Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 2

The strange and fearful death of the same Doctor Williams.

WHen God of his inestimable mercy having pity of us, and pardoning our sins for his sons sake Christ Jesus, had now taken from us that bloody Princesse, and sent us this jewel of Joy, the Queens majesty that now reigneth (and long might she reign) over us: and that the commissioners for restitution of religion wer coming toward Gloucester. The same day D. Williams the Chancellor, dined with W. Ienings the Dean of Gloucester, who with all his men were booted ready at one of the clock to set forward to Chipping Norton, about xv. miles from Gloucester, to meet the Commissioners which were at Chipping Norton, and said to him, Chancellor, are not thy bootes on?

Wherefore, to pass over our own domestical examples of English persecutors plagued by God's hand (whereof this our present story doth abound) I will stretch my pen a little further to adjoin withal a few like examples in foreign countries.

Foreign Examples.

HOfmeister the great Archpapist, and chief maisterpiller of the Popes falling Church, as he was in his journey going toward the Council of Ratisbone, to dispute against the defenders of Christ's gospel, suddenly in his journey, not far from Ulmes, was prevented by the stroke of God's hand, and there miserably died, with horrible roaring and crying out. Ex Illyrico de vocabulo fidei.

What a pernicious and pestilent doctrine is this of the papists, which leadeth men to seek their salvation by merits and works of the law, and not by faith only in Christ the son of God, and to stay themselves by grace? And what inconvenience this doctrine of doubting & desperation bringeth men to at length, if the plain word of God will not sufficiently admonish us, yet let us be warned by examples of such as have been either teachers or followers of this doctrine, and consider well what ende commonly it hath and doth bring men unto. To recite all that may be said in this behalf, it were infinite. To note a few examples for admonitions sake, it shall be requisite.

In the University of Leuven was one named Guarlacus a learned man, brought up in that School, who at length was reader of Divinity to the Monks of s. Gertrudes order. Where after he had stoutly maintained the corrupt errors of such popish doctrine, at last falling sick, when he perceived no way with him but death, he fell into a miserable agony and perturbation of spirit, crying out of his sins, how wickedly he had lived, and that he was not able to abide the judgment of God, and so casting out words of miserable desperation, said: his sins were greater then that he could be pardoned, and in that desperation wretchedly he ended his life. Ex Epistola Claudij Senarclaei ad Bucerum ante histor. de morte Diazij.

Another like example we have of Arnoldus Bomelius, a young man of the said University of Leuven, well commended for his fresh flourishing wit and ripeness of learning, who so long as he favored the cause of the gospel, and took part with the same against the enemies of the truth, he prospered and went well forward, but after that he drew to the company of Tyleman, master of the Popes College in Leuven, and framed himself after the rule of his unsavory doctrine, that is, to stand in fear and doubt of his justification, and to work his salvation by merits and deeds of the law, he began more and more to grow in doubtful despair and discomfort of mind: as y ^e nature of that doctrine is, utterly to pluck away a man's mind from all certainty and true liberty of spirit, to a servile doubtfulness, full of discomfort and bondage of soul.

Thus the young man seduced and perverted thorough this blind doctrine of ignorance and dubitation, fell into a great agony of mind, wandryng and wrestlyng in him self a long space, till at length being overcome with despair, and not having in the popish doctrine wherewith to raise up his soul, he went out of the city on a time to walk, accompanied with three other Studentes of the same University, his special familiars. Who after their walk, as they returned home again, Arnoldus for weariness (as it seemed) sat down by a spring side to rest him a while. The other supposing none other, but that he for weariness there rested to refresh himself, went forward a little past him. In the mean time what doth Arnoldus, but suddenly taketh out his dagger, and stroke himself into the body.

His fellows seeing him shrinking down, and the fountain to be all coloured with the blood which issued out of the wound, came running to him to take him up, and so searching his body where the wound should be, at length found what he had done, and how he had stricken himself with his dagger into the breast. Whereupon they took him and brought him into an house next at hand, and there exhorted him as well as they could, to repent his fact: who then by outward gesture seemed to give some show of repentance. Notwithstanding, the said Arnoldus espiyng one of his friends there busy about him, to have a knyfe hanging at his girdle violently plucked out the knife, and with main force stabbed himself to the heart.

By these Louanian examples, as we have all to learn, no man to be sure of his life, but that he always needeth to crave and cal unto the Lord to bless him with his truth and grace: so especially would I wish our English Louanians, which now make fortes in that University against the open truth of Christ's gospel, to be wise in time, and not to spurn so against the prick. Ne forte. &c.

Or if they think yet these examples not enough for sufficient admonition, let them join hereto the remembrance also of Jacobus Latomus, a chief and principal captain of the same University of Leuven. Who after he had been at Brussels, and there thinking to do a great act against Luther and his fellows, made an Oration before the Emperor, so foolishly and ridiculously, that he was laughed to scorn almost of the whole Courte. Then returning from thence to Louan again, in his public Lecture he fell in an open fury and madness, vttring such words of desperation and blasphemous impiety, that the other Divines which were there, and namely, Ruardus Anchusianus, were fain to carry him away as he was rauyng, and so shut him into a close chamber. From y ^t time unto his last breath, Latomus had never any thing else in his mouth, but that he was damned and rejected of God, and that there was no hope of salvation for him, because that wittingly and against his knowledge, he withstood the manifest truth of his word. Ex Epist. Senarclaei ante hist. de morte Diazij. Item, ex Oratione Pauli Eberi in comitijs Wittembergae habita.

Thus almighty God not only by his word, but by examples also, diverse and sundry wise doth warn us, first to seek to know the perfect will and decree of the Lord our God appointed in his word. The perfect will and full testament of the Lord in his word, is this, that he hath sent and given his only son unto us, being fully contented to accept our faith only upon him for our perfect justification and full satisfaction for all our transgressions: and this is called in Scripture, Iusticia Dei. To this will and righteousness of God, they that humbly submit themselves, find place and rest in their souls, that no mā is able to express, and have strength enough against all the invasions and temptations of Satan.

Contrarywise, they that will not yield their obedience unto the will and ordinance of GOD • xpressed in his word, but will seek their own righteousness, which is of man, laboring by their merits and satisfactions to serve and please God: these not only do find with God no righteousness at all, but instead of his favor, procure to themselves his horrible indignation, in stead of comfort, heap to themselves desperation, and in the end what inconvenience they come to by these above recited examples of Guarlacus, Bomelius, and Latomus, it is evident to see. And out of this fountain springeth not only the punishments of these men, but also all other inconveniences which happen amongst men, where so ever this pernicious and erroneous doctrine of the Papists taketh place.

A Dominike Frier of Mounster, as he was inueighyng in the Pulpitte against the Doctrine of the Gospel then springyng up, was stricken with a sudden flashe of lightnyng, and so ended his life. Ex Pantal. in 2. parte. Rerum memor.

Manlius in his book, De dictis Philippi Melancth. maketh mention of a certain Tailors servant in Lypsia, who receiving first the Sacrament in both kinds with the Gospellers, and afterward being persuaded by the papists, received with them under one kind. Whereupon being admonished of his master to come to the Communion again in the Church of the Gospellers, he stood a great while and made no answer. At last crying out upon a sudden, he ran to the window thereby, and so cast himself out, and brake his neck.

In the same Manlius mention is also made of a certain Gentleman of name and authority, but he nameth him not, who hearing these words in a song: Ein feste burg ist vnser Gott: that is: Our only hold or fortress is our God. Psalm. 46. answered, and said: Ich will helffē die burg zerschiesse, oder ich will nit leben: that is, I will help to shoot against thy stay or forte, or else I will not live. And so within three days after he died without repentance, or confessing his faith. Ex Manlio, De dictis Philip. Melancth.

Of Sadoletus the learned Cardinal likewise it is reported of some, that he died not without great torments of conscience and desperation.

The Commendator of S. Anthony, who sat as spiritual Judge over that godly learned man Wolfgangus burned in Lotharing, in Germany, and gave sentence of his condemnation, fell suddenly dead shortly after. Read before pag. 884.

Also his fellow the Abbot of Clarilocus, and Suffragan to the bishop of Metz, at the crack of gunnes suddenly fell down and died. pag. 824.

David Beaton Archbishop of s. Andrew's in Scotland, shortly after the beginning of M. George Wisard, how he by the just stroke of God was slain, and wretchedly ended his life within his own Castle, in the discourse of his story is evident to see, who so listeth further to read of that matter, pag. 1272.

Johannes Sleidanus in his 23. book, maketh relati •• of Cardinal Crescentius, the chief President and moderator of the Council of Trident, ann. 1552. The story of whom is certain, the thing that happened to him was strange and notable, the example of him may be profitable to others such as have grace to be warned by other mens evils. The narration is this.

The 25. day of March, in the yere aforesaid, Crescentius the Popes Legate, and Uicegerent in the Council of Trident, was sitting all the day long until dark night, in writing letters to th • Pope. After his labor when night was come, thinking to refresh himself, he began to rise: and at his rising, behold there appeared to him a mighty black dog, of a huge bigness, his eyes flamyng with fire, and his ears hanging low down welneere to the ground, to enter in, and strait to come toward him, & so to couch under the board. The Cardinal not a little amazed at the sight thereof, somewhat recovering himself, ralled to his servants, which were in the outward chamber next by, to bring in a candle, and to seek for the dog. But when the dog could not be found, neither there, nor in no other chamber about, the Cardinal thereupon stricken with a sudden conceit of mind, immediately fell into such a sickness, whereof his Physicians which he had about him, with all their industry and cunning could not cure him. And so in the town of Uerona died this popish cardinal, the Popes holy Legate, and President of this council: wherein his purpose was (as Sleidane saith) to recover and heal again the whole authority and doctrine of the Romish see, and to set it up forever.

There were in this Council beside the Popes Legates and Cardinal of Trident, lxij. Bishops, Doctors of Divinity xlij. And thus was the ende of that Popish Council, by the provident hand of the almighty, dispatched and brought to naught. Ex Sleidano, Li. 23.

This Council of Trident being then dissolved by the death of this Cardinal, was afterward notwithstanding recollected again about the year of our lord, 1562. against the erroneous proceedings of which Council, other writers there be that say enough. So much as pertaineth only to story, I thought hereunto to add concerning two filthy adulterous bishops, to the said Council belonging of whom the one haunting to an honest man's wife, was slain by the just stroke of God with a Borespeare. The other Bishop, whose haunte was to creep through a window, in the same window was subtly taken and hanged in a grinne laid for him of purpose, and so conveyed, that in the morning he was seen openly in the street hanging out of the window, to the wonderment of all that passed by. Ex protestatione Concionatorum Germa. aduersus conuentum Trident. &c.

Amongst all the religious order of Papists, who was a stouter defender of the Popes side, or a more vehement impugner of Martin Luther, then John Eckius, who, if his cause wherein he so travailed, had been godly, had deserved (no doubt) great favor and condign retribution at the hands of the Lord. Now for so much as we cannot better judge of him then by his ende, let us consider the manner of his departing hence, and compare the same with the end of M. Luther.

In the which M. Luther being such an adversary as he was to the Pope, and having no less then all the world upon him at once, first this is to be noted, that after all these travails, the Lord gave him to depart both in great age, and in his own native country where he was born. Secondly, he blessed him with such a quiet death, without any violent hand of any adversary, that it was counted rather a sleep then a death. Thirdly, as the death of his body was mild, so his spirit & mind continued no less godly unto the end, continually inuocating and calling upon the name of the Lord, and so commending his spirit to him with fervent prayer, he made a blessed and an heavenly ending. Fourthly, over and besides these blessings, almighty God did also add unto him such an honorable burial, as to many great Princes vnneth happeneth the like. And this briefly concerning the ende of M. Luther, as ye may read before more at large, pag. 863.

Now let us consider and confer with this the death of John Eckius and the manner thereof, which we find in the English translation of the history of John Carion, fol. 250. in these words expressed. This yere (saith he) died at Ingold state, Doctor Eckius a faithful servant and champion of the Pope, and a defender of the abhominable Papacie. But as his life was full of all ungodliness, uncleanness, and blasphemy, so was his end miserable, hard, and pitiful, in so much that his last words (as it is noted of many credible persons) were these: In case the four thousand guildens were ready, the matter were dispatched, &c. (Dreamyng belike of some Cardinalship that he should have bought.) Some say, that the Pope had granted him a certain Deanry, which he should have redeemed from the Courte of Rome with the foresaid sum. Now what a heavenly ende this was of M. Eckius, I leave it to the Readers judgment.

In the City of Andwerpe was (as they term him there) a Shoulted, that is to say, the next Officer to the Markgraue, one named John Uander Warfe, a Bastard son of a stock or kindred called Warfe, of good estimation amongst the chiefest in Antwarpe. Who, as he was of nature cruel, so was he of judgment perverse and corrupt, and a sore persecutor of Christ's flock, with greediness seeking and shedding innocent blood, and had drouned diverse good men and women in the water: for the which he was much commended of the bloody generation. Of some he was called a bloudhound or bloody dog. Of other he was called Shildpad: that is to say, Sheltode: for that he being a short grundy and of little stature, did ride commonly with a great broad hat, as a churl of the country.

This man after he was weary of his office (wherein he had continued above xx. years) he gave it over: and because he was now grown rich and wealthy, he intended to pass the residue of his life in pleasure and quietness.

During which time, about the second year after he had left his office, he came to Antwarpe to the feast called our Ladies Oumegang, to make merry: which feast is usually kept on the Sunday following the assumption of our Lady. The same day in the after noon about four of the clock▪ he being well loden with wine, rode homewards in his wagon, with his wife and a gentlewoman waiting on her and his fool. As soon as the Wagon was come without the gate of the city called Croneborgh gate, upon the wooden bridge being at that time made for a shift, with rails or bars on both sides, for more safety of the passengers (half a man's heighth & more) the horses stood still and would by no means go forward, whatsoever the guider of the wagon could do.

Then he in a drunken rage cried out to him that guided the wagō, saying: Ride on in a thousand devils name, ride on. Wherat the poor man answered, that he could not make the horses to go forward. By and by, while they were yet thus talking, suddenly rose, as it were, a mighty hurlewynd, with a terrible noise (the wether being very fair & no wynd stirring before) & tost the wagon over the bar into the town ditch, the ropes whereat the horses had been tied, being broken a sunder in such sort, as if they had been cut with a sharp knife, the wagon also being cast vpsidedowne, with the fore end thereof turned toward the town again, and he drowned in the mire: and when he was taken up, it was found, that his neck also was broken. His wife was taken up alive, but died also within three days after. But the Gentlewoman and the fool by God's mighty providence, were preserved & had no harm. The fool hearing the people say, that his Master was dead, said: & was not I dead, was not I dead too? This was done, an. 1553. Witness hereof not only the Printer of the same story in Dutch dwelling then in Andwerpe, whose name was Francis Fraet a good man, and afterward for hatred put to death of Papists, but also diverse Dutchmen here now in England, and a great number of English merchants, which then were at Antwerpe, & are yet alive.

Of the sudden death of Bartholomeus Chassaneus, or Cassanus, persecutor, read before, pag. 943.

Of Minerius the bloody persecutor, or rather tormētor of Christ's saints, how he died with bleeding in his lower partes, ye heard before, pag. 953.

And what should I speak of the judge which accompanied the said Minerius in his persecution, who a little after as he returned homeward, was drowned, and three mo of the same company, killed one another upon a strife that fell amongst them, pag. 953.

Johannes de Roma cruel Monk, whom rather we may call a hell hound, then persecutor, what hellishe torments he had devised for the poor Christians of Angrongne, the contents of the story before doth express, pag. 216. Agayne, with what like torments afterward, & that doublefold, the Lord paid him home again, who in his rottyng and stinking death, neither could find any enemy to kill him, nor any friend to bury him, who neither could abide his own stinking carrion, nor any man else to come near him. Hereof read also in the same page and plate above specified.

Such a like persecutor also the same time was the lord of Reuest, who likewise escaped not the revenging hand of God's justice being stricken after his furious persecution, with a like horrible sickness, and such a fury and madness, that none durst come near him, and so most wretchedly died. Whereof read before, pag. 943.

Touching the like grievous punishment of God vpō one John Martin a persecutor, read pag. 955.

Erasmus in an Epistle or Apology written in defense of his Colloquies, inferreth mention of a certain noble person of great riches and possessions, who having wife and children, with a great family at home (to whom by S. Paul's rule he was bound in conscience principally above all other worldly things to attend) had purposed before his death to go see Jerusalem. And thus all things being set in order, this Noble man about to set foreward on his journey, committed the care of his wife (whom he left great with child) and of his Lordship’s and Castles to an Archbishop, as to a most sure and trusty father. To make short, it happened in the journey, this Noble man to die. Whereof, so soon as the Archbishop had intelligence, instead of a father, he became a thief and robber, seising into his own hands all his Lordship’s and possessions. And moreover, not yet contented with all this, he laid siege against a strong fort of his (unto the which his wife for safeguard of her self did flee) where in conclusion, she with the child that she went withal, pitifully was slain, and so miserably perished. Which story was done (as testifieth Erasmus) not so long before his time, but y ^t there remained the nephews of the said Noble man then alive, to whom the same inheritance should have fallen, but they could not obtain it.

What cometh of blind superstition, when a mā not containing himself within the compass of God's word, wandereth in other bywayes of his own, and not contented with the religion set up of the Lord, will bind his conscience to other ordinances, prescriptions, and religious devised by men, leaving God's commandments undone for the constitutions and precepts of men, what ende and reward (I say) cometh thereof at length, by this one example, beside infinite other of the like sort, men may learn by experience: and therefore they that yet will defend Idolatrous pilgrimage and rash vows, let them well consider hereof. It is rightly said of saint Jerome, to have been at Jerusalem, is no great matter, but to live a godly and virtuous life, that is a great matter in very deed.

In the year of our Lord, 1565. there was in the town of Gaunt in Flanders, one William de Weuer, accused & imprisoned by the Prouost of S. Peters in Gaunt (who had in his Cloister a prison and a place of execution) and the day when the said William was called to the place of judgment, the Prouost sent for M. Giles Brackleman, principal advocate of the Counsaile of Flaunders, & Borough master and Judge of S. Peters in Gaunt, with other of the rulers of the town of Gaunt, to sit in judgment upon him, and as they sat in judgment, the Borough master named M. Giles Brackleman reasoned with the said William de Weuer, upon diverse articles of his faith.

The one whereof was, why the said William de Weuer denied that it was not lawful to pray to Saints: and he answered (as the report goeth) for three causes. The one was, that they were but creatures, and not the creator.

The second was, that if he should call upon them, the Lord did both see it, and hear it, & therefore he durst give the glory to none other, but to God.

The third and chiefest cause was, that the creator had commanded in his holy word, to call upon him in troubles: unto which commandment he durst neither add nor take from it.

The Borough master M. Giles Brackelman also demanded whethere he did not believe that there was a Purgatory which he should go into after this life, where everyone should be purified and cleansed.

He answered, that he had red over the whole Bible, and could find no such place, but that the death of Christ was his Purgatory, with many other questions proceeding after their order, until he came to pronounce his condemnation. But or ever the said condemnation was red forth, the judgment of God was laid upon the said Borough master, who suddenly at that present instaunt was stricken with a Palsy, that his mouth was drawn up almost to his ear, and so he fell down, the rest of the Lord's by and by standing up and shadowyng him, that the people could not well see him: and also the people were willed to depart, who being still called upon to depart, answered, the place was so small to go out, that they could go no faster. Then the Borough master being taken up, was carried to his house, and it is not yet understood nor commonly known, that ever he spake word after he was first stricken, but was openly known to be dead the next day following. And yet notwithstanding that this was done about ten of the clock, they burned the said William de Weuer within three hours after on the same day.

The 4. day of March, 1566. the like example of the Lord's terrible judgment was shown upon sir Garret Triest knight, who had long before promised to the Regent to bring down the preaching. For the which act (as the report goeth) the Regent again promised to make him a Grave, which is an Earl. Of the which sir Garret it is also said, that he coming from Brussels towards Gaunt, brought with him the death of the Preachers, and being come to Gaunt, the said sir Garret with other of the Lord's having received from the Regent a Commission to swear the Lord's and Commons unto the Romish Religion, the said sir Garret the 4. day of March above noted, at night being at supper, willed the Lady his wife to call him in the morning one hour sooner then he was accustomed to rise, for that he should the next day have much business to do in the town house, to swear the Lord's and people to the Romish Religion. But see what happened. The said sir Garret going to bed, in good health (as it seemed) when the Lady his wife called him in the morning, according to his appointment, was found dead in her bed by her, and so unable to prosecute his wicked purpose.

The fifth day of March, 1566. which was the day that Sir Garret Triest appointed to be there, and the Lord's of Gaunt were come into the Town house (as they had afore appointed) to proceed and to give the oath, according as they had their Commission, and Master Martin de Pester the Secretary, being appointed and about to give the oath as the first man should have sworn, the said Martin de Pester was stricken of God with present death likewise, and fell down, and was carried away in a chair or settell, and never spake after. Witnes hereunto:

• Peter de Bellemaker.
• Abraham Rossart.
• Maerke de Mill.
• Lieuen Hendrickx.
• Ian Coucke.
• Roger Vanhulle.
• Joys Neuehans.
• Lyauin Neuehans.
• Will. vanden Boegarde.
• Joys de Pit.

About the borders of Sueuia in Germany, not far from the City of Uberlyng, there was a certain Monastery of Cistercian Monks, called Salmesnisie, founded in the days of Pope Innocent. 2. by a noble Baron named Guntherame, about the year of our Lord, 1130. This Celle thus being erected, in process of time was enlarged with more ample possessions, findyng many and great benefactoures and endowers, liberally contributyng unto the same: as Emperors, Dukes, and rich Barons.

Amongest whom most especial were the Earls of Montforte, who had bestowed upon that monastery many new liberties and great privileges, upon this condition, that they should receive with free hospitality any stranger both horseman or footeman, for one nights lodging, who so ever came. But this hospitality did not long so continue, through a subtle and devilish devise of one of the Monks, who took upon him to counterfeit to play the part of the Devil, rattling and raging in his chains, where the strangers should lie, after a terrible manner in the night time to fray away the gestes: by reason whereof no stranger nor traveler durst there abide, and so continued this a long space.

At length (as God would) it so happened, that one of the Earls of the said house of Mountforte, benefactors to that Abbey, coming to the Monastery, was there lodged, whether of set purpose, or by chance, it is not known.

When the night came, and the Earl was at his rest, the Monk after his wonted manner beginneth his pageant, to play the tame, yea rather the wild Devil. There was stampyng, rappyng, spittyng of fire, roaring, thunderyng, bounsing of boordes, and rattling of chains, enough to make some man stark mad. The Earl hearing the sudden noise, and being somewhat peradventure afraid at the first, although he had not then the seat of conjuring, yet taking a good heart unto him, & running to his sword, he laid about him well fauoredly, and following still the noise of the devil, so conjured him at last, that the monk which counterfeited the devil in jest, was slain in his own likeness in earnest. Ex Gaspare Bruschio, in Chronologia Monasteriorum Germaniae.

After the imprisonment of the congregation, which were taken hearing God's word in S. James street in Paris, an. 1558. (as is above storied) was a letter written to the king, which was diuulgate abroad, proving & declaring by diverse histories, what afflictions and calamities from time to time, by God's righteous judgment have fallen upon such as have been enemies to his people, and have resisted the free passage of his holy word. In which letter, forsomuch as beside the said examples, much other good fruitful matter is contained, worthy of all mē to be read, and especially of Princes to be considered, I thought here good to copy out the whole, as the French book doth give it. The translation of the which letter into English, is after this tenor, as followeth.

A Letter translated out of French into English, written to K. Henry the 2. French king.

COnsider I pray you sir, and you shall find, that all your afflictions have come upon you, since you have set yourself against those which are called Lutherans.

When you made the Edict of Chasteaubriant, God sent you wars▪ but when ye ceased the execution of your said Edict, and as long as ye were enemy unto the Pope, and going into Almanie for the defense of the liberty of the Germans afflicted for Religion, your affairs prospered as ye would wish or desire.

On the contrary, what hath become vpō you since you were joined with the Pope again, having received a sword from him for his own safeguard? And who was it that caused you to break the truce? God hath turned in a moment your prosperities into such afflictions, that they touch not only the state of your own person, but of your kingdom also.

To what end became the enterprise of the Duke of Guise in Italy, going about the service of the enemy of God, and purposing after his return to destroy the Valleys of Piemont, to offer or sacrifice them to God for his victories? The event hath well declared, that God can turn vpsidedowne our counsels and enterprises: as he overturned of late the enterprise of the Constable of France at S. Quintins, having vowed to God, that at his return, he would go and destroy Geneva when he had gotten the victory.

Have you not heard of L. Ponchet Archbish. of Toures, who made suit for the erection of a Court called Chamber Ardente, wherein to condemn the Protestants to the fire? who afterwards was stricken with a disease called the fire of God: which began at his feet, and so ascended upward, that he caused one member after another to be cut off, and so died miserably without any remedy?

Also one Castellanus, who having enriched himself by the Gospel, and forsaking the pure doctrine thereof, to return unto his vomit again, went about to persecute the Christians at Orleans, & by the hand of God was stricken in his body with a sickness unknown to the Physicians, the one half of his body burning as hot as fire, and the other as cold as Ise: and so most miserably crying and lamenting, ended his life.

There be other infinite examples of God's judgments worthy to be remembered: as the death of the Chancellor and Legate du Prat, which was the first that opened to the Parliament, the knowledge of heresies, and gave out the first Commissions to put the faithful to death, who afterward died in his house at Natoillet, swearing and horribly blasphemyng GOD, and his stomach was found pierced and gnawen a sunder with worms.

Also John Ruse, Counsailor in the Parliament, coming frō the Court after he had made report of the process against the poor innocents, was taken with a burning in the lower parte of his belly, and before he could be brought home to his house, the fire invaded all his secret partes, and so he died miserably, burning all his belly over, without any sign or token of the acknowledging of God.

Also one named Claude de Asses, a Counselor in the said Courte, the said day that he gave his opinion and consent to burn a faithful Christian (albeit it was not done in deed as he would have it) after he had dyned, committed whoredom with a servant in the house, and even in doing the act, was stricken with a disease called Apoplexia, whereof he died out of hand.

Peter Liset, chief President of the said Courte, and one of the authors of the foresaid burning chamber, was deposed frō his office, for being known to be out of his right wit and bereaved of his understanding.

Also John Morin, Lieuetenaunt Criminall of the Prouost of Paris, after he had been the cause of the death of many Christians, was finally stricken with a disease in his legs, called the Wolves: whereby he lost the use of them, & died also out of his wits, many days before, denying and blaspheming God.

Likewise John Andrew, Bookebinder of the Palace, a spy for the President Liset, and of Bruseard the kings sollicitor, died in a fury and madness.

The Inquisitor John de Roma in Prouence, his flesh fell from him by piece meal, so stinkyng that no man might come nere him.

Also John Minerius of Prouence, which was the cause of the death of a great number of men, women, and children, at Cabriers & at Merindol, died with bleeding in the lower partes, the fire having take his belly▪ blaspheming and despising of God, besides many other whereof we might make recital which were punished with the like kind of death.

It may please your majesty to remember yourself that ye had no sooner determined to set upon us, but new troubles were by and by moved by your enemies, with whom ye could come to no agreement, which God would not suffer, for as much as your peace was grounded upon the persecution which ye pretended against God's servants: As also your Cardinals cannot let through their cruelty the course of the Gospel, which hath taken such root in your realm, that if God should give you leave to destroy the professors thereof, you should be almost a king without subjects.

Tertullian hath well said, that the blood of Martyrs is the seed of the Gospel. Wherefore to take away all these euyls coming of the riches of the papists, which cause so much whoredom, Sodomitry, and incest, wherein they wallow like hogs, feeding their idle bellies: the best way were to put them from their lands and possessions, as the old sacrifising Levites were, according to the express commandment which was given to Joshua. For as long as the ordinance of God took place, and that they were void of ambition, the purity of religion remained whole and perfect: but when they began to aspire to principality, riches, and worldly honors, then began the abomination of desolation that Christ found out.

It was even so in the Primatiue church: for it flourished & continued in all pureness, as long as the Ministers were of small wealth, and sought not their particular profit, but the glory of God only. For since the Popes began to be princelike, and to usurp the dominion of the Empire under the color of a falls donation of Constantine, they have turned the Scriptures from their true sense, and have attributed the service to themselves, which we owe to God. Wherefore your Majesty may seise with good right upon all the temporalties of the benefices, and that with a safe conscience for to employ them to their true & right use.

First, for the findyng and maintainyng of the faithful Ministers of the word of God, for such livings as shall be requisite for them, according as the case shall require. Secondly, for the entertainment of your Justices that give judgment. Thirdly, for the relieuyng of the poor, and maintenance of Colleges to instruct the poor youth in that which they shall be most apt unto. And the rest, which is infinite, may remain for the entertainment of your own estate and affairs, to the great easement of your poor people, which alone bear the burden, and possess in manner nothing.

In this doing, an infinite number of men, and even of your Nobility, which live of the Crucifix, should employ themselves to your service and the common wealths so much the more diligently, as they see that ye recompense none but those that have deserved: where as now there is an infinite number of men in your kingdom, which occupy the chiefest & greatest benefices, which never deserved any part of them, &c. And thus much touching the superfluous possessions of the Popes Lordly Clergy. Now proceeding further in this exhortation to the king, thus the letter importeth.

But when the Papists see that they have not to allege for themselves any reason, they assay to make odious to your majesty the Lutherans (as they call us) and say: if their sayings take place, ye shall be fain to remain a private person: & that there is never change of religion, but there is also change of princedome. A thing as false as when they accuse us to be Sacramentaries, and that we deny the authority of Magistrates, under the shadow of certain furious Anabaptists, which Satan hath raised in our time to darken the light of the Gospel. For the histories of the Emperors which have begun to receive the Christian religion, and that which is come to pass in our time, show the contrary.

Was there ever Prince more feared and obeyed, then Constantine in receiving the Christian Religion? was he therefore 〈1 page duplicate〉 put from the Empire? No▪ he was thereby the more confirmed & established in the same, and also his posterity which ruled themselves by his providence. But such as have fallen away and followed men's traditions, God hath destroyed, and their race is no more known in earth: So much doth God detest them that forsake him

And in our time the late kings of England and Germany, were they constrained in reproving superstitions, which the wickedness of the time had brought in, to forsake their kingdoms & princedomes? Al men see the contrary: and what honor, fidelity, and obedience the people in our time that have received the reformation of the Gospel, do under their princes and superiors. Yea, I may say, that the princes knew not before what it was to be obeyed, at that time when the rude and ignorant people received so readily the dispēsations of the Pope, to d • iue out their own kings and natural Lord's.

The true and only remedy, sir is, that ye cause to be holden a holy and free Counsel, where ye shou • d be chief, and not the Pope & his, who ought but only to defend their causes by the holy scriptures: that in the mean while ye may seek out mē not corrupted, suspected, nor partial▪ whō ye may charge to give report faithfully unto you of the true sense of the holy scriptures. And this done, after the example of the good kings Iosaphath, Hezekiah, & Josiah, ye shall take out of the Church all Idolatry, superstition, & abuse which is found directly contrary to the holy scriptures of the old and new testament, & by that means ye shall guid you • people in the true & pure serui • e of God, not regarding in the mean time the cavilling pretenses of the papists which say, that such questions have been already answered at general Counsels: for it is known well enoug • , tha • no Counsel hath been lawful since the Popes have 〈◊〉 the principality & tyranny upon men's souls, but they have made them serve to their covetousness, ambition and cruel • y 〈◊〉 the contrariety which is among those counsels, maketh enough for their disproof, beside a hundred thousand other absurdities ag • in •• the word of God, which be in them. The true proof for such matters is in the true & holy Scriptures, to the which no time, nor age hath any prescription to be alleged against thē: fo • by them we receive the Counsels founded upon the word of God, and also by the same we reject that doctrine which is repugnant.

And if ye do thus Syr, God will bless your enterprise, he will increase & confirm your reign and Empire, and your posterity. If otherwise, destruction is at your gate, and unhappy are the people which shall dwell under your obedience. There is no doubt but God will hard̄ your heart as he did Pha • aos and take of the crown from your head▪ as he did to Jeroboam. N • dab, Baza▪ Ahab, and to many other kings, which have followed m • ns traditions, against the commandment of God and give it to your enemies to triumph over you and your children▪

And if the Emperor Antonine the meek, although he were a Pagan & Idolater, seeing himself bewrapt with so many wars, ceased the persecutions which were in his time against the Christians, and determined in the ende to hear their causes and reasons, how much more ought you that bear the name of moste Christian king, to be careful and diligent to cease 〈◊〉 persecutions against the poor Christians, seeing they h • ue not t • oubled, nor do trouble in any wise the state of your kingdom, & your affairs: considering also that the Jews be suffe • ed through all Christendom, although they be mortal enemies o • our Lord Jesus Christ, which we hold by common accord and consent for our God, Redeemer, and Savior: and that until you have heard lawfully debated, and understand our reasons takē of the holy Scriptures, and that your Maiestye have judged, if we be worthy of such punishments: For if we be not overcome by the word of God, the fires, the sword, nor the c •••• lest torments shall make us afraid. These be the exercises that God hath promised to his, of the which he foretold should come in the last times, that they should not be troubled when such persecutions shall come upon them.

Translated out of the French book entitled, Commentaries of the state of the Church and public weal. &c. pag. 7.

The story and end of the french king.

WHosoeuer was the author or authors of this letter above prefixed, herein thou seest (good Reader) good counsel given to the king, if he had the grace to receive it, and had followed the same, no doubt but God's blessing working with him, he had not only set that Realm in a blessed stay, from much disturbance, but also had continued himself in all flourishing felicity of princely honor and dignity. For so doth the lord commonly bless and advance such kings & Princes, as seek his honor, and submit their wills to his obedience. But commonly the fault of kings and Potentates of this world is, that being set about with Parasites, either they seldom hear the truth told thē, or if they do, yet will they not lightly be put from their own willes, disdaining to be admonished by their inferiors, be their counsel never so holsom & godly. Which thing many times turneth them to great plages & calamity, as by plentiful examples of kings destroyed, wounded, imprisoned, deposed, drowned, poisoned. &c. may well to thē y ^t read histories appear, but especially in this present example of Henry French king, the seconde of that name, is in this our age notoriously to be considered. Who b • ing well warned before (as may seem) would not yet surcease his cruel persecution against the Lord's people, but rather was the more hardened in heart, and inflamed against them: in so much that he said to Anne du Bourg, one of the high Court of Parliament in Paris, threatening him, that he would see him burn with his own eyes.

Further, how his purpose was to extend his power and force likewise against other places moe, in persecutyng the Gospel of Christ, and professors thereof, to the uttermost of his ability, I leave it to the report of them, which in this matter know more then I here will utter.

But notwithstanding all these cracks and threatenings of the king (to see what the Lord can do in making high kings to stoop) even the same day when the king was in his most rage against these good men, almighty God taking the cause in hand to fight for his Church, so turned y ^e matter, that he made the great enemy of his, both with his mouth and with his hand, to work his own destruction: with his mouth in commanding, with his han • in giving him the Lance into his hand, which the same day gave him his deaths wound: as by the sequel hereof in reading ye may understand.

The stroke of God's hand upon Henry .2. French king.

KIng Henry being in the Parliament house, which was kept at the Friar Augustine's at Paris, because y ^e Palace was in preparing against the marriage of his daughter and his sister, and having heard the opinion in religiō of Anne du Bourg Counsaylour in the law, a man eloquent and learned, he caused the said Anne du Bourg and Loys du Faur Counsaylours, to be taken prisoners by y ^e Constable of France, who apprehended them, and delivered them into the hands of the Countye of Mongommery, the which carried them to prison. Agaynst whom the king being wrathful and angry, among other talk, said to the said Anne du Bourg: These eyes of mine shall see thee burnt: And so on the 19. of June, Commission was given to the Judges to make his Proces.

During this mean while, great feasts and banquets were preparing in the Courte, for joy and gladness of the marriage that should be of the kings daughter and sister, against the last day of June save one. So when the day & time above prefixed was come, the king employed all the morning in examining as well the Presidentes, as Counsaylours of the said Parliament against these prisoners and other their companions that were charged with the same doctrine, which being done, they went to dinner.

The king after he had dyned, for that he was one of y ^e defendauntes at the Tourney, which was solemnly made in S. Anthony's Streate, near to the prison where the foresaid Prisoners were committed, he entered into the Lystes, and there in iusting: as the manner is, had broken many Staues right valiantly as could be, running as well against the Countye of Montgommery, as other moe.

Whereupon he was highly commended of the lookers on. And because he had done so valiantly, and was thought now to have done enough, he was desired to cease with praise. But he being the more inflamed with hearing of his praise, would needs run another course with Montgommery: who then refusing to run against the king, and kneeling upon his knees for pardon not to run: the king being eagerly set, commanded him upon his allegiance to run, and (as some affirm) did also him self put the staff in his hand, unto whose hands he had committed the foresaid prisoners a little before. Montgommery thus being enforced whether he would or no, to run against the king, addressed himself after the best wise to obey the kings commandment.

Whereupon he and the king met together so stoutly y ^t in breaking their Speares, the king was stricken with the counter blow, so right in one of his eyes, by reasonne that the visour of his Helmet so suddenly fell down at the same instaunt, y ^t the shiuers entered into his head: so that y ^e brains was perished, & thereupon so festered, that no remedy could be found, although Physicians and Surgeons were sent for from all places in the Realm, as also frō Brabant by king Philip, but nothing auayled, so that the xi. day after, that is, the x. of July. 1559. he ended his life in great dolour, having reigned xii. years, three months and ten days.

Some report, that among other words he said, that he feared he was strickē for casting y ^e poor Christians wrongfully in prisō: but the Cardinal of Loraine standing by (as he was always at hand) said unto him, that it was the enemy that tempted him, & that he should be steadfast in the faith. By this means the Hall which was prepared for a place of joy and gladness, did now serve for a Chapel to keep the corps, being dressed with black mourning cloth, & night and day t • ere was nothing heard but mournyng and lamenting for the space of xl, days.

About two years after this, which was the year of our Lord .1561. there were certain Gentlemen put to death at Amboise, for taking arms against the house of Guise. Touching which Gentlemen, this is to be noted, that as one of thē should be brought to the place of executiō, where the other lay dead before him, he thrust his hands into the blood of two of his companions which were there beheaded, and then lifting them up to heaven, cried with a loud voice: Lord behold the blood of thy childrē: thou wilt in time and place revenge it.

Not long after the same, the Chancellor Oliuier, who was condemner of thē, at the instigatiō and pursuit of the Cardinal of Loraine, through great remorse of conscience fell sick, and in a frensy casting out sighs vncessauntly, & afflicting himself after a fearful and strange fashion for his unrighteous sentence, and more then barbarous cruelty, shriked upon a sodeyne with an horrible cry, & said: O Cardinal thou wilt make us all to be damned. And within a very few days after he died.

Francis the second of that name, king of France, at the persuasion of the Cardinal of Loraine & of certain others, caused an assembly of the Estates of the realm in the town of Orleans, among other things to maintain the Papal See, to the overthrow of those which would live after the sincerity of the gospel: but being fallen sick, shortly after in the foresaid place, of a fever, through an Impostume in his left ear, he died, the fourth of Decemb. 1561. having reigned but one year and about five months.

It was said of this king Francis (as the author above mentioned reporteth) that when he was drawing toward his end, the Cardinal of Loraine made him to say and pronounce these words which follow: Lord forgive me my trespasses, and impute not unto me the faults which my ministers have done under my name and authority.

Neither is it unworthy of observation, that after the father happened in much like sort by gods mighty judgment upon Carol. 9. his second son, & brother to Frances above mentioned, in these our latter days, who after the horrible and bloody murder of the Admyrall, & other true professors of Christ's Gospel, both men, womē, and children, to the mumber of many thousands, of diverse Cities, in so much that the prisons & streets are said to be coloured w ^t blood, smoking after such a cruel sort, as in our time or country the like hath not hitherto been seen: by the terrible stroke of gods just revenge, the same king, by credible report of stor • , is said to die of bleeding, not only at his ears and nose, but in all other places of his body, where blood might have any issue.

Unto these afore recited histories of king Henry and his two Sons, might also be added the death of the Emperor Charles the fifth. Who in like manner being an enemy, and a great terror to the Gospel, was cut of like wise for doing anymore hurt to the Church, much about the same time, an. 1558. which was but three months before the death of Queen Mary, and ten months before the death of the said Henry the 2. Touching the death of which Charles and Henry, & Francis, this Epitaph following was written in Latin verses, and printed in the French story book, above alleged.

Not long after Anne du Bourges death, the President Minard, who was a sore persecutor, and the condemner of the said Anne du Bourg, as he returned from the Palace or Counsel chamber, to his own house, being upon his Mule, even hard by his house was slain with a Dag but who was the doer thereof, or for what cause he was slain, for all the inquisition and diligent search y ^t could be made, it was never known.

Amongst many other examples worthy to be noted, let us also consider the end of the K. of Navarre, brother to the worthy Prince of Condy, who after he had sustained a certain time, the cause of the Gospel, at length being allured by the flattering words of y ^e Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Loraine his brother, and upon hope to have his lands restored again, which the king of Spain retained from him, was contented to alter his religion and to join side with the Papists, and so being in camp with the Duke of Guise at the siege of Roane, was there shot in with a pellet. After which wound received, being brought to a town three miles from the campe, called Preaux, he did vehemently repent and lament his backsliding from y ^e Gospel, promising to God most earnestly, y ^t if he might escape that hurt, he would bring to pass that the Gospel should be preached freely through all France: Notwithstanding within five or six days after he died.

Neither did the Duke of Guise himself, the great Archenemy of God and his Gospel, continue in life long after that, but both he with y ^e whole triumuirat of France that is, three the greatest captayns of popery, were cut off for doing anymore hurt, to wit, the Duke of Guise before Orleans, the Constable before Paris, the Marshal of S. Andrew before Dreux.

Of the Emperor Sigismundus.

Amongest others, here is not to be past over nor forgotten the notable examples of God's just scourge upon Sigismundus y ^e Emperor, of whō mentiō is made before, in the condemnation of John Hus, & Jerome of Prague, pag. 596. After the death and wrongful condemnation of which blessed martyrs: nothing afterward went prosperously with the said Emperor, but all contrary: so that both he died without issue, & in his wars ever went to the worst. And not long after, Ladislaus his daughters son king of Hungary, fighting against the Turk, was slain in the field. So that in the time of one generation, all the posterity & offspring of this Emperor perished. Besides this, Barbara his wife came to such ruin, by her wicked leudnes, y ^t she became a shame and slander to the name & state of all Queens. Whereby all Christian princes and Emperors may sufficiently be admonished, if they have grace, what it is to defile themselves with the blood of Christ's blessed saints and Martyrs.

A note of Christopher Parker.

CHristopher Parker, called Parker the wild, mentioned before in this book of Monumentes, pag. 1986. who being a persecutor of Richard Woodman, did manacle his hands with a cord, did cast himself into a pond, and so drowned himself at Herstnonceux in Sussex, the 8. of September. 1575.

*The story of one Drayner of Kent, commonly called Justice Nyne hooles.

I May not in this place omit the tragedy of one Drayner of Smarden in the Coun • y of Kent, Esquire, who bearing grudge against one Gregory Doddes, Parson of the said town, for reproving his vicious life, sent for him by two men, which took him & brought him before him, where he was had into a Parlour, as it were to breakfast. In which behind y ^e door he had placed one Roger Matthew secretly, to bear witness what he should say, no more being in sight but y ^e said Drayner & one of his men, who willed and persuaded him to speak freely his mind, for that there was not sufficient record of his words to hurt him. But the Lord kept his talk without peril, whereby the said Drayner sent him to the next Justice called M. George Dorell, who perceiving it to be done more of malice thē otherwise, delivered him upon sureties, to appear at the next Sessions at Cant. and at length was banished the Country.

This said Drayner afterward, being chosen Justice, to show himself diligent in seeking y ^e trouble of his neighbors, made in y ^e Rodeloft nine hooles, that he might look about the church in Mass time. In which place always at the sacring thereof, he would stand to see who looked not, or held not up his hands thereto: which persons so not doing, he would trouble & punish very sore. Whereby he purchased a name there, & is called to this day Justice nine holes: who now (God be thanked) is John out of office, & glad of his neighbors good will.

It so fell out, that since this was published, the said Drayner came to the Printers house, with other associate, demanding: Is Fox here? To whom answer was given, that master Fox was not within. Is the Printer within (quoth Drayner? It was answered, yea: Wherevpon being required to come up into his house, was asked what his will was. Mary, saith he, you have printed me false in your book: Why saith the Printer is not your name M. Drayner, otherwise called Justice nine holes? It is false saith he: I made but v. with a great Augure, and the Parson made the rest. It was answered: I have not read that a Justice should make him a place in the Rood loft to see if the people held up their hands. He said where as you allege, that I did it to see who adored y ^e sacrament, or who not, it is untrue: for I set as little by it, as the best of you all. In deed saith the Printer, so we understand now, for you being at a supper in Cheapside among certain honest company, and there burdened with the matter, said then, that you did it rather to look upon fair wenches, then otherwise. He being in a great rage▪ sware to the purpose, saying: Can a man speak nothing, but you must have understanding thereof? But saith he, did I any man any hurt? It was answered, that he meant little good to M. Doddes aforesaid, especially procuring a secret witness behind his door, to catch some words that might tend to Doddes destruction. Which thing, Drayner sware, as before, was not true. To whō the printer replied, that it was most true, for that the party there secretly hidden, hath since upon his knees, asking forgiveness for his intent, confessed the same to Doddes himself. I will hang that knave saith he: And so he departed in a rage: and since is deceased, whose death & order thereof, I refer to the secret Judge.

A Lamentable History of John Whiteman, Shoemaker, who suffered most cruel torments at Ostend in Flaunders, for the testimony of Jesus Christ, and the truth of his Gospel. an. 1572.

John Whiteman Shoemaker, being about the age of 49. years, borne in Tinen a town in Brabant. After his coming over into England, dwelt in Rye in the County of Sussex, married xxiij. years: always a professor of the Gospel, as well in the time of the freedom thereof, as in time of persecution. About Candlemas in the year 1572. unknown to his friends in Rye, understanding of shipping in Rye, which was ready bound for Ostend in Flaunders, went aboorde the Saturday morning and arrived at Ostend that night, where he lodged with one of his kinsmē there dwelling. The next day being Sunday, in the morning, he accompanied with his said kinsman, took his journey as it were to have passed hither into the country.

When they were about three mile on their way out of the Town, sodeynely Whitman stayed, and would go no further: but immediately returned back again to Ostend, whither so soon • s he was come, it being service time in their Church, he forthwith addressed himself thither, and at the time of the heave offering stepped to the sacrificer, and took from over his head his Idol, saying these words in the Dutch tongue· Is this your God? and so breaking it, cast it down under his feet and trode theron. Forthwith the people in an uproar came to lay hold on him, and hardly in the Church escaped he death by the soldiers there present, but being rescued by some, to the intent to be further examined and made a public spectackle, he was carried immediately to prison. Upon the next day, being monday, the Judges & other Counsellers being assembled, he was brought forth into the common hall, and examined of his fact, the intent, the counsel, and abettors thereof, and also of his faith: where he very constantly in defense of his Christian faith, & great detestation of Idolatry, demeaned him self in such sort, that he wrong tears from the eyes of diverse, both of the chief, & others present. So was he committed again to prison. The next day being Tuesday, he was brought out again before the Judges into the same place. And being examined as before, he no whit abated, but increased in his cōstancy. Whereupō sentence was givē vpō him, to have his hand cut of, and his body scorched to death, & after to be hanged up. So the day following, being wednesday, he was brought out of prisō to the town hal, standing in the market place, all things belonging to execution being made ready there. Which when they were all ready, the hangman went into the hall, & with a cord tied y ^e hands of Whitman, & came out leading him thereby: so soon as Whitman was out of the house, he made such hast & as it wer ran to the place of execution, y ^t he drew y ^e hangman after him. There was a post set up with sparres frō the top thereof, aslope down to the ground, in manner of a Tent, to the end that he should be only scorched to death & not burned. When he was come to the place, y ^e hangmā commanded him to lay down his right hand upon a block, which he immediately w ^t a hatchet smote of, the good man still continuing constant, y ^e hangman stepped behind him, & bid him put out his tongue, which he forthw ^t did, as far as he could out of his mouth, through y ^e which he thrust a long instrument like a Packe needle, and so let it stick. Then the Judges standing by in the common Hall, read again his fact and sentence. Wherunto he could make no answer, his tongue hanging out of his head: so was he stripped out of his Cassocke, his hose being put of in prison: & put w ^t in his Tent, & made fast with two chains, and fire and put round about, which broiled and scorched his body most miserably, all black, he not being seen, but heard to make a noise within the Tent. When he was dead, he was carried out to be hanged upon a gybbot beside y ^e town.

Admonition to the Reader concerning the examples above mentioned.

IT hath been a long persuasion gendred in the heads of many men these many years, that to ground a man's faith vpō God's word alone, and not upon the See and Church of Rome, following all the ordinances and constitutions of the same; was damnable heresy, and to persecute such men to death, was high service done to God. Whereupon hath risen so great persecutions, slaughters, and murders, with such effusion of Christ̄ blood through all partes of Christendom, by the space of these 70. years, as hath not before been seen. And of these men Christ himself doth full well warn us long before, true prophesiyng of such times to come, when they that flea his Ministers and servants, should think themselves to do good service unto God. John. 16. Now, what wicked service, and howe detestable before God this is, which they falsely persuade themselves to be godly, what more evident demonstrations can we require, then these so many, so manifest, & so terrible examples of God's wrath pouring down from heaven upon these persecutors, whereof part we have already set forth: for to comprehend all (which in number are infinite) it is impossible. Wherefore, although there be many which will neither hear, see, nor understand, what is for their profit, yet let all moderate & well disposed natures take warning in time. And if the plain word of God will not suffice thē, nor the blood of so many martyrs will move thē to embrace the truth and forsake error, yet let the desperate deaths & horrible punishments of their own papists persuade thē, how perilous is the end of this damnable doctrine of papistry. For if these papists which make so much of their painted antiquity, do think their proceedings to be so Catholic, & service so acceptable to God, let thē join this withal, & tell us, how cometh then their proceedings to be so accursed of God, & their end so miserably plagued, as by these examples above specified, is here notoriously to be seen? Agayne, if the doctrine of them be such heresy, whom they have hitherto persecuted for heretics unto death, howe then is almighty God become a mayntayner of heretics, who hath revenged their blood so grievously upon their enemies and persecutors?

The putting out of the French kings eyes, which promised before with his eyes to see one of God's true servants burned who seeth not with his eyes to be the stroke of God's hand upon him? Then his son Frances after him, not regarding his fathers stripe, would needs yet proceed in burning the same man: and did not the same God which put out his fathers eyes, give him such a blow on the ear, that it cost him his life if the platform of Stephen Gardener had been a thing so necessary for the church and so grateful unto God, why then did it not prosper with him nor he with it: but both he and his platform lay in the dust, and none left behind him to build upon it? After the time of Stephen Gardener, and at the Council of Trent, what conspiracies and policies were devised? what practices and trains were laid through the secret confederacy of princes and prelates, for the utter subversion of the Gospel and all Gospellers, which if God had seen to have been for his glory, why then came they to none effect? yea, how or by whom were they disclosed and foreprised but by the Lord himself, which would not have them come forward?

The vehement zeal of Queen Mary, which was like to have set up the Pope here again in England forever, if it had so much plesed the Lord God as it pleased herself: or if it had been so godly as it was bloody, no doubt but God's blessing would have gone withal. But when was the Realm of England more barren of all God's blessings? what Prince ever reigned here more shorter time, or less to his own hearts ease then did Queen Mary?

The Constable of France when he convented with GOD, that if he had victory at S Quintines, he would set upon Geneva, thought (no doubt) that he had made a great good bargain with God: Much like to Julian the Emperor, who going against the Persians, made his vow that if he spedde well, he would offer the blood of Christians. But what did God? came not both their vows to like effect?

The examples of such as revolted from the Gospel to Papistry, be not many: but as few as they were, scarce can any be found which began to turn to the Pope, but the Lord began to turn from them, and to leave them to their ghostly enemy: As we have heard of the king of Navarre in France, of Henry Smith and Doctor Shaxton in England, with other in other Countries moe, of whom some died in great sorrow of conscience, some in miserable doubt of their salvation, some stricken by God's hand, some driven to hang or drown themselves.

The stinking death of Stephen Gardener, of John de Roma, of Twyford, of the Bailiff of Crowland: The suddeyne death of the Suffragane of Dover, of Doctor Dunning, of Doctor Geffray, of Berry the Promoter: The miserable and wretched end of Poncher Archbishop of Towers, of Cardinal Crescentius, Castellanus: The desperate disease of Rockewood, of Latomus, of Guarlacus: The earthly ending of Henry Beauforde Cardinal of Winchester, of Eckius, of Thornton called Dicke of Dover: The willful and self murder of Pauyer, of Richard Long, of Bomelius, besides infinite other: The dreadful taking away and murren of so many persecutyng Bishops, so many bloody Promoters, and malicious Aduersaryes, in such a short time together with Queen Mary, and that without any man's hand, but only by the secret working of God's just judgment.

To add to these also the stinking death of Edmund Boner, commonly named the bloody Bishop of London: who not many years ago, in the time and reign of Queen Elizabeth, after he had long feasted and banquetted in Durance at the Marshalsea, as he wretchedly died in his blind Popery, so as stinckingly, and as blindly at midnight was he brought out & buried in the outside of all the Citty, amongst thieves and murderers, a place right convenient for such a murderer: with confusion and derision both of men and children, who trampling upon his grave, well declared how he was hated both of God & man. What else be all these (I say) but plain visible arguments, testimonies, and demonstrations even from heavē against the pope, his murdering Religion, and his bloody doctrine? For who can deny their doings not to be good, whose end is so evil. If Christ bid us to know mē by their fruits, & especially seeing by the end all things are to be tried, howe can the profession of that doctrine please God, which endeth so ungodly? Isaiah chap. 50. prophesying of the ende of God's enemies, which would needs walk in the light of their own setting up, and not in the light of the Lord's kindling, threateneth to them this final malediction: In doloribus (saith he) dormietis i. In sorrow shall you sleep. Let us now take a survey of all those persecutors, which of late have so troubled the earth (and almost have burned up the world with fagots and fire, for mainetenaunce of the Popes Religion) and see what the end hath been of them that are now gone, and whither their Religion hath brought them, but either to destruction, or desperation, or confusion & shame of life. So many great Doctors and Bishops have cried out of late so mightily against priests marriage, and have they not, by God's just judgment working their confusion, been detected themselves and taken the most part of them in sinful adultery, & shameful fornication? Cardinal Johannes Cremensis the Popes Legate here in England, after he had set a law that Priests should have no wives, was he not the next day after, being taken with his whores, driven out of Londō with confusion and shame enough, so that afterward he durst not show his face here anymore? Besides the two Bishops in the late counsel of Trent, most shamefully taken in adultery, mentioned before. Also besides innumerable other like foreign stories, which I let pass, to come now to our own domestical examples. I could well name half a score at least of famous Doctors, and some Bishops, with their great masters of Popery, who in standing earnestly against the marriage of Priests, have afterward been taken in such dishonest facts themselves, that not only they have carried the public shame of adulterous lecherers, but some of them the marks also of burning fornication with them in their bodies to their graves. Whose names although I suffer here to be suppressed, yet the examples of them may suffice to admonish all men that be wise, and which will avoid the wrath of God's terrible vengeance, to beware of Popery.

And thus having hitherto recited so many shameful lives and desperate ends of so many popish Persecutours stricken by God's hand: now let us consider again on the contrary side the blessed ends given of almighty God unto them, which have stood so manfully in the defense of Christ's Gospel, and the reformation of his religion, and let the Papists themselves here be judges. First what a peaceable and heavenly ende made the worthy servant and singular Organe of God M. Luther?

To speak likewise of the famous John Duke of Saxony and prince Elector, of the good Palsgraue, of Phillip Melancthon, of Pomeranus, Urbanus Rhegius, Berengarius, of Vlricus Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Pellicanus, Capito, Munsterius, Johannes Caluinus, Petrus Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paulus Phagius, John. Musculus, Bibliander, Gesnerus, Hofman, Augustinus, Marloratus, Louis of Bourbon Prince of Condy, and his godly wife before him, with many mo, which were known to be learned mē, and chief standerds of the Gospel side against the Pope, and yet no man able to bring forth any one example either of these, or of any other true Gospeller, that either killed himself, or shown forth any signification or appearance of despair, but full of hope and constant in faith, and replenished with the fruit of righteousness in Christ Jesus, so yielded they their lives in quiet peace unto the Lord.

From these Forrayners, let us come now to the Martyrs of England, and mark likewise the ende both of them, and semblably of all other of the same profession. And first to begin with the blessed and heavenly departure of King Edward the vi. that first put down the Mass in England, and also of the like godly end of his good Uncle the Duke of Sommerset, which died before him, with an infinite number of other private persons besides of the like religion, in whose final departing, no such blemishe is to be noted like to the desperate examples of them above recited: Let us now enter the consideration of the blessed Martyrs, who although they suffered in their bodies, yet rejoiced they in their spirits, and albeit they were persecuted of men, yet were they comforted of the Lord with such inward joy and peace of conscience, that some writing to their friends, professed they were never so merrye before in all their lives, some leapt for joy, some for tryumphe would put on their Scarfes, some their wedding garment going to the fire, other kissed the stake, some embraced the Fagottes, some clapte their hands, some song Psalms, universally they all forgave, and prayed for there enemies, no murmuring, no repining was ever heard amongst them, so that moste truly might be verified in them, which their persecutors were wont to sing in theyre Hymns.

Briefly, so great was their patience, or rather so great was God's spirit in them, that some of them in the flaming fire, moved no more, then the Stake whereunto they were tied. In fine, in them most aptly agreed the special tokens which most certainly follow the true children of God: that is, outward persecution, and inward comfort in the holy Ghost. In the world (saith Christ our Savior) ye shall have affliction, but in me ye shall have peace. &c.

And likewise the words of S. Paul be plain. Whosoever (saith he) studyeth to live godly in Christ, shall suffer persecution &c.

But then what followeth with this persecution? the said Apostle again thus declareth, saying: As the passions of Christ abound in us: so aboundeth also our consolation by Christ. &c. According as by the examples of these godly martyrs right perfectly we may perceive. For as their bodies outwardly lacked no persecutions by the hands of the wicked: so amongst so many hundreds of them that stood and died in this religion, what one man can be brought forth, which either hath been found to have killed himself, or to have died otherwise then the true servant of GOD, in quiet peace and much comfort of conscience?

Which being so, what greater proof can we have to justify their cause and doctrine against the persecuting Church of Rome, then to behold the ends of them both: First, of the Protestants, how quietly they took their death, and cheerfully rested in the Lord: and contrariwise to mark these persecutors what a wrerched end commonly they do all come unto.

Experience whereof we have sufficient, in the examples aaboue declared: and also of late in Boner, who albeit he died in his bed vnrepentaunt, yet was it so provided by God, that as he had been a persecutor of the light, and a child of darkness, so his carcass was tumbled into the earth in obscure darkness at midnight, contrary to the order of all other Christians: and as he had been a murderer, so was he laid amongst thieves & murderers, a place by God's judgment rightly appointed for him.

And albeit some peradventure that have been notable persecutors in time past, do yet remain alive, who being in the same cause as the other were, have not yet felt the weight of God's mighty hand, yet let not them think that because the judgment of God hath lighted sooner upon other, therefore it will never light upon them: or because God of his mercy hath granted them space to repent, let not them therefore of God's lenitye build to themselves an opinion of indemnity. The blood of Abel cried long, yet it wrought at length. The souls of the Saints slain under the alter, were not revenged at the first. Apoc. 6. but read forth the chapter, & see what followed in the end. Blood especially of Christ's servants, is a perilous matter, and crieth sore in the ears of God, and will not be stilled with the laws of men.

Wherefore let such blood guilty homicides beware, if not by my counsel, at lest by the examples of their fellows. And though Princes and Magistrates, under whose permission they are suffered, do spare their lives, let them not think therefore (as some of them shame not to say) that man hath no power to hurt them, and so think to escape unpunished, because they be not punished by man, but rather let them fear so much the more. For oftentimes such as have been persecutors and tormentors to God's children, God thinketh them not worthy to suffer by mā, but either reserveth them to his own judgment, or else maketh them to be their own persecutors, and their own hands most commonly hangmen to their own bodies.

So Saul after he had persecuted David, it was vnneedfull for David to pursue him again, for he was revenged of him, more then he desired.

It was needless to cause Ahithophel to be hanged, for he himself was the stifeler or strangler of his own life.

Neither for the Apostles to pursue Judas that betrayed their Mayster, for he himself was his own hangman, & no man else, that his body brust, and his guts brast out.

Sennacherib, had he not for his Persecutors his own sons, and cost Hezekiah nothing to be revenged of him for his tyranny.

Antiochus and Herod, although the Children of GOD whom they so cruelly persecuted, laid no hand upon them, yet they escaped not unpunished of God's hand, who sent Lyce and Wormes to be their Tormentours, which consumed and eat them up.

Pilate, after he had crucified Christ our Savior, within few years after was he not driven to hang himself?

Nero, after his cruel murders and persecutions stirred up against the Christians, when he should have been taken by the Romans, God thought him not so worthy to be punished by the hands of them, but so disposed the matter, that Nero him self when he could find no friend nor enemy to kill him, made his own hands to be his own cutthroat.

Dioclesianus, with Maximinian his fellow Emperor, whi •• were the Authors of the tenth and last Persecution against 〈◊〉 Christians, being in the midst of their furious tyranny ag •• nst the name of Christ, needed no man's help to bridle them an • • luck them back: for God of his secret judgment put such 〈◊〉 in the mouths of these Tyrauntes, that they themselves 〈◊〉 • heyr own accord deposed and dispossessed themselves of their •• periall function, and lived as private persons all their lives afte • ▪ And notwithstanding that Maximinian after that, sought to 〈◊〉 his Imperial state again, yet by Maxentius his Son he was resisted and shortly after slain.

What should I here speak of the cruel Emperor Maximinus, who when he had set forth his Proclamation engraven in Brasse, for the utter abolishing of Christ and his Religion, was not punished by man, but had Lice & Vermin gushing out of his entrails, to be his tormentors, with such a rotting stench laid upon his body, that no physicians could abide to come near, and were caused to be slain for the same. pag. 82.

Maxentius the son of Maximinian, and Pharaoh the king of Egypt, as they were both like enemies against God and his people, so drank they both of one cup, not perishing by any man's hand but both in like manner after were drowned with their harnes in the water.

Furthermore, and briefly in this matter to conclude, if the Kynges among the Jews, which were bloody and wicked, were not spared, as Achaz, Ahab, Jezebel, Manasseh, Joachim, Sedechias, with many other but had at length, although it were long, the hire of their iniquity: let not these bloody Catholics then think, which have been Persecutors of Christ's Saints, that they being in the same cause as the other were above recited, shall escape the same judgment, which the longer it is deferred, the sorer many times it striketh unless by due repentance it be prevented in time: which I pray God it may.

Innumerable examples moe to the same effect and purpose might be inferred, whereof plentiful store we have in all places, and in all ages of men to be collected. But these hitherto for this present may suffice, which I thought here to notify unto these our bloody children of the murdering mother church of Rome, of whom it may well be said: Manus vestrae plen • sunt sanguine. &c. Your hands be full of blood. &c. Isaiah. Chapter. 1. to the intent that they by the examples of their other fellows before mentioned, may be admonished to follow the Prophets counsel, which followeth and biddeth: Lauamini. mundi estote. &c. Be you washed, and make yourselves clean &c. Isaiah. 1. and not to presume to far upon their own security, nor think themselves the further of from God's hand, because man's hand forbeareth them.

I know and grant, that man hath no further power upon any, then God from above doth give. And what the laws of this Realm could make against them, as against open murderers, I will not here discuss, nor open that I could say (because they shall not say that we desire their blood to be spilled but rather to be spared:) but yet this I say, and wish them well to understand, that the sparing of their lives which have been murderers of so many, is not for want of power in magistrates, nor lack of any just law against them, whereby they might justly have been condemned, if it had so pleased the Magistrates to proceed (as they might) against them: but because almighty God peradventure of so secret purpose having some thing to do with these persecutors, hath spared them hitherto, not that they should escape unpunished, but that peradventure • he will take his own cause in his own hand, either by death to take them away (as he did by Boner, and by all Promoters in a manner of Queen Mary's time) or else to make them to persecute themselves with their own hands, or will stir up their conscience to be their own confusion, in such sort as the Church shall have no need to lay hands upon them.

Wherefore with this short admonition to close up the matter as I have exhibited in these histories the terrible ends of so many persecutors plagued by God's hand: so would I wish all such whom God's lenity suffereth yet to live, this wisely to ponder with themselves, that as their cruel persecution hurteth not the saints of God, whom they have put to death: so the patience of Christ's church suffering thē to live, doth not profit thē, but rather heapeth the great judgment of God vpō thē in the day of wrath, unless they repent in time, which I pray God they may.

And now to reenter again to the time and story of Queen Elizabeth where we left before.

In whose advancement and this her princely governance, it cannot sufficiently be expressed, what felicity and blessed happiness this Realm hath received in receiving her at the Lord's almighty and gracious hand, for as there have been diverse kings and rulers over this Realm, & I have read of some, yet I could never find in English Chronicle the like that may be written of this our noble & worthy Queen, whose coming in not only was so calm, so joyful, and so peaceable, without shedding of any blood, but also her reign hitherto (raygning now 24. years and more, hath been so quiet, that yet (the Lord have all the glory) to this present day, her sword is a Virgin, spotted and polluted w ^t no drop of blood. In speaking whereof I take not upon me the part here of y ^e moral or of the divine Philosopher, to judge of things done but only keep me within the compass of an historiographer, declaring what hath been before, and comparyng things done, with things now present, the like whereof as I said, is not to be found lightly in Chronicles before. And this as I speak truly, so I would to be taken without flattery, to be left to our posterity, ad sempiternam clementiae illius memoriam. In commendation of which her clemēcy I might also here add how mildly her grace after she was advanced to her kingdom, did forgive y ^e foresaid sir Henry Benifield, without molestation, suffering him to enjoy goods, life, lands and liberty. But I let this pass.

Thus hast thou, gentle Reader, simply, but truly described unto thee the time, first of the sorrowful adversity of this our most sovereign Queen that now is: also the miraculous protection of God, so graciously preserving her in so many strayghtes and distresses, which I though • here briefly to notify, the rather for that the wondrous works of the Lord ought not to be suppressed, and y ^t also her majesty, and we likewise her poor subjects, having thereby a present matter always before our eyes, be admonished both how much we are bound to his divine Majesty, and also to render thanks to him condignly for the same.

Now remaineth likewise in prosecuting the order of this, as of other histories before, to notify and discourse of things memorable especially in the Church, such as happened in the time of this her Majesty's quiet and joyful government. And first here I let pass by the way the death of Cardinal Poole, which was the next day after y ^e death of Queen Mary, y ^e death also of Christopherson B. of Chichest. Hoptō B. of Norwich, omitting also to speak of Doct. Weston, who being chief disputer against Cranmer, Ridley, & Latimer, as is before declared, first fell in displeasure with the Cardinal & other Bishops, because he was unwilling to parte from his Deanerie and house of Westminster unto the Monks, whom in deed he favored not, although in other things a maynteiner of the Church of Rome. Then being removed from thence, was made Dean of Windsor, where he being apprehended in aduoutry, was by the same Cardinal put from all his spiritual livings. Wherefore he appealed to Rome, & flying out of the Realm, was taken by the way, & clapt in the Tower of London, where he remained until this time that Queen Elizabeth was proclaimed. At which time being delivered, he fell sick and died.

Also I let pass the Coronation of this our moste noble and Christian Princesse, & the order of the same, which was the xv. day of January. Anno. 1559. To pass over also the triumphant passage and honorable enterteinement of the said our most dread Souereigne, through the city of London, with such celebrity, prayers, wishes, welcomminges, cries, tender words, Pageantes, Interludes, declamations and verses set up, as the like hath not commonly been seen, arguing and declaring a wonderful earnest affection of loving hearts toward their Sovereign. Item, to pretermit in silence the letters gratulatory, sent to her Majesty from diverse and sundry foreign places, as from Zurich, Geneva, Basel, Berne, Wittemberge, Argentine, Frankeforde. &c. These I say with many other things to let pass, we will now (God willing) begin with the disceptation or conference between the Popish Bishops, and the learned men exiled in Germany, had at Westminster. After that first we have inserted a certain Oration of a worthy Gentleman called M. John Hales, sent and delivered to the said queen Elizabeth in the beginning of her reign, the copy whereof is this.

An Oration of John Hales, to the Queens Majesty, and delivered to her Maiestye by a certain Noble man, at her first entrance to her reign.

ALbeit there be innumerable gifts and benefits of almighty God, whereof everyone would wonderfully comfort any person, on whom it should please his goodness to bestow it: yet is none of them either separate by itself, or joined with any other, or yet all mingled together, to be compared to this one: that it hath pleased God of his mercy to deliver this Realm our Country from the tyranny of malicious Mary, & to commit it to the government of virtuous Elizabeth. For if a man had all the treasure of Solomon, and might not be suffered to have the use thereof: in what better case were he then miserable Tantalus, over whose head the apples continually hung, yet being hunger sterued, could he never touch them? If a man had as strong a body as had Sampson, and besides were as whole as a fish, as the proverb is, yet if he were kept in bands, what should it avail him? Yea rather if it be well considered, it is a hurt to him, if continuance of torments and pains may be a hurt.

If a man had as many children as had Gideon the Judge, and might not be so suffered to bring them up in the fear of God, & good knowledge & manners, had he not been more happy to be without them, then to have them? If a man had as much knowledge of God as had Saint Paul, and durst not profess it openly with mouth, as he is commanded, but for fear of death should declare the contrary in deed, slander the word of God, and deny Christ, which is forbidden, should it not rather be a furtherance to his damnation, then otherwise?

And to be short, if any one man had all these gifts together, or generally all the gifts of Fortune, the body, the mind, and of grace, yet if he mought not have the use of them, what should they profit him? Ueryly nothing at all. For felicitye is not in having, but in using, not in possessing, but in occupying: not in knowledge, but in doing.

But alas, our natural Mother England, which hath been counted to be the surest, the richest, and of late also the most godly Nation of the earth, hath been these whole five years most violently by Tyrauntes forced to lack the use of all the gifts and benefits that GOD and nature had endued her. Her natural and loving children could not be suffered to enjoy their right inheritance, whereby they might relieve and succor her or thenselves: but whatsoever they had, was either by opē force or by crafty dealing pulled from thē. And surely this had been tolerable, if none other mischief had been therewith intended.

He is a gentle thief (if thieves may be counted gentle) that only robbeth a man of his goods, & refrayneth violent hands from his parson. For such loss with labor and diligence may be recovered. He may be called a merciful murderer, that only killeth the aged Parentes, & useth no force on the children.

For nature hath made all men mortal, and that in like space, and to kill the parents, is as it were but a prevention of a short time, if it were to the uttermost enjoyed. But these Tyrantes were more ungentle then common thieves, more empty of mercy, then common murderers. For they were not only not contented to have the goods of the people, but they would have it delivered to them by the owners own hands, that it might be said to y ^e world they gave it with the heart: and were not therewith pleased but they would have their lives, that they should not bewray them, and yet herewith they were not satisfied, but they meant to root out the whole progeny and nation of English men, that none should be left to revenge or cry out on their extremities, and to bring our Countrye into the Spaniards dominion.

It is an horrible cruelty for one brother to kill another, much more horrible for the children to lay violent & murthering hands on their parents, but most horrible of all to murder the children in the sight of the parents, or the parents in the sight of their children, as these moste cruel tormenters have done.

But what do I stand in these things which have some defense, because the Turks perchance use so to do, and Ethnykes kill one another, to make sacrifice of men to their fantastical God's?

It was not enough for these unnatural English tormentors, Tyrantes, and false Christians, to be Lord's of the goods, possessions, and bodies of their brethren & Country men: but being very Antichrists and enemies of Christ's cross, they would be God's, and reign in the consciences and souls of men. Every man, woman, and child, must deny Christ in word openly, abhor Christ in their deeds, slander his Gospel with word & deed, worship and honor false gods as they would have them and themselves did, and so give body and soul to the devil their master, or secretly flee, or after inward torments to be burned openly. O cruelty, cruelty, far exceeding all cruelties committed by those ancient and famous tyrants and cruel murderers, Pharaoh, Herod, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Maximine, Diocletian, Decius, whose names for their cruel persecution of the people of God, and their open tyranny practiced on the people have been, be, & ever shall be in perpetual hatred, and their souls in continual torment in hell. If any man would take upon him to set forth particularly all the acts that have been done these full five years by this unnatural womā: No, no womā, but a monster, and the devil of hell covered with the shape of a woman, as it is most necessary for the glory of God, and the prophet of his church, and this realm it should be done, he shall find it a matter sufficient for a perfect great History, and not to be contained in an Oration, to be uttered at one time by the voice of man. But to comprehend the sum of all their wickedness in few words: behold, whatsoever malice in mischief, covetousness in spoil, cruelty in punishing, tyranny in destruction could do, that all this poor English nation these full five years either suffered already, or should have suffered, had not the great mercy of God prevented it.

And albeit there have ben many that have hazarded & lost their lives to shake of this moste rough brake (wherewith this Uiragin rather then Virgin as she would be called and taken) boasted her self to be sent of God, to ride and tame the people of England albeit there have been many that have gone about to lose their brethren out of y ^e yoke of this moste miserable captivity: & albeit some have proved to break the bands of this most cruel tyranny, yet could they never bring to pass, that they so earnestly labored, and so manfully attempted.

And it is nothing to be wondered, let y ^e papists boast thereof what it pleaseth them. For almighty God being a most indifferent governor, punishing evil, & rewarding good, could not of his justice suffer his scourge so soon to be taken from this land, if he meaneth the salutation of the people, as most manifestly it appeareth he did. For having once given to this realm the greatest Jewel that might be, that is, the free use of his lively word, which if they had embraced and followed, would have reformed all disorders & sins. Wherefore his wrath is kindled and provoked, the people nothing regarded it, but either utterly contemned it, or abused it, and many made it a cloke & color to cover their mischief. So that if he should sodaynly have withdrawn this plague, as tyrants & evil governors be the plague of God, they would neither have passed on his justice, nor yet should they have felt the sweetness of his mercy. For commonly the people regard but things present, and neither remember things past, nor yet pass on things to come, unless they be warned by exceeding extremities.

Besides this, it is most evident, that he had determined to make this noble conquest alone with his own hand and mighty power, and would not that it should be done by man, least man should impute any part of the glory of this victory to his own strength, or to his own policy, or that Fortune should seem to bear any stroke in so glorious conquest, and so be partaker in men's opinions, of the triumph so worthy.

Neither did his almighty power work this when man would have it dispatched, that is, as soon as the enemy began to gather their force, for it is not so great a victory to discomfit a few dispersed people, as it is to destroy a perfectly united army, but he suffered them to make their force as great as was possible to work whatsoever mischiefs by spoil, banishment, prisonment, hanging, headyng, burning, or otherwise could be imagined.

Neither would his most provident wisdom do it out of season: but as the good husbandman doth not crop his tree, till it have rendered his fruit: so would he not root out these pestilent tyrannies, til the most profit might be taken thereof.

When he had given sufficient laisure to all kind of mē to declare themselves who were Crocodiles, sometime lying in water, sometime on land, that is, both Gospellers and papists. Who were Sponges, suspected whether they had life or no life: whether they were Christians or Epicures: who were Cameleons, that could turn themselves into all colors, with Protestants, Protestants: with Papists, Papists: with Spaniards, Spaniards: w ^t Englishmen, Englishmen: who were Gnatoes y ^t could apply themselves to every man's appetite that was in authority: who were Marygolds, that followed Mary's mad affections: who were Weathercockes that did turn with every wynd: who were Mastiues that could byte & bark not: who were Curres ever barking: who were Foxes that would promise much, and perform nothing: who could bind themselves with many oaths, & do clean contrary: who were Cain's that sought the innocent Abel's death: who were the Wolves that wearied y ^e lambs: and finally, when he had suffered the spiritual shavelings to spew out their venom, and every man plainly to declare outwardly, what he was inwardly: then doth he work this most victorious conquest. And with his works seemeth plainly to say thus unto us: Ye see (my people) what I have done for you, not for your sakes, which nothing regarded the benefits that I most plenteously poured on you, and have deserved most grievous punishment for your unthankfulness: but of mine infinite mercy, and for my glories sake, which I will have opened to all the world in these latter days, to the fear of evil doers, & to the comfort of the well doers. Prouoke no more my wrath, ye see what will follow it, be hereafter more prudent and wise then ye were before. Ye may, if ye will, be more circumspect in time to come, then ye have been in time past: ye may if ye list put me to less trouble, and keep yourselves in more safety. I have not only discovered mine, yours, and my land of England's enemies, & all the crafts subtleties, and policies that have been, or may be used by them, or any like hereafter, but I have also taken away their head and captain, and destroyed a great number of them, that ye should not be troubled with them, and some of them have I left, that ye may make them spectacles and examples to the terror and fear of their posterity. Love me, and I will love you, seek my honor and glory, and I will work your commodity and safety: walk in my ways and commandments, and I will be with you forever. Surely, if we consider the wonderful mercy that it hath pleased God to use towards us in the deliueryng of this Kealme and us his people, out of the hands of these most cruel tyrants, as we cannot but do, unless we will declare our selves to be the most unthankfull people that ever lived, we must needs judge it not only worthy to be compared, but also far to exceed the deliverance of the children of Israel out of Egypt from the tyranny of Pharaoh, and from the powers of Holofernes and Sennacherib. For it is not read, that either Pharaoh or the other two sought any other thing, then to be Lord's of the goods and bodies of the Israelites, they forced them not to committee Idolatry, and to serve false God's, as these English tyrāts did.

But besides, if we will note the wonderful works of God in handling this matter, we shall well perceive, that far much more is wrought to his glory, and to the profit of his church and people, then perchance all men at the first do see. For he hath not only dispatched the Realm of the chief personages and hed of these tyrants: but also as it were, declareth, that he minded not that either they or their doings, should continue. For albeit that all acts done by tyrants tyrannouslye, be by all Laws, reason and equity, of no force, yet because no Disputation should follow on this, what is tyrannously done, and what is not tyrannouslye done, he hath provided that this question needeth not come in question. For he utterly blinded their eyes, and suffered them to build on false grounds which can no longer stand, then they be propped up with rope, sword and fagot. For her first parliament whereon they grounded and wrought a great part of their tyranny, and wherein they meant to overthrow whatsoever king Edward had for the advancement of God's glory brought to pass, was of no force or authority. For she perceiving that her enemies stomach could not be emptied, nor her malice spewed on the people by any good order, she committeth a great disorder. She by force and violence, taketh from the Commons their liberty, that according to the ancient laws and customs of the Realm, they could not have their free election of knights and Burgesses for the Parliament. For she well knew, that if either Christian men, or true English men, should be elected, it was not possible to succeed that she intended. And therefore in many places diverse were chosen by force of her threats, meet to serve her malicious affections. Wherefore y ^e parliament was no parliament, but may be justly called a conspiracy of tyrants and traitors. For the greater part by whose authority and voices things proceeded in that Court, by their acts most manifestly declared themselves so, the rest being both Christians and true English men, although they had good wills, yet not able to resist or prevail against the multitude of voices and suffrages of so many evil false to God, and enemies to their country. Also diverse Burgesses being orderly chosen, and lawfully retorned, as in some places the people did what they could to resist her purposes, were disorderly and unlawfully put out, and others without any order or law in their places placed. Doctor Taylor Bishop of Lincoln a Christian Bishop and a true English man, being lawfully and orderly called to the Parliament, and placed in the Lord's house in his degree, was in his robes by violence thrust out of the house. Alexander Nowell with two other, all three being Burgesses for diverse shyres and Christian men and true English men, and lawfully chosen, retorned, and admitted, were by force put out of the house of the Commons, for the which cause the same Parliament is also void, as by a President of the Parliament holden at Coventry in the 38. year of K. Henry the sixth, it most manifestly appeareth. And the third Parliamente called in the name of her husband, and of her evil grace, wherein they would have undone, that her noble Father and the Realm had brought to pass for the restitution of the liberty of the Realm, and for extinguishment of the usurped authority of the Bish. of Rome, is also void, and of none authority. For that the title and style of supreme head of the church of England, which by a Statute made in the 35. year of the reign of the said K. Henry, was ordained, that it should be united and annexed forever to the imperial crown of this Realm, was omitted in y ^e writs of summonyng. Wherefore as a woman can bring forth no child without a man, so cannot those writs bring forth good and sure fruit, because this part of the title which was ordained by the Parliament for the form to be always used in the kings style, was left out. For greater error is in lack of form, then in lack of matter. And where the foundation is naught, there can nothing built thereon be good. There is no law spiritual nor temporal (as they term them) nor no good reason, but allow these rules for infallible principles. And if any man will say, that it was in the free choice, liberty, and pleasure of the king of this Realm and the Queen, whether they would express the said title in their style, or not, as that subtle serpent Gardener being Chancellor of the realm, and traitorously sēdyng out the writs of Parliament without the same style, perceiving he had ouershot himself in calling the Parliament, and having committed many horrible murders, & most mischievous acts, would have excused it, as appeareth by a piece of the Statute made in the same Parliament, in the 8. chap. and 22. leaf, it may be justly and truly answered, that they could not so do. For albeit every person may by law renounce his own private right, yet may he not renounce his right in that which toucheth the common wealth or a third person.

And this title and style more touched the common wealth and realm of England, then the king. For as I said before, it was ordained for the conservation of the liberty of the whole realm, and to exclude the usurped authority of the B. of Rome. And therefore no K. or Queen alone could renounce such title: but it ought (if they would have it taken away) be taken away orderly and formally by act of Parliament sufficiently called and summoned. For the natural and right way to loose & undo things, is to dissolve them by that means they were ordained. And so it most manifestly appeareth, that all their doings from the beginning to the end, were and be of none effect, force, nor authority: but all that they have done, hath ben mere tyranny. O most marvelous providence of almighty god, that always and in all things, doth that is best for the wealth of his people. O most mighty power, that so suddenly overthroweth the counsails of the wicked, and bringeth their devises to naught. O infinite mercy, that so gently dealeth with his people, that he saveth them whom he might most justly destroy. O most joyful, most merry, and never to be forgotten Hopwednesday, in which it hath pleased thee O God, to deliver thy church this realm, and thy people from so horrible tyranny. No tongue can express, no pen can endite, no eloquence can worthily set out, much less exornate these thy marvelous doings. No no heart is able to render unto thy goodness, sufficient thanks for the benefits we have received. Who could ever have hoped this most joyful time? Yea, who did not look rather for thy most sharp visitation and utter destruction of this Realm, as of Sodom, Gomorrah, and Jerusalem.

But we see and feel good Lord, that thy mercy is greter then all men's sins, and far above all thy works. And albeit there is no Christian and natural Englishmā, woman or child, either present, or that shall succeed us, which is not or shall be partaker of this most exceeding mercy and wonderful benefit of almighty God, & therefore is bound continually to praise and thank him: yet there is not one creature that is more bound so to do, then you noble Queen Elizabeth. For in this horrible tyranny and most cruel persecution, your grace hath been more hunted for, then any other. Divers times they have taken you, sometime have had you in strong hold, secluded from all liberty: sometime at liberty, but not without most cruel Gaolers custody, and many times they determined, that without justice ye should be murdered privily. They thought if your grace had been suppressed, they should have fully prevailed. If ye had been destroyed, their doings forever should be stablished. If ye had been taken out of the way, there were none left that would or could undo that they ordained. But he that sitteth on high, and laugheth at their madness, would not suffer that the malicious purposes, most cruel devised injustice should have success. He took upon him the protection of you. He only hath been your Ieoseba, that preserved you from this wicked Athaliah. He only was the Ioiada, that destroyed this cruel Athaliah. He only hath made you Queen of this Realm, in stead of this mischievous Marana. No earthly creature can claim any piece of thank therefore, no man's force, no man's counsel, no man's aid hath been the cause thereof. Wherefore the greater his benefits hath been toward you, the more are you bound to seek his glory, and to set forth his honor. Ye see his power what he is able to do, he can alone save, and he can destroy, he can pull down, and he can set up. If ye fear him & seek to do his will, then will he favor you, and preserve you to the end from all enemies, as he did king David. If ye now fall from him or iuggle with him, look for no more favor then Saul had shown to him. But I have a good hope, that both his justice and benefits be so printed in your heart, that ye will never forget them, but seek by all means to have the one, and to fear to fall into the other. I trust also your wisdom will not only consider the causes of this late most sharp visitation, but also to your uttermost power endeavor to out root them.

And forasmuch as besides this infinite mercy poured on your grace, it hath pleased his divine providence to constitute your highness to be our Deborah, to be the governess and head of the body of this Realm, to have the charge and cure thereof, it is requisite above all things, as well for his glory and honor, as for your discharge, quietness and safety, to labor that the same body now at the first be cleansed, made whole, and then kept in good order. For as if the body of man be corrupted and diseased, he is not able to manage his things at home, much less to do anything abroad: so if the body of a Realm be corrupt & out of order, it shall neither be able to do anything abroad: if necessity should require, nor yet prosper in it self. But this may not be done with piecing & patching, coblyng & botching, as was used in time past whilst your most noble father and brother reigned. For as if a man cut of one hed of the serpent Hidra, and destroy not the whole body, many will grow instead of that one, and as in a corrupt body that hath many diseases, if the Physician should labor to heal one part, and not the whole, it will in short time break out a fresh: so unless the body of a Realm or common wealth be clean purged from corruption, all the particular laws and statutes that can be devised shall not profit it.

We need no foreign examples to prove it, look upon this Realm it self, it will plainly declare it. And as it is not enough to cleanse the body from his corruption, but there must be also preservatives ministered to keep it from putrefaction: for naturally of it self it is disposed to putrefy: so after the body of a realm is purged, unless there be godly ordinances for the preservation thereof ordained and duly ministered, it will return to the old state. For this body which is the people, is universally naturally disposed to evil, and without compulsion will hardly do that is his duty.

This must your grace do if ye mind the advancement of God's glory, your own quietness and safety, and the wealth of this your politic body. And they be not hard to bring to pass, where goodwill will vouchsafe to take to her a little pain. The Realm will soon be purged, if vice and selfloue be utterly condemned. It will be in good state preserved if these three things, God's word truly taught and preached, Youth well brought up in godly and honest exercises, and Justice rightly ministered may be perfectly constituted. And without this foundation, let men imagine what it pleaseth them, the spiritual house of God shall never be well framed or built, nor the public state of your Realm well ordered. For in what body gods word lacketh, the unity and charity, that ought to be among the members thereof, and which knitteth them together, is soon extincted. Where the youth is neglected, there can no good success be hoped, no more then the husbandman can look for a good crop where he sowed no good seed. And where justice is not truly and rightly ministered, there the more laws and statutes together be heaped, the more they be contemned. And surely, if this thing could not without exceeding charges be compassed, as God forbid, that charges should be weighed be they never so great, where God's glory and the wealth of the realm may be furthered: yet ought it not to be neglected. What charges did K. David the father, & king Solomon his son, employ to build the stony house of God? Howe much more charges should a Christian prince employ to build & set up the lively house of God? But verily, I am fully persuaded that it shall not be chargeable to do this. No, a great deal of superfluous charges, which otherwise your grace shall be forced to sustain, shall thus be clean cut away, and so your revenues by a mean most profitable, & to no good person hurtful, increased.

Wherefore for God's sake noble Queen, let not the opportunity now by God offered be by your Grace omitted. A Physician can in nothing so much declare his good will and cunning, nor purchase himself so great estimation, as when he findeth his patient thoroughly sick and weakened, and doth restore him to his perfect health and perfection. Likewyse if a Prince should desire of God a thing whereby he might declare the zeal that he beareth to GOD, or whereby he might win fame and glory, he could desire nothing so much, as to come into a state corrupted, as this Realm of England at this present is, not to destroy it as did Caesar, but to make it as did Romulus.

If your grace can bring this to pass, as I am out of all doubt ye may quickly: Ye shall do more, then any of your progenitors did before you. All men shall confess that you are not only for proximitie of blood preferred, but rather of God specially sent and ordained. And as the Queen of Saba came from far of to see the glory of K. Solomon, a woman to a man: Even so shall the Princes of our time, come men to a woman, and Kings marvel at the virtue of Queen Elizabeth. Thus shall we your subjects be most bound to praise God, and to think our selves most happy, that being so suddenly from the worse, be forthwith preferred to the best: rid from extremest calamity, and brought to the greatest felicity: and it shall be besides an example for all evil Princes to leave their persecution of Christ and his members, to cease from their tyranny, wherewith they continually oppress their poor subjects. And so all people, not only we of this your Realm, but of all other nations, shall have just cause to pray for your graces health and ancrease of honor.

This Oration of M. Hales being premised, now let us prosecute, the Lord willing, that which we promised, concerning the Disputation or Conference had at Westminster. The copy whereof here followeth.

The Conference or Disceptation had and begun at Westminster, the last of March, upon certain Questions or Articles of Religion proposed, and also of the breaking up of the same, by the Papists default, at the first beginning of Queen ELIZABETH.

S O it pleased the Queens most excellent majesty, having heard of diversity of opinions in certain matters of religion amongst sundry of her loving subjects, and being very desirous to have the same reduced to some godly and Christian concord, by the advise of the Lord's and others of the privy Counsaile, as well for the satisfaction of persons doubtful, as also for the knowledge of the very truth in certain matters of difference, to have a convenient chosen number of the best learned of either part, and to confer together their opinions and reasons, and thereby to come to some good and charitable agreement. And hereuppon by her Majesty's commandment, certain of her privy Counsaile declared this purpose to the Archbishop of York (being also one of the same privy Counsaile) and required him that he would imparte the same to some of the Bishops, and to make choice of viii.ix. or x. of them, and that there should be the like number named of the other part. And further also declared to him (as then was supposed) what the matter should be. And as for the time, it was thought meet to be as soon as possible might be agreed upon. And then after certain days past, it was signified by the said Archbishop, that there was appointed by such of the Bishops, to whom he had imparted this matter eight persons, that is to say, 4. Bishops and 4. Doctors. The names of whom here follow under written, &c.

*The Papists.
• The B. of Winchest.
• The B. of Lich.
• The B. of Chest.
• The B. of Carlisle.
• The B. of Linc.
• D. Cole.
• D. Harpsfield.
• D. Langdale.
• D. Chedsey.

*The Protestants.
• D. Scory B. of Chich.
• D. Coxe.
• M. Whitehed.
• M Grindall.
• M▪ Horne.
• M Doct. Sands.
• M. Gest.
• M. Aelmer.
• M. Jewel.

Who were content at the Queens Majesty's commandment, to show their opinions, and as the said Archbishop termed it, render account of their faith in those matters which were mentioned and that especially in writing, although he said, they thought the same so determined, as there was no cause to dispute upon them. The matter which they should talk upon, was comprehended in these three propositions, here under specified.

1. It is against the word of God, and the custom of the ancient Church, to use a tongue unknown to the people, in common prayer, and the administration of the Sacraments.

2. Every Church hath authority to appointe, take away, and change ceremonies and Ecclesiastical rites, so the same be to edification.

3. It cannot be proved by the word of God, that there is in the Mass offered up a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead.

It was hereupon fully resolved by the Queens majesty, with the advise aforesaid, that according to their desire, it should be in writing on both partes, for avoiding of much alteration in words, and that the said Bishops should, because they were in authority of degree superiors, first declare their minds and opinions to the matter, with their reasons in writing. And the other number being also viii. men of good degree in schools, and some having been in dignity in the church of England, if they had anything to say to y ^e contrary, should the same day declare their opinions in like manner, and so eche of them should deliver their writings to the other, to be considered what were to be improoued therein, and the same to declare again in writing at some other convenient day, and the like order to be kept in all the rest of the matters. All this was fully agreed upon with the Archb. of York, and so also signified to both parties.

And immediately hereupon, diverse of the Nobility and states of the realm understanding that such a meting and conference should be, and that in certain matters whereupon the Courte of Parliament consequently following, some laws might be grounded. They made ernest means to her Majesty, that the parties of this conference, might put and read their assertions in the English tongue, and that in the presence of them of the Nobility and others of her Parliament house, for the better satisfaction and enabling of their own judgments, to treat and conclude of such laws as might depend hereupon.

This also being thought very reasonable, was signified to both parties and so • ully agreed upon, and the day appointed for the first meeting, to be the Friday in the forenoon, being the last of March, at Westminster church. At which foresaid day and place, both for good order & for honor of the conference by the Queens majesties commandment, the Lord's and others of the privy counsel were present, and a great parte of the nobility also: And notwithstanding this former order appointed, and consented unto by both partes, yet the Bishop of Winchester & his Colleagues alleging they had mistaken y ^t their assertions and reasons should be written, and so only recited out of the book, said their book was not ready the •• written, but they were ready to argue and dispute, and therefore they would for that time repeat in speech that which they had to say to the first probation.

This variation from the former order, and specially from that which themselves had by the said Archbishop in writing before required, adding thereto the reason of the Apostle, that to contend with words, is profitable to nothing, but to subversion of the hearer, seemed to the Queens majesties counsel somewhat strange, and yet was it permitted without any great reprehension, because they excused themselves with mistakyng the order, and agreed that they would not fail but put it in writing and according to the former order, deliver it to the other part, and so the said Bishop of Winchester and his Colleagues, appointed Doctor Cole Dean of Paul's, to be the vtterer of their minds, woo partly by speech only, and partly by reading of authorities written, and at certain times being informed of his Colleagues, what to say made a declaration of their meanynges and their reasons to their first proposition, which being ended, they were asked by the privy Counsaile if any of them had anymore to be said, and they said no. So as the other par • e was licenced to show their minds, which they did according to the first order, exhibityng all that which they meant to be propounded, in a book written, which after a prayer and invocation made most humbly to almighty God for the enduyng of them with his holy spirit, and a protestation also to stand to the doctrine of the Catholic Church built upon the Scriptures, and the doctrine of the Prophets and the Apostles, was distinctly red by one Robert Horne Bachelor in Divinity, late Dean of Duresme, and after Bishoppe of Winchester. The Copye of which their Protestation here followeth, according as it was by him penned and exhibited, with their preface also before the same, as is here expressed.

FOrasmuch as it is thought good unto the Queens most excellent Majesty (unto whom in the Lord all obedience is due) that we should declare our judgment in writing upon certain propositions: we, as becometh us to do herein, most gladly obey.

See • ng that Christ is our only master, whom the father hath commanded us to hear: and seeing also his word is the truth, from the which it is not lawful for us to depart not one hair breadth, and against the which (as the Apostle saith) we can do nothing, we do in all things submit our selves unto this truth, and do protest that we will affirm nothing against the same.

And forasmuch as we have for our mother the true and catholic Church of Christ, which is grounded upon the doctrine of the Apostles and Prophets, and is of Christ the head in all things governed, we do reverence her judgment, we obey her authority as becometh children: and we do devoutly profess and in all points follow the faith which is contained in the three Creedes, that is to say, of the Apostles, of the Council of Nice, and of Athanasius.

And seeing that we never departed, neither frō the doctrine of God which is contained in the holy Canonical Scriptures, nor yet from the faith of the true and catholic church of Christ, but have preached truly the word of God, and have sincerely ministered the sacraments according to the institution of Christ, unto the which our doctrine and faith, the most part also of our adversaries did subscribe not many years past, (although now as unnatural they are revolted from the same) we desire that they render accompt of their backsliding, and show some cause wherefore they do not only resist that doctrine which they have before professed, but also persecute the same by all means they can. We do not doubt but through the equity of the Queens most excellent majesty, we shall in these disputations be entreated more gently then in years late past, when we were handled most unjustly, & scantly after the common manner of men. As for the judgment of the whole controversy, we refer unto the most holy scriptures, and the catholic church of Christ (whose judgment unto us ought to be most sacred): notwithstanding by the catholic church we vnsterstand not the Romish church, whereunto our adversaries attribute such reverence, but that which S. Augustine & other fathers affirm, ought to be sought in the holy scriptures, and which is governed and led by the spirit of Christ.

It is against the word of God and the custom of the Primitive Church to use a tongue unknown to the people in common prayers & administration of the sacraments.

By these words (the word of God) we mean only the written word of God, or canonical scriptures.

And by the custom of the primitive church, we mean the order most generally used in the church for the space of 500. years after Christ, in which times lived the most notable fathers, as Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Cyprian, Basel, Chrysostom, Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, &c.

This assertion above written hath two partes. Fyrst, that the use of the tongue not understanded of the people in common prayers of the Church, or in the administration of the Sacraments, is against God's word.

The second, that the same is against the use of the primative Church.

The first parte is most manifestly proved by the 14. chapiter of the Epistle to the Corinthians, almost thorough out the whole chapter. In the which chapter Saint Paul entreateth of this matter, ex professo purposely. And although some do cauel that Saint Paul speaketh not in that chapter of praying, but of Preaching, yet is it most evident to any indifferent reader of understanding, and appeareth also by the exposition of the best writers, that he plainly there speaketh not only of Preaching and Prophesying, but also of prayer and thanksgiving, and generally of all other public actions, which require any speech in the Church or congregation. For of praying he saith: I will pray with my spyrite, and I will pray with my mind, I will singe with my spyrite, and I will singe with my mind. And of thanksgiving (which is a kind of prayer:) Thou givest thanks well, but the other is not edyfied. And how shall he which occupyeth the room of the unlearned say, Amen to thy giving of thanks when he understandeth not what thou sayest? And in the ende, descending from particulars to a general proposition, concludeth that all things ought to be done to edyfication. Thus much is clear by the very words of Saint Paul: and the auncyent Doctors, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and other do so understand this chapter, as it shall appear by their testimonies which shall follow afterward.

Upon this Chapter of Saint Paul we gather these reasons following.

1. All things done in the Church or congregation, ought so to be done as they may edifye the same.

But the use of an vnknowē tongue, in public prayer or administration of Sacraments doth not edifye the congregation.

Therefore the use of an unknown tongue in public prayer or administration of Sacraments is not to be had in the Church.

The first part of this reason is grounded upon Saint Paul's words, commanding all things to be done to edyfication.

The seconde parte is also proved by Saynte Paul's plain words. Fyrst by this similitude. If the trumpet give an uncertain sound who shall be prepared to battle? Even so likewise when ye speak with tongues, except ye speak words that have signification, how shall it be understanded what is spoken? for ye shall but speak in the air, that is to say, in vain, and consequently without edifieng.

And afterward in the same chapter he saith: how can he that occupieth the place of the unlearned say, Amen, at thy giving of thanks, seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest? for thou verily givest thanks well, but the other is not edified.

These be Paul's words, plainly proving, that a tongue not understanded, doth not edify. And therefore both the parts of the reason thus proved by S. Paul, the conclusion followeth necessarily.

Secondly, nothing is to be spoken in the congregation in an unknown tongue, except it be interpreted to the people, that it may be understand. For saith Paul, if there be no interpreter to him y ^t speaketh in an unknown tongue, taceat in ecclesia, let him hold his peace in the church. And therefore the commō prayers & administratiō of sacraments, neither done in a known tongue, neither interpreted, are against this commandment of Paul, and not to be used.

The minister in prayer or administration of sacraments using language not understanded of the hearers, is to thē barbarous, an alien, which of Saint Paul is accounted a great absurdity.

It is not to be counted a Christian common prayer, where the people present declare not their assent unto it by saying Amen, wherein is employed all other words of assent.

But S. Paul affirmeth that the people cannot declare their assent in saying Amen, except they understand what is said, as afore.

Therefore it is no Christian common prayer where the people understandeth not what is said.

Paul would not suffer in this time a strange tongue to be heard in the common prayer in the church, notwithstanding that such a kind of speech was then a miracle, & a singular gift of the holy ghost, whereby infidels might be persuaded and brought to the faith: much less is it to be suffered now amongst Christian and faithful men, especially being no miracle, nor especial gift of the holy ghost.

Some will peradventure answer, that to use any kind of tongue in common prayer or administration of sacraments is a thing indifferent.

But S. Paul is to the contrary. For he commandeth all things to be done to edification, he commandeth to keep silence if there be no interpreter, and in the end of the chapter he concludeth thus. If any man be spiritual or a prophet, let him know that the things which I write, are the commandments of the Lord. And so shortly to conclude, the use of a strange tongue in prayer and ministration is against the word and commandment of God.

To these reasons, grounded upon S. Paul's words, which are the most firm foundation of this assertion, diverse other reasons may be joined, gathered out of the scriptures and otherwise.

In the old testament all things pertaining to y ^e public prayer, benedictions, thankesgeuings, or sacrifices, were always in their vulgar and natural tongue. In the 2. book of Paralipom. chap. 29. it is written that Hezekiah commanded the Levites to praise God with y ^e Psalms of David, and Asaph the Prophet, which doubtless were written in Hebrew their vulgar tongue. If they did so in the shadows of the law, much more ought we to do the like, who (as Christ saith) must pray in spiritu & veritate.

The final end of our prayer (as David saith) is, vt populi conueniant in vnum, & annuncient nomen Domini in Zion, & laudes eius in Jerusalem.

But the name and praises of God cannot be set forth to the people, unless it be done in such a tongue as they may understand, therefore common prayer must be had in the vulgar tongue.

The definition of public prayer out of the words of S. Paul. Orabo spiritu, orabo & mente. Publice orare, est vota communia mente ad Deum effundere, & ea spiritu, hoc est, lingua testari. Common prayer is to lift up our common desires to God with our minds, and to testify the same outwardly with our tongues, which definition is approved by S. Augustine, de magistro. cap. 1. Nihil opus est (inquit) loquutione, nisi forte vt sacerdotes faciunt, significandae mentis causa, vt populus intelligat.

The ministration of the Lord's supper and baptism are as it were Sermons of the death and resurrection of Christ.

But Sermons to the people must be had in such language as the people may perceive, otherwise they should be had in vain.

It is not lawful for a Christian man to abuse the gifts of God, but he that prayeth in the church in a strange tongue abuseth the gifts of God. For the tongue serveth only to express the mind of the speaker to the hearer. And August. saith: De doctrina Christiana, li. 4. ca. 10. loquēdi omnino nulla est causa, si quod loquimur non intelligent, propter quos vt intelligant loquimur. There is no cause why we should speak if they for whose cause we speak, understand not our speaking.

The heathen and barbarous nations of all countries and sortes of men, were they never so wild, evermore made their prays and sacrifices to their God's in their own mother tongue. Which is a manifest declaratiō that it is the very light and voice of nature.

Thus much upon the ground of S. Paul and other reasons out of the Scriptures, joining therewith the common usage of all nations, as a testimony of the law of nature.

Now for the second part of the assertion, which is, that the use of a strange tongue in public prayer and administration of sacraments, is against the custom of the Primitive church, which is a matter so clear, that the denial of it must needs proceed either of great ignorance, or else of willful malice.

For first of all Justinus Martyr describing the order of the communion in his time, saith thus: Die solis vrbanorum ac rusticorum coetus, fiunt vbi Apostolorum prophetarum{que} literae, quoad fieri potest praeleguntur: Deinde cessante lectore, praepositus verba facit adhortatoria, ad imitationē tam honestarum rerum inuitans. Posthaec consurgimus omnes, & preces offerrimus, quibus sinitis profertur (vt diximus) panis, vinum & aqua: tum praepositus quantum potest, preces offert, & gratiarum actiones, plebs vero Amen accinit.

That is to say: Uppon the Sunday assemblies are made both of the citizens and countrymen, whereas the writings of the Apostles and of the Prophets are red, as much as may be. Afterwards when the Reader doth cease the head minister maketh an exhortation, exhorting them to fol • ow so honest things. After this, we rise altogether and offer prayers, which being ended (as we have said) bread, wine & water are brought forth. Then the hed Minister offereth prayers and thansgeuing, as much as he can and the people answereth, Amen.

These words of Justin, who lived about 160. years after Christ, considered with their circumstance, declare plainly that not only the Scriptures were red, but also that the prayers and administration of the Lord's supper were done in a tongue understanded,

Both the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom declare, that in the celebration of the Communion, the people wer appointed to answer to the prayer of the Minister, sometimes Amen, sometimes, Lord have mercy upon us, sometimes, and with thy spirit, and we have our hearts lifted up unto the Lord, &c. Which answers, they could not have made in due time, if the prayers had not been made in a tongue understanded.

And for further proof, let us hear what Basel writeth in this matter to the Clerks of Neocaesarea. Caeterum ad obiectum in Psalmodijs crimen quo maxim simpliciores terrent calumniatores, &c. As touching that is laid to our charge in Psalmodies and songs, wherewith our slanderers do fraie the simple, I have thus to say, that our customs and usages in all Churches, be uniform, and agreeable.

For in the night the people with us riseth, goeth to th • house of prayer, and in travail, tribulation, and continual tears, they confess themselves to God, and at the last rising again, go to their songs or Psalmody, where being divided into two partes, sing by course together, both deeply weighing and confirmyng the matter of the heavenly sayings, and also stirring up their attention and devotion of heart, which by other means be alienated and plucked away. Then appointing one to begin the song, the rest follow, and so with diverse songs and prayers passing over the night, at the dawnyng of the day, altogether even as it were, with one mouthe and one heart, they sing unto the Lord a song of Confession, every man framyng to himself meet words of repentance.

If you will fly us from henceforth for these things, ye must fly also the Egyptians, and both the Libianes, ye must eschew the Thebanes, Palestines, Arabians, the Phenices, the Syrians, and those that dwell besides Euphrates. And to be short, all those with whom watchinges, prayers, and common singing of Psalms are had in honor.

Testimonies of S. Ambrose, written upon the 14. to the Corinth. the first epistle. Super illud qui enim loquitur linguis.

HOc est quod dicit, quia qui loquitur incognita lingua, &c. This is it that he saith: because he which speaketh in an unknown tongue, speaketh to God. For he knoweth all things but men know not, & therefore there is no profit of this thing.

The same author afterwards, Super illud, si benedixeris spiritu.

Hoc est, si laudem dei lingua loquaris ignota, &c. Uppon these words, if thou bless or give thanks with the spirit, how shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned, say, Amen at the giving of thanks, seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest?

That is (saith Ambrose) if thou speak the praise of God in a tongue unknown to the hearers. For the unlearned hearing that which he understandeth not, knoweth not the end of the prayer, and he answereth not Amē. That is as much to say as (true) that the blessing or thanksgeuing may be confirmed. For the confirmation of the prayer is fulfilled by them which do answer, Amen. That all things spoken might be confirmed in the minds of the hearers, through the testimony of the truth.

Afterward in the same place upon these words, if any Infidel or unlearned come in.

Quum enim intelligit & intelligitur, &c. For when he understandeth, and is understanded, hearing God to be praised, and Christ to be worshipped, he seeth perfectly, that the religion is true, and to be reverenced, wherein he seeth nothing to be done colourably, nothing in darkness, as among the Heathen, whose eyes are covered, that they seeing not the things which they call holy, might perceive themselves to be deluded with diverse vanities. For all falsehood seeketh darkness, and showeth false things for true. Therefore, with us nothing is done privily, nothing covertly, but one God is simply praised, of whom are all things, and one Lord Jesus, by whom are all things. For if there be none which can understand, or of whom he may be tried, he may say, there is some deceit and vanity, which is therefore song in tongues (not understanded he meaneth) because it is a shame to open it.

Testimonies out of S. Jerome, upon that place of Paul: Quomodo qui supplet locum idiotae, &c.

PEr illum, saith S. Jerome, qui supplet locum ideotae, laicum intelligit, qui nullo gradu ecclesiastico fungitur. It is the lay men saith he, whom Paul here understandeth to be in the place of the ignorant man which hath no Ecclesiastical office. How shall he answer Amen to the prayer that he understandeth not?

*The order of the second days talk. The Lord keeper of the great Seal, the Archbyshop of York, the Duke of Norfolk, and all the Counsel being set, the Bishops on the one side, and the Protestants, that is, the late banished Preachers on the other side, thus began the Lord Keeper.

MY Lord's and masters, I am sure ye remember well, what order of talk and writing was appointed to be had this day in this assembly, at our last meeting, which I will not refuse now to repeat again for the shortness of it, which was that ye appointed here on both sides should bring in english writing, what ye had to say in the second question, and in this place appointed to read the same. Therefore begin my Lord's.

THus have we declared the order and manner of this communication or conference, at Westminster, between these two parties, wherein if any law or order were brokē, judge (good reader) where the fault was, and consider with all what these Papists be, from whō if ye take away their sword and authority from them, you see all their cunning how soon it lieth in the dust, or else why would they not abide the trial of writing? why would they or durst they not stand to the order agreed upon? Whether should we say ignorance or stubbernes to be in them more, or both together? Who first being gently (as is said) and favorably required to keep the order appointed, they would not. Then being secondly (as appeared by the Lord Keepers words) pressed more earnestly, they neither regarding the authority. &c. of that place, nor their own reputation, nor the credit of the cause, utterly refused that to do. And finally being again particularly every of them apart distinctly by name required to understand their opinions therein, they all, saving one (which was the Abbot of Westminster, having some more consideratiō of order and his duty of obedience then the other) utterly and plainly denied to have their book read, some of them as more earnestly then other, some so also, some other more vndiscretly, and unreverantly then others. Wherupon giving such example of disorder, stubbernes, and self will, as hath not been seen and suffered in such an honorable assembly, being of the two estates of this Realm, the nobility and the commons, beside the presence of the Queens Majesty’s most honorable privy counsel, the same assembly was dis. missed, and the Godly and most Christian purpose of the Queens Majesty made frustrate. And afterward for the contempt so notoriously made, the Bishop of Wincester & Lincoln, having most obstinately both disobeyed commō authority, and varied manifestly from their own order, and specially Lincoln, who shown more folly then the other: were condignly committed to the Tower of London, and the rest (saving the Abbot of Westminster) stood bound to make daily their personal appearance before the counsel, and not to depart the City of London and Westminster, until further order were taken with thē for their disobedience and contempt.

Besides the former protestation or libel written and exhibited by the Protestants, concerning the first question, there was also another like writing of the fayde Protestants made of the second question, but not published, which if it come to our hand, we will likewise impart unto thee.

As these Bishops above named were committed to the Tower, so Boner Bishop of London, about the same time, was commanded to the Marshalsea, whereas he both in his blind bloody heresy, and also in his deserved captivity long remained, abiding the Queens pleasure, gods pleasure, I beseech him, so be wrought on that person, that the Church of Christ's flock, if they can take or look for no goodness of that man to come, yet they may take of him and of other no more harm hereafter, thē they have done already. We all beseech thee this O Lord eternal per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.

Aboute this time, at the beginning of the flourishing reign of Queen Elizabeth, was a Parliament summoned, and holden at Westminster, wherein was much debating about matters touching religion, and great study on both parties employed, the one to retain still, the other to impugn the doctrine and faction which before in queen Mary's time had been established. But especially here is to be noted that though there lacked no industry on the papists side, to hold fast that, which they most cruelly from time to time had studied, & by all means practiced to come by: Yet notwithstanding, such was the providence of God at that time, that for lack of the other bishops, whom the Lord had taken away by death a little before, the residue that there were left, could do the less: and in very deed, God be praised therefore, did nothing at all in effect. Although yet notwithstanding there lacked in them neither will nor labor to do what they could, if their cruel ability there might have served. But namely amongst all other, not only the industrious courage of Doctor Story but also his words in this Parliament are worthy to be known of posterity, who like a stout and furious champion of the popes side, to declare himself howe lusty he was, & what he had and would do in his masters quarrel, shamed not openly in the said Parliament house to brast out into such impudent sort of words, as was wonder to all good ears to hear, and no less worthy of history.

The sum of which his shameless talk was uttered to this effect: First beginning with himself, he declared, that where as he was noted commonly abroad, and much complained of, to have been a great doer, and a • e • ter forth of such religion, orders, and proceedings, as of his late sovereign that dead is, Queen Mary, were set forth in this Realm, he denied nothing the same, protestyng moreover that he therein had done nothing, but that both his conscience did lead him thereunto, and also his commission did as well then command him, as now also doth discharge him for the same, being no less ready now also to do the like, and more, in case he by this Queen were authorised likewise, and commanded thereunto. Wherefore as I see (saith he) nothing to be ashamed of, so less I see to be sory for, but rather said that he was sory for this, because he had done no more thē he did, and that in executing those laws, they had not been more vehement and severe. Wherein he said, there was no default in him, but in them, whom he both often and earnestly had exhorted to the same, being therefore not a little grieved with them, for that they labored only about the young and little sprigges and twigges, while they should have stricken at the root, and clean have rooted it out. &c. And concerning his persecuting and burning them, he denied not, but that he was once at the burning of an herewygge (fo • so he termed it) at Uxbridge, where he tost a faggot at his face as he was singing Psalms, and set a wynbushe of thorns under his feet, a little to prick him, with many other words of like effect. In the which words he named moreover syr Phillip Hobby, & another knight of Kent, with such other of the richer and higher degree, whom his Counsel was to pluck at: & to bring them under coram, wherein said he if they had followed my advise, then had they done well and wisely. This or much like was the effect of the shameless and tyrannical excuse of him self, more meet to speak with the voice of a beast, then of a man.

Although in this Parliament some diversity there was of judgment & opinion between parties, yet notwithstanding through the merciful goodness of the Lord, the true cause of the Gospel had the upper hand, the Papists hope was frustrate, and their rage abated, the order and proceedings of king Edward's time concerning religion was revived again, the supremacy of the Pope abolished, the articles and bloody statutes of Queen Mary repealed, briefly the furious firebrandes of cruel persecution, which had consumed so many poor men's bodies, were now extinct and quenched.

Finally, the old Bishops deposed, for that they refused the oath in renouncing the pope and not subscribing to the Queens just and lawful title. In whose rooms and places, first for Cardinal Poole, succeeded D. Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. In the place of Heth, succeeded D. Young. In steed of Boner, Edmund Grindall was Bishop of London. For Hopton, Thurlby Tonstall, Pates, Christoferson, Peto, Coates, Morgan, Feasy, White, Oglethorpe. &c. were placed Doctor John Parkust in Norwich, D. Coxe in Eli, Jewel in Salisbury Pilkenton in Duresme, Doctor Sandes in Worcester Mayster Downam in Westchester, Bentam in Coventry and Lichfield, David in S. Dauies, Ally in Exceter, Horn in Winchester, Scory in Hereford, Best in Carlisle, Bullingham in Lincoln Scamler in Peterbury, Bart let in Bath, Gest in Rochester, Barlo in Chi. &c.

*Concerning John Frith, of his life and story this followeth more to be added, and to be referred to the page. 103 • .

FIrst this John Frith was borne in the Town of Westrame in Kent, who after by diligent especialles was takē in Essex flying beyond the seas & brought before the Counsaile, Syr Thomas More thē being Chancellor, and so from them committed unto the Tower, where he remained prisoner the space of a quarter of a year or there about. It chanced that Doctor Curreyne ordinary Chapleyne unto King Henry the eighte, preached a Sermō in Lent before his Majesty. And there very sore enueying against the Sacramentaryes (as they thē termed and named) which favored not the gross opinion that Christ's body was carnally real in the Sacrament, he so far discoursed in that matter that at the length he brake out thus far and said. It is no marvel though this abhominable heresy do much prevail among us, for there is one now in the Tower of London so bold as to write in the defense of that heresy, and yet no man goeth about his reformation, meaning John Fryth, who then had answered Syr Thomas More in writing against a confutation of that erroneous opinion which of late before the said Master More had written against John Frythes assertion in that behalf. This Sermon of purpose was devised and appointed by the Bishop of Winchester and other to seek the destruction of Fryth by putting the king in remembrance that the said Fryth was in the Tower there stayed rather for his safeguard then for his punishment by such as favored him as the Lord Cromwell who being Uicegerent in causes Ecclesiastical came then into suspicion therefore. For in such sort was the matter handled before the Kyng that all men might well understand what they meant. The Kynge then being in no point resolved of the true and sincere understanding of the doctrine of that Article, but rather a perverse stout Adversary to the contrary, called to him my Lord of Caunterburye and my Lord Cromwell, and willed them forthwith to call Fryth unto examination, so that he might either be compelled to recant or elles by the Law to suffer condign punishment.

Frythes long protract in the Tower withouten examination was so heinously taken of the King, that now my Lord of Caunterburye with other Bishops, as Stokesly thē bishop of London & other learned mē were vndelayedly appointed to examine Fryth. And for that there should be no concourse of Citizens at the said examination: my L. of Canterbury removed to Croydon unto whom resorted the rest of the Commissioners. Now before the day of execution appointed, my Lord of Cant. sent one of his gentlemen and one of his porters: whose name was Perlebene a Welchman borne, to fetch John Frith from the Tower unto Croydon. This gentleman had both my Lord's letters and the kings ring unto my Lord Fitzwilliams Constable of the Tower then lying in Canon row at Westminster in extreme anguish and pain of the strangulion for the delivery of the prisoner: Mayster Fytzwilliams more passionate then patient, understanding for what purpose my Lord's gentleman was come, banned and cursed Frith and all other heretics, saying take this my King unto the Lieuetenaunt of the Tower and receive your man your heretic with you, and I am glad that I am rid of him. When Frith was delivered unto my Lord of Canterburyes Gentleman, they twain with Parlebeane sitting in a Wherry and rowing towards Lambeth. The said Gentleman much lamenting in his mind, the infelicity of the said Frith, began in this wise to exhort him to consider in what estate he was, a man altogether cast away in this world, if he did not look wisely to himself. And yet though his cause were never so dangerous, he might somewhat in relenting to authority, and so to give place for a time: help both him self out of trouble, and when opportunity and occasion should serve, prefer his cause which he then went about to defend, declaring farther that he had many welwillers and friends, which would stand on his side so far forth as possible then were able and durst do: adding hereunto that it were great pity that he being of such singular knowledge both in the Latin, Greek, both ready and rype in all kind of learning, and that namely as well in the Scriptures as in the ancient Doctors, should now sodeinly suffer all those singular gifts to perish with him without little commodity or profit to the world, and less comfort to his wife and children, and other his kinsfolks friends. And as for the verity of your opinion in the sacrament of the body and blood of our savior Christ: It is so untimely opened here among us in England, that you shall rather do harm then good, wherefore be wise and be ruled by good counsel until a better opportunity may serve.

This I am sure of (quoth the gentleman) that my Lord Cromwell and my Lord of Canterbury much favoring you and knowing you to be an eloquent learned young man, and now towards the felicity of your life, young in years, old in knowledge, and of great forwardness and likelihood, to be a most profitable member for this Realm, will never permit you to sustain any open shame, if you will somewhat be advised by their Counsayle: on the other side, if you stand stiff to your opinion, it is not possible to save your life. For like as you have good friends, so have you mortal foes and enemies.

I most heartily thank you, quoth Mayster Frith unto the general, both for your good will and for your counsel: by the which I well perceive that you mind well unto me, howbeit my cause and conscience is such, that in no wise I may not nor cannot for no worldly respect without danger of damnation starte aside and fly from the true knowledge and doctrine which I have conceived of the supper of the Lord or the Communion, otherwise called y ^e sacrament of the alter: for if it be my chance to be demanded what I think in that behalf, I must needs save my knowledge and my conscience, as partly I have written therein already, though I should presently lose xx. lives if I had so many. And this you shall well understand that I am not so furnished, either of Scriptures or ancient Doctors, Schoolmen, or other for my defense, so that if I may be indifferently heard, I am sure that mine adversaries cannot justly condemn me or mine assertion, but that they shall condemn with me both S. Augustine and the most parte of the old writers, yea the very Bishops of Rome of the oldest sort shall also say for me & defend my cause. Yea mary quoth the gentleman you say well: if you might be indifferently heard. But I much doubt thereof, for that our Mayster Christ was not indifferently heard, nor should be as I think if he were now present again in the world specially in this your opinion, the same being so odious unto the world, and we so far off from the true knowledge thereof.

Well, well (quoth Fryth, then unto the Gentleman) I know very well, that this doctrine of the Sacrament of the Aultar which I hold and have opened contrary to the opinion of this Realm, is very hard meat to be digested both of the Cleargye and Layety thereof. But this I will say to you, taking the gentleman by the hand, that if you live but twenty years more, whatsoever become of me, you shall see this whole Realm of mine opinion concerning this Sacrament of the Aulter, namely, the whole estate of the same though some sort of men particularly shall not be fully persuaded therein. And if it come not so to pass then account me the vaynest man that ever you heard speak with tongue: Besides this, you say that my death would be sorrowful and uncomfortable unto my friends.

I grant (quoth he) that for a small time it would so be. But if I should so mollify, qualifye, and temper my cause in such sort as to deserve only to be kept in prison, that would not only be a much long grief unto me, but also to my friends would breed no small disquietness both of body and of mind. And therefore all things well and rightly pondered, my death in this cause shall be better unto me and all mine then life in continual bondage and penuryes. And almighty GOD knoweth what he hath to do with his poor servant, whose cause I now defend and not mine own: from the which I assuredly do intend (GOD willing) never to start or otherwise to give place, so long as God will give me life.

This communication or like in effect, my Lord of Caunterburyes Gentleman and Fryth had coming in a Whery upon the Thames frō the Tower to Lambeth.

Now, when they were landed, after some repast by them taken at Lambeth, the Gentleman, the Porter, and Fryth, went forward towards Croydon on foot. This Gentleman still lamenting with himself the hard and cruel destiny towards the said Fryth, namely, if he once came amongst the bishops: & now also perceiving the exciding constancye of Fryth, devised with himself some way or means to convey him clean out of their hands, and thereupon considering that there was no mo persons there to convey the Prisoner, but the Porter and himself, he took in hand to win the Porter to his purpose. Quoth the Gentleman unto Perlebeane the Porter (they twayne privately walking by themseues without the hearing of Fryth) you have heard this man I am sure, and noted his talk since he came from the Tower. Yea that I have righte well marked him (quoth the Porter) and I never hard so constant a man nor so eloquent a person. You have heard nothing quoth the gentleman in respect of his both knowledge and eloquence, if he might liberally either in Uniuersity or pulpit declare his learning you would then much more marvel at his knowledge. I take him to be such a one of his age in all kind of learning and knowledge of tongues, as this Realm never yet in mine opinion brought forth, & yet those singular gifts in him are no more considered of our Bishops then if he were a very Dolte or an Idiot, yea they abhor him as a devil therefore, & covet utterly to extinguish him as a member of the Devil, without any consideration of gods special gifts. Mary quoth the Porter if there were nothing else in him but the consideratiō of his personage both comely and amiable, & of natural disposition, gentle, meek and humble: it were pity that he should be cast away. Cast away (quoth the Gentleman? He shall be sure cast away if we once bring him to Croydō, & surely (quoth the Gentleman) before God I speak it, if thou Perlebeane were of my mind we would never bring him thither. Say you so quoth the Porter, I know that you be of a great deal more credit then I am, in this matter, and therefore if you can devise honestly or find some reasonable excuse, whereby we may let him go & provide for himself, I will with all my heart condescend to your devise. As for that quoth the gentleman it is already invented how & which ways he shall convey himself without any great danger or displeasure taken towards us, as the matter shall be handled. You see quoth the gentlemā yonder hill before us, named bristow cawsy, 2. miles frō London, there are great woods on both sides, when we come there we will permit Frith to go into y ^e woods on the left hand of y ^e way whereby he may cōuey himself into kent among his friends for he is a kentish man borne, & whē he is gone we will linger an hour or twayn about y ^e high way until that it somewhat draw towards the night: Then in great hast we will approach unto Streatham which is a mile and a half of, and an outcry in the Town that our prisoner is broken from us into the woods on the right hand towards Waynisworth, so that we will draw as many as we may of the Town to search the country that way for our prisoner, declaring that we followed above a mile and more, and at length lost him in the woods because we had no more company, and so we will rather then fail lie out one night in searching for him and send word from Stretham to my Lord of Canterbury at Croyden in the evening of the prisoners escape and to what Coast he is fled. So that by the morning if he have any good luck at all, he will so provide for himself, that the Bishops shall fail of their purpose. I assure you quoth Perlebeane I like very well the devise herein, and therefore go ye to Frith, and declare what we have devised for his delivery: for now we are almost at the place.

When my Lord of Caunterburyes gentleman came nigh to the hill, he joined himself in company with the said Frith, and calling him by his name, said: Now Mayster Frithe, let us twayne commune together another whiles: you must consider that the journey which I have now taken in hand thus in bringing you to Croyden, as a sheep to the slaughter, so it grieveth me, and as it were ouerwhelmeth me in cares and sorrows, that I little pass what danger I fall in, so that I could find the means to deliver you out of the Lions mouthe. And yet yonder good fellow and I h • ue so devised a means, whereby you may both easily escape from this great and Imminent danger at hand and we also be rydde from any vehement suspicion. And thereupon declared unto Fryth the full process discoursed before, how everything in order should be handled.

When Frith had diligently heard all the matter concerning his delivery, he said to the gentleman: Oh good Lord with a smiling countenance, is this the effect of youre secret consultation, thus longe between you twayne? Surely surely you have lost a great deal more labor in times past, and so are you like to do this, for if you should both leave me here and go to Croyden declaring to the Bishops that you had lost Fryth, I would surely follow as fast after as I might, and bring them news that I had found and brought Fryth again. Do you think, quoth he, that I am afraid to declare my opinion unto the Bishops of England in a manifest truth.

You are a fond man quoth the Gentleman, thus to talk: As though youre reasoning with them might do some good. But I do much marvel, that you were so willing to fly the Realm before you were taken, and now so unwilling to save youre self. Mary there was and is a great diversity of escaping between thone and the other, quoth Frith.

Before I was in deed desirous to escape because I was not attached but at liberty, which liberty I would fain have enjoyed for the maynteynance of my study beyond the See where I was a reader in the Greek tongue according to S. Paul's Counsaile. Howbeit now being taken by the higher power, and as it were by almighty gods permission and providence delivered into the hands of the Bishops only for religion & doctrines sake, namely such, as in conscience and under pain of damnation I am bound to maintain and defend, if I should now start aside and run away: I should run from my God and from the testimony of his holy word, worthy then of an 1000. hells. And therefore I most heartily thank you both, for your good willes towards me beseching you, to bring me where I was appointed to be brought for else I will go thither all alone. And so with a cheerful & merry countinance he went with them, spending the time with pleasant & godly communication until they came to Croyden, where for that night he was well entertained in y ^e Porters lodge. On the morrow he was called before certain Bish. and other learned men sitting in commission w ^t my Lord of Cant, to be examined, where he shown himself passing ready & ripe in answering to all objections as some then reported incredible and contrary to all men's expectations, And his allegations both of S. Augustine & other ancient fathers of the Church was such, that some of them much doubted of S. Augustine's authority in that behalf. Insomuch that it was reported of such as were nigh and about the Archbishop of Canterbury (who then was not fully resolved of the sincere truth of that article) that when they had finished their examination with Frith, the Archbyshoppe conferring with Doctor Heathe privately between themselves said. This man hath wonderfullye trauayled in this matter, and yet in mine opinion he taketh the Doctors amiss. Well my Lord should D. Heth say, there was no man that could avoid his authorityes of S. Augustine. Wherein said my Lord. Then Doctor Heth began to repeat the said authorities of Saint Augustine again, inferring and applying them so strayghtly against my Lord of Canterbury, that my Lord was driven to this shot anker, and said. I see by it quoth he to Heth, that you with a little more study will be easily brought to Frythes opinion: or such like words in effect, And some Chapleines there were of my Lord of Caunterburyes which openly reported that Doctor Heth was as able to defend Frythes assertion in the Sacrament as Fryth was himself.

This learned young man being thus thoroughly sifted at Croydon to understand what he could say or do in his cause, there was no man willing to prefer him to answer in open disputation as poor Lambart was. But now without regard of learning, or good knowledge he was sent and detained unto the Botchers stall: I mean Bishop Stokeleyes Consistory, there to hear not the opinion of Saint Augustine and other ancient Fathers of Christ's primative Church of the said Sacrament, but either to be instruct and to hear the maimed and half cutaway Sacrament of Antichrist the Bishop of Rome with the gross and fleshly imagination thereof or else to perish in the fire as he most constantly did, after he had before the Bishop of London, Winchester and Chichester in the Consistory in Paul's Church most plainly and sincerely confessed his doctrine and faith in this weighty matter. &c. pag. 1032.

A note of William Plane.

IN the latter days of king Henry the eight, about that time Anne Askew was in trouble, one Doctor Crome was trauayled withal to recant, for that he had preached somewhat against things maynteined of the papists in the Church. And one M. Tracy hearing thereof, brought a letter secretly to one Plane dwelling in Bouge row, and desired him to carry it to Doctor Crome, which letter tended to the end to persuade him not to recant, but to stand to the truth. When this good man, William Plane had it (as he was ever willing to further the truth) so he gladly delivered the same to Doctor Crome. Which when he had received and read it, he laid it down upon the table, and after the said William Plane was gone, an Arche Papist came thither to persuade him to recant, and in traveling with him he found the said letter on the board, which whē he had read it, he examined him from whence it came: so what thorough flattery, and threatening, he declared who was the messenger that brought it. Then was William Plan • sent for, cast in the Tower, where he lay miserably xiii. weeks, none admitted to come to him, in which time he was extremely racked, within half a finger breadth as far as Anne Askew: but they could never get of him of whom he had the letter, nor never for all their extremity would accuse any man, so in the end he was delivered out of the Tower and lived about three years after, and so godly ended his life. But unto this day would that Tracy never inquire in what condition his wife and children were left, although he was his Messenger in carrying the letter, but good Lord, the strange disease that grew upon him by that extreme racking as it is odious to rehearse, so I will wish thē to repentance that were the instruments of his torments if they be alive, & warn other papists to the same, in whom any cruelty hath been in the like cause.

A note of Lady Jane.

THe Lady Jane, she whom the Lord Gilford married, being on a time when she was very young at Newhall in Essex at y ^e Lady Mary's, was by one lady Anne Wharton desired to walk, and they passing by the chapel, the Lady Wharton made low courtesy to the popish Sacrament hanging on the altar, which when the Lady Jane saw, meruailed why she did so, and asked her whether the Lady Mary were there or not. Unto whom the Lady Wharton answered no, but she said that she made her courtesy to him that made us all. Why, quoth the lady Jane, how can he be there that made us all, and the Baker made him? This her answer coming to the Lady Mary's ear, she did never love her after, as is credibly reported, but esteemed her as the rest of that Christian profession.

The copy of Queen Mary's letters to the Duke of Norfolk.

RIght trusty & right entirely beloved Cosin, we greete you well, and having by the assistance of God and our loving subjects discomfited Wiate and the other rebels of our County of Kent, who having passed the River of Kingston, came back again towards London, & were encountered above Charing cross, and there were overthrown, and the most part of them were there flame, Wiate, and three of the Cobhams, Bret, Kneuet, Rudstone, Iseley, and other the chief Captains taken prisoners: We have thought good as well to give you knowledge hereof, to the ende ye may with us and the rest of our loving subjects rejoice and give God thanks for this our victory, as also further to signify unto you, that where the said rebel did always pretend the matter of our marriage to be the cause of this unlawful stir, now plainly appeareth by good and substantial examinations of diverse of the said traitors, that whatsoever they pretended, the final meaning was to have deprived us frō our estate and dignity royal, and consequently to have destroyed our person, which thing as we do ascertain you of our honor to be matter of truth, so we pray you to cause y ^e same to be published in all places of that our countries of Norfolk and Suffolk, to the intent our good and loving subjects thereof be no more abused with such false pretenses or other untrue rumors or tales, by whom so ever the same shall be set forth. And now things being in this sort quieted, we cannot but give you thanks for the readiness that you have been in with the force of our said country, to have served us if need had been, praying you to do the like on our behalf to all the Gentlemen and others with you, with whom nevertheless we require you to take such orders as the force of our said country may be still in like readiness, to be employed under good & substantial Captains, to be chosen of the Gentlemen inheritors within the said shiere for our further service, vpō one hours warning, when so ever we shall require the same. And in the mean time our pleasure is, that ye have good regard to the quietness and good order of the country, specially to the apprehension of spreaders of false and untrue tales & rumors, whereby ye shall both deserve well of your whole country, and also do acceptable service, which we will not fail to remember accordingly. Yeauen under our sign at our palace of Westminster, the 8. of Febr. the first year of our reign. In hast.