Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 2

No striker, nor fighter.

No striker, nor fighter: From which kind of vice, the nature of this Archbishop was so far of, as was his doctrine which he professed, and death which he suffered, far of from all condition and example of blind Popery. After the prohibition of these foresaid vices, succeedeth the mother of all good virtues necessarily required of all true Christians, but chiefly of a spiritual Prelate, which is.

Not given to filthy luker, but harberous.

Not given to filthy luker, but harberous. &c. The contrary whereof, was so odious unto S. Paul, that he esteemed the same no less then a kind of Idolatry, in that it maketh men to forget their duty to God so far, and instead of him to worship their treasure. How little this prelate we speak of, was infected with this vice, and how he was no niggard, all kind of people that know him, as well learned beyond the seas, and on this side, to whom yearly he gave in exhibition no small sums of money, as other, both Gentlemen, mean men, and poor men, who had in their necessity that which he could conveniently spare, lend, or make, can well testify. And albeit such was his liberality to all sortes of men, that no man did lack whom he could do for, either in giving or lendyng: yet nevertheless such was again his circumspection, that when he was apprehended and committed by Queen Mary to the tower, he ought no man living a penny that could or would demand any duty of him, but satisfied every man to the uttermost: where else no small sums of money were owyng to him of diverse persons, which by breaking their bills and obligations, he freely forgave and suppressed before his attainder. In so much that when he perceived the fatal end of king Edward should work to him no good success touching his body and goods, he incontinently called for his officers, his Steward and other, commandyng them in any wise to pay where any penye was owyng, which was out of hand dispatched. And thē he said: Now I thank God I am mine own man, and in conscience with God's help able else to answer all the world and worldly adversities, which some men supposeth he might also have avoided, if he would have been counseled by some of his friends. It followeth moreover.

Harberous.

And as touching this word Harberous, whereby is meant the good maintenance of hospitality, so little was this property lacking in him, that some men mislikyng the same, thought it rather a house of overmuch lauishing and unprofitable expense. But as nothing can be so well done, which by some or other shall not be maligned & detracted, so neither did this man lack his cauillers, some findyng fault with his overmuch prodigality, some on the contrary part repinyng & complaing of his spare house & strait order much under y ^e state of his revenues and calling. Of which two, the first sort must consider the causes which moved him to that liberal and large kind of expenses. Wherein here cometh to be considered, the time wherein he served: which was when reformation of religion first began to be advanced. In which time the whole weight and care of the same, most chiefly depended upon his hand. Duryng which season, almost for the space of xvi. years together, his house was never lightly unfurnished of a number both of learned men and Commissioners from time to time appointed for decidyng of ecclesiastical affairs.

And thus as he seemed to some over large and lauishyng more then needed in hospitality: so on the other side there wanted not some, of whom he was much noted and accused again, yea & also complained of to K. Henry the 8. for too slender and niggardly housekeping, as not worthy to be accounted the hospitality of a mean gentleman, as here following shall appear.

After that the ample and great possessions, revenues, iuels, rich ornaments and other treasures of the Abbeys were dissolved and brought into the kings hands, in the dissoluyng whereof many cormorantes were fed and satisfied, and yet not so fully satisfied, but that within a few years they began to wax hungry again: & for so much as no more could be scraped now out of the Abbeys: they began to seek how by some other pray to satisfy their appetites, which was to tickle the kings ears with the rich revenue of the bishops lands. And to bring this devise to pass, they procured sir Thomas Seimour knight, of the privy chamber, to be a promooter of the matter, who not in all pointes much fauouryng the Archbishop, having time and a convenient occasion, declared to the king that my Lord of Canterbury did nothing else but sell his woods, and let his Leases by great and many fines, making havoc of all the Roialties of the Archbishoprike, and that not only to the intent to gather up treasure for his wife and his children, keeping no manner of hospitality, in respect of so great a reuenew: advertising the Kyng further, that it was the opinion of many wise men, that it were more meet for the bishops to have a sufficient yearly stipend in money out of the Exchequer, then to be comhered with those temporal affairs of their Roialties, being impedimentes unto their study, and pastoral charge, and his hyghnesse to have their Lands and Royalties converted to his proper use, which besides their honest stipends, would be unto his majesty no small commodity and profit.

When the king had heard his fair tale, he said little thereunto, other then this: Well (quoth he) we will talk more of this matter another time. Now, within a fortnight after or thereabout whether by chance, or of set purpose, it is not known) it came to pass that one day his highness going to diner had washed, sir Thomas Seimor then holding the Ewer, he said to the said sir Tho. Go you out of hand to Lambeth unto my L. of Canterbury, & bid him to be with me at two of the clock at after noon and fail not. Sir Tho. straightways went to Lambeth, and as he came to the gate the Porter being in the lodge, came out and conueighed him to the Hall, which was thoroughly furnished and set, both with the household servants & strangers, with 4. principal hed messes of officers, as daily it was accustomed to be. When sir Thomas Seimor saw that stately large Hall so well set and furnished, being therewith abashed, and somewhat guilty of an untruth told to the Kyng before, he retired back, and would needs have gone to the Archbishop of Canterbury by the Chapel, and not through the Hall. Richard Neuell Gentleman, then Steward of the household, perceiving his retire, came by and by unto him, and after gentle intertaynment, demanded of him whether he would speak with my Lord or no. Sir Tho. said, that he must needs do so from the Kyngs highness, saying to him: and this way I am going to my Lord's grace. Sir, said the Steward you cannot go that way, for the door is fast shut, in the diner time: and so by gentle means brought him up to my Lord's chamber through the Hall, who then was at diner: with whom he dined after he had done his message whose ordinary fare might always well beseem a right honorable personage. When dinner was scarce done, Sir Thomas took his leave of my Lord, and went again to the Court.

So soon as the Kyngs highness saw him, he said to him: Have you been with my Lord of Canterbury? Sir Thomas answered: That I have if it please your Majesty, and he will be with your Highness strayghtwayes. Dined you not with him said the Kyng? Yes sir (said he) that have I done. And with that word, whether he espied by the Kings countenance, or by his words anything tendyng to displeasure, he straightway without delay, kneeled down upon his knee, and said: I beseech your Majesty to pardon me: I do now well remember and understand, that of late I told your highness a great untruth concerning my Lord of Canterburies house keeping: but from henceforth I intend never to believe that person which did put that vain tale into my head: For I assure your hyghnesse that I never saw so honorable a Halle set in this Realm, (besides your Majesty's Hall) in all my life, with better order, and so well furnished in eche degree, If I had not seen it myself, I could never have believed it, and himself also so honourably served.

Ah sir, quoth the Kyngs highness? Have you now espied the truth? I thought you would tell me another tale when you had been there. He was a very varlet (quoth the king) that told you that tale: for he spendeth (ah good man said the king) all that he hath in housekepyng. But now I perceive which way the wind bloweth. There are a sort of you to whom I have liberally given of the possessions and revenues of the suppressed monasteries, which like as you have lightly gotten, so have you more vnthriftily spent, some at dice, other some in gay apparel, & other ways worse I fear me: & now as all is gone you would fain have me make another cheuance with the Bishops lands, to accomplish your greedy appetites. But let no other bishops bestow their revenues worse then my L. of Cant. doth, then shall you have no cause to complain of their keeping of house.

And thus the tale being shut up, and ended by the kings highness, neither sir Tho. Seimor, nor none else on his behalf ever after durst renew, or reuine that suit anymore in K. Henries days: so that it may be evident to all indifferent men, the liberality of the Archb. in housekeping what it was, which being defended, and commended by the prince himself, rather may give a good example to his posterity to follow, then was then to be depraved of any private subject, such as knew him not.

In which Archb. this moreover is to be noted, with a memorandum touching the relief of the poor, impotent, sick, and such as then came from the wars at Boleyn, & other partes beyond the seas, lame, wounded, & destitute: for whom he provided, besides his mansion house at Beckjsborne in Kent, the Personage barn well furnished w ^t certain lodgyngs for the sick and maimed soldiers. To whom were also appointed the Almosiner, a phisitiō, and a surgeon to attend upon them, and to dress & cure such as were not able to resort to their countries, having daily from the bishops kitchen who • e broth and meat, for otherwise the common alms of the household was bestowed upon the poor neighbors of the shiere. And whē any of the impotent did recover and were able to travail, they had convenient money delivered to bear their charges, according to the number of miles from that place distant. And this good example of mercy and liberal benignity, I thought here good not in silence to be suppressed, whereby other may be moved according to their vocatiō, to walk in the steps of no less liberality, then in him in this behalf appeared.

One that loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy, and temperate.

Now followeth together these virtues, One that loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy, and temperate. As concerning these qualities, the trade of his life before joined, with his benign and gentle disposition, do testify that he could not be void of these good virtues raignyng in him, which was so abundantly adorned with the other, which above we have declared.

To cleave fast unto the true word of doctrine, that he may be able to exhort with wholesome learning, and to improve that say against it.

Then concludeth S. Paul with the most excellent virtue of all other to be wished in a Prelate of the church. For if this constancy be not in him to this ende, that is: To cleave fast unto the true word of doctrine, that he may be able to exhort with wholesome learning, and to improve that say against it: If he be void (I say) of these gyfts & graces, he is worthy of no commendation, but shall seem an Idol, and a deceyuer of the world. Neither shall he deserve the name of a Bishop, if either for dread or meed, affection or favor, he do at any time or in any point swerve from the truth. As in this behalf the worthy constancy of this said Archbishop never, for the most part, shrunk for no manner of storm: but was so many ways tried, that neither favor of his Prince, nor fear of the indignation of the same, nor any other worldly respect could alienate or change his purpose, grounded upon that infallible doctrine of the Gospel. Notwithstandyng his constant defense of God's truth, was ever joined with such meekness toward the king, that he never took occasion of offense against him.

At the time of setting forth the six Articles, mention was made before in the story of king Henry the viii. how aduenturously this Archbishop Tho. Cranmer did oppose himself, standing as it were, post alone, against the whole Parliament, disputing and replying three days together against the said Articles. In so much, that the king, when neither he could mislike his reasons, and yet would needs have these Articles to pass, required him to absent himself for the time out of the chamber, while the Acte should pass, & so he did, & how the K. afterward sent all the Lord's of the Parliament, unto the Archb. to Lambeth to cheare his mind again, that he might not be discouraged, all which appeareth above expressed. And this was done during yet the state & time of the L. Cromwell's authority. And now y ^t it may appear likewise, y ^t after the decay of the L. Cromwell, yet his constācy in Christ's cause did not decay, you shall hear what followed after.

For after the apprehension of the L. Cromwell, when the adversaries of the Gospel thought all things sure now on their side, it was so appointed amongst thē, that x. or xii. bishops, and other learned men joined together in commission, came to the said Archb. of Cant. for the establishing of certain Articles of our Religion, which the Papists then thought to win to their purpose against the said Archb. For having now the L. Cromwell fast and sure, they thought all had been safe, and sure forever: as in deed to all men's reasonable consideration, that time appeared so dangerous, that there was no manner hope that religion reformed, should any one week longer stand, such account was then made of the kings untowardness thereunto. In so much, that of all those Commissioners, there was not one left to stay on the Archbishops part, but he alone against them all, stood in defense of the truth, and those that he most trusted to, namely, B. Heath, and B. Skip left him in the plain field, who then so turned against him, that they took upon them to persuade him to their purpose: and having him down from the rest of the Commissioners, into his garden at Lambeth, there by all manner of effectual persuasions, entreated him to leave of his overmuch constancy, and to incline unto the kings intent, who was fully set to have it otherwise then he then had penned, or meant to have set abroad. Whē those two his familiars, with one or two others his friends, had used all their eloquence, and policy, he little regarding their inconstancy and remissness in God's cause or quarrel, said unto them right notably.

You make much ado to have me come to your purpose, alleging that it is the Kings pleasure to have the Articles in that sort you have devised them to proceed, and now that you do perceive his highness by sinister information, to be bent that way, you think it a convenient thing to apply unto his highness mind. You be my friends both especially the one of you I did put to his Majesty as of trust. Beware I say, what you do. There is but one truth in our Articles to be concluded upon, which if you do hide from his highness by consenting unto a contrary doctrine, and then after in process of time, when the truth cannot be hidden from him, his highness shall perceive how that you have dealt colourably with him, I know his graces nature so well (quoth the Archbishop) that he will never after trust and credit you, or put any good confidence in you. And as you are both my friends, so therefore I will you to beware thereof in time, and discharge your consciences in maintenance of the truth. But all this would not serve, for they still swerved: and in the end by dischargyng of his conscience, and declaring the truth unto the king, God so wrought with the king, that his highness joined with him against the rest, so that the book of articles passing on his side, he wan the Gole from them all, contrary to all their expectations, when many wagers would have been laid in London, that he should have ben laid up with Cromwell at that time in the tower for his stiff standing to his tackle. After that day there could neither Counselor, bishop, or papist win him out of y ^e kings favor.

Notwithstanding, not long after that, certain of the Counsaile, whose names need not to be repeated, by the enticement and provocation of his ancient enemy the Byshoppe of Winchester, and other of the same sect, attempted the Kyng against him, declaring plainly, that the Realm was so enfected with heresies and heretics, that it was dangerous for his highness, farther to permit it unreformed, least peradventure by long suffering, such contention should arise, & ensue in the realm among his subjects, that thereby might spring horrible commotions, and uproars, like as in some partes of Germany, it did not long ago: The enormity whereof they could not impute to any so much, as to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who by his own preaching, and his Chapleins had defiled the whole realm full of diverse pernicious heresies. The Kyng would needs know his accusers, They answered that forasmuch as he was a Counceller no man durst take upon him to accuse him: but if it would please his highness, to committee him to the Tower for a time, there would be accusations, and proofs enough against him, for otherwise just testimony, and witness against him would not appear, and therefore your highness (said they) must needs give us the Counsel liberty, and leave to commit him to duraunce.

The King perceiving their importunate suit against the Archbishop (but yet meaning not to have him wronged, and utterly given over unto their hands) granted unto them that they should the next day, committee him to the Tower for his trial. When night came, y ^e King sent Sir Anthony Denie about midnight, to Lambeth to the Archbishop, willing him forthwith to resort unto him at the Court. The message done, the Archbishop speedily addressed himself to the Court, and coming into the Galerie where the king walked, and tarried for him, his highness said: Ah my Lord of Canterbury, I can tell you news. For diverse weighty considerations it is determined by me, and the Counsaile, that you tomorrow at nine of the clock shall be committed to the Tower, for that you and your Chaplains (as information is given us) have taught and preached, and thereby sown within the realm such a number of execrable heresies, that it is feared, the whole realm being infected with them no small contention, and commotions will rise thereby amongst my subjects, as of late days y ^e like was in diverse partes of Germany, and therefore the Counsaile have requested me, for the trial of the matter, to suffer them to commit you to the Tower, or else no man dare come forth, as witness in these matters, you being a Counselor.

When the king had said his mind, the Archbishop kneeled down and said: I am content if it please your grace, with all my heart, to go thither at your highness commandment, and I most humbly thank your Majesty that I may come to my trial, for there be that have many ways slandered me, and now this way I hope to try myself not worthy of such report.

The king perceiving the man's uprightness, joined with such simplicity, said: Oh Lord, what manner a man be you? What simplicity is in you? I had thought y ^t you would rather have sued to us to have taken the pains to have heard you, and your accusers together for your trial, without any such indurāce. Do not you know, what state you be in with the whole world, and how many great enemies you have? Do you not consider what an easy thing it is, to procure three or four false knaves to witness against you? Think you to have better luck that way, thē your master Christ had? I see by it, you will run hedlong to your undoing, if I would suffer you. Your enemies shall not so prevail against you, for I have otherwise devised with myself to keep you out of their hands. Yet notwithstanding tomorrow when the Counsaile shall sit, and send for you, resort unto them, and if in charging you with this matter, they do commit you to the Tower, require of them, because you are one of them, a Counsailor, that you may have your accusers brought before thē without any further indurance, and use for yourself as good persuasions that way as you may devise, and if no intretie or reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto them this my ring, (which when the king delivered unto the Archbishop) and say unto them, if there be no remedy my Lord's, but that I must needs go to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you, and appeal to the kings own person by this his token unto you all, for (said the Kyng then unto the Archbishop) so soon as they shall see this my ring, they know it so well that they shall understand that I have resumed the whole cause into mine own hands and determination, and that I have discharged them thereof.

The Archbishop perceiving the Kings benignity so much to him wards, had much ado to forbear tears. Well, said the Kyng, go your ways my Lord, and do as I have bidden you. My Lord humblyng himself with thanks, took his leave of the Kynges highness for that night.

On the morrow about 9. of the clock before noon, the Counsaile sent a gentleman Usher for the Archbish. who when he came to the Counsaile chamber door, could not be let in, but of purpose (as it seemed) was compelled there to wait among the Pages, Lackies, and serving men all alone. D. Buts the Kings physician resortyng that way, & espying how my Lord of Cant. was handled, went to the Kings highness and said: My Lord of Cant. if it please your grace is well promooted: for now he is become a Lackey or a serving man, for yonder he standeth this half hour at the Counsaile chamber door amongst them. It is not so (quoth the Kyng) I trow, nor the counsel hath not so little discretion as to use the Metropolitan of the Realm in that sort, specially being one of their own mumber. But let them alone (said the King) and we shall hear more soon.

Anone the Arcchbishop was called into the Counsaile chamber, to whom was alleged, as before is rehearsed. The Archb. answered in like sort, as the king had advised him: and in the ende when he perceived that no manner of persuasion or entreaty could serve, he delivered thē the Kings ring, revoking his cause into the kings hands. The whole Counsaile being thereat somewhat amazed, the Earl of Bedford with a loud voice confirmyng his words with a solemn oath, said: when you first began the matter my Lord's, I told you what would come of it. Do you think that the king will suffer this man's finger to ache? Much more (I warrant you) will he defend his lie • e against brabling varlets. You do but comber yourselves to hear tales & fables against him. And so incontinently upon the receipt of the kings token, they all rose, and carried to the king his ring, surrenderyng that matter as the order and use was, into his own hands.

When they were all come to the kings presence, his highness with a severe countenance, said unto them: Ah my Lord's, I thought I had had wiser men of my counsel then now I find you. What discretion was this in you, thus to make the Primate of the realm, & one of you in office, to wait at the counsel chamber door amongst serving men? You might have considered that he was a counselor as well as you, and you had no such commission of me so to handle him. I was content that you should try him as a Counselor, and not as a mean subject. But now I well perceive that things be done against him maliciously, & if some of you might have had your minds, you would have tried him to the uttermost. But I do you all to wit, and protest, that if a Prince may be beholding unto his subject (and so solemnly laying his hand upon his breast) said: by the faith I owe to God. I take this man here my L. of Canterbury, to be of all other a most faithful subject unto us, and one to whom we are much beholding, giving him great commendations otherwise. And with that one or two of the chiefest of the Counsaile, making their excuse, declared, that in requesting his induraunce, it was rather meant for his trial, and his purgation against the common fame, and slander of the world, then for any malice conceived against him. Well, well my Lord's, quoth the king, take him and well use him, as he is worthy to be, and make no more ado. And with that every man caught him by the hand, and made fair weather of altogethers, which might easily be done with that man.

And it was much to be meruailed, that they would go so far with him, thus to seek his undoing, this well understanding before, that the king most entirely loved him and always would stand in his defense whosoever spake against him: as many other times the Kynges patience was by sinister informations against him tried. In so much that the Lord Cromwell was evermore wont to say unto him: My Lord of Canterbury, you are most happy of all men: for you may do and speak what you list, and say what all men can against you, the king will never believe one word to your detriment or hindrance. I am sure I take more pains then all the counsel doth, and spend more largely in the Kings affairs, as well beyond the seas as on this side: yea I assure you, even very spies in other foreign Realms, and at Rome else where, costeth me above one 1000. marks a year: and do what I can to bring matters to knowledge, for the commodity of the King and the Realm, I am every day chidden, and many false tales now and then believed against me: and therefore you are most happy, for in no point can you be discredited with the king. To this the Archbishop again answering, If the kings Majesty were not good to me that way, I were not able to stand and endure one whole week, but your wisdom and policy is such, that you are able to shift well enough for yourself.

Now when the kings highness had thus benignly & mercifully dispatched the said Archbishop from this sore accusation by the Counsaile laid against him, all wise mē would have thought that it had been mere follye afterwards to have attempted any matter against him: but yet look where malice reigneth, there neither reason nor honesty can take place. Such therefore as had conceived deep rancor and displeasure against him, ceased not to persecute him by all possible means. Then brought they against him a new kind of accusation, and caused sir John Gostwike knight, a man of a contrary religion, to accuse the Archb. openly in the Parliament house, laying to his charge his sermons preched at Sandwich, & his Lectures red at Canterbury, wherein should be contained manifest heresies against the Sacrament of the alter, &c. Which accusation came to the kings ear. Why (quoth the king) where dwelleth Gostwike? As I take it, either in Bedfordshire or Buckinghamshire, and hath he so opē an ear that he can hear my L. of Cant. preaching out of Kent? This is very like said the king. If he had been a Kentishman, there had been some thing worthy of consideration: but as for Gostwike, I know him well enough, and what good religion he is of. Go to him and tell him, said the king to one of his privy chamber, if he go not to my L. of Cant. and so reconcile himself to him that he may become his good Lord, I will pull the Goslings feathers so, that hereafter he shall have little lust to slander the Metropolitan, or any other learned man. When sir I. Gostwike heard these words, it was no need to bid him hast himself to Lambeth unto the Metropolitan making to him as many friends as possible he might. When he came to the Archb. he was fain to disclose unto him, by what means he was procured to do that he did, requestyng his clemency to be his good lord, or else he took him self utterly undone, being so in the kings indignation, as he understood he was by that afore declared, which suit was soon won at his hand: and so the Archb. casting into the satchell behind him all those sir John Gostwikes ingratitudes, went to the king, and wan to sir John his princes favor again. And thus the king made a short end of this accusation.

Well, here you may perceive that malicious invention, went not the wisest way to work, to procure a stranger dwelling a far of, to accuse the Archbishop of his doctrine preached in his Diocese: and therefore hath blind malice learned some more wisdom now, to accuse the Archbishop in such sort as he shall never be able to avoid it. And therefore it was procured by his ancient enemies, that not only the Prebendaries of his Cathedral Church in Canterbury, but also the moste famous Justices of Peace in the Shire should accuse him, and Article against him: which in very deed was most substantially brought to pass, and the Articles both well written and subscribed, were delivered to the kings highness, as a thing of such effect, that there must needs follow to the said Archbishop both indignation of the prince, and condign punishment for his grievous offense committed by him and his chaplaines, in preaching such erroneous doctrine, as they did within his Diocese of Cant. whereof they being such witness of credit, no man had cause to doubt of their circumspect doings. This accusation articularly sent out, was delivered to the Kyng by some of the Counsels means. When the king had perused the book, he wrapped it up, and put it into his sleeve: and findyng occasion to solace himself upon the Thames, came with his Barge furnished with his Musitions, a long by Lambeth bridge towards Chelsey. The noise of the Musitions provoked the Archb. to resort to the bridge to do his duty, and to salute his prince. Whome when the king had perceived to stand at the bridge, eftsoons he commanded the Watermen to draw towards the shore, and so came strait to the Bridge.

Ah my Chaplain, said the king to the Archb. Come into the barge to me. The Archb. declared to his highness, that he would take his own barge and wait upon his majesty. No said the king, you must come into my barge for I have to talk with you. When the king & the Archbishop all alone in the barge were set together, said the king to the Archb. I have news out of Kent for you my Lord. The Archb. answered, Good I hope if it please your highness. Marry said the king they be so good, that I now know the greatest heretic in Kent, and with that pulled out of his sleeve the book of Articles against both the said Archb. and his preachers, and gave the book to him, willing him to peruse the same. When the Archb. had red the Articles, and saw himself so vncurteously handled of his own church, whereof he was head, I mean of the Prebendaries of his Cathedral Church, and of such his neighbors as he had many ways gratified, I mean the Justices of the Peace, it much grieved him. Notwithstāding he kneeled down to the king, and besought his Majesty to grant out a Commission to whomsoever it plesed his highness, for them to try out the truth of this accusation. In very deed (said the king) I do so mean, and you yourself shall be chief Commissioner, to adjoin to you such two or three more as you shall think good yourself. Then it will be thought (quoth the Archb. to the king) that it is not indifferent if it please your grace) y ^t I should be mine own judge, and my Chaplains also. Well, said the king, I will have none other but yourself, & such as you will appoint. For I am sure that you will not halt w ^t me in any thing, although you be driven to accuse yourself, and I know partly how this gear proceedeth, and if you handle the matter wisely, you shall find a pretty conspiracy devised against you. Whome will you have with you said the king? Whome it shall please your grace to name (quoth the Archb.) I will appoint Doc. Belhouse for one, name you the other, said the king, meet for that purpose. My Chancellor D. Coxe, and Hussey my Register said the Archb. are men expert to examine such troublesome matters. Well, said the king, let there be a Commission made forth, and out of hand get you into Kent, & advertise me of your doings.

They came into Kent, and there they sat above three weeks to bult out who was the first occasion of this accusation, for thereof the king would chiefly be advertised. Now the Inquisition being begun by the Commissioners, every man shrunk in his horns, and no mā would confess any thing to the purpose. For D. Coxe and Hussey, being friendly unto the Papists, handled the matter so, that they would permit nothing material to come to sight. This thing being well perceived by one of the Archbishops servants his Secretary, he wrote incontinently unto Doct. Buttes and Master Deny, declaring that if the Kynges Majesty did not send some other to assist my Lord, then those that then were there with him, it were not possible that anything should come to light: and therefore wished that Doct. Lee or some other stout man that had been exercised in the Kings Ecclesiastical affairs in his visitations, might be sent to the Archbishop. Upon these letters Doct. Lee was sent for to yorke by the King, and having the kings farther mind declared unto him, when he came to the Court, he resorted incontinently into Kent, so that on Alhallow even, he delivered to the Archbishop the kings Ring, with a declaration of his highness farther pleasure: and by and by upon his message done, he appointed the Archbishop aforesaid to name him a dosen or xvi. of his Officers and gentlemen, such as had both discretion, wit, and audacity: to whom he gave in Commission from the King, to search both the purses, Chestes, and chambers, of all those that were deemed or suspected to be of this confederacy both within the Cathedral church and without, and such letters or writings as they could find about them, to bring them to the Archbishop and him.

These men thus appointed, went in one hour and instant, to the persons, houses, and places, that they were appointed unto: and within four hours afterwards the whole conspiracy was disclosed by finding of letters, some from the Bishop of Winchester, some from D. London at Oxford, and from Justices of the Shiere, with other: so that the first beginning, the proceeding, and what should have been the ende of their conspiracy, was now made manifest. Certain chambers and Chests of Gentlemen of the shiere were also searched, where also were found letters serving to this purpose. Amongst all other, came to my Lord's hands two letters, one of the Suffragan of Dover, and another of Doct. Barbar a Ciuilian, whom continually the Archbishop retained with him in household for expedition of matters in suit before him, as a counselor in the Law when need required. These two men being well promoted by the Archbishop, he used ever in such familiarity, that when the Suffragan being a prebend of Canterbury, came to him, he always set him at his own mess, and the other never from his table, as men in whom he had much delight and comfort, when time of care and pensiuenes chanced. But that which they did, was altogether counterfeit, and the Devil was turned into the Angel of light, for they both were of this confederacy.

When my Lord had gotten these their letters into his hands, he on a day, when it chanced the Suffragan to come to him to his house at Bekisburne, called to him into his study the said Suffragan of Dover and D. Barbar, saying: come your ways with me, for I must have your advise in a matter. When they were with him in his study all togethers, he said to them, you twain be men in whom I have had much confidence and trust: you must now give me some good counsel, for I am shamfully abused with one or twain to whom I have shown all my secretes from time to time, and did trust them as myself. The matter is so now fallen out that they not only have disclosed my secretes, but also have taken upon them to accuse me of heresy and are become witness against me. I require you therefore of your good advice how I shall behave myself towards them. You are both my friends, and such as I always have used when I needed counsel. What say you to the matter, quoth the Archbishop?

Mary, quoth Doct. Barbar, such vilens and knaves, (saving your honor) were worthy to be hanged out of hand without any other law. Hanging were to good, quoth the Suffragan, and if there lacked one to do execution. I would be hangman myself.

At these words, the Archbishop cast up his hands to heaven, and said: Oh Lord most merciful God, whom may a man trust nowadays? It is most true which is said: Maledictus qui confidit in homine, & ponit carnem brachium suum. There was never man handled as I am: but oh Lord thou hast evermore defended me, and lent me one great friend and master (meaning the king) without whose protection I wer not able to stand upright one day vnouerthrowen, I praise thy holy name therefore: and with that he pulled out of his bosom their two letters, & said: Know ye these letters my masters? With that they fell down upon their knees, and desired forgiveness, declaring how they a year before were attempted to do the same, and so very lamentably weeping and bewailyng their doings, besought his grace to pardon and forgive them. Well, said the gentle Archbishop, God make you both good men. I never deserved this at your hands: but ask God forgiveness, against whom you have highly offended. If such men as you are not to be trusted, what should I do alive? I perceive now that there is no fidelity or truth amongst men. I am brought to this point now, that I fear my left hand will accuse my right hand. I need not much marvel hereat, for our Savior Christ truly prophesied of such a world to come in the latter dais. I beseech him of his great mercy to finish that time shortly, and so departing, he dismissed them both with gentle and comfortable words, in such sort that never after appeared in his countenance or words any remembrance thereof.

Now, when all those letters and accusations were found, they were put into a chest, the kings Majesty minding to have perused some of them, and to have partly punished the principals of it. The chest and writings were brought to Lambeth. At what time began the Parliament, Lord what ado there was to procure the king a subsidy, to the intent that thereupon might ensue a pardon, which in deed followed, and so nothing was done, other then their falsshood known. This was the last push of the pike that was inferred against the said Archb. in king Henry the 8. his days: for never after durst any man move matter against him in his time.

And thus have ye both the working and disclosing of this popish conspiracy against this worthy Archbishop & Martyr of Christ Thomas Cranmer. In the which conspiracy, for so much as complaint was also made unto the king of his chaplaines and good preachers in Kent, it shall not be out of the story something likewise to touch thereof, especially of Richard Turner then preacher the same time in this Archbishops Diocese, and Curate to master Morice the Archbishops Secretary, in the town of Chartham, by whose diligent preaching a great part of this hartburning of the Papists toke his first kindling against the Archbishop. Touching the description of which story, because by me nothing shall be said either more or less, then is the truth, ye shall hear the very certeinty thereof truly compiled in a letter sent the same time to Doct. Buttes and Sir Anth. Deny, to be shown unto the king, and so it was, written by the foresaid M. Moryce Secretary then to the Archbishop farmour of the same benefice of Chartham, and patron to M. Turner there minister and Preacher aforesaid.

A Letter or Apology of M. Morice, sent to Sir Will. Buttes, and Sir Anthony Denny, defending the cause of M. Richard Turner preacher, against the Papists.

And thus much containeth the letter sent (as is said) by M. Morice to Doctor Buttes and Syr Anthony Denye. Now, what success and speed this letter had, it followeth to be declared. For Doctor Buttes the kings Physician aforesaid, after the receipte of these letters, considering the weighty contents of the same, as he was ever a forward friend in the Gospels cause, so he thought not to fors • acke this matter to the uttermost of his diligence, and so spying his time, whē the king was in trimming and in washing (as his manner was at certain times to call for his Barbar) Doctor Buttes (whose manner was at such times ever to be present, and with some pleasant conceits to refresh and solace the kings mind) brought with him in his hand this Letter. The king asking what news, Doctor Buttes pleasantly and merely beginneth to insinuate unto the king the effect of the matter, and so at the kings commandment read out the letter: which when the king had heard, and paused a little with himself upon the same, commanded again the letter to be read unto him. The hearing and consideration whereof so altered the kings mind, that whereas before he commanded the said Turner to be whipped out of the country, he now commanded him to be retained as a faithful Subject. And here of that matter an end. Let us now return to the Archbishop again.

Who although he was compassed about (as is said) with mighty enemies, and by many crafty trains impugned, yet through God's more mighty providence, working in the kings heart so to favor him, he rubbed out all Kyng Henryes time without blemishe or foil by means of the kings supportation, who not only defended the said archbishop against all his conspired adversaries, but also extended such special favor unto him in such sort, that he being not ignorant of his wife, whō he had married before at Noremberge (being Niece to the wife of Osiander) keeping her also all the six Articles time contrary to the law, notwithstanding he both permitted the same, and kept his counsel.

Then after the death of Kyng Henry, immediatelye succeeded his son K. Edward, under whose government and protection the state of this Archbishop, being his Godfather, was nothing appayred, but rather more advanced.

During all this mean time of king Henry aforesaid, until the entering of king Edward, it seemeth that Cranmer was scarcely yet thoroughly persuaded in y ^e right knowledge of the Sacrament, or at least, was not yet fully rypened in the same: wherein shortly after he being more groūdly confirmed by conference with Bishop Ridley, in process of time did so profit in more ryper knowledge, that at last he took upon him the defense of that whole doctrine, that is, to refute and throw down first the corporal presence: secondly the fantastical Transubstantiation: Thirdly the Idolatrous adoration: Fourthlye the false error of the Papists, that wicked men do eat the natural body of Christ: and lastly the blasphemous sacrifice of the Mass. Whereupon in conclusion he wrote five books for the public instruction of the Church of England, which instruction yet to this day standeth and is received in this Church of England.

Agaynste these five books of the Archbishop, Stephen Gardener, the archenemy to Christ and his Gospel, being then in the Tower, slubbereth up a certain answer such as it was, which he in open Court exhibited up at Lambeth being there examined by the Archbishop aforesaid & other the kings Commissioners in king Edward's days, which book was entitled: An Explication and assertion of the true Catholic faith, touching the blessed Sacrament of the alter, with a confutation of a book written against the same.

Agaynste this Explication, or rather a cavilling Sophistication of Stephen Gardener Doctor of law, y ^e Archbishop of Canterbury learnedlye and copiously replying again, maketh answer, which also he published abroad to the eyes and judgments of all men in print. All which writings and books, as well of the one part as of the other, our present story would require here to be inferred: but because to prosecute the whole matter at length will not be comprehended in a small room, and may make to long taryaunce in our story, it shall therefore be best to put of the same unto the place of the Apendix following, wherein (the Lord willing) we intend to close up both these, and other diverse treatises of these learned Martyrs, as to this our story shall appertain.

The unquiet spirit of Stephen Gardener being not yet contented, after all this thrusteth out another book in Latin of the like Popish Argument, but after another title, named Marcus Anthonius Constantius. Whereunto first the Archbishop again intending a full confutation, had already absolved three partes of his answer lying in prison. Of the which partes, two perished in Oxford: the other yet remaineth in my hands ready to be seen and set forth, as the Lord shall see good. Also Bishop Ridley lying likewise the same time in prison, having there the said book of Marcus Antonius, for lack of pen and paper, with a lead of a window in the margent of the book wrote annotations, as strayghtnesse of time would serve him, in refutation of the same book. And finally because those worthy Martyrs had neither liberty nor leisure to go through with that travail, that which lacked in them, for accomplishment of that behalf, was supplied shortly after by Peter Martyr, who abundantly and substantially hath overthrown that book in his learned Desension of the truth, against the false Sophistication of Marcus Antonius aforesaid.

Besides these books above recited, of this archbishop diverse other things there were also of his doing, as the book of the reformation, the Catechism, with the book of Homilies, whereof part was by him contrived, parte by his procurement approved and published. Whereunto also may be adjoined another writing or confutation of his against 88. Articles by the convocation devised and propounded, but yet not ratified nor received, in the reign & time of king Henry the eight.

And thus much hitherto concerning the doings and trauelles of this Archbishop of Canterbury duringe the lives both of king Henry, and of king Edward his son. Which two kings so long as they continued, this Archbishop lacked no stay of maynteinaunce against all his maligners.

Afterward this king Edward Prince of most worthy towardness falling sick, when he perceived that his death was at hand, and the force of his painful disease would not suffer him to live longer, and knowing that his sister Mary was wholly wedded to popish Religion, bequeathed the succession of this Realm to the Lady Jane (a Lady of great birth, but of greater learning, being Niece to king Henry the eight by his sister) by consent of all the Council and lawyers of this realm. To this testament of the kings, when all the Nobles of the Realm, states and Judges had subscribed: they sent for the Archbishop, and required him that he also would subscribe. But he excusing himself on this manner, said: that it was other wise in the testament of king Henry his father, and that he had sworn to the successiō of Mary as then the next heir, by which oth he was so bound, that without manifest perjury he could not go from it. The Council answered, that they were not ignorant of that, and that they had consciences as well as he, and moreover that they were sworn to that testament, and therefore he should not think there was any danger therein, or that he should be in no more peril of perjury then the rest.

To this the Archbishop answered, that he was judge of no man's conscience but his own: and therefore as he would not be prejudicial to others, so he would not commit his conscience unto other men's facts, or cast himself to danger, seeing that every man should give account of his own conscience and not of other men's. And as concerning subscription, before he had spoken with the king himself, he utterly refused to do it.

The king therefore being demanded of the Archbyshop concerning this matter, said: that the Nobles and Lawyers of the Realm counseled him unto it, and persuaded him that the bond of the first testament could nothing let, but that this Lady Jane might succeed him as heir, and the people without danger acknowledge her as their Queen. Who then demaūding leave of the king, that he might first talk with certain Lawye • s that were in the Court, when they all agreed that by law of the realm it might be so, returning to the king, with much ado, he subscribed.

Well, not long after this, king Edward died, being almost sixtene years old, to the great sorrow, but greater calamity of the whole Realm. After whose decease immediatelye it was commanded that the Lady Jane which was unwilling thereunto, should be proclaimed Queen. Which thing much misliked the common people: not that they did so much favor Mary, before whom they saw the Lady Jane preferred, as for the hatred conceived against some, whom they could not favor. Besides this, other causes there happened also of discord between the nobles and the commons the same time, for what iniuryes of commons and enclosures wrongfully holden, with other inordinate polinges & uncharitable dealing between the landlordes and tenauntes, I cannot tell. But in fine, thus the matter fell out, that Mary hearing of the death of her brother, and shifting for her self, was so assisted by the Commons, that eftsoons she prevailed. Who being established in the possession of the realm, not long after came to London, and after she had caused first the two Fathers, the Duke of Northumberland and the Duke of Suffolk to be executed (as is above remembered) likewise she caused the Lady Jane being both in age tender and innocent frō this crime, after she could by no means be turned frō the constancy of her faith, together with her husband to be beheaded.

The rest of the nobles paying fines, were forgiven, the Archbishop of Cant. only excepted. Who though he desired pardon by means of friends, could obtain none: in so much that the Queen would not once vouchsafe to see him: For as yet the old grudges against the Archbishop for the deuorcemēt of her mother, remained hid in the bottom of her heart. Besides this divorce, she remembered the state of religion changed: all which was reputed to the Archbishop, as the chief cause thereof.

While these things were in doing, a rumor was in all men's mouths, that the Archbishop, to curry favor with the Queen, had promised to say a Dirige Mass after y ^e old custom, for the funeral of king Edward her brother. Neither wanted there some which reported that he had already said Mass at Canterbury: which Mass in deed was said by D. Thornton. This rumour Cranmer thynkyng speedily to stay, gave forth a writing in his purgation: the tenor whereof being before expressed, I need not here again to recite.

This bill being thus written, and lying openly in a window in his chamber, cometh in by chance M. Scory, Bishop then of Rochester, who after he had read & pervsed the same, required of the Archbishop to have a Copy of the bill. The Archbishop when he had granted and permitted the same to M. Scory, by the occasion thereof M. Scory lending it to some freēd of his, there were diverse copyes taken out thereof, and the thing published abroad among the common people: in so much that every scriueners shop almost, was occupied in writing and copying out the same, and so at length some of these copies coming to the Bishops hands, and so brought to the Counsel, and they sending it to the Commissioners, the matter was known, and so he commanded to appear.

Wherupon D. Cranmer at his day prefixed, appeared before the said Commissioners, bringing a true Inventory, as he was commanded, of all his goods. That done, a Bishop of the Queens privy counsel, being one of y ^e said Commissioners, after the Inventory was received, bringing in mention of the bill: My Lord (said he) there is a bill put forth in your name, wherein you seem to be aggrieved with setting up the Mass again: we doubt not but you are sory that it is gone abroad.

To whom the Archbishop answered again, saying: as I do not deny myself to be the very author of that bill or letter, so much I confess here unto you, concerning the same bill, that I am sory that the said bill went from me in such sort as it did. For when I had written it, M. Scorye got the copy of me, and is now come abroad, and as I understand, the City is full of it. For which I am sory, that it so passed my hands: for I had intended otherwise to have made it in a more large and ample manner, and minded to have set it on Paul's Church door, and on the doors of all the Churches in London, which mine own seal joined thereto.

At which words when they saw the constantnesse of the man, they dismissed him, affirming they had no more at that present to say unto him, but that shortly he should hear further. The said Bishop declared afterward to one of Doctor Cranmer's friends, that notwithstanding his atteinder of treason, the Queens determination at that time was, that Cranmer should only have been deprived of his Archbishopric, and have had a sufficient living assigned him, upon his exhibiting of a true Inventory, with commandment to keep his house without meddling in matters of Religion. But how that was true, I have not to say. This is certain, that not long after this, he was sent unto the Tower, and soon after condemned of Treason. Notwithstanding, the Queen when she could not honestly deny him his pardon, seeing all the rest were discharged, and specially seeing he last of all other subscribed to Kyng Edward's request, and that against his own will, released to him his action of Treason, and accused him only of heresy: which liked the Archbishop right well, and came to pass as he wished, because the cause was not now his own, but Christ's, not the Queens, but the churches. Thus stood the cause of Cranmer, till at length it was determined by the Queen and the Council, that he should be removed from the Tower where he was prisoner, to Oxford, there to dispute with the Doctors and Divines. And privily word was sent before to them of Oxford to prepare themselves, and make them ready to dispute. And although the Queen and the bishops had concluded before what should become of him, yet it pleased them that the matter should be debated with arguments, that under some honest show of disputation, the murder of the man might be covered. Neither could their hasty speed of reuengemēt abide any long delay: and therefore in all hast he was carried to Oxford.

What this disputation was, and how it was handled, what were the questions, and reasons on both sides, and also touching his condemnation by the Uniuersitye and the Prolocutour, because sufficiently it hath been declared we mind now therefore to proceed to his final judgment and order of condemnation, which was the xii. day of September an. 1556. and seven days before the condemnation of Bishoppe Ridley and Mayster Latimer, as is above foretouched. The story whereof here followeth, faythfullye collected by the report and narration (coming by chance to our hands) of one who being both present thereat, and also a devout Fauourer of the Sea and faction of Rome can lack no credit (I trow) with such, which seek what they can to discredit what so ever maketh not with their phantasied Religion of Rome.

After the disputations done and finished in Oxford between the Doctors of both Uniuersityes & the three worthy Bishops D. Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, he heard then howe sentence condemnatory immediatlye upon the same was ministered against them by D. Weston & other of the Uniuersitye: whereby they were judged to be heretics, & so committed to the Major and Sheriffs of Oxford. But forasmuch as the sentence givē them, was void in law (for at that time the authority of the Pope was not yet received into the land) therefore was a new commission sent from Rome, and a new process framed for the cōuiction of these reverend and godly learned mē aforesaid. In which commission first was Doct. James Brookes Bishop of Gloucester the Popes Subdelegate, w ^t D. Martin and D. Story Commissioners in the king & queenes behalf, for the execution of the same. Of the which 3 Commissioners above named, as touching D. Martin, this by the way is to be understand, that although he was used for an instrument of the Popes side, to serve a turn (whose book also is extant against the lawful marriage of Priests) yet notwithstanding neither was he so bitter an enemy in this persecution, as other Commissioners were, and also in this time of Queen Elizabeth, were diverse other Doctors of the Arches refused to be sworn against the Pope, he denied not the oath: and yet notwithstanding not a together here to be excused. But to the purpose of this story. Wherof first it shall be requisite to declare the circumstance, and the whole state of the matter, as in a general description, before we come to their Orations, according as in a percell of a certain letter touching the same, it came to our hands.

In primis, here is to be understand, that the coming down of the foresaid Commissioners, which was upon Thursday, the xii. of September, an. 1555. in the church of S. Mary, and in the East end of the said church at the hie alter, was erected a solemn Scaffold for bishop Brokes aforesaid, representing the Popes person, ten foot high. The seat was made that he might sit under the Sacrament of the alter. And on the righte hand of the Popes Delegate beneath him sat Doctor Martin, and on the left hand sat Doctor Story the king and Queens Commissioners, which were both Doctors of the Civil law, and vnderneth them other Doctors, Scribes and Pharisees also, with the Popes Collectour and a rablement of such other like.

And thus these Bishops being placed in their Pontificalibus, y ^e B. of Canterbury was sent for to come before thē. He having intelligence of them that were there, thus ordered himself. He came forth of the prison to the church of S. Mary, set forth with bills and gleues for fear least he should starte away, being clothed in a fair black gown, with his hoode on both shoulders, such as Doctors of Divinity in the Uniuersity use to wear. Who after he was come into the Church, and did see them sit in their Pontificalibus, he did not put of his cap to none of them, but stood still till that he was called. And anon one of the Proctors for the Pope, or else his Doctor, called Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, appear here and make answer to that shall be laid to thy charge: that is to say, for blasphemy, incontinency, and heresy: and make answer here to the Bishop of Gloucester representing the Popes person.

Upon this he being brought more near unto the scaffold, where the foresaid Bishops sat, he first well viewed the place of judgment, & spying where the king & queenes majesties Proctors were, putting of his cap, he first humbly bowing his knee to the ground, made reverence to the one, and after to the other.

That done, beholding the bishop in the face, he put on his bonet again, making no manner of token of obedience towards him at all. Whereat the Bishop being offended, said unto him, that it might beseem him right well, weighing the authority he did represēt, to do his duty unto him. Wherunto Doctor Cranmer answered and said, that he had once taken a solemn oath, never to consent to the admitting of the bishop of Rome's authority into this realm of England again, and that he had done it advisedly, and meant by God's grace to keep it, and therefore would commit nothing either by sign or token, which might argue his consent to the receiving of the same, and so he desired the said Bishop to judge of him, and that he did it not for any contempt to his person, which he could have been content to have honored as well as any of the other, if his commission had come from as good authority as theirs. Thys answered he both modestly, wisely, and patiently, with his cap on his head, not once bowing or making any reverence to him that represented the Popes person, which was wonderouslye of the people marked, that was there present and saw it, and marked it as nye as could be possible.

*The Oration of D. Brokes Bishop of Gloucester unto D. Cranmer Archb. of Caunt. in the church of S. Mary at Oxford. Anno. 1556. March. 12.

WHen after many means used, they perceived that the Archbishop would not move his bonet, the Bishop proceeded in these words following.

My Lord, at this present we are come to you as Commissioners, and for you, not intruding our selves by our own authority, but sent by Commission, partly from the Popes holiness, partly from the king and Queens moste excellent Majesty's, not to your utter discomfort, but to your comfort, if you will yourself. We come not to judge you, but to put you in remembrance of that you have been, & shall be. Neither come we to dispute with you, but to examine you in certain matters: which being done, to make relation thereof, to him that hath power to judge you. The first being well taken, shall make the second to be well taken. For if you of your part, be moved to come to a conformity, then shall not only we of our side take joy of our examination, but also they that have sent us.

And first, as charity doth move us, I would think good, somewhat to exhort you, and that by the second chapiter of S. John in the Apoc. Memor esto vnde excideris, & age poenitentiam, & prima opera fac. Sin minus. i. Remember from whence thou art fallen, and do the first works. Or if not, and so as ye know what followeth. Remember yourself from whence you have fallen. You have fallen from the Universal and Catholic Church of Christ, from the very true and received faith of all Christendom, and that by open heresy. You have fallen from your promise to God, from your fidelitye and allegeaunce, and that by open preaching, marriage, and adultery. You have fallen from your sovereign prince and Queen by open treason. Remember therefore from whence you are fallen. Your fall is great, the danger cannot be seen. Wherefore when I say, remember from whence you have fallen, I put you in mind not only of your fall, but also of the state you were in before your fall. You were sometime as land other poor men, in a mean estate. God I take to witness I speak it to no reproach or abasement of you, but to put you in memory, how god hath called you from a low to an high degree, from one degree to another, from better to better, & never gave you over, till he had appointed you Legatum natum, Metropolitanum Angliae, Pastorem gregis sui. Such great trust did he put you in, in his Church. What could he do more? for even as he ordained Moses to be a ruler over his Church of Israel, and gave him full authority upon the same: so did he make you over his Church of England. And when did he this for you? forsooth when you gave no occasion or cause of mistruste either to him, or to his Magistrates. For although it be conjectured, that in all your time, ye were not upright in the honor and faith of Christ, but rather set up of purpose as a fit instrument, whereby the Church might be spoiled, and brought into ruin, yet may it appear by many your doings otherwise, and I for my part, as it behooveth ech one of us shall think the best. For who was thought as then more devout? who was more religious in the face of the world? Who was thought to have more conscience of a vow making, and observing the order of the Church, more earnest in the defense of the real presence of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the alter then ye were? and then all things prospered with you: your Prince favored you, yea, God himself favored you: your candlestick was set up in the highest place of the Church, and the light of your candle was over all the Church. I would God it had so continued still.

But after you began to fall by Schism, and would not acknowledge the Popes holiness as supreme head: but would stoutly uphold the unlawful requests of king Henry the 8. & would bear with that should not be borne withal, then began you to fancy unlawful liberty, and when you had exiled good conscience, then ensued a great shipwreck in the Sea, which was out of the true and Catholic Church, cast into the sea of desperation, for as he saith, Extra Ecclesiam non est salus. When you had forsaken GOD, God forsook you, and gave you over to your own will, and suffered you to fall from Schism to Apostasy, frō Apostasy to heresy, from heresy to perjury, from perjury to treason, and so in conclusion, into the full indignation of our sovereign prince which you may think a just punishment of god, for your other abhominable opinions.

After that, ye fell lower and lower, & now to the lowest degree of all, to the end of honor & life. For if the light of your candle be as it hath been hitherto duskey, your candlestick is like to be removed, & have a great fall, so low and so far out of knowledge, that it shall be quite out of God's favor, and past all hope of recovery: Quia in inferno nulla est redemptio. The danger where of being so great, very pity causeth me to say: Memor esto vnde excideris. I add also, and whether you fall.

But here peradventure you will say to me: what sir, my fall is not so great as you make it. I have not yet fallen from the catholic Church. For that is not the Catholic Church, that the Pope is head of. There is another Church. But as touching that, I answer: you are sure of that as the Donatists were, for they said that they had the true Church, and that the name of the true Christians remained only in Aphricke, where only their seditious sect was preached, and as you think, so thought Novatus, that all they that did acknowledge their supreme head at the Sea of Rome▪ were out of the Church of Christ. But here saint Cyprian defending Cornelius against Novatus, Libro secundo, Epistola Sexta, saith on this wise? Ecclesia vna est, quae cum sit vna intus & foris esse non potest. So that if Novatus were in the true Church: then was not Cornelius, who in deed by lawful succession, succeeded Pope Fabian. Here S. Cyprian intendeth by the whole process to prove, and concludeth thereupon, that the true Church was only Rome. Gather you then what will follow of your fall. But you will say peradventure, that ye fell not by heresy, and so said the Arians, alleging for themselves that they had scripture, and going about to persuade their schism by Scripture, for in deed they had more places by two & forty, which by their torture seemed to depend upon Scripture, thē the Catholics had.

So did the Martians provoke their heresy to Scripture. But those are no Scriptures, for they are not truly alleged, nor truly interpreted, but untruly wrested and wrong, according to their own fantasies. And therefore were they all justly condemned, for their wrong taking of the Scriptures: and the Church replieth against them, saying: Qui estis vos? quando? quid agitis in meo non Mei? The Church saith, what make you here in my heritage? From whence came you? The Scripture is my inheritage. I am right heir thereof. I hold it by true succession of the Apostles, for as the Apostles required me to hold, so do I hold it. The Apostles have received me, and put me in my right, and have rejected you as bastards, having no title thereunto.

Also ye will deny that you have fallen by Apostasy, by breaking your vow, & so Vigilantius said, in so much that he would admit none to his ministry, but those that had their wives bagged with children. What now? Shall we say that Vigilantius did not fall therefore? Did not Donatus, and Novatus fall because they said so, and brought Scripture for theyt defense? Then let us believe as we list, pretending well, and say so: nay, there is no man so blind that will say so. For except the Church which condemneth them for their say so, do approve us for to do so, then will she condemn you also. So that your denial will not stand. And therefore I tell you, remember from whence you have fallen, and howe low ye shall fall, if you hold on as you do begin. But I trust you will not continue, but to revoke yourself in time, and the remedy followeth·

Age poenitentiam & prima opera fac, for by such means as ye have fallen, ye must rise again. First, your heart hath fallen, then your tongue, and your pen, and besides your own damage hath caused many more to fall. Therefore, first your heart must turn, and then shall the tongue and the pen be quickly turned: Sin minus, veniam tibi cito, & mouebo Candelabrum tuum de loco suo.

I need not to teache you a method to turn: you know the ready way yourself. But I would God I could but exhort you to the right and truth, then the way should soon be found out. For if ye remember howe many he have brought by abhominable heresy, into the way of perdition, I doubt not but very conscience would move you, as much for them, as for yourself to come again. And so would you spare neither tongue nor pen, if heart were once reformed: for as touching that point, the holy Ghost toucheth their hearts very near, by the mouth of his holy Prophet Ezekiel, when he requireth the blood of his flock at the Priests hands, for lack of good and wholesome food: how much more should this touch your guilty heart, having overmuch diligence to teach them the way of perdition, and feeding them with baggage and corrupt food, which is heresy. Qui conuertere fecerit peccatorem ab error vitae suae, saluam faciet animam suam a morte, & operiet multitudinem peccatorum suorum. He that shall convert a sinner from his wicked life, shall save his soul from death, and shall cover the multitude of sins. So that if it be true that he, who converteth a Synner saveth a soul, then the contrary must needs be true, that he that perverteth a soul, and teacheth him the way of perdition must needs be damned.

Origen's super Paulū ad Romanos: The damnation of those that preacheth heresy, doth increase to the day of judgment. The more that perish by heretical doctrine the more grievous shall their torment be, that minister such doctrine. Berengarius who seemed to fear that danger, provided for it in his life time, but not without a troubled and disquiet conscience. He did not only repent, but recant, and not so much for himself, as for them, whom he had with most pestilent heresies infected. For as he lay in his death bed upon Epiphany day, he demanded of them that were present, is this (quoth he) the day of Epiphany, & appearing of the Lord? They answered him, yea. Thē (quoth he) this day shall the Lord appear to me, either to my comfort, either to my discomfort. This remorse argueth, that he feared the danger of them whom he had taught, and led out of the faith of Christ. Origen's upon him saith in this wise: Although his own blood was not upon his head, for that he did repent, and was sory for his former errors, yet being converted he feared the blood of them, whom he had infected, and who received his doctrine.

Let this move you even at the last point. In so much as your case is not unlike to Beringarius, let your repentance be like also. And what should stay you (tell me) from this godly return? fear, that ye have gone so far, ye may not return? nay, then I may say as David said? Illic trepidauerunt vbi non erat timor. Ye fear where you have no cause to fear. For if ye repent and be heartily sory for your former heresy and apostasy, ye need not to fear. For as God of his part is merciful & gracious to the repentant sinner, so is the Kyng, so is the Queen merciful, which ye may well perceive by your own case, since ye might have suffered a great whiles ago for treason committed against her highness, but that ye have been spared & reserved upon hope of amendment, which she conceived very good of you, but now as it seemeth is but a very desperate hope. And what do you thereby▪ Secundum duritiem cordis thesaurizas tibi iram in die irae.

Well, what it is thē, if fear do not hinder you? shame, to unsay that, that you have said? Nay it is no shame, unless ye think it shame to agree with the true and the catholic church of christ. And if that be shame, then blame S. Paul, who persecuted the Disciples of Christ with sword, then blame S. Peter, who denied his master Christ with an oath that he never knew him. S. Cyprian before his return being a witch. S. Augustine being ix. years out of the Church. They thought it no shame after their return of that they had returned. Shall it then be shame for you to convert and consent with the Church of Christ? no, no.

What is it then that doth let you? Glory of the world? nay, as for the vanity of the world I for my part judge not in you being a man of learning and knowing your estate.

And as for the loss of your estimation, it is ten to one that where you were Archhishop of Canterbury and Metropolitan of England, it is ten to one (I say) that ye shall be as well still, yea and rather better.

And as for the winning of good men, there is no doubt but all that be here present, and the whole congregation of Christ's Church also will more rejoice of your return, then they were sory for your fall. And as for the other, ye need not to doubt for they shall all come after: and to say the truth, if you should lose them forever, it were no force, ye should have no loss thereby. I do not here touch them which should confirm your estimation. For as Sayncte Paul after his conversion was received into the Church of Christ with wonderful joy to the whole congregation, even so shall you be. The fame of your return shall be spread abroad throughout all Christendom where your face was never known.

But you will say perhaps, your conscience will not suffer you. My Lord, there is a good conscience, and there is a bad conscience. The good conscience have not they as S. Paul declareth to Timothy concerning Hymaeneus and Alexander. This evil & bad conscience is (saith S. Cyprian) well to be known by his mark. What mark? This conscience is marked with the print of heresy. This conscience is a noughty, filthy, and a bronded conscience, which I trust is not in you. I have conceived a better hope of you then so, or else would I never go about to persuade or exhort you. But what conscience should stay you to return to the Catholic faith and universal Church of Christ? what conscience doth separate you to that devilish and several Church? to a liberty which never had ground in the holy Scriptures? If you judge your liberty to be good, then judge you all Christendom to do evil besides you.

O what a presumptuous persuasiō is this, vpō this utterly to forsake the church of Christ? Under what color or pretence do you this? for the abuses? as though in your Church were no abuses: yes that there were. And if you forsake the universal Church for the abuses, why do you not thē forsake your particular church, and so be flitting from one to another? That is not the next way, to slip from the church for the abuses: for if you had seen abuses, you should rather have endeavored for a reformation then for a defection He is a good Chirurgeon who for a little pain in the toe will cut of the whole leg. He helpeth well the tooth ache, which cutteth away the head by the shoulders. It is mere folly to amend abuses by abuses. Ye are like Diogenes: for Diogenes on a time envying the clenlines of Plato, said on this wise: Ecce calco fastum Platonis. Plato answered, Sed alio fastu, So that Diogenes seemed more faulty of the two.

But when we have said all that we can, peradventure you will say. I will not return And to that I say, I will not answer. Nevertheless hear what Christ saith to such obstinate and stiffnecked people in the parable of the Supper. Whē he had sent out his men to cal them in that were appointed, and they would not come, he bad his servants going into the ways and streets, to compel men to come in: Cogite intrare. If then the Church will not lese any member that may be compelled to come in, ye must think it good to take the compulsion, least you loose your part of the supper which the Lord hath prepared for you: and this compulsion standeth well with charity.

But it may be perhaps, that some hath animated you to stick to your tackle, & not to give over, bearing you in hand that your opinion is good, and that ye shall die in a good quarrel, & god shall accept your oblation. But hear what Christ saith of a meaner gift: If thou come to the alter to offer thy oblation, and knowest that thy brother hath somewhat to say against thee, leave there thy gift, and go and be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer up thy gift, or else thy brother will make thy offering unsavory before God. This he said unto all the world, to the end they should know how their offerings should be received, if they were not according.

Remember you therefore before you offer up your offering, whether your gift be qualified or no. Remember the Church of Rome and also of England, where not one only brother, but a number have matter against you, so just, that they will make your burnt offering to stink before God, except you be reconciled. If you must needs appoint upon a Sacrifice, make yet a mean first to them that have to lay against you. I say no more then the Church hath allowed me to say. For the sacrifice that is offered without the Church, is not profitable. The premises therefore considered, for gods sake, I say, Memor esto vnde excideris, & age paenitentiam, & prima opera fac. Sin minus. &c. Cast not yourself away, spare your body, spare your soul, spare them also whom you have seduced, spare the shedding of Christ's blood for you in vain. Harden not your heart, acknowledge the truth, yield to the prescript word of God, to the catholic Church of Rome, to the received verity of all Christendom. Wedde not yourself to your own selfewill. Stand not to much in your own conceit, think not yourself wiser then all Christendom is besides you. Leave of this unjust cavil. How: leave why: leave reason: leave wonder: and believe as the Catholic Church doth believe and teach you. Perswade with yourself, that extra Ecclesiam non est salus. i. Without the Church there is no salvation. And thus much have I said of charitye. If this poor simple exhortation of mine may sink into your head, and take effect with you, then have I said as I would have said, otherwise not as I would, but as I could for this present.

And thus Bishop Brokes finishing his Oration, sat down. After whom Doctor Martin taking the matter in hand, beginneth thus.

*The Oration of Doctor Martyn.

ALbeit there be two Gouernmentes, the one spiritual & the other temporal, the one having the keys, the other the sword, yet in all ages we read that for the honor and glory of GOD both these powers have been adjoined together. For if we read the old Testament, we shall find that so did Josiah and Hezekiah. So did the king of the Ninevites compel a general fast thorough all the whole Citty. So did Darius in breaking the great Idol Bell, and delivered Godly Daniel out of the den of Lions. So did Nebuchadnezzar make and institute laws against the blasphemers of God. But to let pass these examples with a great number more, and to come to Christ's time, it is not unknown what great travail they took to set forth God's Honor: and although the rule and government of the Church did only appertain to the spiritualty, yet for the suppression of heresies & schisms, Kings were admitted as aiders thereunto. First Constantine the great, called a council at Nyce for the suppression of the Arians sect, where the same time was raised a great contention among them. And after long disputation had, when the Fathers could not agree upon the putting down of the Arians, they referred their judgment to Constantine. God forbid, quoth Constantine: you ought to rule me and not I you. And as Constantine did, so did Theodosius against the Nestorians, so did Martianus against Manichaeus▪ Jovinian made a law, that no man should marry with a Nun, that had wedded her self to the Church.

So had king Henry the 8. the title of Defender of the faith because he wrote against Luther & his cōplices, So these 900. years the kings of Spain had that title of Catholic, for the expulsion of the Arians: and to say the truth, the king and the Queens majesties do nothing degenerate from their auncetry, taking upon them to restore again the title to be Defender of the faith, to the right heir thereof the Popes holiness.

Therefore these two princes, perceiving this noble Realm, how it hath been brought from the unity of the true and Catholic Church, the which you and your confederates do, and have renounced: perceyuing also that you do persist in your detestable errors, and will by no means, be revoked from the same, have made their humble request and petition to the Popes holiness Paulus 4. as supreme head of the church of Christ, declaring to him, that where you were Archbishop of Canterbury, & Metropolitan of England, and at your consecration took two solemn oaths, for your due obedience to be given to the Sea of Rome, to become a true preacher, or Pastor of his flock, yet contrary to your oath, and alleagiaunce for unity, have sowed discord: for chastity, marriage and adultery: for obedience, contention: and for faith, ye have been the author of all mischief. The Popes holiness considering their request, and petition, hath granted them, that according to the Censure of this Realm, process should be made against you.

And where as in this late time, you both excluded Charity & Justice, yet hath his holiness decreed, that you shall have both Charity, and Justice shown unto you. He willeth you should have the laws in most ample manner, to answer in your behalf, and that ye shall here come before my Lord of Gloucester, as high Commissioner from his holiness, to the examination of such articles, as shall be proposed against you, & that we should require the examination of you, in the King and Queens Majesty’s behalf. The King and Queen as touching themselves, because by the law they cannot appear personally, Quia sunt illustris. personae, have appointed as their atturneys Doctor Story and me. Wherefore here I offer to your good Lordship our Proxy, sealed with the broad seal of England, and offer myself to be Proctor in the Kings Majesty's behalf. I exhibit here also certain Articles, containing the manifest adultery & perjury: Also books of heresy made partly by him, partly set forth by his authority. And here I produce him as partly principal, to answer to your good Lordship.

Thus when Doc. Martin had ended his Oration, the Archbishop beginneth, as here followeth.

And here the Archbishop kneeling down on both knees toward the West, said first the Lord's Prayer. Then risinge up he reciteth the Articles of the Creed. Which done, he entereth with his protestation in form as followeth.

*The Faith and Profession of Doctor Cranmer Archbishop of Cant. before the Commissioners.

THis I do profess as touching my faith, and make my protestation, which I desire you to note. I will never consent that the Bishop of Rome shall have any jurisdiction within this Realm.

Doctor Storyes Oration.

Story. Pleaseth it your good Lordship: because it hath pleased the king and Queens Majesty's to appoint my companion and me, to hear the examination of this man before your good Lordship, to give me leave somewhat to talk in that behalf. Although I know that in talk with heretics there cometh hurt to all men, for it wearyeth the stedfaste, troubleth the doubtful, and taketh in snare the weak and simple: yet because he saith, he is not bound to answer your Lordship sitting for the Popes holiness, because of a Premunire, and the word of God, as he termeth it: I think good somewhat to say, that all men may see howe he runneth out of his race of reason into the rage of common talk, such as here I trust hath done much good. And as the Kyng and Queens Majesty’s will be glad to hear of your most charitable dealing with him, so will they be weary to hear the blundering of this stubborn Heretic. And where he allegeth Divinity, mingling fas nefasque together, he should not have been heard. For shall it be sufficient for him to allege, the judge is not competent? Do we not see that in the common law it is not lawful for a man in Westminster Hall to refuse his Judge? And shall we dispute contra eum qui negat principia? Although there be here a great company of learned men that know it unmeet so to do, yet have I here a plain Canon wherein he declareth himself convicted ipso facto. This Canon is this: Sit ergo ruinae suo dolore prostratus quisquis Apostolicis voluerit contraire decretis, nec locum deinceps inter Sacerdotes habeat, sed exors à sancta fiat ministerio, nec de eo eius iudicio quisquam posthac curam habeat, quin iam damnatus à sancta & Apostolica Ecclesia sua inobedientia ac presumptione à quoquam esse non dubitetur. Quin maioris excommunicationis deiectione est abijciendus, cui sanctae Ecclesiae comissa fuerit disciplina, qui non solum iussionibus praelatae sanctae Ecclesiae parere debuit, sed etiam alijs ne preterirent insinuare. Sitque alienus à diuinis & pontificalibus officijs, qui noluerit praeceptis Apostolicis obtemperare.

He hath alleged many matters against the Supremacy, but maliciously. Ye say that the king in his Realm is Supreme head of the church. Well Syr, you will grant me that there was a perfect catholic church before any king was christened. Then, if it were a perfect Church, it must needs have a head, which must needs be before any king was member thereof, for you know Constantine was the first christened king that ever was, And although you are bound (as S. Paul saith) to obey your rulers, and kings have rule of the people, yet doth it not follow that they have cure of souls: for A fortiori, the head may do that the minister cannot do: but the Priest may consecrate and the king cannot, therefore the king is not head.

It was licensed by Christ to every man to bring into the sheepfold, & to augment the flock, but not to rule for that was only given to Peter.

And where the Apostles do call vpō men to obey their princes, cui tributum, tributum, cui vectigal, vectigal: they perceiving that men were bent to a kind of liberty and disobedience, were enforced to exhort them to obedience & pa • meant of their tribute, which exhortation extendeth only to temporal matters.

And again, where you say that the Bishop of Rome maketh laws contrary to the Laws of the Realm, that is not true, for this is a maxim in the law: Quod in particulari excipitur, non facit vniuersale falsum.

Now as touching that monstrous talk of your conscience, that is no conscience that ye profess: it is but priuata scientia, electio and secta. And as yet for all your glorious bable, you have not proved by God's laws that ye ought not to answer the Popes holiness.

The Canons which be received of all Christendom compel you to answer, therefore you are bound so to do. And although this realm of late time, through such schismatics as you were, have exiled and banished the Canons, yet that cannot make for you. For you know yourself that Par in pa • em, nec pars in totum aliquid statuere potest. Wherefore this I will being in deed but a member of the whole, could not determine against the whole. That notwithstanding the same laws being put away by a Parliament, are now received again by a Parliament, and have as full authority now as they had then, and they will now that ye answer the Popes holiness: therefore by the Laws of this Realm ye are bound to answer him. Wherefore my good Lord, all that this Thomas Cranmer (I cannot otherwise term him considering his disobedience) hath brought for his defense, shall nothing prevail with you nor take any effect. Require him therefore to answer directly to your good Lordship: command him to set aside his trifles, and to be obedient to the laws and ordinances of this Realm. Take witness here of his stubborn contempt against the Kynges and Queens Majesty’s, and compel him to answer dyrectly to such Articles, as we shall here lay against him, and in refusal, that your good Lordship will excommunicate him.

As soon as Doctor Story had thus ended his tale beginneth Doctor Martin again to enter speech with the Archbishop, which talk I thought here likewise not to let pass, although the report of the same be such, as the author thereof seemeth in his writing very partial: for as he expresseth the speech of Doctor Martin at full, and to the uttermost of his diligence, leaving out nothing in that part, that either was or could be said more: so again on the other part how raw and weak he leaveth the matter, it is easy to perceive, who neither comprehendeth all that Doctor Cranmer again answered for his defense, nor yet in those short speeches which he expresseth, seemeth to discharge the part of a sincere and faithful reporter. Notwithstanding, such as it is, I thought good the reader to understand, who in perusinge the same may use therein his own judgment and consideration.

*Talke between Doctor Martin and the Archbishop.

MAyster Cranmer, ye have told here a long glorious tale, pretending some matter of conscience in apparaunce, but in veritye you have no conscience at all. You say that you have sworn once to Kynge Henry the eyght aga • nste the popes jurisdiction, and therefore ye may never forswear the same, and so ye make a great matter of conscience in the breach of the said oath. Here will I ask you a question or two. What if ye made on oth to an harlot to live with her in continual adultery ought you to keep it?

It is not to be supposed contrary, but much other matter passed in this communication between them, especially on the Archbyshoppes behalf. Whose answers I do not think to be so slender, nor altogether in the same form of words framed, if the truth, as it was, might be known: but so it pleased the Notarye thereof being too much parcially addicted to his mother Sea of Rome in favor of his faction, to diminishe and drive down the other side, either in not showing all, or in reporting y ^e thing otherwise then it was: as the common guise is of moste writers, to what side their affection moste weigheth, their Oration commonly inclineth. But let us proceed further in the story of this matter.

It followed then (saith this reporter) when the Archbishop thus had answered and the standers by began to murmur against him, the Judges not contentee with his answers, willed him to answer directly to the Interrogatoryes: which Interrogatories articulated against him in form of law, were these under following.

Interrogatories objected to the Archbishop, with his answers annexed to the same.

1. INterrog. First was objected, that he the foresaid Thom. Cranmer, being yet free, and before he entered into holy orders, married one Joan surnamed black or brown, dwelling at the sign of the Dolphine in Cambridge.

Aunswere. Whereunto he answered, that whether she was called black or brown, he knew not, but that he married there one Joan, that he granted.

2. Interrog. That after the death of the foresaid wife, he entered into holy orders, and after that was made Archbyshop by the Pope.

Auns. He received (he said) a certain Bull of the Pope, which he delivered unto the king, and was Archbyshop by him.

3. Inter. Item, that he being in holy orders, married another woman, as his second wife, named Anne, and so was twice married.

Auns. To this he granted.

4. Inter. Item, in the time of king Henry the 8. he kept the said wife secretly, and had children by her.

Auns. Hereunto he also granted: affirming that it was better for him to have his own, then to do like other Priests, holding and keeping other men's wives.

5. Inter, Item, in the time of king Edward he brought out the said his wife openly, affirming and professing publicly the same to be his wife.

Auns. He denied not but he so did, and lawfully might do the same, for as much as the laws of the realm did so permit him.

6. Inter Item, that he shamed not openly to glory him self to have had his wife in secret many years.

Auns. And though he so did (he said) there was no cause why he should be ashamed thereof.

7. Inter. Item, that the said Thomas Cranmer fallynge afterward into the deep bottom of errors, did fly and recuse the authority of the Church, did hold and follow y ^e heresy concerning the sacrament of the alter, and also did compile▪ and caused to be set abroad diverse books.

Auns. Whereunto, when the names of the books were recited to him, he denied not such books which he was the true author of. As touching the treatise of Peter Martyr upon the sacrament, he denied that he ever saw it before it was abroad, yet did approve and well like of the same. As for the Catechism, the book of Articles, w ^t the other book against Winchester, he granted the same to be his doings.

8. Inter. Item, that he compelled many against their willes to subscribe to the same Articles.

Auns. He exhorted (he said) such as were willing to subscribe: but against their willes, he compelled none.

9. Inter. Item, for so much he surceased not to perpetrate enorme and inordinate crimes, he was therefore cast into the Tower, and from thence was brought to Oxford, at what time it was commonly thought that the Parliament there should be holden.

Auns. To this he said, that he knew no such enorme and inordinate crimes, that ever he committed.

10. Inter. Item that in the said City of Oxford, he did openly mayntayn his heresy, and there was convicted upon the same.

Auns. He defended (he said) there the cause of the Sacrament, but to be convicted in the same that he denied.

11. Inter. Item, when he persevered still in the same, he was by the public censure of the university, pronounced an heretic, and his books to be heretical.

Auns. That he was so denounced, he denied not: but that he was an heretic, or his books heretical, that he denied.

12. Inter. Item, that he was and is notoriouslye infamed with the note of Schism, as who not only himself receded from the Catholic Church and Sea of Rome, but also moved the king, and subjects of this Realm to the same.

Auns. As touching the receding, that he well granted: but that receding or departing (said he) was only from the sea of Rome, and had in it no matter of any Schism.

13. Inter. Item, that he had been twice sworn to y ^e Pope: and withal D. Martin brought out the instrument of the Public Notary, wherein was contained his protestation made when he should be consecrated, asking if he had anything else protested.

Auns. Whereunto he answered, that he did nothing but by the laws of the Realm.

14. Inter. Item, that he the said Archbishop of Canterbury, did not only offend in y ^e Premises, but also in taking upon him the authority of the sea of Rome, in that without leave or license from the said Sea, he consecrated Bishops and priests.

Auns. He granted, that he did execute such things as were wont to be referred to the pope, at what time it was permitted to him by the public laws and determinatiō of the Realm.

15. Inter. Item, that when the whole Realm had subscribed to the authority of the pope, he only still persisted in his error.

Auns That he did not admit the popes authority, he confessed to be true. But that he erred in the same, that he denied.

16 Inter. Item, that all and singular the Premises be true.

Auns. That likewise he granted, excepting those things whereunto he had now answered.

After he had thus answered to the objections aforesaid, and the Public Notarye had entered the same, the Judges and Commissioners, as having now accomplyshed that wherefore they came, were about to rise and depart: But the Bishop of Gloucester, thinking it not y ^e best so to dismiss the people▪ being somewhat stirred with the words of the Archbishop, began this Oration in the hearing of the people, to declaim.

The Oration of Bishop Brookes in closing up this examination against Doctor Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury.

MAister Cranmer, I cannot otherwise term you considering your obstinacy, I am right sory, I am right heartily sory to hear such words escape your mouthe so unadvisedly. I had conceived a right good hope of your amendment: I supposed that this obstinacy of yours came not of a vain glory, but rather of a corrupt conscience, which was the occasion that I hoped so well of your return. But now I perceive by your foolish bable, that it is far otherwise. Ye are so puffed up with vain glory there is such a cauteria of heresy crept into your conscience, that I am clean void of hope, and my hope is turned into perdition? who can save that which will be lost? GOD would have you to be saved, and you refuse it. Perditio tua super te Israel, tantummodo in me saluatio tua, ait Dominus per Prophetam. i. Thy perdition is only upon thyself, O Israel: only in me is thy salvation, saith the Lord by his Prophet. You have uttered so erroneous talk, with such open malice against the popes holiness, with such open liyng against the church of Rome, with such open blasphemy against the sacrament of the Aultar, that no mouthe could have expressed more maliciously, more lyingly, more blasphemously.

To reason with you, although I would of myself to satisfy this audience, yet may I not by our Commission, neither can I find how I may do it with the scriptures: For the Apostle doth command that such a one should not only not be talked withal, but also shunned and avoided saying: Hereticum hominem post vnum aut alterum conuentum, deuita, sciens quod huiusmodi peruersus est & delinquit, quum sit proprio iudicio condemnatus. i. An heretical person after once or twice conferring, shun, knowing y ^t he is perverse and sinneth, being of his own judgment condemned. Ye have been conferred withal not once or twice, but oftentimes, ye have oft been lovingly admonyshed, ye have been oft secretly disputed with. And the last year in the opē school, in open disputations ye have been openly convict, ye have been openly driven out of y ^e school with hisses, your books which ye brag you made seven years ago, and no man answered it: Marcus Antonius hath sufficiently detected and confuted, and ye persist still in your wonted heresy.

Wherefore being so oft admonished, conferred withal, and convicted) if ye deny you to be the man whom the Apostle noteth, hear then what Origin saith, who wrote above 1300. years ago: and interpreteth the saying of the Apostle in this wise, in Apologia Pamphili. Hereticus est omnis ill habendus, qui Christo se credere profitetur & aliter de Christi veritate sentit quàm se habet Ecclesiastica traditio. Even now ye professed a kind of Christianity and holiness unto us, for at your beginning you fell down upon youre knees, and said the Lord's prayer (God wotte like an hypocrite) and then standing upon youre feet, you rehearsed the articles of your faith, but to what end I pray you else, but to cloke that inward heresy rooted in you that you might blind the poor simple and unlearned people's eyes? For what will they say or think, if they do not thus say? Good Lord, what meaneth these men to say that he is an heretic, they are deceived, this is a good Christian, he believeth as we believe.

But is this sufficient to escape the name of an heretic? To the simple and unlearned it is sufficient, but for you that have professed a greater knowledge and higher doctrine, it is not enough to recite your belief. For unless (as Origin saith) ye believe all things that the Church hath decreed besides, you are no Christian man. In the which because you do halte and will come to no conformity: from henceforthe ye are to be taken for an heretic, with whom we ought neither to dispute, neither to reason, whom we ought rather to eschew and avoid.

Nevertheless, although I do not entende to reason with you, but to give you up as an abject and outcast frō God's favor, yet because ye have uttered to the annoying of the people such pestilent heresies as may do harm among some rude and unlearned, I think meet and not abs re, somewhat to say herein: not because I hope to have any good at your hands, which I would willingly wish but that I may establish the simple people which be here present, least they being seduced by youre diabolical doctrine, may pearish thereby.

And first (as it behooveth every man to purge himself first before he enter with any other) where you accuse me of an oath made against the Bishop of Rome, I confess it and deny it not, and therefore do say with the rest of this Realm, good and catholic men, the saying of the Prophet: Pec cauimus cum patribus nostris, injust egimus, iniquitatem fecimus. i. We have sinned with our fathers: we have done unjustly, and wickedlye. Delicta inuentutis meae, & ignorantias meas ne memineris Domine. i. The sins of my youth, and my ignoraunces, O Lord do not remember. I was then a young man, and as young a scholar here in the university.

I knew not then what an oath did mean, and yet to say the truth, I did it compulsed, compulsed I say by you Mayster Cranmer, and here were you the author and cause of my perjury, you are to be blamed herein, and not I. Now where you say I made two oaths, the one contrary to the other, it is not so, for the oath I made to the Popes holiness, appertaineth only to spiritual things. The other oath that I made to the king, pertaineth only to Temporal things: that is to say, that I do acknowledge all my temporal livings to proceed only from the king and from none else. But all men may see, as you agree in this, so ye agree in the rest of your opinions.

Now sir, as concerning the Supremacye which is only dew to the sea of Rome, a word or two. Althoughe there be a number of places which do confirm that christ appointed Peter head of the Church, yet this is a moste evident place. When Christ demanded of his Apostles whom men called him: they answered: some Elias, some a Prophet. &c. But Christ replied to Peter, and said: Whome sayest thou Peter that I am? Peter answered: Tu es Christus silius Dei, and Christ replied: Tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram aedificabo aecclesiam meam. The Doctors enterpreting this place, super hanc Petram expounded it, id est, non solum super fidem Petri sed super te Petre. And why did Christ change his name from Simon to Peter, which in latin is a stone, but only to declare that he was only the foundation and head of the Church.

Agayne, where Christ demanded of Peter being amongst the rest of his Apostles 3. times a rew, Petre amas me▪ he gave him charge over his sheep Pasce oues meas pasce agnos meos. Which place Chrysostom interpreting saith, Pasce, hoc est, loco mei esto praepositus & caput fratrum tuorū. To conclude, when they came that required Didrachina of Christ, he commanded Peter to cast his net into the sea, and to take out of the fishes mouth that he took staterem hoc est duplex Didrachma, & da inquit pro te & me Petre Which words do signify, that when he had paid for them two, he had paid for all the rest. For as in y ^e old law there were appointed two heads over the people of Israel, Moses and Aaron, Moses as chief, and Aaron next head under him: so in the new law there were two heads of the church, which were Christ and Peter, Christ is head of all, and Peter next under him. S. Augustine in 75. questione Veteris & noui Testamenti, Saluator (inquit) qùum pro se & Petro dari iubebat Didrachma, pro omnibus ipsum dari censuit, ipsum enim constituit caput eorum. i. Our Savior Christ (saith S. Augustine) commanding the tribute to be given for him and for Peter, meant thereby the same to be given for all other, for he appointed him to be head of them. What can be more plain then this? But I will not tarry upon this matter.

Now, as touching the Popes laws, where you say, they be contrary, because y ^e service which should be (as you say) in English, is in Latin: I answer, who soever will take the pains to peruse the chapter, which is the xiiii. of the first to the Corinthians, shall find, that his meaning is concerning preaching, and Obiter only of praying.

Again, where you say, that the Popes holiness doth take away one part of the sacrament from the lay men, & Christ would have it under both, ye can say no more but this: Bibite ex eo omnes. Drink ye all of this: And what followeth: Et biberunt ex eo omnes. i. And all drink thereof. Now if a man would be so pro • er • e with you, he might say that Christ gave it only to his Apostles, in whose places succeeded priests, and not lay men.

And admit that Christ commanded it to be received under both kinds, yet the Church hath authority to change that, as well as other. Ye read, that Christ calling his Apostles together, said unto them: Ite predicate Euangelium omni nationi baptizantes in nomine patris, & filij, & spiritus sancti. i. Go & preach the Gospel to every natiō, baptising them in the name of the father, of the son, and the holy ghost. But the Apostles being desirous to publish Christ's name everywhere, did baptize only in Christ's name. Agayne, Christ before his last Supper washed his Apostles feet, saying: Si ego laui pedes vestros dominus & magister, & vos debetis alter alterius lauare pedes. i. If I have washed youre feet being your Lord and master, also you ought to wash the feet one of another. Exemplum dedi vobis. i. I have given you example. This was a precept, yet hath y ^e church altered it, lest y ^e simple people should not think a rebaptization in it. So because said y ^e Apostle: Accepi à Domino quod & tradidi vobis, Dominus noster qua nocte tradebatur. &c. i. I have received of the Lord the same which I have delivered to you, that our Lord the same night in which he was betrayed. &c. Notwithstanding that this was a precept that the sacrament should be ministered after supper, the church hath altered it, & commanded it to be received fasting. And where Christ did break the bread, we receive the whole host. Christ ministered sitting at the table, we standing at y ^e altar.

It was also commanded in the xv. of the Acts, that Christian men should abstain à suffocato & sanguine. i. Frō strangled and blood. But the Church perceiving it to be a precept but for a time, hath altered ix. Christ commanded to keep holy, Diem Sabbati The Sabbath day, and the church hath altered it to Sunday. If then the church may change things that be so expressed in the scriptures, she may also change the form of receiving of lay men under both kinds, for diverse occasions.

First, because in carrying to the sick, the blood may not be shed, lost, or misused.

And next, that no occasion might be given to heretics to think that there is not so much under one kind, as under both.

But why would you have it under both kinds, I pray you else, but only to pervert and contrary the commandment of y ^e church? For when you had it under both kinds, you believed in neither. And we having but one, believe both kinds. Now sir, as concerning the sacrament of the altar, where you say, you have a number of Doctors of your side, and we none of our side, that is to say, to confirm the real presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, in deed one to stop your mouth, I think it not possible to find. Nevertheless, where your request is to have one shown unto you, and then you will recant, I will show you two.

S. Augustine Super. 33. Psalm, ferebatur manibus suis: I find not how this is true in David (saith he) litterallye, that he was borne in his own hands, but in Christ I find it literally, when he gave his body to his Apostles at his last supper.

Again S. Cyprian De Coena Domini, saith: Panis quem dominus noster discipulis suis porrigebat, non effigie, sed natura mutatus, omnipotētia verbi factus est caro. What can be more plain thē this? yet to your expositiō it is not plain enough. But give me your figurative, significative and such other like terms, and I will defend that Christ hath not yet ascended: no nor yet that he was encarnate. &c. Wherefore • can do no other but put you in the number of thē, whō Chrysostom spake of in this wise, saying: Audi homo fidelis qui contra haereticum contendis, si Pharisaei conuicti, & non placati & haeretici. &c. Hear, O thou Christian man: wy • te y ^u do more then Christ could do? Christ confuted the Pharisees, yet could he not put them to scilence: Et fortior es tu Christo? And art thou stronger then Christ? Wilt thou go about to bring them to silence that will receive no answer? as who should say, thou canst not. Thus much have I said, not for you M. Cranmer, for my hope that I conceived of you, is now gone and past, but in somewhat to satisfy the rude and unlearned people, that they perceiving your arrogant lying and lying arrogancy, may the better eschew your detestable and abhominable schism.

And thus ended the Prelate his worshipful tale. After whom Doctor Story taketh the matter, and thus inferreth in words, as followeth.

Master Cranmer, you have made a goodly process concerning your heretical oath made to the king, but you forget your oath made to the Sea Apostolic. As concerning youre oath made to the king, if you made it to him only, it took an end by his death, and so it is released: if you made it to his successors, well sir, the true successors have the Empire, and they will you to dissolve the same, and become a member of Christ's Church again, and it standeth well with charity.

To this the Archbishop answered again, saith the Reporter: but what his answer was, that he suppresseth and returneth to y ^e words of D. Story, who imperiouslye turning his speech again to the Archbishop, said as followeth.

Hold your peace sir, and so shall it right well become you, considering that I gave you license before, to say your fancy, Your oath was no oath, for it lacked the three points of an oath, that is to say, Iudicium, Iustitiam, & Veritatem.

These with the like words to the same effect being uttered by D. Story, seeking to break up and make an end of that session, he eftsoons called for witnesses to be producted, who should be sworn upon the book, to utter & declare the next day, whatsoever they knew, or could remember to be inferred against Doct. Cranmer's heresy. The names of the witnesses were these.

• Doct. Marshall, Commissary, & Dean of Christ's church.
• Doctor Smith, under Commissary.
• Doct. Tresham.
• Doct. Crooke.
• M. London.
• M. Curtop.
• M. Warde.
• M. Serles.

After the depositions of which witnesses being taken Doct. Story admonished the archbishop, permitting him to make his exceptions, if he thought any of the said witnesses to be refused. Who thē would admit none of thē all, being men perjured, and not in Christian religion. For if to swear (said he) against the Pope were unlawful, they should rather have given their lives, then their oath. But if it were lawful, then are they perjured, to defend him whom they forswear before. Nevertheless, this answer of the Archb. being lightly regarded, as little to the purpose appertaining, he was commanded again to the place from whence he came. Who at his departynge out, like as at his first coming in, shown low obedience to Doct. Martin, and to Doct. Story, the Queens Commissioners. Then Doct. Story pointing him to the Bishop of Gloucester, said, y ^t he ought rather to give reverence unto him. So the reverend archb. departing without any obeysaunce exhibited to the Bishop all the other rose up, & departed everyone to his own. And thus brake up the session for this day, about two of the clock at after noon.

And thus much hitherto concerning the summary effect of this Action or session, with the Orations, discourses, & articles commenced against the Archbishop of Canterb. also with the reasons and answers of the said Archbishop to their objections and interrogatoryes. Touching which his answers, for so much as they being recited by report of a papist (as is aforesaid) seem to be not indifferentlye handled, it shall therefore not greatly be out of our matter, as ye have heard the Orations of Bishop Brokes, with the reasons, & talk of the other Commissioners, amplified and set forth at large on the one side, so now in repeatyng the words & answers of the other part, to declare & set forth somewhat more amply and effectually, what speech the said Archb. used for himself in the same Action, by the faithful relation and testimony of certain other, who were likewise there present and do thus report the effect of the Archbishops words, answering to the first Oration of Bishoppe Brookes, in manner as followeth.

*A more full answer of the Archbishop of Cant. to the first Oration of Bishop Brookes.

MY Lord, you have very learnedly and eloquently in your Oration put me in remembrance of many things touching myself, wherein I do not mean to spend the time in answering of them. I acknowledge God's goodness to me in all his gifts, and thank him as heartily for this state wherein I find myself now, as ever I did for the time of my prosperity: and it is not the loss of my promotions that greueth me. The greatest grief I have at this time, is, and one of the greatest that ever I had in all my life, to see the king and Queens Majesty's by their Proctors here to become my accusers, and that in their own Realm and Country, before a foreign power. If I have transgressed the laws of the Land, their majesties have sufficient authority and power both from God, and by the ordinance of this Realm to punish me, whereunto I both have and at all times shall be content to submit myself.

Alas? what hath the Pope to do in England? whose jurisdiction is so far different from the jurisdiction of this Realm, that it is impossible to be true to the one, and true to the other. The laws also are so diverse, that whosoever sweareth to both, must needs incur perjury to the one. Which as often as I remember, even for the love that I bear to her grace. I cannot be but heartily sorry to think upon it, how that her highness the day of her coronation at which time she took a solemn oath to observe all the laws & liberties of this realm of England, at y ^e same time also took an oath to the Bishop of Rome, and promised to maintain y ^• See. The state of England being so repugnant to the supremacy of the Pope, it was impossible but she must needs be forsworn in the one. Wherein if her grace had been faithfully advertised by her Counsaile then surely she would never have done it.

The laws of this Realm are, that the king of England is the supreme and sole governor of all his Countries and dominions: & that he holdeth his crown and Scepter of himself, by the ancient laws, customs, and descentes of the kings of the Realm, and of none other. The Pope saith, that all Emperors and kings hold their Crowns and Regalities of him, and that he may depose them when he list: which is high treason for any man to affirm and think, being borne within the kings dominions.

The Laws of England are, that all Bishops and Priests offending in cases of Felonie or Treason, are to be judged and tried by the laws and Customs of the Realm. The Popes laws are, that the secular power cannot judge the spiritual power, and that they are not under their jurisdiction: which robbeth the king of the one part of his people.

The laws also of England are, that whosoever hindereth the execution or proceeding of the Laws of England for any other foreign laws, Ecclesiastical or temporal, incurreth the danger of a Premunire. The Popes Laws are, that whosoever hindereth the proceedings or executions of his laws, for any other laws of any other king or country, both the Prince himself, his Counsayle, all his Officers, Scribes, Clerks, and whosoever give consent or aid to the making or executing of any such laws, standeth accursed. A heavy case (if his curse were anything worth) that the king and Queen cannot use their own laws, but they and all theirs must stand accursed. These things and many more examples he alleged, which (he said) stirred him that he could not give his consent to the receiving of such an enemy into y ^e realm so subuerting the dignity and ancient lyberties of the same.

And as for the matter of heresy and schism, wherewith he was charged, he protested and called God to witness, that he knew none that he maintained. But if that were an heresy to deny the Popes authority, and the Religion which the See of Rome hath published to y ^e world these latter years, then all the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church, the Apostles and Christ him self taught heresy: and he desired all them present to bear him witness, that he took the traditions and Religion of that usurping Prelate to be most erroneous, false, and against the doctrine of the whole scripture: which he had oftentimes well proved by writing, and the Author of y ^e same to be verry Antichrist, so often preached of by the Apostles and Prophets, in whom did most evidently concur all signs and tokens whereby he was painted to the world to be known.

For it was most evident that he had advanced him self above all Emperors and kings of the world, whō he affirmeth to hold their states and Empyres of him, as of their chief, & to be at his commandment to depose & erect at his good will and pleasure, and that the stories make mention of his intolerable & insolent pride, & tyranny, used over them in such sort, as no king would have used to his Christian subjects, nor yet a good master to his servants, setting his feet on the Emperors neck, affirming y ^t to be verified in him, which was • oken only of our savior Jesus Christ, in these words, Super Aspidē & Basiliscum ambulabis, & conculcabis Leonem & Draconem. Other some had he made to hold his styrrops: others he had displaced & removed from their Empyres and seats royal: and not content herewithal, more insolent then Lucifer, hath occupied not only the highest place in this world, above kings and Princes, but hath further presumed to sit in the seat of almighty God, which only he reserved to himself, which is the conscience of man: and for to keep the possession thereof, he hath promised forgiveness of sins totiens quotiens.

He hath brought in God's of his own framing, & invented a new religion, full of gain and lucre, quite contrary to the doctrine of y ^e holy scripture, only for the maintaining of his kingdom, displacing Christ from his glory, & holding his people in a miserable servitude of blindness, to the loss of a great number of souls, which God at the latter day shall exact at his hand: boasting many times in his Canons and Decrees, that he can dispense Contra Petrum, contra Paulum, contra vetus & nouum Testamētum: and that he Plenitudine potestatis, tantum potest quantum Deus: That is, Agaynst Peter, against Paul, against the old and New Testament: and of the fullness of power may do as much as God. O Lord, whoever heard such blasphemy? I • there be any man that can advance himself above him let him be judged Antichrist.

This enemy of God and of our redemption, is so euydently painted out in y ^e scriptures by such manifest signs and tokens, which all so clearly appear in him, that except a man will shut up his eyes and heart against the light, he cannot but know him: and therefore for my part I will never give my consent to the receiving of him into this Church of England. And you my Lord, and the rest that sit here in Commission, consider well and examyne your own consciences: you have sworn against him, you are learned, and can judge of the truth. I pray God you • e not willfully blind. As for me, I have herein discharged mine own conscience toward the world, and I will write also my mind to her grace touching this matter. The copy of which letter sent to the Queen, ye shall find after in the end of his story.

While he in this sort made his answer, ye heard before how Doctor Story and Martin diverse times interrupted him with blasphemous talk, and would fain have had the Bishop of Gloucester to put him to silence: who notwithstanding did not, but suffered him to end his tale at full. After this ye heard also how they proceeded to examine him of diverse articles, whereof the chief was: That at the time of his creating Archbishop of Canterbury, he was sworn to the Pope, and had his institution and induction from him, and promised to maintain then y ^e authority of that See: and therefore was perjured: wherefore he should rather stick to his first oath, and return to his old fold again, then to continue obstinately in an oath forced in the time of schism.

To that he answered, saving his protestation (which term he used before all his answers) that at such time as Archb. Warrham died, he was Ambassador in Germany for the K. who sent for him thereupon home, & having intelligence by some of his friends (who wer nere about y ^e king) how he meant to bestow y ^e same Byshoprick upon him, and therefore counseled him in y ^e case to make haste home, he feeling in himself a great inhabilitie to such a promotion, and very sory to leave his study, and especially considering by what means he must have it, which was clean against his conscience, which he could not utter without great peril and danger, devised an excuse to the king of matter of great importance, for the which his longer abode there should be most necessary, thinking by that means in his absence, that the king would have bestowed it upon some other, and so remained there by y ^e devise, one half year after the king had written for him to come home. But after that no such matter fell out, as he seemed to make suspicion of, the king sent for him again. Who after his return, understanding still the Archbishopric to be reserved for him, made means by diverse of his best friends, to shift it off, desiring rather some smaller living, that he might more quietly follow his book.

To be brief, when the king himself spake with him, declaring his full intention for his service sake, and for the good opinion he conceived him, was to bestow that dignity upon him, after long disabling of himself, perceiving he could by no persuasions alter the kings determination, he brake frankly his conscience with him, most humbly craving first his Graces pardon, for that he should declare unto his highness. Which obtained, he declared, that if he accepted y ^e Office, then he must receive it at the popes hand, which he neither would, nor could do, for that his highness was only y ^e supreme Governor of this church of England, as well in causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal, and that the full right and donation of all manner of Bishoppricks and Benefices, as well as of any other Tēporall dignities, and promotions, appertained to his Grace, & not to any other foreign authority, whatsoever it was: and therefore if he might serve God in that vocation, him, and his country, seeing it was his pleasure so to have it, he would accept it, and receive it of his majesty, and of none other stranger, who had no authority within this realm, neither in any such gift, nor in any other thing. Whereat the king (said he) staying a while and musing, asked me how I was able to prove it. At which time I alleged many texts out of the scriptures, and the Fathers also, approving the supreme and highest authority of kings in their realms and dominions, disclosing therewithal the intolerable usurpation of the Pope of Rome.

Afterwardes it pleased his highness (quoth the Archb.) many and sundry times to talk with me of it, and perceiving that I could not be brought to acknowledge the authority of the B. of Rome, the king himself called Doct. Oliuer, and other Civil Lawyers, & devised with them how he might bestow it upon me, enforcing me nothing against my conscience. Who thereupon informed him, that I might do it by the way of protestation, & so one to be sent to Rome, who might take the oath, and do everything in my name. Which when I understood, I said, he should do it Super animam suam : and I in deed Bona fide made my protestation, that I did not acknowledge his authority any further, then as it agreed with the express word of God, & that it might be lawful for me at all times to speak against him, and to impugn his errors, when time and occasion should serve me. And this my protestation did I cause to be enrolled, and there I think it remaineth.

They objected to him also that he was married: which he confessed. Whereupon D. Martin said, that his children were bondmen to the See of Canterbury. At which saying the Archb. smiled, and asked him if a priest at his benefice kept a Concubine, and had by her bastards, whether they were bondmen to the Benefice or no, saying, I trust you will make my children's causes no worse.

After this Doctor Martin demanded of him who was supreme head of the Church of England? Mary quoth my Lord of Canterbury, Christ is head of this member, as he is of the whole body of y ^e universal church. Why (quoth Doctor Martin) you made king Henry the eight supreme head of the Church. Yea (said the Archbyshop) of all y ^e people of England, as well Ecclesiastical, as Temporal. And not of the church, said Martin? No said he, for Christ is only head of his church, and of the faith and religion of the same. The king is head and governor of his people, which are the visible church. What (quoth Martin) you never durst tell the king so. Yes, that I durst (quoth ye) and did, in the publication of his Style, wherein he was named supreme head of the Church, there was never other thing meant. A number of other fond and foolish objections were made, w ^t repetition whereof I thought not to trouble the reader.

Thus after they had received his answer to all their objections, they cited him (as is aforesaid) to appear at Rome within four score days, to make there his personal answers: which he said, if the king and Queen would send him, he would be content to do, and so thence was carried to prison again, where he continually remained, notwithstanding that he was commanded to appear at Rome.

Wherein all men that have eyes to see, may easily perceive y ^e crafty practice of these prelates, & the visured face of their Justice, as though the Court of Rome would condemn no man before he answered for himself, as all law and equity required. But the very same instaunt time, the holiness of that unholy father, contrary to all reason & justice, sent his letter executory unto the king and Queen to degrade and deprive him of his dignity: which thing he did not only before the lxxx. days were ended, but before there were xx. days spent. Furthermore whereas the said archbishop was fast detained in strayt prison, so that he could not appear (as was notorious both in England and also in the Romish Court) and therefore had a lawful and most just excuse of his absence by all laws, both popish & other: yet in the end of the said lxxx. days was y ^• worthy Martyr decreed Contumax, that is, sturdilye, frowardly, and willfully absent, and in pain of the same his absence, condemned, and put to death.

As touching the foresaid executory Letters of y ^e Pope sent to the king and Queen, beginning thus: Paulus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio Philippo Regi, & charissimae in Christo filiae Mariae Reginae &c. because the full tenor thereof is expressed in our first impression of Acts. Pag. 1490. it shall not be needful to comber this volume in repeating the same again.

Doctor Thurlby and Doctor Boner coming with a new Commission to sit upon the archbishop the 14. day of February.

THis letter or sentence difinitiue of the Pope was dated about the first day of January, and was delivered here in Eng. about the midst of February. Upon the receipt of which letters another session was appointed for y ^e Archbishop to appear the 14. day of February, before certain Commissions directed down by the Queen, the chief whereof was the Bishop of Eli Doctor Thurlby. Concerning which Doctor Thurlby, by the way here is to be noted, that albeit he was not the said Archbishops household Chapleyne, yet he was so familiarly acquainted with him, so dearly beloved, so inwardly accepted and advanced of him (not like a Chapleyne, but rather like a natural brother) that there was never any thing in the Archbishops house so dear, were it plate, Jewel, Horse, Mappes, books, or anything else, but if Thurlby did never so little commend it, (a subtle kind of begging) the Archbishop by and by, either gave it to him, or shortly sent it after him to his house. So greatly was the Archbishop enamored with him, that whosoever would obtain anything of him, most commonly would make their way before by D. Thurlby. Which by matter of the said Doctor Thurlby, I thought here to recite, not so much to rebrayd the man with the voice of unthankfulness, as chiefly and only for this, to admonish him of old benefits received whereby he may the better remember his old benefactor, and so to favor the cause and quarrel of him whom he was so singularly bounden unto.

With the said Doctor Thurlby bishop of Eli, was also assigned in the same Commission Doctor Boner Bishop of London, which two coming to Oxford vpō S. Ualentines day, as the Popes delegates, with a new commission from Rome, by the virtue thereof commanded the Archb. aforesaid to come before them, in the quier of Christ's Church before the high alter, where they sitting (according to their manner) in their pontificalibus, first began as the fashion is, to read their Commission: wherein was contained, how that in the Court of Rome all things being indifferently examined, both the articles laid to his charge, with the answers made unto them and witnesses examined on both partes, and counsel heard as well on the king and Queens behalf his accusers, as on the behalf of T. Cranmer, the party giltye, so that he wanted nothing appertaining to his necessary defense. &c. Which foresaid Commission, as it was in reading, O lord said the Archbishop what lies be these, that I being continually in prison, and never could be suffered to have counsel or advocate at home, should product witness and appoint my council at Rome? God must needs punish this open and shameless lying. They read on the Commission which came from the Pope, Plenitudine potestatis, supplying all manner of defectes in law or process, committed in dealing with the Archbishop, and giving them full authority to proceed to the deprivation and degradation of him, and so upon excommunication to deliver him up to the secular power, Omni appellatione remota.

When the commission was read thus, they proceeding thereupon, to his degradation, first clothed and disguised him: putting on him a surplis, and then an Aulbe: after y ^t the vestiment of a Subdeacon, and every other furniture, as a Priest ready to Mass.

When they had appareled him so far: What, said he, I think I shall say Mass: Yea, said Cosins one of Boners Chapleynes, my Lord, I trust to see you say Mass, for all this. Do you so, quoth he? y ^t shall you never see, nor I will never do it.

Then they invested him in all manner of Robes of a Bishop and Archbishop, as he is at his installing, saving that as everything then is most riche and costly, so everything in this was of Cāuas and old cloths, with a Miter and a Pall of the same suit down upon him in mockery, and then the crosier staff was put in his hand.

This done after the Popes pontifical form and manner, Boner, who by the space of many years had borne, as it seemed, no great good will towards him, and now rejoiced to see this day wherein he might triumph over him, and take his pleasure at full, began to stretch out his eloquence, making his Oration to the assemble, after this manner of sort.

Thys is the man who hath ever despised the Popes holiness, and now is to be judged by him. Thys is y ^e man who hath pulled down so many churches, & now is come to be judged in a church. This is the man that contemned the blessed sacrament of the altar, and now is come to be condemned afore that blessed sacrament hanging over the alter. This is the man y ^t like Lucifer sat in the place of Christ upon an alter to judge other, and now is come before an alter to be judged him self.

Whereunto the Archbishop interrupting him, said: that in that he belied him, as he did in many other things: For that which he would now seem to charge him withal, was his own fault, if it was any, and none of his. For the thing you mean off, was in Paul's church (said he) where I came to sit in Commission: and there was a scaffold prepared for me and others, by you & your Officers, & whether there were any alter under it, or not, I could not perceive it, nor once suspected it: wherefor you do wittingly evil to charge me with it.

But Boner went on still in his Rhetorical repetition, lying and railing against the Archbyshop, beginning every sentence with, This is the man, this is the man, til at length there was never a man but was wearye of the unmannerly usage of him in that time and place: In so much that the bishop of Eli aforesaid, diverse times pulled him by the sleeve to make an ende, and said to him afterward when they went to dinner, that he had broken promise with him: for he had entreated him earnestly to use him with reverence.

After all this done & finished, they began then to bustle toward his disgrading, and first to take from him his Crosiar staff out of his hands, which he held fast, and refused to deliver, & withal imitating the example of Martin Luther, pulled an Appeale out of his left sleeve under the wrest, which he there and then delivered unto them, saying: I appeal to the next general Council: and herein I have comprehended my cause and form of it, which I desire may be admitted: and prayed diverse of the standers by, by name to be witnesses, and especially M. Curtop, to whom he spake twice. &c.

The Copy of which his Appellation, because it was not printed before, I thought here to exhibit, ad rei memoriam, as in form here followeth.

The tenor of the Appeale of the Archb. of Cant. from the Pope, to the next general Council.

IN the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy Ghost.

Firste, my plain protestation made, that I entende to speak nothing against one holy, catholic and Apostolical church, or the authority thereof (the which authority I have in great reverence, and to whom my mind is in all things to obey) and if anything peradventure, either by slippernesse of tongue, or by indignation of abuses, or else by the provocation of mine adversaries be spoken or done otherwise then well, or not with such reverence as becometh me, I am most ready to amend it.

Although the bishop of Rome (whom they cal Pope) beareth the room of Christ in earth, and hath authority of God, yet by y ^• power or authority he is not become vnsmable, neither hath he received that power to destroy, but to edify the congregation: Therefore if he shall command anything y ^t is not right to be done, he ought to take it patiently and in good part, in case he be not therein obeyed. And he must not be obeyed, if he command anything against the precepts of God: no, rather he may lawfully be resisted, even as Paul withstood Peter. And if he be aided by help of princes, deceived perchance by a false suggestion, or with evil counsel, cannot be resisted, but the remedies of withstanding him be taken away, there is nevertheless one remedy of appealing (which no prince cā take away) uttered by the very law of nature: for as much as it is a certain defense, which is meet for everybody by the law of God, of nature, and of man.

And whereas the laws do permit a man to appeal, not only from the griefs & injuries done, but also from such as shall be done hereafter, or threatened to be done, in so much that y ^e inferior cannot make laws of not appealing to a superior power: and since it is openly enough confessed, that a holy general counsel, lawfully gathered together in the holy Ghost, and representing the holy catholic Church, is above the Pope, especially in matters concerning faith, y ^t he cannot make decrees that men shall not appeal frō him to a general council: therefore I Tho. Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, or in time past ruler of the Metropolical church of Canterb. doctor in divinity, do say and publish before you the public Notarie, and witnesses here present, with mind and intent to challenge and appeal from the persons and griefs underneath written, and to profer myself in place and time convenient and meet, to prove the Articles that follow. And I openly confess, that I would lawfully have published them before this day, if I might have had either liberty to come abroad myself, or license of a Notary and witnesses. But further then I am able to do, I know well is not required of the laws.

1 First I say and publish, that James by the mercy of God Priest, called Cardinal of the Pit, and of the title of our Lady in the way of the church of Rome, Judge and Commissary specially deputed of our most holy Lord the Pope, (as he affirmed) caused me to be cited to Rome, there to appear lxxx. days after the Citation served on me, to make answer to certain articles touching the peril of my state and life. And where as I was kept in prison with most strait ward, so that I could in no wise be suffered to go to Rome, nor to come out of prison, and in so grievous causes concerning state and life, no man is bound to send a proctor, and though I would never so fain send my Proctor, yet by reason of poverty I am not able (for all that ever I had, wherewith I should bear my Proctors costs and charges, is quite taken from me) nevertheless the most reverend Cardinal aforesaid doth sore threaten me, that whether I shall appear, or not, he will nevertheless yet proceed in judgment against me. Wherein I fele myself so grieved, that nothing can be imagined more mischievous or further from reason.

2 Secondly, the reverend father James Brookes, by the mercy of God bish. of Gloucester, Judge and vnderdeputy (as he affirmed) of the most reverend cardinal, caused me to be cited at Oxford (where I was then kept in prison) to answer to certain articles, concerning the danger of my state and life. And when I being unlearned and ignorant in the laws, desired counsel of the learned in the law, that thing was most unrighteously denied me, contrary to the equity of all laws both of God and man. Wherein again I feel me most wrongfully grieved.

3 And when I refused the said Bishop of Gloucester to be my Judge for most just causes, which I then declared, he nevertheless went on still, and made process against me, contrary to the rule of the laws of appealing, which say: A judge that is refused, ought not to proceed in the cause, but to leave off. And when he had required of me answers to certain articles, I refused to make him any answer, I said, I would yet gladly make answer to the moste renowned Kings and Queens deputies or Attourneis then present, with this condition notwithstanding, that mine answer should be extraiudicial, and that was permitted me. And with this my protestation made and admitted, I made answer, but mine answer was sudden and unprovided for: and therefore I desired to have a Copy of mine aunsweares, that I might put too, take away, change, and amende them: and this was also permitted me. Nevertheless, contrary to his promise made unto me, no respect had to my protestation, nor license given to amende mine answer, the said reverend Father Bishop of Gloucester (as I hear) commanded mine aunsweares to be enacted, contrary to the equity of the law. In which thing again I feel me much grieved.

4 Furthermore, I could not for many causes admit the bishop of Rome's usurped authority in this Realm, nor consent to it: first, my solemn oath letting me, which I made in the time of most famous memory of king Henry the eight, according to the laws of England: Secondly, because I knew the authority of the Bishop of Rome, which he usurpeth, to be against the crown, customs, and laws of this realm of England, in so much, that neither the king can be crowned in this realm, without the most grievous crime of perjury, nor may Bishops enjoy their Bishoprics, nor judgments be used according to the laws and customs of this Realm, except by the bishop of Rome's authority, be accursed both the King and Queen, the Judges, writers, and executors of the laws and customs, with all that consent to them. Finally, the whole Realm shall be accursed.

5 Moreover, that heinous and usurped authority of the bishop of Rome, through reservations of y ^e Bishoprics Prouisions, Annuates, Dispensations, Pardones, Appellations, Bulls, and other cursed Marchaundice of Rome, was wont exceedingly to spoil and consume the richesse and substance of this Realm, which all things should follow again by recognising and receiving of that usurped authority unto the immeasurable loss of this Realm.

6 Finally, it is most evident by that usurped authority, not only the Crown of England to be under yoke, the laws and customs of this realm to be thrown down and trodden under foot: but also the most holy Decrees of Councils, together with the precepts both of the gospel, and of God.

When in times past the son of righteousness being risen in the world, Christian religion, by the preaching of the Apostles began to be spread very far abroad and to floorish, in so much that their sound went out into all the world: innumerable people, which walked in darkness, saw a great light, God's glory everywhere published did flourishe, the only cark and care of the Ministers of the church was purely & sincerely to preach Christ, the people to embrace and follow Christ's doctrine. Then the church of Rome, as it were Lady of the world, both was, & also was counted worthily the mother of other churches, for as much as then she first begat to Christ, nourished w ^t the food of pure doctrine, did help them with their riches, succoured the oppressed, and was a sanctuary for the miserable, she rejoiced w ^t them that rejoiced, and wept with them that wept. Then by the examples of the Bishops of Rome, riches were despised, worldly glory & pomp was trodden under foot, pleasures and riot nothing regarded. Then this frail & uncertain life, being full of all miseries, was laughed to scorn, whiles thorough y ^e example of Romish martyrs, men did everywhere press forth ward to the life to come. But afterward the vngratiousnes of damnable ambition never satisfied, avarice and the horrible enormity of vices had corrupted & taken the see of Rome, there followed everywhere almost the deformities of all churches, growing out of kind, into the manners of the church their mother, leaving their former innocence and purity, and slipping into foul and heinous usages.

For the foresaid and many other griefs and abuses, (which I intend to prove, and do profer myself in time convenient, to prove hereafter) since reformation of the above mentioned abuses, is not to be looked for of the bishop of Rome, neither can I hope by reason of his wicked abuses and usurped authority, to have him an equal judge in his own cause: therefore I do challenge and appeal in these writings from the Pope, having no good counsel, and from the above named pretenses, commissions, and judges, from their citations, processes, and from all other things that have or shall follow thereupon, & from everyone of them, and from all their sentences, censures, pains and punishments of cursing, suspension, and interdicting, and from all others whatsoever, their denouncinges and declarations (as they pretend) of schism, of heresy, adultery, deprivation, disgrading, by them or by any of them in any manner wise attempted, done, and set forward, to be attempted, to be done, and to be set forth hereafter (saving always their honors and reverences) as unequal and unrighteous, more tyrannical & violent, and from every grief to come, which shall happen to me, as well for myself as for all and everyone that cleaveth to me, or will hereafter be on my side, unto a free general council, that shall hereafter lawfully be, & in a sure place, to the which place I or a Proctor deputed by me, may freely and with safety come, and to him or them, to whom a man may by the law, privilege, custom, or otherwise challenge and appeal.

And I desire, the first, the seconde, and the third time, instantly, more instantly, and most instantly, that I may have messengers, if there be any man that will & can give me them. And I make open promise of prosecuting this mine appellation, by y ^e way of disannulling, abuse, inequality, and unrighteousness, or otherwise as I shall be better able: choice and liberty reserved to me, to put too, diminish change, correct, and interpretate my sayings, and to reform all things after a better fashion, saving always to me every other benefit of the law, and to them that either be, or will be on my parte.

And touching my doctrine of the sacrament, and other my doctrine, of what kind soever it be, I protest that it was never my mind to write, speak, or understand anything contrary to the moste holy word of God, or else against the holy catholic church of Christ, but purely and simply to imitate and teach those things only, which I had learned of the sacred scripture, and of the holy catholic church of Christ from the beginning, and also according to the exposition of the moste holy and learned Fathers and Martyrs of the Church.

And if anything hath peradventure chanced otherwise then I thought, I may err: but heretic I cannot be, for as much as I am ready in all things to follow the judgment of the most sacred word of God, and of y ^e holy catholic church, desiring none other thing, then mekely and gently to be taught, it anywhere (which God forbid) I have swerved from the truth.

And I protest and openly confess, that in all my doctrine and preaching, both of the Sacrament, & of other my doctrine whatsoever it be, not only I mean and judge those things, as the catholic church, and the moste holy fathers of old with one accord have meant and judged, but also I would gladly use the same words that they used, and not use any other words, but to set my hand to all and singular their speeches, phrases, ways, & forms of speech, which they do use in their treatises upon the Sacrament, and to keep still their interpretation. But in this thing I only am accused for an heretic, because I allow not the doctrine lately brought in of the Sacrament, and because I consent not to words not accustomed in scripture, and unknown to the ancient Fathers, but newly invented and brought in by men, and belonging to the destruction of souls, and overthrowing of the pure and old religion. Yeuen. &c.

This appeal being put up to the B. of Eli, he said: My Lord our Commission is to proceed against you: Omni appellatione remota: and therefore we cannot admit it.

Why (quoth he) then you do me the more wrong: for my case is not as every private man's case. The matter is between the Pope and me immediate, and none otherwise: and I think no man ought to be a Judge in his own cause.

Well (quoth Eli) if it may be admitted, it shall, and so received it of him. And then began he to persuade earnestly with the Archbyshop to consider his state, and to weigh it well, while there was time to do him good, promising to become a suitor to the K. and Queen for him: and so protested his great love & friendship that had been between them, heartily weeping, so y ^t for a time he could not go on with his tale. After going forward, he earnestly affirmed, that if it had not been the King and Queens commandment, whom he could not deny, else no worldly cōmoditye should have made him to have done it, concluding that to be one of the sorowfulst things that ever happened unto him. The Archb. gently seeming to comfort him, said, he was very well content withal: and so proceeded they to his degradation: the perfect form whereof, withal the rites & ceremonies thereto appertaining, taken out of the popes Pontifical, because it is already described at full in our first book of Monuments, I shall refer the reader to the same, which he shall find. pag. 1493.

Here then to be short, when they came to take of his Pall (which is a solemn vesture of an Archb.) then said he: Which of you hath a Pall, to take off my Pall? Whych imported as much as they being his inferiors, could not disgrade him. Whereunto one of them said, in y ^• they were but Bishops, they were his inferiors, and not competent judges: but being the popes Delegates, they might take his Pal, & so they did: and so proceeding, took everything in order from him, as it was put on. Then a Barbar clipped his hear round about, and the Bish. scraped the tops of his fingers where he had been annointed, wherein B. Boner behaved him self as roughly and unmannerly, as the other Bishop was to him soft and gentle. Whiles they were thus doing. All this (quoth the Archbishop) needed not: I had myself done with this gear long ago.

Last of all, they stripped him out of his gown into his iacket, and put upon him a pore yeoman Bedles gown, full bare and nearly worn, and as evil favoredly made, as one might lightly see, and a towns man's cap on his head, and so delivered him to the secular power.

After this pageant of degradation, & all was finished, then spake Lord Boner, saying to him: Now are you no Lord anymore: and so whensoever he spake to the people of him (as he was continually barking against him) ever he used this term: This Gentleman here. &c.

And thus w ^t great compassion and pity of every man in this evil favored gown was he carried to prison. Whom there followed a gentleman of Glocestershire w ^t the archbishops own gown, who standing by, & being thought to be toward one of the Bishops, had it delivered to him: who by the way talking with him, said: the B. of Eli protested his friendship with tears. Yea (said he) he might have used a great deal more friendship toward me. & never have been the worse thought on, for I have well deserved it: and going into the prison up with him, asked him i • he would drink. Who answered him, saying: if he had a piece of saltfish, that he had better will to eat: for he had been that day somewhat troubled with this matter, and had eaten little, but now that it is past, my heart (said he) is well quieted. Whereupon the gentleman said, he would give him money withal his heart, for he was able to do it. But he being one toward the law, and fearing M. Farmers case, durst therefore give him nothing, but gave money to the bailiffs that stood by, & said, that if they were good men, they would bestow it on him (for my L. of Cant. had not one penny in his purse to help him) and so left him, my Lord bidding him earnestly farewell, commending him self to his prayers and all his friends. That night this gentleman was staide by Boner and Eli, for giving him this money: and but by the help of friends, he had been sent up to the counsel. Such was the cruelty and iniquity of the time, that men could not do good without punishment.

Here followeth the recantation of the Archbishop, with his repentance of the same.

IN this mean time, while the Archbishop was thus remaining in durance (whom they had kept now in prison almost the space of 3. years) the doctors and divines of Oxford busied thenselves all that ever they could, about M. Cranmer, to have him recante, assaying by all crafty practices and alluremēts they might devise how to bring their purpose to pass. And to the intent they might win him easily, they had him to the Deans house of Christ's church in the said Uniuersity, where he lacked no delicate fare, played at the bowles, had his pleasure for walking, & all other things that might bring him from Christ. Ouer and besides all this, secretly and slightly they suborned certain men, which when they could not expugne him by arguments and disputation, should by entreaty and fair promises, or any other means allure him to recantation: perceiving otherwise what a great wound they should receive, if the Archb. had stood steadfast in his sentence: and again on the other side, how great profit they should get, if he as the principal standerde bearer, should be overthrown. By reason whereof the wily papists flocked about him, with threatening, flattering, entreating, & promising, and all other means: especially Henry Sydal, and frier John a Spanyarde, De Villa Garcina, to the ende to drive him to the uttermost of their possibilitye, from his former sentence, to recantation.

First, they set forth how acceptable it would be both to the King and Queen, and especially howe gainful to him, and for his souls health the same should be. They added moreover, howe the Counsaile and the Noble men bare him good will. They put him in hope, that he should not only have his life, but also be restored to his ancient dignity, saying, it was but a small matter, and so easy that they required him to do, only that he would subscribe to a few words with his own hand, which if he did, there should be nothing in the realm, that the Queen would not easily grant him, whether he would have richesse or dignity, or else if he had rather live a private life in quiet rest, in whatsoever place he listed, without all public ministry, only that he would set his name in two words to a little leaf of paper: but if he refused, there was no hope of health and pardon, for the Queen was so purposed, that she would have Cranmer a Catholic, or else no Cranmer at all: Therefore he should choose whether he thought it better to ende his life shortly in the flames and firebrands now ready to be kindled, then with much honor to prolong his life, until the course of nature did cal him: for there was no middle way.

Moreover, they exhorted him that he would look to his wealth, his estimation and quietness, saying, that he was not so old, but that many years yet remained in this his so lusty age: and if he would not do it in respect of the Queen, yet he should do it for respect of his life, and not suffer that other men should be more careful for his health, then he was himself: saying, y ^t this was agreeable to his notable learning & virtues, which being adjoined with his life, would be profitable both to himself, and to many other: but being extinct by death, should be fruitful to no man: that he should take good heed that he went not too far: yet there was time enough to restore all thing safe, and nothing w • nted, if he wanted not to himself. Therefore they would him to lay hold upon the occasion of his health while it was offered, least if he would now refuse it while it was offered, he might hereafter seek it when he could not have it.

Finally, if the desire of life did nothing move him, yet he should remember y ^t to die, is grievous in all ages, and especially in these his years and flower of dignity it were more grievous: but to die in the fire & such torments, as is most grievous of all. With these & like provocations these fair flatterers ceased not to solicit and urge him, using all means they could to draw him to their side: whose force his manly constancy did a great while resist: But at last when they made no ende of calling and crying upon him, the Archb. being overcome, whether thorough their importunity, or by his own imbecility, or of what mind, I cannot tell, but at length gave his hand.

It might be supposed, that it was done for the hope of life, and better days to come. But as we may since perceive by a letter of his sent to a Lawyer, the moste cause why he desired his time to be delayed, was that he would make an ende of Marcus Antonius, which he had already begun: but howe soever it was, plain it was, to be against his conscience. The form of which recantation made by the Friers and Doctors, whereunto he subscribed, was this.

The copy and words of Cranmer's recantation.

I Thomas Cranmer late Archbish. of Canterbury, do renounce, abhor, and detest all manner of heresies and errors of Luther and Zwinglius, and all other teachings which be contrary to sound and true doctrines. And I believe most constantly in my heart, and with my mouth I confess one holy and Catholic Church visible, without the which there is no salvation, and thereof I knowledge the Bishop of Rome to be supreme head in earth, whom I knowledge to be the highest Bishop and Pope, & Christ's vicar, unto whom all Christian people ought to be subject.

And as concerning the Sacraments, I believe and worship in the Sacrament of the altar, the very body and blood of Christ, being contained most truly under the forms of bread and wine, the bread through the mighty power of God being turned into the body of our savior Jesus Christ, and the wine into his blood.

And in the other 6. sacraments also (like as in this) I believe and hold as the universal church holdeth, and the church of Rome judgeth and determineth.

Furthermore, I believe that there is a place of purgatory, where Souls departed be punished for a time, for whom the church doth godly and wholsomely pray, like as it doth honor Saints and make prayers to them.

Finally in all things I profess, y ^t I do not otherwise believe, then the catholic Church, & the church of Rome holdeth & teacheth. I am sory that ever I held or thought otherwise. And I beseech almighty God, that of his mercy he will vouchsafe to forgive me, whatsoever I have offended against God or his church, and also I desire & beseech all Christian people to pray for me.

And all such as have been deceived either by mine example or doctrine, I require them by the blood of Jesus Christ, that they will return to the unity of the church, y ^t we may be all of one mind, without schism or division.

And to conclude, I submit myself to the Catholic church of Christ, and to the supreme head thereof, so I submit myself unto the moste excellent majesties of Phillip and Mary, King & Queen of this Realm of England. &c. and to all their laws and ordinances, being ready always as a faithful subject ever to obey them. And God is my witness that I have not done this for favor or fear of any person, but willingly and of mine own mind, as well to the discharge of mine own conscience, as to the struction of other.

This recantation of the Archb. was not so soon conceived, but the Doctors & Prelates without delay caused the same to be imprinted and set abroad in all mens hands. Whereunto for better credit, first was added the name of Thom. Cranmer, with a solemn subscription, then followed the witnesses of this recantation, Henry Sydal, and Frier John De Villa Garcina. All this while Cran. was in no certain assurance of his life, although the same was faithfully promised to him by the doctors: but after that they had their purpose, the rest they committed to all adventure, as became men of that religion to do.

The Queen having now gotten a time to revenge her old grieef, received his recantation very gladly: but of her purpose to put him to death, she would nothing relēt.

Now was Crāmers cause in a miserable taking, who neither inwardly had any quietness in his own conscience, nor yet outwardly any help in his adversaries.

Besides this, on the one side was praise, on the other side scorn, on both sides danger, so that neither he could die honestly, nor yet dishonestly live: And where as he sought profit, he fell into double disprofite, that neither with good men he could avoid secrete shame, nor yet with evil men the note of dissimulation.

In the mean time, while these things were a doing (as I said) in the prison among the doctors: the Queen taking secrete Counsel, howe to dispatch Cranmer out of the way (who as yet knew nothing of her secrete hate, and looked for nothing less then death) appointed D. Cole, and secretly gave him in commandment, that against the 21. of March, he should prepare a funeral sermon for Cranmer's burning, & so instructing him orderly and diligently of her will & pleasure in that behalf, sendeth him away.

Soone after, the Lord Williams of Tame, & the Lord Shandoys, syr Thom. Bridges, and syr John Brown were sent for, with other worshipful men and Justices, commanded in the Queens name, to be at Oxford at the same day, with their servants and retinue, least Cranmer's death should raise there any tumult.

Cole the Doctor having this lesson given him before, and charged by her commandment, returned to Oxford, ready to play his part, who as the day of execution drew near, even the day before came into y ^e prison to Cranmer, to try whether he abode in the catholic faith wherein before he had left him. To whom, when Cranmer had answered, that by God's grace he would daily be more confirmed in the catholic faith: Cole departing for y ^e time, the next day following repaired to the Archb. again, giving no signification as yet of his death that was prepared: And therefore in the morning, which was the 21. day of Marche appointed for Cranmer's execution, the said Cole coming to him, asked if he had any money. To whom when he answered that he had none, he delivered him 15. crowns to give the poor to whom he would: and so exhorting him so much as he could to constancy in Faith, departed thence about his business, as to his Sermon appertained.

By this partly, and other like Arguments, the Archbishop began more and more to surmise what they went about. Then, because the day was not far past, and the Lord's and Knightes that were looked for, were not yet come, there came to him the Spanish frier, witness of his recantation, bringing a paper with articles, which Cranmer should openly profess in his recantation before the people, earnestly desiring him that he would write the said instrument with the articles w ^t his own hand, and sign it w ^t his name: which when he had done, the said frier desired y ^t he would write another copy thereof, which should remain with him, and that he did also. But yet the Archbishop being not ignorant whereunto their secret devises tended, and thinking that the time was at hand, in which he could no longer dissemble the profession of his faith with Christ's people, he put secretly in his bosom his Prayer with his exhortation, written in another paper, which he minded to recite to y ^e people before he should make the last profession of his faith, fearing least if they had heard the confession of his faith first, they would not afterward have suffered him to exhort the people.

Soone after, about 9. of the clock, the Lord Williams, Syr Thomas Bridges, syr John Brown, and the other Justices with certain other noble men, that were sent of the Queens counsel, came to Oxford w ^t a great train of waiting men. Also of the other multitude on every side, (as is wont in such a matter) was made a great concourse and greater expectation. For first of all, they that were of the Popes side, were in great hope that day to hear something of Cranmer that should stablish the vanity of their opinion: the other parte which were endued with a better mind, could not yet doubt, that he which by continual study and labor, for so many years had set forth the doctrine of the gospel, either would or could now in the last Acte of his life forsake his part. Briefly, as every man's will inclined, either to this part or to that, so according to the diversity of their desires, every mā wished and hoped for. And yet because in an uncertain thing the certaintye could be known of none what would be the end: all their minds were hanging between hope and doubt. So that the greater the expectation was in so doubtful a matter, the more was the multitude that were gathered thither to hear and behold.

In this so great frequence and expectation, Cranmer at length cometh from the prison Bocardo, unto s. Mary's church (because it was a foul and a rainy day) the chief church in the university, in this order. The Mayor went before, next him the Aldermen in their place and degree: after them was Cranmer brought between two friers, which mumbling to and froe certain Psalms in the streets, answered one another until they came to the Church door, and there they began the song of Simeon, Nunc Dimittis, and entering into the Church, the Psalm saying Friers brought him to his standing, and there left him. There was a stage set up over against the pulpit, of a mean height from the ground, where Cranmer had his standing, waiting until Cole made him ready to his Sermon.

The lamentable case and sight of that man gave a sorrowful spectacle to all Christian eyes that beheld him. He that late was Archbishop, Metropolitan, and Primate of England, and the Kings privy Counselor, being now in a bare and ragged gown, and ill favoredly clothed, with an old square cap, exposed to the contempt of all men, did admonish men not only of his own calamity, but also of their state and fortune. For who would not pity his case, and bewail his fortune, & might not fear his own chance, to see such a Prelate, so grave a Counselor, and of so long continued honor, after so many dignities, in his old years to be deprived of his estate, adjudged to die, and in so painful a death to end his life, and now presently from such fresh ornaments, to discende to such vile and ragged apparel?

In this habit, when he had stood a good space upon the stage, tourning to a pillar near adjoining thereunto, he lifted up his hands to heaven, & prayed unto God once or twice: till at the length D. Cole coming into the pulpit, and beginning his sermon, entered first into mention of Tobias and Zechariah. Whome after that he had praised in the beginning of his sermon for their perseueraunce in the true worshipping of God, he then divided his whole sermon into 3. partes (according to the solemn custom of the Schools) intending to speak first of the mercy of God, secondly of his Justice to be shown: and last of all, howe the Princes secretes are not to be opened. And proceeding a little from the beginning, he took occasion by and by to tourne his tale to Cranmer, and with many hot words reproved him, that once he being endued with the favor and feeling of wholesome and Catholic doctrine, fell into the contrary opinion of pernicious error, which he had not only defended by writings and all his power: but also allured other men to do the like, with great liberalitye of gifts, as it were, appointing rewards for error: and after he had allured them, by all means did chearish them.

It were too long to repeat all things, that in long order were there pronounced. The sum of this tripart •• e declamation was, that he said God's mercy was so tempered w ^t his justice, that he did not altogether require punishment according to the merits of offenders, nor yet sometimes suffered the same altogether to go unpunished, yea though they had repented. As in David, who whē he was bidden choose of 3. kinds of punishments which he would, and he had chosen pestilence for 3. days: the Lord forgave him half the time, but did not release all: And that the same thing came to pass in him also, to whom although pardon & reconciliation was due according to the Canons, seeing he repented from his errors, yet there were causes why the Queen and the Coūcel at this time judged him to death: of which, least he should marvel too much, he should hear some.

First that being a traitor, he had dissolved the lawful matrimony between the Kinge her father and mother: besides the driving out of the Popes authority, while he was Metropolitan.

Secondly, that he had ben an heretic, from whom as from an author and only fountain, all heretical doctrine & schismatical opinions that so many years have prevailed in England, did first rise and spring: of which he had not been a secrete fauorer only, but also a most earnest defender even to the ende of his life, sowing them abroad by writings and arguments, privately and openly, notwithout great ruin and decay of the catholic church.

And further, it seemed meet, according to the law of equality, that as the death of the Duke of Northumb. of late, made even with Thomas More Chancellor that died for the Church, so there should be one that should make even w ^t Fisher of Rochester: and because that Ridley, Hooper, Ferrar, were not able to make evē with that man, it seemed meet, that Cranmer should be joined to them to fill up this part of equality.

Besides these, there were other just and weighty causes, which seemed to the Queen and the Council, which was not meet at that time to be opened to the common people.

After this, turning his tale to y ^e hearers, he bad all men beware by this mans example, that among men nothing is so high, y ^t can promise it self safety on the earth, and that God's vengeance is equally stretched against all men▪ and spareth none: therefore they should beware & learn to fear their Prince. And seeing y ^e Queens majesty would not spare so notable a man as this, much less in the like cause she would spare other men, that no man should think to make thereby any defense of his error, either in richesse or any kind of authority. They had now an example to teache them all, by whose calamity every man might consider his own fortune: who from the top of dignity, none being more honorable then he in the whole realm, and next the King, was fallen into so great misery, as they might now see, being a man of so high degree, sometime one of the chiefest Prelates in the Church, and an Archbishop, the chief of the Counsel, the seconde person in the Realm of long time, a man thought in greatest assurance, having a King on his side: notwithstanding all his authority and defense to be debaced frō high estate, to a low degree, of a Counselor to become a caitiff, and to be set in so wretched a state, that the poorest wretch would not change condition with him: briefly so heaped with misery on all sides, that neither was left in him any hope of better fortune, nor place for worse.

The latter parte of his Sermon, he converted to the Archbishop: whom he comforted and encouraged to take his death well, by many places of Scripture, as with these and such like: bidding him not mistruste, but he should incontinently receive that the the • e did, to whom Christ said: Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso. That is. Thys day thou shalt be with me in Paradise. And out of S. Paul he a •• ued him against the terror of the fire, by this: Dominus fidelis est, non sinet vos tentari vltra quàm ferre potestis. That is. The Lord is faithful, which will not suffer you to be tempted above youre strength, by the example of the three children, to whom God made the flame to seem like a pleasant dew, adding also the rejoicing of S. Andrew in his cross, the patience of S. Laurence on the fire, assuring him, that God, if he called on him, and to such as die in his faith, either would abate the fury of the flame, or give him strength to abide it.

He glorified God much in his conversion, because it appeared to be only his work, declaring what travel and conference had been with him to convert him, and all prevailed not, till that it pleased God of his mercy to reclaim him, and call him home. In discour • ynge of which place, he much commended Cranmer, and qualified his former doings, thus tempering his judgment and talk of him, that while the time (said he) he slowed in richesse and honor, he was unworthy of his life: and now that he might not live, he was unworthy of death. But least he should carry with him no comfort, he would diligently labor (he said) and also he did promise in the name of all the Priests that were present, that immediately after his death, there should be Diriges, Masses, and funerals executed for him in all the Churches of Oxford for the succor of his soul.

Cranmer in all this mean time, with what great grief of mind he stood hearing this Sermon, the outward shows of his body and countenance did better express, then any man can declare: one while lifting up his hands and eyes unto heaven, and then again for shame letting them down to the earth. A man might have seen the very image and shape of perfect sorrow lively in him expressed. More then twenty several times the tears gushed out abundantly, dropped down marvelously from his Fatherly face. They which were present, do testify that they never saw in any child more tears, then brast out from him at that time, all the Sermon while: but specially when he recited his Prayer before the people. It is marvelous what commiseration and pitye moved all men's hearts, that beheld so heavy a countenance, and such abundance of tears in an old man of so reverend dignity.

Cole after he had ended his Sermon, called back the people that were ready to depart, to prayers. Brethren (said he) least any man should doubt of this man's earnest conversion and repentance, you shall hear him speak before you, and therefore I pray you master Cranmer, that you will now perform that you promised not long ago: namely, that you would openly express the true and undoubted profession of your faith, that you may take away all suspicion from men, and that all men may understand that you are a Catholic in deed. I will do it (said the Archbyshop) and with a good will: who by and by rising up, and putting of his cap, began to speak thus unto the people.

I desire you well beloved brethren in the Lord, that you will pray to God for me, to forgeeue me my sins, which above all men, both in noumber and greatness, I have committed: But among all the rest, there is one offense, which of all at this time doth vex and trouble me, whereof in process of my talk you shall hear more in his proper place, and then putting his hand into his bosom, he drew forth his Prayer, which he recited to the people in this sense.

The Prayer of Doctor Cranmer Archbyshop.

GOod Christian people, my dearly beloved brethren and sisters in Christ, I beseech you most heartily to pray for me to almighty God, that he will forgive me all my sins and offenses, which be many, without number, and great above measure. But yet one thing grieveth my conscience more then all the rest, whereof God willing, I entende to speak more hereafter. But howe great and howe many soever my sins be. I beseech you to pray God of his mercy to pardon and forgive them all. And here kneeling down, he said:

O Father of heaven: O son of God redeemer of the world: O holy Ghoste, three persons and one God, have mercy upon me moste wretched caitiff and miserable sinner. I have offended both against heaven and earth, more then my tongue can express. Whether then may I go, or whether should I fly? To heaven I may be ashamed to lift up mine eyes, and in earth I find no place of refuge or succor. To thee therefore (O Lord) do I run: to thee do I humble myself saying. O Lord my God, my sins be great, but yet have mercy upon me for thy great mercy. The great mystery that God became man, was not wrought for little or few offenses. Thou diddest not give thy son (O heavenly father) unto death for small sins only, but for all the greatest sins of the world, so that the sinner return to thee with his whole heart, as I do here at this present. Wherefore have mercy on me O God, whose property is always to have mercy, have mercy upon me O Lord, for thy great mercy. I crave nothing for mine own merits, but for thy names sake, that it may be hallowed thereby, and for thy dear son Jesus Christ's sake. And now therefore, Our father of heaven, hallowed be thy name. &c. And then he rising, said:

Every man (good people) desireth at that time of their death to give some good exhortation, that other may remember the same before their death, & be the better thereby: so I beseech God grant me grace, that I may speak some thing at this my departing, whereby God may be glorified, and you edified.

First, it is an heavy case to see that so many folk be so much doted upon the love of this false world, and so careful for it, that of the love of God, or y ^e world to come, they seem to care very little or nothing. Therefore this shall be my first exhortation, that you set not your minds over much upon this glossing world, but upon God and upon the world to come: and to learn to know what this lesson meaneth, which s. John teacheth, that the love of this world is hatred against God.

The seconde exhortation is, that next under God you obey your King and Queen willingly and gladly, without murmuring or grudging: not for fear of them only, but much more for the fear of God: knowing that they be God's ministers, appointed by God to rule and govern you: and therefore who soever resisteth them, resisteth the ordinance of God.

The third exhortatiō is, that you love altogether like brethren and sisters. For alas, pity it is to see what contention and hatred one Christian man beareth to another, not taking cache other as brother and sister, but rather as strangers and mortal enemies. But I pray you learn and bear well away this one lesson, to do good unto all men, as much as in you lieth, and to hurt no man, no more then you would hurt your own natural loving brother or sister. For this you may be sure off, that who soever hateth any person, and goeth about maliciously to hinder or hurt him, surely, and without all doubt God is not with that man, although he think himself never so much in God's favor.

The fourth exhortation shall be to them y ^t have great substance & riches of this world, that they will well consider and weigh three sayings of the Scripture. One is of our Savior Christ him self, who saith: It is hard for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven. A sore saying, and yet spoken of him that knoweth the truth.

The second is of S. John, whose saying is this: He that hath the substance of this world, and seeth his brother in necessity, and shutteth up his mercy from him, howe can he say that he loveth God?

The third is of S, James, who speaketh to the covetous riche man after this manner: Weep you and howl for the misery that shall come upon you: your riches do rotte, your clothes be mothe eaten, your gold and silver doeth canker and rust, and their rust shall bear witness against you, and consume you like fire▪ you gather a hoarde or treasure of God's indignation against the last day. Let them that be riche, ponder well these three sentences: for if they had occasion to show their charity, they have it now at this present, the poor people being so many, and victuals so dear.

And now, for as much as I am come to the last end of my life, whereupon hangeth all my life past, and all my life to come, either to live with my master Christ forever in joy, or else to be in pain forever, with wicked Deuilles in hell, & I see before mine eyes presently either heaven ready to receive me, or else hell ready to swallow me up: I shall therefore declare unto you my very faith how I believe, without any color or dissimulation: for now is no time to dissemble, whatsoever I have said or written in time past.

First, I believe in God the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth. &c. And I believe every Article of the Catholic faith, every word and sentence taught by our Savior Jesus Christ, his Apostles and Prophets, in the new and old Testament.

And now I come to the great thing, that so much troubleth my conscience more then anything that ever I did or said in my whole life, and that is the setting abroad of a writing contrary to the truth: which now here I renounce and refuse as things written with my hand, contrary to the truth which I thought in my heart, and written for fear of death, and to save my life if it might be, and that is, all such bills and papers which I have written or signed with my hand since my degradation: wherein I have written many things untrue. And for as much as my hand offended, writing contrary to my heart, my hand shall first be punished therefore: for may I come to the fire, it shall be first burned.

And as for the Pope, I refuse him as Christ's enemy and Antichrist, with all his false doctrine.

And as for the sacrament, I believe as I have taught in my book against the Bishop of Winchester, the which my book teacheth so true a doctrine of the sacrament, that it shall stand at the last day before the judgment of God, where the Papistical doctrine contrary thereto, shall be ashamed to show her face.

Here y ^e standers by were all astonied, marvelled, were amazed, did look one upon another, whose expectation he had so notably deceived. Some began to admonish him of his recantation, and to accuse him of falsehood.

Briefly, it was a world to see the doctors beguiled of so great an hope. I think there was never cruelty more notably or better in time deluded & deceived. For it is not to be doubted but they looked for a glorious victory, and a perpetual triumph by this man's retractation.

Who as soon as they heard these things, began to let down their ears, to rage, frette, and fume: and so much the more, because they could not revenge their grief: for they could now no longer threaten or hurt him. For the most miserable man in the world can die but once: and where as of necessity he must needs die that day, though the papists had been never so well pleased: now being never so much offended with him, yet could he not be twice killed of them. And so when they could do nothing else unto him, yet least they should say nothing, they ceased not to object unto him his falsehood and dissimulation.

Unto which accusation he answered: Ah my masters (quoth he) do not you take it so. Always since I lived hitherto, I have been a hater of falsehood, and a lover of simplicity, and never before this time have I dissembled: and in saying this, all the tears that remained in his body, appeared in his eyes. And when he began to speak more of the sacrament and of the papacy, some of them began to cry out, yalpe, and baule, and specially Cole cried out upon him: stop the heretics month, and take him away.

And then Cranmer being pulled down from the stage, was led to the fire, accompanied with those Friers, vexing, troubling, and threatening him most cruelly. What madness (say they) hath brought thee again into this error, by which thou wilt draw innumerable souls with thee into hell? To whom he answered nothing, but directed all his talk to y ^e people, saving that to one troubling him in the way, he spake and exhorted him to get him home to his study, and apply his book diligently, saying if he did diligently cal upon God, by reading more he should get knowledge.

But the other Spanish barker, raging and foaming, was almost out of his wits, always having this in his mouth: Non fecisti? diddest thou it not?

But when he came to the place where the holy Bishops and Martyrs of God, Hugh Latimer and Ridley were burnt before him for the confession of the truth, kneeling down, he prayed to God, and not long tarrying in his prayers, putting of his garments to his shirt, he prepared himself to death. His shirt was made long down to his feet. His feet were bare. Likewyse his head, when both his caps were of, was so bare, that one hair could not be seen upon it. His beard was long and thick, covering his face with marvelous gravity. Such a countenance of gravity moved the hearts both of his friends and of his enemies.

Then the Spanish Friers John & Richard, of whom mention was made before, began to exhort him and play their partes with him a fresh, but with vain and lost labor, Cranmer with steadfast purpose abidyng in the profession of his doctrine, gave his hand to certain old men, and other that stood by, bidding them farewell.

And when he had thought to have done so likewise to Eli, the said Eli drew back his hand and refused, saying: it was not lawful to salute heretics, and specially such a one as falsely returned unto the opinions that he had forsworn. And if he had known before that he would have done so, he would never have used his company so familiarly, and chid those sergeants and Citizens, which had not refused to give him their hands. This Eli was a priest lately made, and student in Divinity, being thē one of the fellows of Brasennose.

Then was an iron chain tied about Cranmer, whom when they perceived to be more steadfast then that he could be moved from his sentence, they commanded the fire to be set unto him.

And when the wood was kindled, and the fire began to burn near him, stretching out his arm, he put his right hand into the flame: which he held so steadfast & immovable (saving that once with the same hand he wiped his face) that all men might see his hand burned before his body was touched. His body did so abide the burning of the flame with such constancy and steadfastness, that standing always in one place without moouyng of his body, he seemed to move no more then the stake to which he was bound: his eyes were lifted up into heaven, and oftentimes he repeated his unworthy right hand, so long as his voice would suffer him: and using often̄ the words of Stephen, Lord Jesus receive my spirit, in the greatness of the flame, he gave up the Ghost.

This fortitude of mind which perchance is rare and not found among the Spaniards, when Frier John. saw, thinking it came not of fortitude, but of desperation (although such manner of examples which are of the like constancy, have been common here in England) ran to the L. Williams of Tame, crying that the Archb. was vexed in mind, and died in great desperation. But he which was not ignorant of the Archbishoppes constancy, being unknown to the Spaniards, smiled only, and (as it were) by silence rebuked the Friers folly. And this was the ende of this learned Archb. whom, least by evil subscribyng he should have perished, by well recantyng God preserved: and least he should have lived longer with shame and reproof, it pleased God rather to take him away, to the glory of his name and profit of his Church. So good was the Lord both to his Church, in fortifieng the same with the testimony and blood of such a Martyr: and so good also to the man with this cross of tribulation, to purge his offenses in this world, not only of his recantation, but also of his standing against John Lambert and M. Allen, or if there were any other, with whose burning and blood, his hands had been before any thing polluted. But especially he had to rejoice, that dying in such a cause, he was to be numbered amongst Christ's Martyrs, much more worthy the name of S. Thomas of Canterbury, then he whom the Pope falsely before did Canonise.

And thus have you the full story concerning the life and death of this reverend Archbish. and Martyr of God, Thomas Cranmer, and also of diverse other the learned sort of Christ's Martyrs burned in Queen Mary's time, of whom this Archb. was the last, being burnt about the very middle time of the reign of that Queen, and almost the very middle man of all the Martyrs which were burned in all her reign besides.

Now after the life and story of this foresaid Archbishop discoursed, let us adjoin withal his letters, beginning first with his famous letter to Queen Mary, which he wrote unto her incontinent after he was cited up to Rome by bishop Brookes and his fellows, the tenor whereof here followeth.

Letters of Doctor Tho. Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury.