kingdom is purchased: and this is the baptism after which none sins. This water regenerates; this makes us virgins, this opens heaven, defends the feeble, delivers from death, and makes us Martyrs. Only we pray to God, that this water scatter us not, but reserve us to one funeral. Then entered they as in a dance, hand in hand, where the torrent was deepest, and most violent. And thus died, (as their mother upon the bank called them) [These Prelates of virginity, Captains of Chastity, and companions in Martyrdom.]

And before Ambrose, we find Eusebius to have been of the same persuasion, who thus produces the Mother encouraging them; [You know how I have brought you up, in the fear of God; and shall your nakedness, which the public air hath not ha •… leave to see, now be prostituted in the Stews? Have not so little faith in God, as to fear death, Despise not Chastity so much, as to live with shame; but with a pure and chaste death condemn this world. And so, deluding their Keepers, as though they withdrew for natural necessities, they drowned themselves.] All Authors of that time are so profuse in the praise of this fact, that it is just to say thereof, as Pliny says of Nervaes adopting Trajane, [It was impossible it should have pleased all when it was done, except it had pleased all before it was done.]

For no Author, that I have lighted upon, diminished the glory of these and such other, until Saint Augustine out of his most zealous and startling tenderness of conscience, began to seek out some ways, how these Self-homicides might be justified, because he doubted that this act naturally was not exempt from taxation. And yet ever he brings himself to such perplexity, as either he must defend it, and call in question, the authority of a general consonance of all times and Authors, or retire to that poor and improbable defense, that it was done by Divine instinct. Which can very hardly be admitted in this case, where not their Religion but only their Chastity was solicited and attempted.

Nor can Saint Ambrose, or Eusebius be drawn to that opinion of especial Divine instinct, because speaking ex animo, though in the mothers person, they incite them to it with reasons from Morrall virtues.

Yet Saint Augustine's example, (as it prevails very much, and very justly for the most part) hath drawn many others since to the like interpretation of the like acts. For when the kingdom of Naples came to be divided between Ferdinand the fifth, and Lewis the twelfth, the French Army being admitted into Capua, upon condition to do no violence, amongst many outrages, a virgin not able to escap the fury of a licentious Soldier, offered for ransom to lead him to treasure: and so took advantage of a place in the wall, to fling her self into the River. [Which act, says Pedraça, we must believe to be done by Divine inspiration, because God loves chastity now as well as ever he did.] Which escape every side may find easy, if being pressed with reason they may say, as Peter Martyr doth of the Egyptian Midwives, and of Rahab, and such, [If they did lie, they did it, impulsu Dei.]

But as our custom hitherto hath been, let us depart from Examples to Rules; though concurrence of Examples, and either an express or interpretative approbation of them, much more such a dignifying of them, as this, of the whole Church, and of Catholic Authors approved by that Church, be equivalent to a Rule. And to ease the Reader, and to continue my first resolution of not descending into many particulars, I will only present one Rule, but so pregnant, that from it many may be derived; by which, not only a man may, but must do the whole and entire action of killing himself; which is, to preserve the scale of Confession. For though the Rule in general be, [That if a Spider fall into the Chalice, the Wine may be changed, because, Nihil abominabile debet sumi occasion hujus Sacramenti.] And so it may, if the Priest after Consecration come to the knowledge that the Wine is poisoned, [Ne calix vitae vertatur in mortem;] Yet if he know this by Confession, from his assistant, or any other, and cannot by any diversion, nor disguise, escape the discovering, that this was confessed to him, without drinking it, if it be poison, he m •… st drink it.

But because men of more abundant reading, active discourse, and conclusive judgment, will easily provide themselves of more Reasons and Examples, to this purpose; it shall satisfy me, to have awakened them thus much, and shown them a mark to direct their Meditations upon. And so I may proceed to the third Part, which is of the Law of God.

SECT. I.

THat light which issues from the Moon, doth best represent and express that which in ourselves we call the light of Nature; for as that in the Moon is permanent and ever there, and yet it is unequal, various, pale, and languishing, So is our light of Nature changeable. For being at the first kindling at full, it wayned presently, and by dedeparting further and further from God, declined by general sin, to almost a total Eclipse: till God coming nearer to us first by the Law, and then by Grace, enlightened and repaired it again, conveniently to his ends, for further exercise of his Mercy and Justice. And then those Artificial Lights, which ourselves make for our use and service here, as Fires, Tapers, and such resemble the light of Reason, as we have in our Second part accepted that Word. For though the light of these Fires and Tapers be not so natural, as the Moon, yet because they are more domestic, and obedient to us, we distinguish particular objects better by them, then by the Moon; So by the Arguments, and Deductions, and Conclusions, which ourselves beget and produce, as being more serviceable and under us, because they are our creatures; particular cases are made more clear and evident to us; for these we can be bold withal, and put them to any office, and examine, and prove their truth, or likeliehood, and make them answer as long as we will ask; whereas the light of Nature, with a solemn and supercilious Majesty, will speak but once, and give no Reason, nor endure Examination.

But because of these two kinds of light, the first is to weak, and the other false, (for only color is the object of sight, and we not trust candlelight to discern Colours) we have therefore the Sun, which is the Fountain and Treasure of all created light, for an Emblem of that third best light of our understanding, which is the Word of God. Mandatum lucerna, & Lex lux,] says Solomon. But yet as weak credulous men, think sometimes they see two or three Suns, when they see none but M •… teors, or other apparance, so are many t •… ansported with like facility or dazzling, that for some opinions which they maintain, they think they have the light and authority of Scripture, when, God knows, truth, which is the light of Scriptures, is Divine truly under them, and removed in the farthest distance that can be. I •… any small place of Scripture, mis-appear to them to be of use for justifying any opinion of theirs; then (as the Word of God hath that precious nature of gold, that a little q •… antity thereof, by reason of a faithful tenacity and ductilenesse, will be brought to cover 10000. times as much of any other Mertall,) they extend it so far, and labor, and beat it, to such a thinness, as it is scarce any longer the Word of God, only to give their other reasons a little tincture and color of gold, though they have lost all the weight and estimation

But since the Scripture itself teaches, [That no Proph •… cie in the Scripture, is of private interpretation,] the whole Church may not be bound and concluded by the fancy of one, or of a few, who being content to enslumber themselves in an opinion, and lazy prejudice, dream arguments to establish, and authorize that.

A professed interpreter of Dreams, tells us, [That no Dream of a private •… man may be interpreted to signify a public business,] This I say, because of those places of 〈◊〉 , which are aledged for the Doctrine which we now examine, scarce any one, (except the Precept, Thou shalt not kill) is offered by any two Authors. But to one, one place, to another, another seems directly to govern in the point, and to me, (to allow Truth her natural and comely boldness) no place, but that seems to look towards it.

And therefore in going over all those sentences, which I have gathered from many Authors, and presenting convenient answers and interpretations thereof, I will forbear the names of those Authors, who produced them so impertinently, least I should seem to discover their nakedness, or insimulat them even of prevarication.

If any Divine shall think the cause, or persons injured herein, and esteem me so much worth the reducing to the other opinion, as to apply an answer hereunto, with the same Charity which provoked me, and which, I thank God ha •… h accompanied me from the beginning, I beseech him, to take thus much advantage from me and my instruction, that he will do it without bitterness. He shall see the way the better, and show it the better, and sails through it the better, if he raise no storms.

Such men, as they are [Fishers of men,] so may they also hunt us into their nets, for our good. But there is perchance, some mystique interpretation belonging to that Canon which allows Clergy men to hunt; for they may do it by Nets and Snares, but not by Dogs; fo •… clamour and bitings are forbidden them.

And I have been sorry to see, that even Beza himself, writing against an Adversary, and a cause equally and extremely obnoxious, only by allowing too much fuel to his zeal, enraged against the man, and neglecting, or but prescribing in the cause, hath with less thoroughnesse and satisfaction, then either became his learning and watchfulness, or answered his use and custom, given an answer to Ochiu •… book of Polygamy.

SECT. I.

IN all the Judicial, in all the Ceremonial Law delivered by Moses, who was the most particular in his Laws of any other, there is no abomination, no mention of this Self-Homicide. He teacheth what we shall, and shall not, eat, and wear, and speak, and yet nothing against this.

SECT. II.

But the first place that I find offered against it is, in Genesis. [I will require your blood wherein your lives are, at the hand of every beast will I requireit; and at the hand of man, even at the hand of a man's brother will I require the life of man; who so sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed.]

And this place a very learned man of the Reformed Church, says, the Jews understand of Self-homicide. But sh •… ll we put ourselves under the Jews yoke, [That if we find in the Rabbins, things contrary to Nature, we must dare to accuse nothing but our own weakness, because their word is God's Word, and if they contradict one another, yet both are from God.]

Lyra who seldom departs from the Jews, in matters not controverted between them, and us, toucheth upon no such exposition; yet he expounds it more then one way, and with liberty enough, and far straying.

And Immanuel Sâ, who in his notes is more curious, and superstitious, in restoring all the Hebraisms, and oftentimes their interpretations, then perchance that Church would desire at his hands, offers at no other sense then the words present. Nor •… an Self homicide fall within the commination and 〈◊〉 of that Law, for how can the Magistrate shed his blood, who hath killed himself?

SECT. III.

The next is in De •… eronomie: [I kill, and I give life.] Our of which is concluded, that all authority of life and death is from God, and none in ourselves.

But shall we therefore dare to condemn utterly, all those states and governments, where Fathers, Husbands, and Masters, had jurisdiction over Children, wives, and servants lives? If we dare, yet how shall we defend any Magistracy, if this be so strictly accepted? and if it admit exceptions, why may not our case be within those?

Howsoever that this place is incongruously brought, appears by the next words, [There is not any that can deliver from my hand] or this being a Verse of that divine poem, which God himself made and delivered Moses, as a stronger and more slippery insinuation and impression into the Isr •… lites hearts, then the language of any Law would make, expresses only that the mercies and judgments of God, are safe and removed from any human hindrance, or interruption. So in another gratulatory Song made by Samuel's mother, the same words are repeated, [The Lord killeth and maketh alive,] and this because God had given her a son, when she was past hope. That place also in Tobit is fitly paraleld with this, [He leadeth to hell, and bringeth up, no •… is there any that can avoid his hand.] And can these two places be detorted to their purpose, That none but God may have jurisdiction over our temporal life? Or that place of the book of Wisdom, which is also ever joined, as of the same signification with these, [for thou hast the power of life, and death] which is spoken of his miraculous curing by the Brazen Serpent. So that all these four places have one respect and aim, and none of them look towards our question.

SECT. IIII.

In the order of the Divine books, the next place is produced out of Job, [Militia est vita hominis super terram.] for, though our translation give it thus, [Is there not an appointed time to man upon earth?] yet the Latin Text is thus cited to this purpose, by some not addicted to the Vulgat Edition, because it seems in Latin better to afford an argument against Self homicide. For thereupon they infer, that we may not depart at our own pleasure from the battle. But because only the Metaphor and not the extending of it, nor inference upon it, is taken out of the Scripture, it brings no strong obligation with it, nor deserves much earnestness in the answer, yet to follow him a little in his Allusion, [A Soldier may by Law, be ignorant of the Law, and is not much accusable if he transgress it.] And by another Law, 〈◊〉 [o •… Soldier whose presence is necessary for the safeguard of the Army, may be absent cau •… Reipub. and being absent, his absence shall be interpreted to be so.] And even to those which killed themselves in the Army, we noted before in the second part, That the laws were not severe, if they had any color of just cause: So that this figurative argument profits then nothing, especially being taken from this place where the scope of Job was to prove that our felicity and end upon which our actions are bent, is not in this li •… e, but as wars work to peace, so we labor here to death, to that happiness which we shall have after. And therefore whosoever were author of that letter which hath Christ's name to Abgarus, doth not make Christ say, that when he hath done that for which he was sent hither, he will come to him, and take his offer of halte his Kingdom, but that when he hath done, he will return to him which sent him: That is he will die, so that if either side have advantage by this place of Job, we have it.

SECT. V.

And by the other place of Job much more, which is, [Therefore my soul chooseth rather to be strangled, and to die, then to be in my bones.] Hereuupon they infer, That if it might have been lawful to die so, Job would have done it. But besides that the wretched poverty and feebleness of this manner of Negative arguments, Job did it not, therefore he might not do it, we may perceive by the whole frame of the History, that God had chosen him for another use, and an example of extreme patience. So that for anything that appears in Job's case, he might not lawfully do it, because he could propose nothing but his own ease •… . Y •… t Job whose sanctity I think it facriledge to diminish, whether he were a person or personate in their confession strayed thus far towards killing himself •… , as to wish his death, and curse his birth; for his whole third Chapter is a bitter and malignant invective against it, and a violent wishing of his own death.

Sextu •… Sexens •… gives an answer for him so literal, as it can admit or reach to no sense, which is, [That cursing his birth day which then was past, he cursed nothing.]

And Saint Gregory gives an answer so mystical, as no s •… nse can reach to it, which is, [That there is a second bi •… th into Sin in this world, and Job cursed his entrance into that.] And so because these words might be readily taken for an inordinate wishing of death; Gregory provides them also a mystical interpretation, for the Latin reading it thus, [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anima me •… ,] he say, [This was Suspendium spi •… ituale which was but an elevation of the mind; as S. Paul said, Christ crucifixu •… sum cru •… ] But besides that this escape will not serve, when the Original word is considered, and that the next verse is, Desperavi, 〈◊〉 ultra vivam] in the twentieth verse, he chides God by the name of [O thou preserver of man] as being angry that he preserved him, [Being now a •… rthen to himself, and would not leave him alone, whilst he might swallow his spittle.] And he ends that Chapter thus, [If th •… n se •… kest me in the 〈◊〉 , I shall not be found.] This I say, only to show that one whom none hath exceeded in 〈◊〉 , may without any de •… ortion of his words, be argued to have step far •… towards a purpose of killing himself. Who list to give any other construction to his words shall not displease me, nor impair the strength of our 〈◊〉 .

And though I confess, I have not read any to expound these word •… of Job directly thus, and though. I know the opinion in general of his despairing, be thus I much discredited, that it is held by the 〈◊〉 , yet, besides that, it is not just •… or ingenuous, to condemn all that a conde •… nd man says, (for even a leprous man may have one hand clean to take and give withal. And S. Hier. is inexcusable, in that point of his slippery zeal, in his behavior towards 〈◊〉 , y •… a the Tr •… Council it self is obnoxious therein, for condemning Names of Authors, and not Books. Besides this I say, the Anabaptists differ from me in their end and purpose, for they impute despair to Job, only to infirm the Authority of the book, which scismatically they labor to rent from the Canon of Scripture: But I justly with the consent of all Christian Churches admitting it for such say that Job might keep his sanctity and the Book his Dignity, and yet he might have a purpose to kill himself.

For very many reverend Authors in the Reformed Church, not rashly to be fors •… en, have imputed to our most bless •… d Savior, as near approaches to a more dangerous kind of despair, then we impute to Job, without diminishing him, or his Scriptures.

SECT. VI.

I find also another place. of Job obtruded. [Skin for skin, and all that ever I a 〈◊〉 •… ath will he give for life.] From which words they argue a Natural love in us to this life.

Let it be true, (though the Devil say it, for the words are his) that our sensitive Nature is too indulgent to this life, (though I fear I have offended and furfetted you in the first Part with Examples of mere Natural and Sensitive men, which have chosen death,) ye will that prove that our Reasonable Nature may in no •… afe correct that enormity? This is as strong against God's outward calling us to him by sickness, or persecution, as against any such inward motions.

SECT. VII.

As improperly, and unprofitably to their ends and purpose, do they offer that place of Ecclestasticus, [Non est census supra censum falutis Corporis,] which I place here, though out of Order, because of the affinity between this place, and the last, and that one answer, is, at least, enough for them both. For, though •… gh this place may prove that we naturally love this body, (yet it is not of the fafety of the body, as it all men desired that the body might live, but it is of bodily health whilst it doth live,) yet it proves not, that we may in no case abandon it.

SECT. VIII.

The most proper, and direct, and strongest place is the Commandment; for that is of Moral Law, [Thou shalt not kill;] and this place is cited by all to this purpose.

But I must have leave to depart from S. Augustine's opinion here, who thinks that this Commandment is more earnestly bent upon a man's self, then upon another; because here is no addition, and in the other, there is, [Against thy Neighbor,] or certainly, I am as much forbid by that Commandment to accuse myself falsely, as my Neighbor, though only he be named. And by this I am as much forbid to kill my neighbor as myself, though none be named. So, as it is within the circuit of the Command, it may also be within the exceptions thereof. For though the words be general, Thou shall not kill, we may kill beasts; Magistrates may kill men; and a private man in a just war, may not only kill, contrary to the sound of this Commandment, but he may kill his Father, contrary to another.

When two natural Laws contrary to one another occur, we are bound to that which is strictioris vin •… li.

As all Laws concerning the Honor of God, and Faith, are in respect of the second Table, which is directed upon our Neighbor by Charity. If therefore there could be a necessity, that I must do an act of Idolatry, or kill, I were bound to the later.

By which Rule If perchance a public exemplary person, which had a just assurance that his example would govern the people, should be forced by a Tyrant, to do an act of Idolatry, (although by circumstances he might satisfy his own conscience, that he sinned not in doing it.) and so scandalize and endanger them, if the matter were so carried and disguised, that by no way he could let them know, that he did it by constraint, but voluntarily, I say, perchance he were better kill himself.

It is a safe Rule, [ Jury Divino derogani non potest, nisi ipsa derogatio suri Divino conste •… .] But since it is not thought a violating of that Rule, [ To kill by public Authority or in a just War, or defense of his life, or of another's.] why may not our case be as safe and innocent?

If any importune me to show this Privilege, or exemption of this case from the Commanment, I may with Sotus retort it, and call for their privilege to kill a Day thief, or any man in defense of another.

And as these Laws may be mediately and secondarily deduced from the conformity of other Laws, and from a general Authority which God hath afforded all Sovereigns, to provide as necessities arise; So may our case be derived as well from that necessary obligation which lies always upon us, of preferring God's glory above all human respects. So that we cannot be put to show, or plead any exemption, but when such a case arises, we say that that case never was within the reach of that Law. Which is also true of all the other which we called exemptions before.

For, whatsoever might have been done before the Law, as this might, if it be neither against Nature, nor Justice, from both which we make account that we have acquitted it,) upon that, this Commandment never fell, not extended to it.

SECT. IX.

I have found also a place urged out of the Book of Wisdom, which is, [Seek not death in the error of your life.] Which being ever coupled with another place in Deuteronomy, by collation of the two places it appears, That that which is forbidden there, is Idolatry, and by Death is meant the Second Death, or the way to it.

And so this Distinction which was intended for the places cited from the Books of the Old Testament, shall here have an end; and to the next we allow those of the New.

SECT. I.

OF which the first that I have observed is in Matthew when the Devil tempts Christ thus, [If thou be the Son of God, cast thyself down.] With all Expositors I confess, this was a temptation to vain glory, and therefore most appliabl to our case, where we make account, that we work somewhat to the service of God, and advancement of his glory, when we allow this to be done; and it is a very slippery passage, and a devout man were out of the nature of devotion, 〈◊〉 to err that way, then a worldly, but that the ha •… d of God is extended to the protection of such.

But directly this place will not shake, nor attempt our proposition, for though Christ would not satisfy the Devil, nor discover himself, yet he did as much whe •… it conduced to his own ends, as the Devil tempted him to in this place, or the other; both in changing the species and nature of water into Wine, and in exposing himself to certain danger when he walked upon the waters. Christ refused no difficulty, nor abstained from Miracles, when he knew he profited the beholders; nor do I say, that in any other case, then when we are probably and excusably assured, that it isto a good end, this may be lawful to us.

SECT. II.

The next place is in the Acts of the Apostles. [The keeper of the prison drew out his Sword, and would have killed himself, supposing the Prisoners had been gone; But Paulcryed, Do thyself no harm, for we are all here.] To which I say, That by the same Spirit by which Paul being in the inner Prison in the dark, knew what the Keeper thought, and what he was about to do without, he knew also God's purpose to be glorified in the conversion of him and his Family; and therefore did not only reclaim him from that purpose, which was inordinate, and for his own sake, to escape punishment, (in which yet we may observe how presently Mans nature inclines him to this remedy) but also forbears to to make his benefit of this Miracle, and to escape away: and so, though he rescue the Keeper, he betrays himself.

And therefore Calvin upon this place makes to himself this objection, [That Paul seeing all his hope of escape to consist in the death of the Keeper, neglected that way of liberty which God offered him, when he restnained the Keeper from killing himself.] And he answers it only thus, [That he had a conscience and insight into God's purpose and decree herei •… ] For otherwise, if he had not had that (which very few attain to have) it seems he ought to have permitted the keeper to proceed, to facilitate thereby his way of escaping.

SECT. III.

Which also infers some answer to another place of Saint Paul, where he delivers and discharges himself, and his fellow Apostles, of having taught this Doctrine, [That a man might do evil, that good might come thereof.] And consequently it is well and by just Collection pronounced that he forbids that Doctrine.

And we also humbly subscribe to that Rule, and accept it so, as Saint Paul intends it; that is, in things which Nature, and not Circumstance makes evi •… l. And in these also, when any such circumstance doth make them evil, as another circumstance to the contrary doth not praeponderate and over-rule this. This therefore we must have liberty to enlighten with a larger discourse.

Of the evils which seem to us to be of punishment, of which kind Death is, God ever makes others his executioners; for the greatest of all, though it be spiritual, which is Induration, is not so wrought by God himself immediately, as his spiritual comforts are, but Occasionally, and by Desertion.

Sometimes in these God employs his Angels, sometime the Magistrate, sometimes our selves. Yet all which God doth in this life by any of these, is but Physic: for •… n excaecation and induration is sent to further Salvation in some, and inflicted medicinally. And these ministers and instruments of his, are our Physicians, and we may not refuse any bitterness, no not that which is naturally poison, being wholesomely corrected by them: For as in Cramps which are contortions of the Sinewes, or in Tetars, which are rigors and stiffenesses in the Muscles, we may procure to ourselfe a fever to thaw them, or we may procure them in a burning fever, to condense and attemper our blood again, so in all rebellions and disobediences of our flesh, we may minister to ourselves such corrections and remedies, as the Magistrate might, if the fact were evident. But, because though for prevention of evil, we may do all the offices of a Magistrate upon ourselves, in such secret cases, but whether we have that authority to do it after or no, especially in Capitall matters, is disputable, and at this time, we need not affirm it precisely, I will examine the largeness of that power no farther now.

But descend to that kind of evil, which must of necessity be understood in this place of Paul? which is, that we account naturally evil. And even in that, the Bishops of Rome have exercised their power, to dispence with Bigamy, which is in their doctrine directly against God's Commandment, and therefore naturally evil. So did Nicholas the fifth, dispense with a Bishop in Germany, to consult with W •… tches, for recovery of his health; and it were easy to amasse many cases of like boldness.

In like manner the Imperial Law tollerates Usury, Prescription, Mala fidei, and Deceit ad Medium, and expressly allows Witchcraft, to good purposes. [Conformably to which Law, Paracelsus says, It is all one whether God or the Devil cure, so the Patient be well.]

And so the Canons have prescribed certain rules of doing evil, when we are overtaken with perplexities, to choose the least, of which S Gregory gives a natural example, [That a man attempted upon a high wall, and forced to leap it, would take the lowest place of the wall.] And agreeably to all these, the Casuist say, [That in extreme necessity, I si •… not if I induce a man to lend me money upon usury: And the reason is, because I incline him to a less sin, which is usury, when else he should be a h •… icide, by not relieving me.] And in this fashion God him self is said to work evil in us, because when our heart is full of evil purposes, he governs and disposes us rather to this then to that evil, wherein though all the viciousness be ours, and evil, yet the order is from God, and good. Yea, he doth positively incline one to some certain evil thus, That he doth infuse into a man some good thoughts, by which, he, out of his viciousness takes occasion to think he were better do some other sin then that which he intended. Since therefore all these laws and practices concur in this, that we sometime do such evil, not only for express and positive good, but to avoid greater evil, all which seems to be against this doctrine of S. Paul.

And since, whatsoever any human power may dispence withal in us, we, in extreme necessity, in impossibility of recourse to better counsel, in an erring conscience, and in many such cases, may dispence with ourselves, (for that Canon of duo mala, leaves it to our natural reason, to judge, and value, and compare, and distinguish between those two evils which shall concur.)

And since for all this, it is certain, that no such dispensation from another, or from myself, doth so alter the nature of the thing, that it becomes thereby the more or the less evil, to me there appears no other interpretation safe, but this, That there is no external act naturally evil; and that circumstances condition them, and give them their nature; as scandal makes an indifferent thing heinous at that time, which, if some person go out of the room, or wink, is not so.

The Law it sel •… e, which is given us as a light, that we might not stumble, and by which we see, not what is evil naturally (for that we see naturally, and that was so even, to us, before the law declared it) but what would be evil (that is produce evil effects,) if we did it at that time, and so circumstanced, is not absolutely good, but in such measure, and in such respects, as that which it forbids is evil. And therefore Picus comparing the Law, to the firmament, (as Moses accepts the word) as he observes, that the second day, when God made the firmament, he did not say, that it was good, as he did of every other days work; and yet it was not evil, (for then saith Picus, it could not have received the sun, as if it had been good, it had not needed it.) So he reprehends the Manichees, for saying that the Law was evil, yet he sticks to that of Ezekiel, That it was not good. That evil therefore which by this place of S. Paul is forbidden, is either Acts, of infidelity, which no dispensation can deliver from the reach of the Law, or else, such acts as being by our nature, and reason, and approbation of nations reputed evil, or declared by law or custom to be such, because of there ordinary evil effects, do cast a guiltiness upon the doer, ordinarily, and for the most part, and ever except his case be exempt and privileged. This moved Chrysostom, (whom I cited before) to think a •… lie, and a consent to adulttery, not evil in Sarah: and this rectified S. Augustine's squeamishnes so far, as to leave us at liberty, to think what we would of that wifes act, which to pay her husbands debt, let out herself one night. For if any of these things had been once evil naturally, they could never recover of that sickness; but (as I insinuated before) as those things which we call miracles, were written in the history of God's purpose, as exactly, and were as certainly to come to pass, as the rising and setting of the sun, and as naturally, in 〈◊〉 compagine naturae, (for there is no interlining in that book of God:) So in that his eternal Register where he foresees all our acts, he hath preserved and defended, from that ordinary corruption of evil purpose, of inexcusable ignorance, of scandal, and of such other inquinations of indifferent things, (as he is said to have done our B. Lady from original sin in her inanimation,) Some of those acts of ours, which to those who do •… not studiously distinguish circumstances, or see not the doers conscience, and testimony of God's spirit, may at the first taste have some of the brachishnes of sin. Such was Moses killing of the Egyptians; for which there appears no especial calling from God. But because this falls not often: S. Paul would not embolden us, to do any of those things which are customarily reputed evil.

But if others be delighted with the more ordinary interpretation of this place, that it speaks of all that which we call sin, I will not refute that interpretation, so they make not the Apostles rule, (though in this place this be not given properly and exactly for a rule;) more strict than the moral precepts of the Decalogue itself, in which, as in all rules there are naturally included and incorporated some exceptions, which if they allow in this, they are still at the beginning; for this case may fall within those exceptions.

Otherwise, that the general application of this rule, is not proper, as by infinite other places, so it appears evidently by that in Bellarmine, where he says, that by reason of this rule, a man may not with neglecting a poor neighbor, adorn a church; Yet there are a great many cases, wherein we may neglect this poor neighbor; and therefore that is not naturally evil. And certainly whosoever is delighted with such arguments, and such an application of this text, would not only have objected this rule to Lot, when he offered his Daughters, (for there it might have color) but would have joined with Judas, when the woman anointed Christ; and have told her, that although the office which she did were good, yet the wast which she made first, was evil, and against this rule.

SECT. IIII.

The same Apostle doth in divers other places use this phrase, That we are the Temples of the Holy Ghost; And from thence is argued, that it is an unlawful Sacrilege to demolish or to deface those Temples. But we are so the Temples of God, as we are his Images; that is, by his residing in our hearts.

And who may doubt, but that the blessed Souls of the departed, are still his Temples, and Images: Even amongst heathens, those Temples which were consecrated to their gods, might in cases of public good or harm, be demolished, and yet the ground remain sacred.

And in the two first places, is one •… a Dehortation from polluting our hearts, which are God's Temples, with Idolatry, o •… other sin. In the other place he calls our material body, the temple: and he makes it to us an argument that we should fly from fornication, because therein we trespass against our own body. And so here arises a double argument, that we may not do injury to our own body, neither as it is ours, nor as it is God's.

In the first of these then, he says, [A Fornicator sins against, his body;] for as he said two verses before, [He makes himself one body with an Harlot,] and so he diminishes the dignity of his own person. But is it so, in our Case? When he withdraws and purges it from all corruptions, and delivers it from all the inquinations, and venom, and malign Machinations of his, and God's adversaries, and prepares it by God's insinuation and concurrence, to that glory, which without death, cannot be attained.

Is it a less dignity, that himself be the Priest of God, and that himself be the Sacrifice of God, then that he be the Temple? But says Paul, [ Your body is the Temple of God, and you are not your own.] But says Calvin here, you are not so your own, that you may live at your own will, or abuse your body with pollutions and uncleanness. Our body is so much •… r own, as we may use it to God's glory, a •… it is so little our own, as when he is pleased to have in, we do well in resigning it to him, by what Officer soever he accept it, whether by Angel, Sickness, Persecutron, Magistrate, or ourselves. Only be careful of this last lesson, in which he amasses and gathers all his former Doctrine, [ Glorifte God in your body, and in your spirit, for they are his.]

SECT. V.

The place of the Ephesians hath some assinity with this; which is, [But let us follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in love, and in all things grow up into him, which is the head, that is Christ, till we are all met together, unto a perfect man.] By which we receive the honor to be one body with Christ our head; which is after more expressly declared. [We are Members of his body, of his flesh, and of his bone.] And therefore, they say, that to withdraw ourselves, which are limbs of him, is not only homicide of ourselves, who cannot live without him, but a Paricide towards him, who is our common Father.

But as in Fencing, Passion lays a man as open, as unskilfulness, and a troubled desire to hit, makes one not only miss, but receive a wound; so out of an inordinate fervor, to strike home, he which alledgeth this place, overreacheth to his own danger; for only this is taught herein, that all our growth and vegetation: flows from our head, Christ. And that he hath chosen to himself for the perfection of his body, limbs proportional thereunto, and that, as a soul through all the body, so this care must live, and dwell in every part, that it be ever ready to do his proper function, and also to succor those other parts, for whose relief or sustentation it is framed, and planted in the body. So that herein there is no literal construction to be admitted, as though the body of Christ could be imperfited, by the removing of any man. For, as from a tree, some leaves pass their natural course and season, and fall again being withered by age, and some fruits are gathered unripe, and some ripe, and some branches which in a storm fall off, are carried to the fire; So in this body of Christ, the Church, (I mean that which is visible) all these are also fulfilled and performed, and yet the body suffers no maims, much less the head any detriment.

This place therefore is so far from giving encouragement to any particular man to be careful of his own well being, as the Expositors (of what persuasion soever in controverted points) accept from hence an argument, that for the establishing, and sustentation of the whole body, a man is bound to depart with all respects to himself, and give his life to strengthen them which are weak.

And this place, as a common Conduit head hath afforded justification for Martyrdoms, for pestilent visitations, and for all those Desertions of ourselves, and of our natural right of preserving ourselves, which we had occasion to insist upon before.

SECT. VI.

As therefore that construction doth well consist with those words, so doth it also with the words in the next Chapter, [No man ever hated his own flesh, but nourished it, &c.] Of which Hate, because we are to speak when we come to Christ's Commandment of Hating our life, we will here only say, with Marlorate upon this place, [He hates not his flesh, who hates the desires thereof, and would subject it to the Spirit: no more then a Goldsmith hates that gold, which he casts into a furnace to purify, and reduce to a better fashion.] And, because out of the Armory of Scripture I have not found that they take any better weapons, nor anymore, we may here end this Distinction.

SECT. 1.

IN the next our business is, to try of what force and proof their arms are against their adversaries forces. Of which we shall oppose two sorts; The first natural and assured Subjects, which are, Reasons arising naturally from places of Scripture, and these, in this distinction; The other, Examples, as Auxiliaries. For though we rely not upon them, yet we have this advantage in that kind, that our adversaries can make no use, nor profit of Examples. And therefore that answer which both Peter Martyr, and Lavater from him make, that we must not live by examples, and that if examples proved anything they had the stronger side, (that is, there have been more men which have not killed themselves, then which have,) may well seem from p •… rem pro •… inesse, and laziness, and impossibillity of better defense, to have too much allay, to be currant. To prepare us therefore to a right understanding, and application of these places of scripture, we must arrest awhile upon the nature, and degrees, and effects of charity; the mother, and form of all virtue; which shall not only lead us to heaven, (for faith opens us the door) but shall continue with us when we are there, when both Faith, and Hope, are spent and useless.

We shall nowhere find a better portrait of charity, then that which S. Augustine hath drawn: she loves not that which should not be loved; she neglects not that which should be loved; she bestows not more love upon that, which deserves less; nor doth she equally love more and less worthiness; nor upon equal worthiness, bestow more and less love. To this charity the same blessed and happy Father, proportions this growth. [Inchoated, increased, grown great, and perfected, and this last is, saith he; when in respect of it, we contemn this life] And yet he acknowledgeth a higher charity then this. For P. Lombard allowing charity this growth, [beginning, proficient, perfect, more, and most perfect.] he cites S. Augustine who calls [that perfect charity to be ready to dy for another.] But when he comes to that, then which none can be greater, he says then, the Apostle came to cupto dissolvi.

For as [ one may love God, with all his heart, and yet he may grow in that, and love God more with all his heart, for the first was commanded in the Law, and yet counsel of perfection was given to him, who said that he had fulfilled the first commandment,] So as S. Augustine found a degree above that charity, which made a man paratum ponere which is cupere, so there is a degree above that, which is to do it.

This is that virtue, by which Martyrdom, which is not such of itself, becomes an act of highest perfection.

And this is that virtue, which assureth any suffering which proceeds from it to be infallibly accompanied with the grace of God. Upon assurednes therefore, and testimony of a rectified conscience, that we have a charitable purpose, let us consider how far we may adventure upon authority of Scripture in this matter which we have in hand.

SECT. 11.

First therefore by the frame and working of Saint Paul's argument to the Corinthians, [Though I give my body that I be burned, and have not love, it 〈◊〉 nothing.] These two things appear evidently.

First, That in a general notion and common reputation, it was esteemed a high degree of perfection to die so, and therefore not against the Law of Nature. And secondly, by this exception, (without Charity) it appears, that with Charity it might well and profitably be done.

For the first, if any think that the Apostle here takes example of an impossible thing, as when it is said, [If an Angel from heaven teach other doctrine,] he will, I think, correct himself, if he consider the former verses, and the Apostles progress in his argument; wherein to dignify Charity, the most that he can, he undervalues all other gifts, which were there ambitiously affected.

For Eloquence he says, it is nothing to have all Languages, no not of Angels; which is not put literally, for they have none; but to express a high degree of Eloquence, as Calvin says here. Or, as Lyra says, by language of Angels is meant, the desire of communicating our conceptions to one another. And then he adds, That knowledge of Mysteries and Prophecies, is also nothing; which was also much affected. And for Miraculous Faith, it is also nothing.

For the first of these gifts, doth not make a man better; for Balaam's Ass could speak, and was still an Ass. And the second Judas had, and the Pharisees. And the third is so small a matter, that as much as a grain of Musterseed is enough to remove mountains. All these therefore were faisable things, and were sometimes done. So also, after he had passed through the gifts of knowledge, and gifts of utterance, he presents the gifts of working in the same manner; and therefore, as he says, If I feed the poor with all my goods, (which he presents as a harder thing then either of the other, (for in the other God gives me, but here I give other) yet possible to be done.) So he presents the last, If I give my body, as the hardest of all, and y •… t, as all the rest, sometimes to be done.

That which I observed secondly to arise from this argument, was, That with Charity such a death might be acc •… ptable. And though I know the Donatists are said to have made this use of these words, yet, because the intent and end conditions every action, and infuses the poison, or the nourishment which they which follow suck from thence, and we know that the Donatists rigorously and tyrannously racked and detorted thus much from this place, That they might present themselves to others promiscuously to be killed, and if that were denied to them, they might kill themselves, and them who refused it.

Yet, I say, I doubt not but thus much may naturally be collected from hence, that by this word, If I give my body, is insinuated somewhat more then a prompt and willing yielding of it, when I am enforced to it, by the persecuting Magistrate.

And that these words will justify the fact of the Martyr Nicephorus, being then in perfect Charity. Whose case was, That having had some enmity with Sapritius, who was brought to the place where he was to receive the bloody crown of Martyredome, he fell down to Sapritius, and begged from him then, a pardon of all former bitternesses. But Sapritius elated with the glory of Martyredome, refused him; but was presently punished; for his faith coold, and he recanted, and lived. And Nicephorus standing by, stepped into his room, and cried, I am also a Christian, and so provoked the Magistrate to execute him; least from the faintness of Sapritius, the cause might have received a wound, or a scorn. And this I take to be Giving of his body.

Of which, as there may be such necessity for confirming of weaker Christians, that a man may be bound to do it, as in this case, is very probable. So there may be cases in men very exemplary, and in the cunning and subtle carriage of the Pesecutor, as one can no other way give his body for testimony of God's truth, to which he may then be bound, but by doing it himself.

SECT. III.

As therefore Naturally and Customarily men thought it good to die so, and that such a death with charity was acceptable, so is it generally said by Christ, [That the good Shepherd doth give his life for his sheep.] Which is a justifying and approbation of our inclination thereunto. For to say, The good do it, is to say, They which do it are good.

And as we are all sheep of one fold, so in many cases, we are all shepherds of one another, and owe one another this duty, of giving our temporal lives, for another's spiritual advantage; yea, for his temporal. For that I may abstain from purging myself, when another's crime is imputed to me, is grounded upon such another Text as this, where it is said, The greatest love, is to bestow his life for his friend. In which, and all of this kind, we must remember, that we are commanded to do it so, as Christ did it; and how Christ gave his body, we shall have another place to consider.

SECT. IV.

Hereupon because Saint Peters zeal so forward, and carried him so high, that he would die for the Shepherd; for so he says, [I will lay down my life, for thy sake.] And this, as all Expositors say, was merely and purely out of natural affection, without examination of his own strength to perform it; but presently and roundly Nature carried him to that promise. And upon a more deliberate and orderly resolution, Saint Paul witnesseth of himself such a willingness to die for his brethren, [I will be gladly bes •… ed for your s •… es.]

SECT. V.

A Christian nature rests not in knowing thus much, That we may do it, That Charity makes it good, That the good do it, and that we must always promise, that is, incline to do it, and do something towards it, but will have the perfect fullness of doing it in the resolution and doctrine, and example of our blessed Savior, who says, de facto, [I lay down my life for my sheep.] And saith M •… lus, he useth the present word, because he was ready to do it: and as Paul and 〈◊〉 , men yet alive; are said to have laid down their lives for Christ.] But I rather think, (because exposing to danger, is not properly called a dying,) that Christ said this now, because his Passion was begun; for all his conversations here were degrees of exinanition.

To express the abund •… and overflowing charity of our Savior, all words are defective; for if we could express all which he did, that came not near to that which he would do, if need were. It is observed by one, I (confess, too credulous an Author, but yet one that administers good and wholesome incitements to Devotion,) That Christ going to Emmaus spake of his Passion so slightly, as though he had in three days forgot all that he had suffered for us.

And that Christ in an apparition to Saint Charles, says, that he would be content to dy again, if need were.

Yea, to Saint Brigit he said, [That for any one soul he would suffer as much in every limb, as he had suffered for all the world in his whole body.]

And this is noted for an extreme high degree of Charity, out of Ans •… lme, that his B. Mother said, [Rather then he should not have been Crucified, she would have done it with her own hands.

And certainly his charity was not inferior to hers; He did as much as any could be willing to do. And therefore, as himself said, [No man can take away my soul] And [I have power to lay it down;] So without doubt, no man did take it away, nor was there any other then his own will, the cause of his dying at that time; many Martyrs having hanged upon Crosses many days alive: And the thieves were yet alive; And therefore Pilate wondered to hear that Christ was dead. [His Soul, saith S •… Aug. did not leave his body constrained, but because he would, and when he would, and how he would.] Of which S. Thomas produces this symptom, That he had yet his bodies nature in her full strength, because at the last moment he was able to cry with a loud voice. And Marlorate gathers it upon this, that whereas our heads decline after our death by the slackness of the sinews and muscles, Christ did first of himself bow down his head, and then give up the ghost. So, though it be truly said [After they have scourged him, they will put him to death,] yet it is said so, because maliciously and purposely to kill him they inflicted those pains upon him; which would in time have killed him, but yet nothing which they had done occasioned his death so soon.

And therefore S. Thomas, a man neither of unholy thoughts, nor of bold or irreligious or scandalous phrase or elocution, (yet I adventure not so far in his behalf as Sylvester doth, [that it is impossible that he should have spoken anything against faith or good manners,] forbears not to say, [That Christ was •… so much the cause of his death, as he is of his wetting, which might and would not shut the window, when the rain beats in.]

This actual emission of his soul, which is death, and which was his own act, and before his natural time, (which his best beloved Apostle could imitate, who also died when he would, and went into his grave, and there gave up the Ghost, and buried himself, which is reported but of very (n) few others, and by no very credible Authors,) we find thus celebrated, (o) That that is a brave death, which is accepted unconstrained; and that it is an Heroique Act of Fortitude, if a man when an urgent occasion is presented, expose himself to a certain and assured death, as he did.

And it is there said, that Christ did so, as Saul did, who thought it foul, and dishonorable to die by the hand of an Enemy. And that Apollonia, and others who prevented the fury of Executioners, and cast themselves into the fire, did therein imitate this act of our Savior, of giving up his soul, before he was constrained to do it. So that if the act of our blessed Savior, in whom there was no more required for death, but that he should will that his soul should go out, were the same as Saul's, and these Martyrs actual furtherance, which could not die without that, then we are taught that all those places, of Giving up our bodies to death, and of Laying down the soul, signify more then a yielding to death when it comes.

SECT. VI.

And to my understanding there is a further degree of alacrity, and propenseness to such a death, expressed in that phrase of John, [He that hateth his life in this world, shall keep it unto life eternal. And in that of Luke, [Except he hate his own life, he cannot be my Disciple.] Such a loathness to live is that which is spoken of in the Hebrews, [Some were racked, and would not be delivered, that they might receive a better Resurrection.]

This place Calvin interprets of a readiness to die, and expresses it elegantly, To carry our life in our hands, offering it to God for a Sacrifice. And this the Jesuits in their rule extend thus far, [Let everyone think that this was said directly to him, Hate thy life.]

And they who in the other place, accept this phrase, No man hateth his own flesh, to yield an argument against Self-homicide in any case, must also allow that the same hate being commanded here, authorises that act in some case.

And Saint Augustine apprehending the strength of this place, denies that by the authority of it, the Donatists can justify their Self-homicide when they list to die, but yet in these cases which are exempt from his rules, this place may encourage a man n •… t to neglect the honor of God, only upon this reason, that nobody else will take his life.

SECT. VII.

And therefore the holy ghost proceeds more directly in the first Epistle of Saint John, and shows us a necessary duty, [Because he laid 〈◊〉 his life for us, therefore we ought to lay down our lives for our brethren.] All these places work us to a true understanding of charity, and to a contempt of this life, in respect of it.

And as these inform us how ready we must be, So all those places which direct us by the example of Christ, to do it as he did, show, that in cases when our lives must be given, we need not ever attend extrinsique force of others, but as he did in perfect charity, so we in such degrees of it, as this life, and our nature are capable of, must dy by our own will, rather then his glory be neglected, whensoever, as Paul saith, Christ may be magnified in our bodies, or the spiritual good of such another as we are bound to advance, doth importune it.

SECT. VIII.

To which readiness of dying for his brethren, Saint Paul had so accustomed himself, and made it his nature, that but for his general resolution of doing that ever which should promove their happiness, he could scarce have obtained of himself leave to live. For, at first he says, he knew not which to wish, life or, death; (and therefore generally without some circumstance incline or avert us, they are equal to our nature.) Then after much perplexity, he was resolved, and desired to be loose, and to be with Christ; (therefore a holy man may wish it.) But yet he corrected that again, because saith he, [To abide in the flesh, is more needful for you.] And therefore charity must be the rule of our wishes, and actions in this point.

SECT. IX.

There is another place to the Galatians, which though it reach not to death, yet it proves that holy men may be ready to express their loves to another, by violence to themselves. For he saith, [If it had been possible, you would have plucked out your own eyes, and given me:]. And Calvin saith, [this was more then vitam profundere.] And this readiness Saint Paul reprehends not in them.

SECT. X.

But of the highest degrees of compassionate charity for others, is that of the Apostle, in contemplation of the Jews dereliction. [I would wish myself to be separated from Christ, for my brethren.

The bitterness of which Anathema, himself teaches us to understand, when in another place, he wishes the same, [To those which love not Jesus Christ. And this fearful wish which charity excused in him, was utter damnation, as all Expositors say.

And though I believe with Cal • in • , that at this time, in a zealous fury he remembered not deliberately his own election, and therefore cannot in that respect, be said to have resisted the will of God, yet it remains, as an argument to us, That Charity will recompense, and justify many excesses, which seem unnatural, and irregular, and enormous transportations.

SECT. XI.

As in this Apostle of the Gentiles, so in the Law-giver of the Jews, the like compassion wrought the like effect; and more. For Moses •… stead not in wishing, but face to face argued with God, [If thou pardon them, thy mercy shall appear, but if then will not, I pray thee blot my name 〈◊〉 of the book which thou hast written]

I know, that many out of a reasonable Collection, that it became Moses to be reposed, and dispassioned, and of ordinare affection in his conversation with God, are of op •… on, that he strayed no further in this wish, and imprecation, then to be content that his name should be blotted out of the Scriptures, and so to lose the honor of being known to posterity for a remarkable instrument of God's power and mercy.

But, since a natural infirmity could work so much upon Christ, in whom there may be suspected no inordinateness of affections, as to divert him a little, and make him slip a faint wish of escaping the Cup; why might not a brave and noble zeal, exalt Moses so much, as to desire to restore such a Nation to the love of God, by his own destruction.

For, as certainly the first of these was without sin, so the other might be, out of an habitual assurednesse of his salvation, as Paulinus says, to Amandus, [Thou mayest be bold in thy prayers to God for me, to say, forgive him, or blot out me, for thou canst not be blottedout; Instum delere non potest Iustitia.] And thus retaining ever in our minds, that our example is Christ, and that he died not constrained, it shall suffice to have learned by these places, that in Charity men may die so, and have done, and ought to do. The last thing which remains yet, is to consider the Examples reported in the Scriptures: which cannot possess us long, because a few Rules will include many examples; and those few rules which are appliable to these Histories, have been often iterated already; and, for other Rules, which may enlighten and govern us in all occurrences, for many Reasons I respite to a maturer deliberation and discourse.

SECT. I.

AS when I entered into the examination of places of Scriptures, it seemed to me to have some weight, that in all the Judicial and Ceremonial Law, there was no abomination of Self-homicide.

So doth it, That in relating the Histories of them who killed themselves, the phrase of Scripture never diminishes them by any aspersion or or imputation for that fact, if they were otherwise virtuous, nor aggravates thereby their former wickedness, if they were wicked.

Formy part, I am content to submit myself to that Rule, which is delivered from Iraeneus, [That those things which the Scripture doth not reprehend, but simply lay down, it becomes not us to accuse; nor to make ourselves more diligent then God; but if anything seem to us irregular, our endeavor must be, to search out the Type, and signification thereof.]

Neither shall I, for all this, be in danger of Beza's answer to that Argument of Ochius, That though some of the Patriarchs lived unreprehended in Polygamie, it concluded nothing, because (saith Beza) The silence of Scripture in Jacob's Incest, and in Lots, and in David's unjust judgment; For Siba doth not deliver them from guiltiness and transgression therein.

For our case differs from all others, both because this act is not from any place of the Law evicted to be sin. And because here is a concurrence of Examples, of this fact without any reprehension: So that that answer is so far short from reaching us, that it reached not home to that argument of Ochius against which it was opposed. And if in debating these Examples, it be found, that some very reverend Authors, have concluded impenitence, and consequently utter desertion on God's part, and so eternal perishing; the circumstances as they appeared to him then, may have made his judgment just: but for any other thereupon to apply that case to others, will not be safe. For [Though a Judge may in causa versanti interpret the Law, that Interpretation makes not Law.]

SECT. II.

As therefore in the former Distinctions we spoke of some approaches to the act of selfkilling, so will we in this pause a very little upon two such steps. The first shall be of the prophet in the book of Kings, [who bad a stranger strike him, and because he would not, pronounced a heavy judgment upon him, which was presently excecuted. And then he importuned another to do it, who did it thoroughly, for he wounded him with the stroke.] This was, to common understanding an unnatural thing, that so holy a man should make such means to have his body violated, and so it seems the first apprehended it, however it pleased God to enlighten the second. This I produce not as though the prophet inclind to it of his own disposition, for it is expressly in the text, that God commanded him to do it.

But because this is the only place in all the scriptures, where those which offer, or desirously admit violence to their own bodies, are said to have done it, by the express motion of God, I collect from it, that it is not without some boldness, if others affirm without authority of the text, that the death of Samson and others, had the same foundation, when it appears by this, that God when he would have it understood so, is pleased to deliver it plainly and expressly.

SECT. III.

The next before we come to those who entirely killed themselves, is Io •… as, who by often wishing his own death, and moving the ma •… ers to cast him out into the sea, made many steps towards the very act. I know that it is everywhere said, that those words, [Take me •… , and cast me into the Sea,] proceeded from a prophetique spirit; And St. Jerome saith [that in this prophetique spirit, he foresaw that the Ninevites would repent, and so his preaching would be discredited.] But if this be so, must he not also in the same Prophetique Spirit see, that their repentance must be occasioned by his going thither and preaching there? And if this persuading to his destruction, being now innocent in their understanding; for they prayed, [Lay not innocent blood upon us.] were from Divine motion, shall we dare to impute also to like motions and spirit, his angry importuning of death? [Take I beseech thee, my life from me, for it is better for me, to die then to live.] And after he wished from his heart to die, and said, [I do well to be angry unto the death.]

St. Jerome calls him Sanctum Ionam; and when Lyra observes that he had not done so, to any of the other Prophets, he concludes, that this testimony needed most in Jonah, who by his many reluctations against God's will, might else fall into some suspicion of eternal perishing. Which since we must be f •… r from fearing in so eminent and exemplary a type of Christ, and yet have no ground to admit any such particular impulsion of God's Spirit, as Jerome and Lyra pronounce him holy, for all these reluctations; so may we esteem him advised, and ordinate, and rectified, for all these approaches, which in wishing and consenting he made to his own death.

SECT. IV.

Of those which in the Scriptures are registered to have killed themselves, Samson is the first. A man so exemplar, that not only the times before him had him in Prophecy, (for of him it is said,) [Dan shall judge his people,] and the times after him more consummately in Christ, of whom he was a Figure, but even in his own time, other nations may seem to have had some Type, or Copy of him, in Hercules.

His fact of self-killing is celebrated by the Church to everlasting memory, as the act of a Martyr; and as very many others in their Homilies and expositions.

So that renowned Paulinus says, [God send me the death of Sampson, and Samson's blindness, that I may live to God, and look to God.]

And this general applause and concurrence in the praise of the fact, hath made many think, or at least write, that he purposed not to kill himself: being loath either to depart from their opinion who extol him, or to admit anything which may countenance that manner of dying. Of which persuasion two very learned men labor to seem to be.

But, besides that such an exposing of himself to unevitable danger, is the same fault as Self-homicide, when there is any fault in it, the very Text is against them; for Samson died with these words in his mouth, [Let me lose my life with the philistims.]

And though sometimes these Authors add, That he intended not his own death principally, but accidentally (as Calvin also says, that Saint Paul did not desire death for deaths sake, but to be with Christ,) this can remove no man from our side, for we say the same, that this may be done only, when the honor of God may be promoved by that way, and no other.

Therefore to justify this fact in Samson, Saint Augustine equally zealous of Samsons honor, and his own conscience, builds still upon his old foundation, [That this was by the special inspiration from God.] Which, because it appears not in the History, nor lies in proof, may with the same easiness be refused, as it is presented.

To give strength to this opinion of Augustine, our Countryman Sayr presents one reason preceding the fact, and Pedraca the Spaniard, another subsequent.

The first is that he prepared himself to it by Prayer. But in this prayer, you may observe much humanity, and weakness and selferespect. [O Lord, saith he, I beseech thee, Strenghthen me at this time only, that I may be ave •… d of the Philistines for my two eyes.

The second reason is, that because he effected that which he desired, it is to be presumed, that God restored him his strength to that end, which he asked it. But, besides that in the text it appears, that his hair before that time, was begun to be grown out again, and so his strength somewhat renewed; doth this prove any impulsion, and incitement, and prevention of the holy Ghost, to that particular act, or rather only an habitual accompanying and awaking him, to such actions by which God might be honored and glorified, whensoever any occasion should be presented?

When therefore he felt his strength in part refreshed, and had by Prayer entreated the perfecting thereof, seeing they took continual occasion from his dejection to •… orne and reproach his God, burning with an equal fervor to revenge their double fault, and to remove the wretched occasion thereof, he had as a very subtle Author says, the same reason to kill himself, which he had to kill them, and the same authority, and the same privilege, and safeguard from sin.

And he died, as the same man says, with the same zeal as Christ, unconstrained; for In this manner of dying, as much as in anything else, he was a Type of Christ.

SECT. V.

The next example is Saul. And whether he did perfect and consummat the act of killing himself, or the Amalekite contribute his help, it makes no difference to our purpose; But that the latter was true, may well enough consist with the relation of the history in the first place, and it appears to be the more likely and probable out of the second: And by Josephus it is absolutely so delivered; And the scholastique history saith also, that Saul was too weak to force the sword through his body.

Two things use to be disputed of Saul. Whether he were saved or no; And whether if he perished, it was for impenitence testified or presumed by this act of his. The Jews are generally indulgent to him: And the Christians generally severe upon this reason, that it is said of him, [Saul died for his transgressions against the Lord, and his word, and asking counsel of a witch.] But this doth not necessarily conclude an impenitence, or a second death. For the Jews say, That believing the sentence of Samuel in the apparitions, and accepting that decree as from God, he repented his formet life, and then presented and delivered up himself and his sons, conformably to the revealed will of God, there in the field to be sacrificed to him: understanding Samuells words you shall be with me, to be spoken, not generally of the state of the dead, but of the state of the just, because both Samuel himself was so, and so was Jonathan, whose condition in this promise of being with Samuel, was the same as his Fathers. And therefore saith Lyra, [all Jews and some Christians agree, that least by his reproach dishonor might redound upon God, a good and Zealous man may kill himself, as Samson did, and the Virgins.] And he addeth, [If other reasons were not sufficient to excuse Saul, this also might justly be applied to him, that he did it by divine instinct.]

Out of which I observe these two things, that he presumes there are other reasons sufficient in some cases, whether they were in Saul's case or no. And then the reason upon which Lyra •… presumes he died well, [because the contrary is not declared in Scriptures, nor determined by the Church.] And Saul hath a good testimony of sanctity in this act, from Mallonius, [That as Christ died when he would, so did Saul, thinking it dishonorable to die by the hand of his, and God's enemies.] That argument which Burgensis bringeth to the contrary, suffereth more force and violence in being brought in, then it giveth strength to his opinion. It is, [That if the fact were justifiable in Saul, it had been so too in the Amalekite, if his profession to David were true, That he had killed Saul, and consequently David unjust in that execution.] But, besides that, that Amalekite had no conscience, nor inward knowledge of Saul's just reasons, nor other warrant but his commandment, which might, and was to him likely to proceed from Saul's infirmities, it might well appear to David, by his coming to tell him the news, that he had human respects in doing it, and a purpose only to deserve well of David. And when both Judge and prisoner are innocent, oft times the Executioner may be a Murderer.

And such human respects of weariness and despair, and shame, and fear, and fidelity to his Master, and amazement, and such, stand in the way between Saul's Armor-bearer and all excuses, to our understandings. For though the phrase of Scripture impute nothing to him for that fact of killing himself, yet I have found none that offer any particular excuse in his defense.

SECT. VI.

Neither do I find anything to excuse Ahithophel's death; though (as I said of the other) the History do not accuse that particular fact. The Text calls his counsel good, and it seems he was not transported with passion, because he set his house in order; And he was buried in his Fathers grave, when Absalou slain by another's hand was cast into a pit.

But if it were upon a mere dispute of his own disgrace, or fear of ill success, or upon any self respect, without proposing God's glory, and he repented not, he perished.

SECT. VII.

Of Judas, the most sinful instrument of the most merciful Work, the common, (though not general) opinion is, that he killed himself; but whether by hanging, or no, is more controverted.

For from the words in the Acts, [That he threw himself down headlong, and burst asunder, and his bowels gushed out.] Euthymius thinks, That he was rescued whilst he hanged, and carried away, and that after that he killed himself by throwing himself headlong.

And Brenz leaves that indifferent to us, to think what we will thereof. But it seems by Oecumenius, that he did not only overlive this hanging, but that he grew to so enormous a bigness, and burden to himself, that he was not able to withdraw himself out of a Coaches way, but had his guts crushed out so; which he receives from Papias the Disciple to Saint John, whose times cannot be thought ignorant, or incurious of Judas History.

And it is there said further, that by others it was said, that being swollen to that vastness, and corrupted with vermin, he laid himself down upon his field, and there his guts broke out. And this Theophilact follows.

And it falls out very often, that someone Father, of strong reputation and authority in his time, doth snatch and swallow some probable interpretation of Scripture: and then digesting it into his Homilies, and applying it in dehortations, and encouragements, as the occasions and diseases of his Auditory, or his age require, and imagining thereupon delightful and figurative insinuations, and setting it to the Musique of his style, (as every man which is accustomed to these Meditations, shall often find in himself such a spiritual wantonness, and devout straying into such delicacies,) that sense which was but probable, grows necessary, and those who succeed, had rather enjoy his wit, then vex their own; as often times we are loath to change or leave off a counterfeit stone, by reason of the well setting thereof.

By this means, I think, it became so generally to be believed, that the fruit which Eve eat, was an Apple; And that Lots wife was turned to a pillar of Salt; And that Absalom was hanged by the hair of the head; And that Iephthe killed his Daughter; And many other such, which grew currant, not from an evidence in the Text, but because such an acceptation, was most useful, and appliable. Of this number, Judas case might be.

But if it were not, that act of killing himself, is not added to his faults in any place of Scriptures; no not in those two Psalms of particular accusations, and bitter imprecations against him, as they are ordinarily taken to be Prophetically purposed and directed.

And even of this man, whose sin, if any can exceed mercy, was such, Origen durst hope, not out of his erroneous compassion, and sinful charity, by which he thinks that even the Devil shall be saved, but out of Judas repentance. He says, [The Devil led him to the sin, and then induced him to that sorrowfulnesse which swallowed him.] But speaking of his repentance, he says, [ Those words, when Judas saw that he was condemned, belong to Judas himself, for Christ was not then condemned. And upon this conscience and consideration, began his repentance. [For, it may be, saith Origen, that Satan which had entered into him, staid with him till Christ was betrayed, and then left him, and thereupon repentance followed.] And perchance, says he, he went to prevent, and go before his Master, who was to die, and so to meet him with his naked soul, that he might gain Mercy by his confession and prayers.]

And Calvin, (though his purpose be, to enervate and maim, (or at least, declare it to be so defective,) that repentance which is admitted for sufficient in the Roman Church, says that [In Judas there was perfect contrition of heart, Confession of the mouth, and satisfaction for the money.]

But Petilian, against whom Saint Augustine writes, proceeded further in justification of Judas last act, then any. For he said, [That in suffering death when he repented, and so was a Confessor, he became a Martyr.] Which opinion being pronounced singularly and undefensibly; Saint Augustine answers as choleriquely, [Laqueum talibus reliquit.] Yet Saint Augustine himself confesseth, that an innocent man, should more have sinned in such an act, then Judas did, because in his execution there were some degrees of justice.

But of his actual impenitence I purposed not to speak, nor of his repentance, but only to observe to you, that this last fact is not imputed to him, nor repentance said to be precluded thereby.

SECT. VIII.

For the Passive action of Eleazar, none denies, but that that endangering of himself, was an act of Virtue: yet it was a forsaking and exposing himself to certain Destruction.

For every Elephant had thirty two men upon him: and was guarded with one thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse: And this which he slew, was in his opinion, the Kings Elephant, and therefore the better provided.

Howsoever he might hope to escape before the very act of killing the Elephant, by creeping under it, was a direct killing of himself, as expressly as Samson pulling down the house.

And the reasons of this action, are rendered in the Text to have been, To deliver his people, and to get a perpetual name.

And this fact doth Saint Ambrose extol by many glorious circumstances; As [That he flung away his Target, which might have sheltered him, That despising death, he forced into the midst of the Army, and Inclusus ruin •… , magis quam oppressus, suo est sepultus Triumpho; And that by death he begot peace, as the heir of his valor.]

And as very many Schoolmen have intended and exercised their wits in the praise of this action, So Cajetan gives such a reason thereof, as is appliable to very many Self-homicides. [That to expose ourselves to certain death, if our first end be not our own death, but common good, it is lawful. For, saith he, Our actions which be Morally good or bad, must be judged to be such, by the first reason which moves them; not by any accident, or concomitance, accompanying, or succeeding them, though necessarily.] And this resolution of Cajetan, will include many Cases, and instances, which are headlongly by intemperate censures condemned.

SECT. IX.

The fall of Rasis, which is the last Example, is thus reported. [He was besieged and fired; willing to die manfully, and escape repr •… , unworthy of his House, he fell upon his Sword; for haste, he mist his stroke, and threw himself from the Castle wall; yet rose up again, and ran to a high Rock, took out his own bowels, and threw them among the people, calling upon the Lord of life and spirit, and so died.]

Which Act the Text accuseth not; nor doth St. Thomas accuse it of anything else, but that it was Cowardlinesse. Which also Aristotle imputes to this manner of dying, as we said before.

But either he spoke at that time, serviceably and advantageously to the point which he had then in hand; or else he spoke, ut plurimum, because for the most part infirmities provoke men to this act.

For S. Augustine who argues as earnestly as Aristotle, that this is not greatness of mind, confesseth yet, that in Cleombrotus it was: who only upon reading Plato his Phoedo, killed himself; for, saith Augustine: [When no calamity urged him, no crime, either true or imputed, nothing but greatness of mind moved him, to apprehend death, and to break the sweet bands of this life.] And though he add, [That it was done rather Magne then Bene;] yet by this, that which we seek now is in Confession, that sometimes there is in this act, Greatness and Courage. Which upon the same reason which moved Aristotle, and all the rest, which is, to quench in men their natural love to it, he is loath to afford in too many cases.

For he says [That, except Lucrece, it is not easy to find any example worth the prescribing, or imitating, but Cato: Not because he only did it, but because being reputed learned and honest, men might justly think, that that was well done, and might well be done again, which he did.] Yet for all this, he is loath to ler Catoes act pass with so much approbation, For he adds, [That yet many of his learned friends thought it a weakness to let him die so.] And this he doth because when men have before them the precedent of a brave example, they contend no further, then what he did, not why.

For it is truly said, Examples do not stop, nor consist in the Degree where they begun, but grow, and no man thinks that unworthy for him, which profiteth another.] Yet, Saint Augustine though upon this reason loath to give glory to many examples, allows all greatness and praise to Regulus, of whom we spoke before: though, to my understanding there are in it many impressions of falsehood, and of ostentation, from all which Cat •… es history is delivered.

And, to end this point, whether it be always pusillanimity, Laertius says [That in Antisthenes the philosopher, videbatur firm mollius, that lying extreme sick, and Diogenes asking him, if he lacked a friend, (meaning to kill him,) and offering him also his dagger, to do it himself, the Philosopher said he desired an end of pain, but not of life.]

As therefore this fact of Rasis, may have proceeded from greatness, So is it by Lyra excused from all sin, by reasons appliable to many other. For he says, [Either to escape torment, by which probably a man might be seduced to Idolatry, or take away occasion of making them reproach God in him, a man may kill himself; For, saith he, Both these cases, Ordi •… ntur in Deum.]

And this Francis a Victoria allows as the more probable opinion.] And Sotus, and Valentia, follow Thomas his opinion herein; And Burgensis condemns it upon this presumption, That he could not do this for love of the common good, because this could not redeem his people, being already captive. So that his accusing him helps us thus much, that if by his death he could have redeemed them, he might lawfully have done it.