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Acts and Monuments Volume 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 2,808,142 words · 12481 min

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maketh mention but of ix. years. Platina recordeth that he died a Martyr, and was buried at Uaticane. But Eusebius speaking of his discease, maketh no word mentiō of any Martyrdom. In the 2. tome of the Councelles certain Epistles be attributed to him, whereof Eusebius Damasus, Jerome, and other old authors, as they make no relation, so seem they to have no intelligence nor knowledge of any such matter. In these counterfeit epistles, & in Platina appeareth y e Xistus was the first author of these ordinances. First that the holy mysteries and holy vessels should be touched, but only of persons holy and consecrated, especially of no woman, Itē that the corporas cloth should be made of no other cloth, but of fine linen. Item that bishops such as were called up to the Apostolic sea, returning home again, should not be received at their return, unless they brought with them letters from the bishop of Rome, saluting the people. Itē, at the celebration he ordained to be song this verse, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth. Where moreover is to be noted, that the said Platina, in the life of this Xistus, doeth testify that Peter ministered the celebration of the communion only with the Lord's prayer. These tryflyng ordinances of Xistus, who is so rude that seeth not or may not easily conjecture to be falsely fathered of Xistus, or of any father of that time, first by the uniform rudeness and style of all those decretal letters, nothing sauouryng of that age, but rather of y e later dunsticall times that followed. Also by the matter and argument in those leters contained, nothing agreing with the state of those troublesome days. Neither again is it to be supposed that any such recourse of bishops was then to the Apostolical sea of Rome, that it was not lawful to return without their letters: when as the persecution against the Christians was then so hot, in the days of Hadrian that the Bishops of Rome themselves were more glad to flee out of the City, then other bishops were to come to them unto Rome. And if Xistus added the Sanctus unto the Mass cannon, what piece then of the canon went before it, when they which put to the other patches came after Xistus : And if they came after Xistus that added the rest, why did they set their pieces before his, seeing they y t began the first piece of the canon, came after him?

The same likewise is to be judged of the Epistles & ordinances of Telesphorus, who succeeded next unto Xistus, and being Bishop of that congregation the term of a 11, years, the first year of the reign of Antoninus Pius, died Martyr, about the year of our Lord. 138. His Epistle like unto the rest containing in it no great matter of doctrine, hath these ordinances: First he commandeth all that were of the Clergy to fast and abstain from flesh eating, vii. weeks before Easter. That three Masses should be said upon the Nativity day of the Lord. That no lay man should accuse either bishop or priest. He ordained moreover Gloria in excelsis, to be added to the Mass, &c. but these things falsely to be feigned upon him may easily be conjectured. For as touching the vii. weeks fast neither doth it agree with the old Roman term commonly received, calling it Quadragesima, that is the xl. days fast: neither with the example of our Savior, who fasted not seven wekes but only xl. days. Moreover, as concerning this xl. days fast, we read of the same in the Epistle of Ignatius, which was long before Telesphorus : whereby it may appere that this Telesphorus was not the first inuentour thereof. And if it be true, that is lately come out in the name of Abdias (but untruly, as by many conjectures may be proved) there is read, that in the days of S. Matthew this Lent, fast of xl. days was observed long before Telesphorus : by these words that follow: In the days said he, either of Lente, or in the time of other lawful fastinges, he that abstaineth not as well from the eating meat as also from y e mixture of bodies, doth incur in so doing not only pollution, but also committeth offense, which must be washed away with the tears of repentance. Agayne, Apollonius, affirmeth that Montanus the heretic, was the first deviser and brynger in of these laws of fasting into the Church, which before was used to be free. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18. but especially by Socrates, writer of the Ecclesiasticali story, who lived after the days of Theodosius, may be argued, that this vii. wekes fast is falsely imputed to Telesphorus. For Socrates in his first book, speaking of this time hath these words: Romani namque tres ante Pascha septimanas praeter Sabbatum & Dominicam continuas ieiuuant, that is: the Romans (saith he) do fast three weeks continually before Easter, beside the Sabbath and the Sunday. And moreover, speaking of the diverse and sundry fastings of Lent in sundry and diverse Churches, he addeth these words: And because that no man can bring forth any commandment written of this matter, it is therefore apparent, that the Apostles left this kind of fast free to every man's will and judgment, least any should be constrained by fear and necessity to do that which is good, &c. With this of Socrates, agreeth also the words of Sozomenus, living much about y same time, in his seventh voke, where he thus writeth: The whole fast of Lent (saith he) some comprehend in six weeks, as do the Illyrians, and the west churches, with all Libia, Egypt, & Palestine: some in vii. weeks, as at Constantinople, & y e parties bordering to Phoenicia : other some in three weeks, next before the day of Easter, & some again in ii. weeks. &c. By y e which it may be collected, y t Telesph. never ordained any such fast of vii. wekes: which otherwise neither would have ben neglected in Rome, & in y e west churches: neither again would have been vnremembred of these ancient Ecclesiastical writers, if any such thing had been. The like is to be thought also of the rest, not only of his constitutions: but also of the other ancient Bishops & Martyrs, which followed after him, as of Higinus. an. 142. who succeeding him & dying also a Martyr, as Volateranus, Lib. 22. declareth, is said or rather feigned to bring in the cream, one Godfather and Godmother in Baptism, to ordain the dedication of Churches: when as in his time so far it was of, that any solemn Churches were standing in Rome, that vnneth the Christians could safely conuent in their own houses. Likewise they distincting the orders of Metropolitans, Bishops, and other degres, savor nothing less then of that time.

After Higynus followed Pius, who as Platina reporteth was so precisely devout about the holy mysteries of the Lord's Table, that if any one croome thereof did fall down to the ground, he ordained that the Priest should do penance xl. days. If any fell vpō the Superalter, he should do penance iii. days: if upon the linen Corporas cloth iv. days: if upon any other linen cloth. ix. days. And if any drop of the blood (saith he) should chance be spilled, wheresoever it fell it should be licked up, if it were possible if not the place should be washed or pared, & so being washed or pared, should be burned and laid in the vestry. All which toys may seem to a wise man, more vain and trifling, then to favor of those pure and straight times of those holy Martyrs. This Pius (as is reported) was much conversant with Hermes called otherwise Pastor. Damasus saith he was his brother, but how is that like that Hermes being the disciple of Paul, or one of the lx. disciples, could be the brother of this Pius ? Of this Hermes & of the revelations the foresaid Pius in his Epistle decretal (if it be not forged) maketh mentiō, declaring that unto him appeared the aungel of God in the habit of a shepherd, commanding him, y t Easter day should be celebrated of all men vpō no other day, but upon a Sunday, whereupon, saith the Epistle, Pius the Bishop, by his authority Apostolical, decreed and commanded the same to be observed of all men.

Then succeeded Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutharius, about the year of our Lord. 180. This Eleutherius, at the request of Lucius king of Britanes, sent to him Damianus, and Fugatius, by whom the king was converted to Christ's saith, and baptized about the year of our Lord 179. Nauclerus, Lib. Chro. Gen. 6. saith, it was, an. 156. Henr. de Erfodia, saith, it was, 169. in the xix. year of Verus the Emperor, some say it was in the vi. year of Commodus, which should be about the year of our Lord, 185. Timothy in his story thinketh that Eleutherius came himself: but that is not like And as there is a variance among the writers for y e count of years: So doth there rise a question among some, whether Eleutherius was the first that brought the faith from Rome into this lande or not. Nicephorus. Lib. 2. cap. 4. saith that Symō Zealots, came into Britain. Some other allege out of Gildas de victoria Aurel Ambrosi, that Joseph of Aramathie after the dispersion of the Jews, was sent to Philip the Apostle from France to Britain; about the year of our Lord 63. and here remained in this land all his time, and so with his fellows laid the first foundation of Christian faith among the Britain people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers coming afterward confirmed the same & increased it more. And therefore doth Petrus Cluniacensis call the Scotishmen & so doth count them as more ancient Christians. For the confirmation hereof might be alleged the testimony of Origen, of Tertullian, and the words also of the letter of Eleutherius which import no less, but that the faith of Christ was here in England among the Britain people, before Eleutherius time, & before the king was converted, but hereof more shall be spokē hereafter (Christ willing,) when after the tractation of these .x. persecutions, we shall enter y e matter of our English stories.

About this time of Commodus aforementioned among diverse other learned men and famous teachers whō God stirred up at that time (as he doth at all other times raise up some) in his church, to confound y e persecutors by learning and writing, as the Martyrs to confirm the truth with their blood, was Serapion Bishop of Antioch, Egesippus a writer of the Ecclesiastical history from Christ's Passion to his time, as witnesseth Jerome, & Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 8. & 22. which books of his be not now remaining And those that be remaining (which be 5. de excidio Hierosol. ) be not mentioned neither of Jerome, nor of Eusebius Miltiades which also wrote his Apology in defense of Christian Religion, as did Melito Quadratus, and Aristides before mentioned. About y e same time also wrote Heraclitus, who first began to write annotations & enarrations upon the new Testament, and Epistles of the Apostles. Also Theophilus Bishop of Caesaria, Dionysius Byshoppe of Corinth a man famously learned, which wrote diverse Epistles to diverse Churches, & among other writeth, exhorting Penitus a certain Bishop, Ne grave seruandae castitatis onus necessario fratribus imponat, sed multorum sese imbecilitati attemperet, that is, that he would lay no yoke of chastity of any necessity upon his brethren: but that he would consider the infirmity of other, and bear with it. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 23. Moreover y e said Dionisius in his Epistles writing of Dionisius Agiopagites, declareth of him how that he was first converted to the Christian faith by S. Paul, according as in the acts is recorded, and afterward was made the first Bishop of Athens, but maketh there no mention of his book de Hierarchia. Whereby it may easily appear, what is to be judged of that book. Furthermore, by the Epistles of the said Dionisius Corint. this we have to understand, to be the use at that time in Churches to read the letters and Epistles, such as were sent by learned Bishops and teachers unto the Congregations, as may appear by these words of Dionisius, who writing to y e church of the Romans, and to Soter saith. This day we celebrate the holy Dominical day. In which we have read your Epistle, which always we will read for our exhortation, like as we do read also the Epistle of Clement sent to us before, &c. Euseb. ibid. where also mention is made of keeping the Sunday holy. Whereof we find no mention made in ancient authors, before his time, except only in Justinus Martyr, who in his description declareth two times most especially used for Christian men to congregate together, first, when any convert was to be Baptized. The second was upon the Sunday, which was wont for ii. causes then to be hallowed. First, because (saith he) upon that day God made the word, Secondly, because that Christ upon that day first shown himself after his resurrection to his Disciples, &c.

Ouer and beside these above named, about the days of Commodus, wrote also Clemens Alexandrinus, a man of notable and singular learning, whose books, although for a great part be lost, yet certain of them yet remain wherein is declared among other things, the order and number of the books and Gospels of the new testament, &c.

The same time moreover lived Pantenus, which was the first in Alexandria, that professed in open school to read of whom is thought first to proceed the order and manner among the Christians to read and profess in Universities This Pantenus for his excellency of learning was sent by Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria to preach to the Indeans, where he found the Gospel of S. Matthew written in Hebrew, left there by S. Bartelinewe, which book afterward he brought with him from thence, to the Library of Alexandria.

Duryng all the reign of Commodus ; God granted rest & tranquility, although not without some bloodshed of certain holy Martyrs, as is above declared, unto his Church. In the which time of tranquility, the Christians having now some laisure from the foreign enemy, begā to have a little contention among themselves, about the ceremony of Easter: which contention albeit of long time before had been stirring in the church as is before mentioned of Polycarpus and Anicetus: yet the variance and difference of that ceremony brought no breach of Christian concord and society among them: Neither as yet did the matter exceed so far, but that the band of love, and communion of brotherly life continued, although they differed in the ceremony of the day. For they of the West Church pretending the tradition of Paul and Peter, but in deed being the traditiō of Hermes and of Pius, kept one day, which was upon the Sunday after the 14. day of the first month. The Church of Asia following the ordinance of John the Apostle, observed another, as more shall be declared (the Lord willing) when we come to the time of Victor Bishop of Rome. In the mean time as concerning the fourth persecution, let this hitherto suffice.

The fifth Persecution.

AFter the death of Commodus, reigned Pertinax but few months, after whom succeeded Seuerus. Under whom was raised the fifth persecution against the Christian saints: who reigning the term of 18. years, the first x. years of the same, was very favorable and courteous to the Christians. Afterward through sinister suggestions and malicio s accusations of the malignāt, was so incensed against them, that by Proclamations he commanded no Christians anymore to be suffered. Thus the rage of the Emperor being inflamed against them, great persecution was stirred upon every side, whereby an infinite mumber of Martyrs were slain, as Eusebius in his sixth book recordeth, which was about the year of our Lord, 205. The crimes and false accusations objected against the Christians, are partly touched before, pag. 37. as sedition and rebellion against the Emperor, sacrilege, murthering of Infants, incestuous polution, eating raw flesh, libidinous cōmixture, whereof certain in deed called then Gnostici, were infamed. Item, it was objected against them, for worshipping the head of an Ass, which whereof it should rise, I find no certain cause, except it were perhaps by y e Jews. Also they were charged for worshipping the sun, for that peradventure before the sun rise, they convented together, singing their morning Hymns unto the Lord, or else because they prayed toward y e East: but especially for that they would not with them worship their idolatrous gods and were counted as enemies to all men. &c.

The Capitaines and Presidentes of this persecution under the Emperor were Hilarianus, Vigellius, Claudius, Hermianus Ruler of Cappadocia, Cecilius, Capella, Vespronius, also Demetrius mentioned of Cyprian. And Aquila Judge of Alexandria, of whom Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. maketh relation.

The places where the force of this persecution most raged, were Africa, Alexandria, Cappadocia, and Carthage.

The number of them that suffered in this persecution, by the report of the Ecclesiastical story was innumerable. Of whō the first was Leonides, the father of Origen, who was beheaded: with whō also Origen his son, being of the age thē of xvij. years, should have suffered (such a servant desire he had to be Martired for Christ) had not his mother privily in the night season conveyed away his clothes & his shirt. Wherupō more for shame to be seen, then for fear to die, he was constrained to remain at home: and when he could do nothing else, yet he writing to his father a letter with these words: Cave tibi, ne quid propter nos aliud quam martyrij constanter faciendi propostum cogites, that is, Take heed to yourself, that you tourne not your thought and purpose for our sake, &c. Such a fervency had this Origen being yet young, to the doctrine of Christ's faith, by the operation of God's heavenly providence, and partly also by the diligent education of his Father, who brought him up from his youth most studiously in all good literature, but especially in y e reding & exercise of holy scripture, wherein he had such inward & mystical speculatiō, that many times he would move questions to his father, of the meaning of this place, or y t place in y e scripture. Insomuch y t his father diverse times would uncover his breast being a sleep, & kiss it, giving thanks to God which had made him so happy a father of such a happy child. After the death of his father, and all his goods confiscated to the Emperor, he with his poor mother, and six brethren, being brought to such extreme poverty, did sustain both himself and them by teaching a school. Til at length being wearye of y t profession, he transferred his study only to the knowledge and seeking of divine Scripture, & such other learning conducible to the same. So much he profited both in the Hebrew and other tongues, that he conferred y Hebrew text with the translation of the lxx. And moreover did confer and find out the other translations which we call the common translation of Aquila, of Symmachus, and Theodotion. Also he adjoined to these aforesaid other four translations, whereof more is in the story of Eusebius expressed.

They that write of the life of Origen, testify of him that he was of wit quick and sharp, much patient of labor, a great traueler in the tongues, of a spare diet, of a straight life, a great faster, his teaching & his lining were both one: his going was much barefoot. A straight observer of that saying of the Lord, bydding to have but one coat, &c, he is said to have written so much as seven Notaries, & so many maids every day could pen. The mumber of his books by the account of Jerome, came to 7000. Uolumes, y e copies whereof he used to sel for 3. d. or a little more, for the sustentation of his living. But of him more shall be touched hereafter. So zealous he was in the cause of Christ, and of Christ's Martyrs, that he nothing fearing his own peril would assist & exhort them going to their death, & kiss them, insomuch that he was oft in ieoperdie to be stoned of the multitude. And sometimes by the provision of Christian men had his house guarded about with soldiers, for the safety of them, which daily resorted to hear his readings, & many times he was compelled to shift places & houses, for such as laid wait for him in all places, But such was the providence of God to preserve him in the midst of all this tempest of Seuerus. Among other which resorted unto him, & were his hearers. Plutarchus, was one, and died a martyr, & with him Serenus his brother who was burned. The third after these was Heraclides, The fourth Heron, who were both beheaded. The fifth, was another Serenus also beheaded, Rhais, and Potamiena. who was tormented with pitch poured upon her, & martyred with her mother, Marcella, who died also in the fire. This Potamiena was of a fresh and flourishing beauty, who because she could not be removed from her profession was committed to Basilides one of the Captains there in the army, to see the execution done, Basilides receiving her at the Judges hand, & leading her to the place, shown to her some compassion in repressing the rebukes and raylinges of the wicked adversaries: for the which Potamiena, the virgins, to requite again his kindness, bad him be of good comfort, saying that she would pray y e Lord to show mercy upon him. And so went she to her Martyrdom, which she both strongly and quietly did sustain.

Not long after it happened that Basilides was required to give an oath in a matter concerning his fellow soldiers: which thing he denied to do, plainly affirming y e he was a Christian. For their oath then, was wont to be by the Idols & the Emperor. At the first he was thought dissimulingly to jest, but after whē he was heard constantly, & in earnest to confirm the same, he was had before the judge, and so by him committed toward. The Christians marueiling thereat, as they came to him in the prison inquired of him the cause of that his sudden conversion. To whom he answered again and said, that Potamiena had prayed for him to the Lord, & so he saw a crown put upon his head: adding moreover that it should not be long, but he should be received. Which things thus done, y e next day following, he was had to the place of execution, and there beheaded, Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giveth this story of no credit, but only of hear say, as he there expresseth.

As diverse and many there were that suffered in the days of this Seuerus : so some were again which through the protection of God his providence, being put to great torments, yet escaped w t life. Of whom was one Alexander who for his constant confessiō and torments suffered, was made Bishop afterward of Jerusalem, together with Narcissus, who being then an old man of an hundred and threescore years and three, as saith Eusebius, was vnwieldy for his age to govern that function alone.

Of this Narcissus is reported in the Ecclesiastical history, that certain miracles by him were wrought very notable, if they be true. First of water by him turned into oil at the solemn vigile of Easter, what time the congregation wanted oil for their lamps. Another miracle is also told of him, which is this. There were three evil disposed persons, who seeing the soundness & grave constancy of his virtuous life, & fearing their own punishment, as a conscience that is guilty, is always fearful, thought to prevent his accusations, in accusing him first, & laying an heinous crime to his charge. And to make their accusatiō more probable before the people, they bound their accusation with a great oath: One wishing to be destroyed with fire if he said not true. The other to be consumed with a grievous sickness. The third to loose both his eyes if they did lie. Narcissus although having his conscience clear, yet not able being but one man to withstand their accusation bound with such oaths gave place, and removed himself from the multitude, into a solitary desert by himself, where he continued the space of many years. In the mean time to them which so willingly and wickedly forswear themselves, this happened: the first by casualty of one little small sparkle of fire, was burnt with his goods and all his family. The second, was taken with a great sickness from the top to the toe, and devoured with the same. The third, hearing and seeing the punishment of the other, confessed his fault, but through great repentance poured out such tears, that he lost both his eyes. And thus was their false perjury punished. Narcissus after long absence returning home again, was by this means both cleared of the fact, and received into his bishopric again. To whom, as is said, for impotency of his age, Alexander was joined with him in execution of the function. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 6. cap. 10. Of this Alexander is recorded in the said Ecclesiastical history, that after his agonies and constancy of his confessiō shown in the persecution of Seuerus, he was admonished by a vision in the night season to make his journey up to Jerusalem & Palestine (for that place remained free from this persecution) to see there the congregation, & to pray. Thus he taking his journey, and drawing nere to the city, a vision with plain words was given to certain chief heads of Jerusalem, to go out of the gate of the city, there to receive the Bishop appointed to them of God. And so was Alexander met and received, and joined partner with aged Narcissus, as is before expressed in the City of Jerusalem, where he continued bishop above 40. years, until the persecution of Decius, and there crected a famous Libraric, where Eusebius had his chiefest help in writing his Ecclesiastical history. He wrote also diverse Epistles to diverse churches, and licensed Origen openly to teach in his Church. At length being very aged, was brought frō Jerusalem to Cesaria before the Judge under Decius, where after his constant confession the second time, he was committed to prison, and there died.

Besides these that suffered in this persecution of Seuerus recited of Eusebius, Vincentius also, Lib. 11. cap. 6. Ex Martyrol. speaketh of one Andoclus, whom Polycarpus before had sent into France: which Andoclus because he spread there the doctrine of Christ, was apprehended of Seuerus, and first beaten with staves and bats, after was beheaded.

To these above named, may also be added Asclepiades, who although was not put to death in this persecution of Seuerus, yet constantly he did abide the trial of his confessiō & suffered much for the same, as Alexander did before mentioned. Wherefore afterward he was ordained bishop of Antioch, where he continued the space of vii. years of whom Alexander writeth to the Church of Antioch, out of prison, much rejoicing and giving thanks to God, to hear that he was their Bishop.

About the same time during the reign of Seuerus, died Irenaeus, Henr. de Erfordia, Ado, and other Martyr writers, do hold, that he was martyred with a great multitude of other moe, for the confession and doctrine of Christ, about the fourth or fifth year of Seuerus. This Irenaeus as he was a great writer, so was he greatly commended of Tertullian for his learning, whom he calleth omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem : a great searcher of all kind of learning. He was first scholar and hearer of Polycarpus, frō thence either was sent or came to France, and there by Photinus, and the rest of the Martyrs was instituted into the ministry, commended by their letter unto Eleutherius, as is before premonished. At length after y e Martyrdom of Photinus, he was appointed bishop of Lions, where he continued about the space of 23. years. In y e time of this Irenaeus, the state of the Church was much troubled, not only for the outward persecution of the foreign enemy, but also for diverse sects and errors then stirring, against which he diligently labored, and wrote much, although but few of his books be now remaining. The nature of this man well agreeing with his name, was such, that he ever loved peace, and sought to set agreement when any controversy role in the Church. And therefore, when the question of keeping the Easter day was renewed to the Church, bebetwene Victor bishop of Rome, and the churches of Asia, and when Victor would have excommunicated them as schisinatikes, for disagreeyng from him therein: Irenaeus with other brethren, of the French Church, sory to see such a contention among brethren for such a trifle, convented themselves together in a common Council, and directing their letter with their common consent subscribed, sent unto Victor, entreating him to stay his purpose, & not to proceed in excommunicating his brethren for that matter. Although they themselves agreed with him in observing the Sunday Easter as he did: yet with great reasons and arguments exhorted him not to deal so rigorously with his other brethren, following the ancient custom of their country manner in that behalf. And beside this he wrote diverse other letters abroad concerning the same contentiō, declaring the excommunication of Victor to be of no force.

Not long after Irenaeus followed also Tertullian about the time of this Seuerus, and Antoninus Carcalla his son, a man both in Greek and Latin well expert, having great gifts in disputing, and in writing eloquent, as his books declare, & as the commendation of all learned men doth testify no less. To whom Vincentius Lirinensis giveth such praise, that he calleth him the flour of all Latin writers, and of the eloquence of his style so he writeth, that with the force of his reasons, he saith, whom he could not persuade, them he compelled to consent unto him. How many words, so many sentences, and how many sentences, so many victories he had, &.

Such men of doing and writing, God raiseth up from time to time, as pillars and stays for his poor Church, as he did this Tertullian in these dangerous days of persecution. For whē the Christians were vexed with wrongs, & falsely accused of the Gentiles, Tertullian taking their cause in hand, defendeth them against the persecutors, & against their slanderous accusations: First, that they never minded any styre or rebellion, either against the Empire or Emperors of Rome: forsomuch as the use of Christians was to pray for the state of their Emperors and governors. And where as they were accused falsely to be enemies to all mankind, how could that be (saith Tertullian to Scapula ) seeing the proper office of the Christians is by their profession to pray for all men, to love their enemies, never requiting evil for evil, when as all other do love but only their friends, and scarcely them? As touching the horrible slander of murdering infants, how can that be true in the Christians (saith he)▪ whose order is to abstain from all blood, & strangled: in so much, that it is not lawful for thē to touch the blood of any beast at their tables when they feed? From filthy copulation no sort more free then they: which are and ever hath ben the greatest observers of chastity, of whom, such as may, live in perpetual Uirginitie all their life, such as cannot, contract matrimony, for avoiding all whoredom and fornication. Neither can it be proved of the Christians to worship the sun, which false surmise, Tertulliā declareth to rise hereof, for that the manner of the Christians was to pray toward the East. Much less was there any of them so mad as to worship an Asses head whereof the occasion being taken only of the Jews, the slander thereof therefore he proveth to be falsely and wrongfully laid to the charge of the Christians.

And likewise against all other lies and slanders, objected of the Heathen against the Christians, the said Tertullian purgeth the Christians, declaring them falsely to be belied, & wrongfully persecuted, not for any defect of theirs but only for the hatred of their name. And yet notwithstanding by the same persecutions, he proveth in the same Apology, the religion of the Christians nothing to be impaired, but rather increased. The more (saith he) we are mown down of you, the moe rise up. The blood of Christians is seed. For what man saith he, in beholding the painful torments, and the perfect patience of them will not search and inquire what is in the cause? And when he hath found it out, who will not agree unto it? And when he agreeth to it, who will not desire to suffer for it? Thus (faith he) this sect will never die, which the more it is cutdoune, the more it groweth. For every man seeing and wondering at the sufferance of the Saints, is moved the more thereby to search the cause in searching, he findeth it, and in finding, he followeth it. Tertul in eodem Apolog.

Thus Tertullian in this dangerous time of persecution, being stirred up of God, defended the innocency of the Christians, against the blasphemy of the adversaries, and moreover for the instruction of the church compiled many fruitful works, whereof some are extant, some are not to be found. Notwithstanding the great learning & famous virtues of this worthy mā, certain errors and blemishes are noted in his doctrine, as were before both of Origin, & Irenaeus, and likewise of them were they never so excellent, that followed them. Which errors all here in order to note and comprehend, were too long a matter for this story to prosecute. This by the way shall be sufficient to admonish the Reader, never to look for any such perfection of any man in this world, how singular so ever he be (Christ only excepted) but some blemishe or other joineth himself withal, whereof more perchance shall be said when we come to Cyprian.

And now to return again to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted: after Eleutherius afore mentioned, next in the bishopric of Rome succeeded Victor, who as Platina saith, died quietly in the days of Seuerus. But Damasus Supplementum, Lib. 8. and such as follow the common Chronicles, affirm that he died a Martyr, after he had sitten x. or as some say xii. years. This Victor was a great stir (as partly before is signified) in the controversy and contention of Easterday. For the which he would have proceeded in excommunication against the churches of Asia, had not Irenaeus then bishop of Lions, with the counsel of other his brethren there assembled, repressed his intended violence. As touching that controversy of Easter in those dais of the primitive Church, the original thereof was this, as Eusebius, Socrates, Platina, and other record. First, certain it is, that the Apostles only being intentiue and attendaunt to the doctrine of salvation, gave no heed nor regard to the observation of days & times, neither bound the Church to any ceremoni s and rites, except those things necessary mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, as strangled and blood, which was ordained then of the holy Ghost, notwithout a most urgent and necessary cause, touched partly in y e history before. For when the murdering and blood of Infants was commonly objected by the Heathen perse utors against the Christians, they had no other argument to help thenselves, nor to refell the adversary, but only their own law, by the which they were commanded to abstain not only from all men's blood, but also from the blood of all common beasts. And therefore that law seemeth by the holy Ghost to be given, & also to the same end & continued in the Church, so long as the cause, that is the persecutions of the Heathen Gentiles continued. Beside these we read of no other ceremonies or rites, which the Apostles greatly regarded, but left such things free to the liberty of Christians, every man to use therein his own discretion, for the using or not using thereof. Whereupon, as concerning all the ceremonial observations of days, times, places, meats, drinks, vestures, and such other, of all these things neither was the diversity among men greatly noted, nor any uniformity greatly required. In so much, that Irenaeus writing to Victor of the tradition of days, and of fastings, and of the diversity of these things then used among y e primitive fathers, saith: Nihilo tamen minus omnes Illi pacem inter se retinuerunt, & retinemus etiamnū, & leiunij dissonantia, fidei concordiam commendat, &c. That is, Notwithstanding all this variety, all they kept peace among themselves, & yet we keep it still, and this difference of fasting among us, commendeth more the concord of faith. And so long did the doctrine of Christian liberty remain whole & sound in the Church till the time of Victor, which was about the year of our Lord, 200. Although the diversity of these usages, began something before also in the days of Pius and Anicetus, about the yere of our Lord, 163. to be misliked: yet restraint hereof was not so much urged before, as in y e tune of Victor. And yet neither did the violence of Victor take such place, but that the doctrine of Christian liberty was defended and maintained by means of Irenaeus and other, and so continued in the Church till after the Council of Nice. And thus much concerning the doctrine of Christian liberty of the differences of rites and ceremonies.

Now to return to Victor again, to show what diversity there was in observing the day of Easter, and how it came, thus is the story: First, in the time of Pius and Anicetus, an. 163. the questiō of Easter day began first to be moved, at what time Pius, by the revelation of Hermes, decreed the obseruatiō of that day to be changed from the wonted manner of the 14. day of the moon in the first month, unto the next Sunday after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius Bishops of Rome, which also determined the same. Agaynst these stood Melito. Bishop of Sardis, Polycarpus, and as some think, Egesippus, with other learned men of Asia which Polycarpus being sent by the brethren of Asia, came to Rome as is aforesaid, to confer with Anicetus in that matter: wherein when they could not agree after long debating, yet notwithstanding, they did both communicate together with reverence, & departed in peace. And so the celebration of Easterday remained Adiaphoron, as a thing indifferent in the Church, till the time of Victor. Who following after Anicetus and his fellows, and chiefly stirring in this matter, endeavored by all means and might, to draw, or rather subdue the Churches of Asia unto his opinion, thinking moreover to excommunicate all those Bishops and churches of Asia, as heretics and schismatics, which disagreed from the Romaine order, had not Irenaeus otherwise restrained him from that doing, as is a foresaid, which was about the year of our Lord .191. in the reign of Commodus. Thus then began the uniformity of keeping that holy day to be first required, as a thing necessary, & all they accounted as heretics and schismatics, which dissented from y e Bishop & traditiō of Rome.

With Victor stood Theophilus Bishop of Caesar a, Narcissus of Jerusalem, Irenaeus of Lions, Palmas of Pontus, Banchillus of Corinth, the Bishop of D •• roena, and other moe. All which condescended to have the celebration of Easter upon the Sunday, because they would differ frō the Jews in all things, as near as they might, and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on the same day.

On the contrary side diverse Bishop were in Asia, of whom the principal was Policrates Bishop of Ephesus, who being assembled with a great multitude of Bishops and brethren of those parties, by the common assent of the rest, wrote again to Victor, and to the Church of Rome, declaring, that they had ever from the beginning observed that day, according to the rule of Scripture vnchaunged, neither adding nor altering anything frō the same. Alledging moreover for them the examples of the Apostles and holy fathers their predecessors, as Phillip the Apostle, with his three daughters at Hierapolis: also John the Apostle and Evangelist at Ephesus, Polycarpus at Smyrna Thraseas at Eumenia, Byshoppe and Martyr, likewise of Sagaris at Laodicaea Bishop and Mattyr, Holy Papyrius, and Melito at Sardis. Beside these bishops also of his own kindred, and his own aunceters, to the number of seven which all were bishops before him, & he the eight now after them. All which observed (saith he) the solemnity of the same day, after the same wi e and sort as we do now.

Victor being not a little moved herewith, by letters again denounceth against them (more bold upon authority, then wi e in his commission) violent excommunicatiō, Albeit by the wise handling of Irenaeus, and other learned men, that matter was staid, and Victor otherwise persuaded. What the persuasions of Irenaeus were, partly may appear in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 26. the sum whereof tendeth to this effect: That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no strange matter in the Church of Christ, when as this variety is not only in the day of Easter, but also in the manner of fasting, & in diverse other usages among the Christian. For some fast one day, some two days, some other fast moe. Other there be, which counting xl. hours, both day & night, take that for a full days fast. And this so diverse fashion of fasting in the church of Christ, began not only in this our time, but was before among our fore elders. And yet notwithstanding they with all this diversity, were in unity among themselves, and so be we, neither both this difference of ceremonies anything hinder, but rather commendeth the concord of faith. And bringeth forth the examples of the fathers of Telesphorus, Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleutherius, and such other, who neither observed the same usage themselves, neither prescribed it to others, and yet notwithstanding kept Christian charity with such as came to communicate with them, not observing the same form of things which they observed, as well appeared by Polycarpus and Anicetus, which although they agreed not in one uniform custom of rites, yet refused not to communicate together, the one giving reverence unto the other. Thus the controversy being taken up between Irenaeus & Victor, remained free to the time of Nicene Council. Haec ex Iren. Eusebius. And thus much concerning the controversy of that matter, and concerning the doings of Victor.

After Victor, succeeded in the sea of Rome Zephyrinus, in the days of the foresaid Seuerus, about the year of our Lord .203. To this Zephyrinus be ascribed two Epistles, in the first Tome of the Councils. But as I have said before of the decretal Epistles of other Romaine Bishops: so I say and verily suppose of this, that neither the countenance of the style, nor the matter therein contained, nor the condition of the yme, doth otherwise give to think of these letters, but that they be verily bastard letters, not written by these fathers, nor in these times, but craftily and wickedly pact in by some, which to set up y e primacy of Rome, have most pestilently abused the authority of these holy & ancient fathers, to deceive the simple Church. For who is so rude, but that in considering only the state of those terrible times, may easily understand except affectiō blind him, beside a number of other probable conjectures to lead him, that the poor persecuted bishops in that time, would have been glad to have any safe covert to put their heads in: so far was it of, that they had any lust or laisure, thē to seek for any Primacie or Patriarkeship, or to drive all other churches to appeal to the sea of Rome, or to exempt all Priests from the accusation of any lay man: as in the first Epistle of Zephyrinus is to be seen, written to the Bishops of Sicilia, And likewise the second Epistle of his, to the Bishops of the province of Egypt, containing no manner of doctrine, nor consolation necessary for that time, but only certain ritual decrees to no purpose, argueth no less but the said epistles neither to savor of that man, nor taste of the time.

Of like credit also seemeth the constitution of the Patines of glass, which Damasus saith that the same Zephyrinus ordained to be carried before the Priest, at the celebratiō of the Mass. Again Platina writeth that he ordained the ministration of the Sacrament to be no more used in vessels of wood, or of glass, or of any other metal, except only silver, gold, and tin, &c. But how these two testimonies of Damasus and Platina join together, let the reader judge: especially seeing the same decree is referred to Urbanus, that came after him. Again, what needed this decree of golden chalices to be stablished afterward in the Council of Tybur and Rhenes, if it had been enacted before by Zephyrinus ? How long this Zephyrinus sat, our writers do vary. Eusebius saith, he died in the reign of Caracalla, and sat 17. years, Platina writeth that he died under Seuerus, and sat 8. years, and so saith also Nauclerus. Damasus affirmeth that he sat 16. years and two months.

Matthaeus author of the story entitled, Flores Historiarū, with other latter Chronicles, maketh mention of Perpetua, and Felicitas, and Reuocatus, her brother, also of Saturninus and Satyrus brethren, and Secundulus, which in the persecution of this Seuerus, gave over their lives to Martyrdom for Christ, being thrown to wild beasts, and devoured of the same, in Carthage and in Affrike, save that Saturninus brought again from the beasts, was beheaded, and Secūdulus died in prison, about the year of our Lord, 202. as writeth Florilegus.

This Seuerus the persecutor reigned, as the most part of writers accord the term of 18. years, who about y e latter time of his reign, came with his army hither into Britain, where after many conflicts had with the Britain's, in the borders of the North, he cast up a ditche with a mighty walle made of earth and turues, & strong stakes, to the length of 132. miles from the one side of the sea to the other, beginning at Tine, and reached to the Scottish sea, which done, he removed to York, and there by the breaking in of the Northern men and the Scots, was besieged and slain, about the yere of our Lord, 214. leaving behind him two sons, Bassianus, and Geta. which Bassianus surnamed Caracalla, after he had slain his brother Geta here in Britain, governed the Empire alone, the space of six years. After whose death, he being slain also of his servants (as he had slain his brother before) succeeded Macrinus with his son Diadumenus, to be Emperor, who after they had reigned one year, were both slain of their own people.

After them followed Varius Heliogabalus, in the empire, rather to be called a Monster, then a man, so prodigious was his life in all glotonie, filthiness, and ribaudry. Such was his pomp, that in his lamps he used balm, & filled his fishpondes with rosewater. To let pass his sumptuous vestures which he would not wear but only of gold, and most costly silks: his shoes glistering with precious stones finely engraved he was never ii. days served with one kind of meat, he never wore one garment twice, and likewise for his fleshly wickedness: some days his company was served at meal with the brains of Ostriges, and a strange foul called Phenocapterie, another day with the tongues of Popiniayes, and other sweet singing birds. Beyng nye to the sea, he never used fish: in places far distant from the sea, all his house was served with most delicate fishes. At one supper he was served with 7000. fishes, and 5000. fowls. At his remooning in his progress, often there followed him 600. chariots, laden only with baudes, common harlots, and ribaudes. He sacrificed with young children, and preferred to the best aduauncementes in the common weal, most light personages, as baudes, Minstrels, Carters, and such like. In one word he was an enemy to all honesty & good order. And when he was foretold by his Sorcerers and Astronomers, that he should die a violent death, he provided ropes of silk to hang himself, swords of gold to kill himself▪ and strong poison in Iacincts and Emeraudes to poison himself, if needs he must thereto be forced. Moreover, he made an high tower, having the floor of boordes covered with gold plate, bordred with precious stones, frō the which toure he would throw himself down, if he should be pursued of his enemies. But notwithstanding all his provision, he was slain of the soldiers, drawn through the City, and cast into Tiber after he had reigned two years and viii. months, as witnesseth Eutropius, other say four years.

This Heliogabalus having no issue, adopted to his sonne and heir Aurelius Alexander Seuerus, the son of Mammea who entering his reign the year of our Lord, 224. continued 13. years, well commended for virtuous, wise, gentle, liberal, & to no man hurtful. And as he was not unlearned himself, through the diligent education of Mammea his mother, so he was a great favorer of men, wise and learned. Neither did he anything in the common weal, without the assistance of learned and sage counsailors. It is reported of him, to bear such stomach against corrupt judges, that when he chanced to meet with any of them, by the commotion of his mind, he would cast up choler, being so moved with them that he could not speak, and was ready with his two fingers to put out their eyes. From his court he dismissed all superfluous and vnneedful servants saying, that he was no good pupil, which fed idle servants with the bowels of his common weal.

Among his other good virtues, it appeareth also that he was friendly and favorable unto the Christians, as by this act may be gathered: For when the Christians had occupied a certain public place in some good use, belike for the assembling and conventing together of the congregation, the company of the Cooks or tiplers, made challenge of that place to belong unto thē. The matter being brought before the Emperor, he judged it more honest, the place to serve to the worship of God, howsoever it were, then to the dirty slubbering of Cooks and Skullians.

By this it may be understand, that in Rome no Christian churches were erected unto this time, when as yet (notwithstanding this favor of the Emperor) no public house could quietly be obtained for the Christians. So that by the reason hereof may appear the decretal epistle and ordinance of Pope Higynus concerning the dedication of churches above mentioned, pag. 53. to be falsified. And likewise the ordinance of Pius his successor, concerning the Altar, or Superaltare, to be also false. For what Superaltare was it like, they had in the time of Higynus and Pius, when as at this time which was long after, no public place almost could be granted them for the Christians to assemble together?

Of this Alexander, Platina writeth, that as he was a great hater of all boasters & flatterers, so he was of such prudence, that no deceit could escape him, and bringeth in a story of one Turinus, who had gotten craftily many great bribes and gifts, in making the people believe that he was of great authority with the Emperor, and that he could help them to have whatsoever they sued for. Whereof the Emperor being certified, caused him in the open market to be fastened to a stake, and there killed with smoke, where the Crier stood thus crying to the people: Smoke he sold, and with smoke he is punished.

Mammea the mother of this Alexander above mentioned (whom Jerome calleth a devout and religious woman) hearing of the same and the excellent learning of Origen, being then at Alexandria, sent for him to Antioch, desirous to hear and see him▪ Unto whom the foresaid Origen according to her request, resorted, and after that he had there remained a space with the Emperor, and his mother, returned again to Alexandria.

And thus continued this good Emperor his reign the space of 13. years, at length at a commotion in Germany, with his mother Mammea he was slain. After whom succeeded Maximinus, contrary to the mind of the Scuate, only appointed by the soldiers to be Emperor. During all this time between Seuerus and this Maximinus, the church of Christ, although it had not perfect peace, yet it had some mean tranquility from persecution. Albeit some Martyrs there were at this time that suffered, whereof Nauclerus giveth this reason: For although (saith he) Alexander being persuaded through the entreating of his mother Māmea, did favor the Christians: yet notwithstanding, there was no public Edict or Proclamation provided for their safeguard. By reasō whereof, diverse there were which suffered Martyrdom under Almachius & other judges. In the number of whom after some stories, was Calixtus Bishop of Rome, who succeeded next unto Zephyrinus ; above mentioned. And after him Urbanus also, which both being Bishops of Rome, did both suffer, by the opiniō of some writers, under Alexander Seuerus.

This Calixtus in his two decretal Epistles, written to Benedictus, and to the Bishops of France, giveth these ordinances, that no actions or accusations against the Prelates or teachers of the church should be received, that no secret conspiracies should be made against bishops. Item, no man to communicate with persons excommunicate. Also no bishop to excommunicate or to deal in another Dioces. And here he expoundeth the Dioces or the Parish of any bishop or minister to be his wife. The wife (saith the Apostle) is bound to the law, so long as the husband liveth, when he is dead, she is free from the law: So (saith Calixtus ) the wife of a bishop (which is his Church) so long as he liveth, is bound duly to him, neither ought to be judged or disposed by any other man, without his will and judgment: after his death she is free from the law, to marry to whō she will, so it be in the Lord, that is, regulariter, regularly. In the end of the said his epistle decretal, he confuteth the error of them which hold, that they which are fallen, are not to be received again. Which heresy after the time of Calixtus or Calistus, came in first by Novatus, in the days of Cornelius. Moreover, in his said first Epistle decretal, is contained the fast of the four times, commonly called the Imber fast, whereof also Marianus Scotus, maketh mention. But Damasus speaking of the same fast, saith, he ordained the fast but of three times, which was for the increase of corn, wyne, and oil.

By these hitherto premised, it is not hard for a quick Reader to smell out the crafty juggling of that person or persons whosoever they were, y e falsely have ascribed these decretal institutions to those holy fathers. For first, what laysure had the Christians to lay in their accusations against their bishops, when we never read nor find in any story any kind of variance in those days among them, but all love, mutual compassion, and hearty communion among the Saints. And as we read of no variance among the people in those days, nor of any fault or backsliding among the Bishops, who for the most part then died all constant Martyrs: so neither do we read of any tribunal seat or Consitory used or frequented then about any such matters. Agayne, if a man examine well the dangers of those busy days, he shall see the poor flock of the Christians, so occupied and piteously oppressed by the cruel accusations of the Heathen Infidels, that though the cause did, yet the time would not serve them to commense any law against their bishops. Secondly, as touching their conspiracy against bishops, what conspiracy either would they then practice against them, which always gave their lives for their defense? Or how could they then conspire in any cōpanies together, when never a true thristian man durst once put his head out of his doors, neither was there in the church any Christian man in those perilous days, except he were a true man in deed, such as was far from all false conspiracies? And when as all the world almost in all places conspired against them: What time, what cause, or what heart trow ye could they have to cōspire against their instructors? Thirdly, concerning the confutation of that heresy, how standeth the confutation with the time of Calistus, whē Novatus the author of that heresy was after him in the time of Cornelius ? Fourthly, if by the law of Calixtus, every Dioces be the proper wife of every bishop or minister, then how many bishops wives, and persons wives hath the adulterous Pope of Rome deflowered in these latter days of the Church, which so proudly and impudently hath intermeddled and taken his pleasure & his own profit in every Dioces and Parish almost through all Christendom, without all leave and license of the good man, who hath been in the mean time, & yet is compelled still, where so ever the Popes holiness cometh, Vigilante sternere naso, and to give him leave unasked, to do what he list. Wherefore if this Canon decretal be truly his, why is it not observed, so as it doth stand without exceptiō? If it be not, why is it then falsely forged upon him, and the Church of Christ deceived? And certes, lamentable it is, that this falsifiyng of such trifling traditions under the false pretence of antiquity, either was begun in the Church, to deceive the people: or that it hath remained so long vndetected. For as I think, the church of Christ will never be perfectly reformed, before these decretal constitutions & Epistles which have so long put on the visard of antiquity, shall be fully detected, and appear in their own color, wherein they were first painted.

And yet neither do I say this, or think contrary, but that it may be, that bishops of Rome and of the same name have been the true authors of these traditions: but here cometh in the error (as I credibly suppose) that when other later bishops of the like name, have devised these ceremonial inventions, the vulgar opinion of men hath transferred them to the first primitive fathers, although being of another time, yet bearing the same name with the true inuentors thereof. But of Calixtus enough: who as Damasus saith in the days of this Alexander Seuerus, died a Martyr. Vincentius affirmeth that he was tied to a great stone, and so out of a window was thrown into a ditch. Eusebius speaking of his death, maketh no mention of his Martyrdom, and saith he sat v. years. Platina saith vi. years, Sabellicus giveth him vii. years, and so doth Damasus.

After Calistus followed Urbanus, about the year of our Lord 227. who in his epistle decretal (coming out of the same forge) which he wrote in common to all bishops, making no mention of the heavy persecutions of the Church, nor ministering any exhortation of comfort or constancy to the brethren, only giveth many straight precepts, for not transporting or alienating the goods of the Church, and to pay truly their off ••• ngs, which they vow: also to have all common among the Clergy. Moreover, about the ende of his epistle he instituteth the confirmation of children after Baptism (which the Papists be wont to take into the number of their vii. Sacraments) affirming and denouncing more then Scripture will bear, that the imposition of the Bishops hand bringeth the holy ghost, and thereby to be made full Christians, &c. But of these decretal epistles enough is said before, more may be considered of the discrete Reader. Marianus Scotus, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, & other late story writers do hold as is aforesaid, that he died a Martyr in the days of Alexander Seuerus, after he had governed that seat, 4. years, as Damasus and Platina do witness, as Marianus saith, eight years.

The same Damasus and Platina do testify of him, that he by his preaching and holiness of life converted diverse Ethnikes to the faith. Among whom were Tiburtius, and Valerianus the husband of Cecilia, which both being noble men of Rome, remained constant in the faith unto the end and Martyrdom.

Of this Cecilia thus it is is written in the Martyrologe by Ado, that Cecilie the virgin, after she had brought Valerian her husband espoused, and Tiburtius his brother to the knowledge and faith of Christ, and with her exhortations had made them constant unto Martyrdom: after the suffering of them she was also apprehended by Almachius the ruler, and brought to the Idols to do sacrifice, which thing when she abhorred to do, she should be presented before the judge to have the condemnation of death. In the mean time the Sergeants and officers which were about her, beholding her comely beauty, and the prudent behavior in her conversation, began with many persuasions of words to solicit her mind, to favor her self, and that so excellent beauty, and not to cast her self away, &c. But she again so replied to them with reasons & godly exhortations, that by the grace of almighty God their hearts began to kindle and at length to yield to that Religion, which before they did persecute. Which thing she perceiving, desired of the judge Almachius a little respite. Which being granted, she sendeth for Urbanus the Bishop home to her house, to stablish and ground them in the faith of Christ. And so were they, with diverse other at the same time Baptized, both men & women, to the number (as the story saith) of 400. persons, among whom was one Gordianus a noble man. This done, this blessed Martyr was brought before the judge, where she was condemned: then after was brought to the house of the Judge, where she was enclosed in a hot bath, but she remaining there a whole day & night without any hurt, as in a cold place, was brought out again, and commandment given that in the bath she should be beheaded. The executor is said to have four strokes at her neck, & yet her head being cut off, she (as the story giveth) lived three days after. And so died this holy Virgin martyr, whose body in the night season Urbanus the bishop took and buried among the other Bishops. Ado the compiler of this Martyrologe addeth that this was done in y e time of Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus. But that cannot be, for so much as Urbanus by all histories, was long after those Emperors, and lived in the days of this Alexander as is above declared. Antoninus, Bergomēsis, Equilinus with such other writers, set forth this history with many strange miracles, wrought by the said Cecilia, in converting her husband Valerianus, and his brother, in showing them the Angel which was the keeper of her virginity, and of the Angel putting on crowns upon their heads. But as touching these miracles, as I do not dispute whether they be true or fabulous: so because they have no ground upon any ancient or grave authors, but taken out of certain new Legends, I do therefore refer them thither from whence they came.

Under the same Alexander diverse other there be whom Bergomensis mentioned to have suffered martyrdom, as one Agapitus of the age of xv. years, who being apprehended and condemned at Preneste in Italy, because he would not sacrifice to Idols, was assailed with sundry torments: first with whips scourged, then hanged up by the feet, after having hot water poured upon him, at last cast to the wild beasts, with all which torments, when he could not be hurt, finally with sword was beheaded. The executor of these punishments (as by Henricus Erford, may be gathered) was one Antiochus, who in the executing of the foresaid torments, suddenly fell down from his judicial seat, crying out, that all his inward bowels burned within him and so gave up the breath, Henr. de Erfordia, Lib. 6. cap. 29.

Also with the same Agapitus is numbered Calepodius a minister of Rome, whose body first was drawn through the city of Rome, & after cast into Tiber. Bergo. ibidem.

Then followeth Pammachius a Senator of Rome, w t his wife and children, and other both men and women, to the number of xlii.

Item another noble Senator of Rome named Simplicius all which together in one day had their heads smitten off, and their heads after hanged up in diverse gates of the City, for a terror of other, that none should profess the name of Christ.

Beside these suffered also Quiritius a noble man of Rome, who with his mother Julia, and a great number moe, were put likewise to death.

Also Tiberius and Valerianus, Citizens of Rome, and brethren, suffered (as Bergomensis saith) the same time, who first being bruised and broken with bats, after were beheaded.

Also Vincentius, Bergomensis, and Erfordiensis, make mention of Martina a Christian virgins, which after diverse bitter punishments, being constant in her faith, suffered in like manner by the sword.

Albeit as touching the time of these forenamed Martyrs, as I find them not in elder writers: so do I suppose them to suffer under Maximinus, or Decius, rather then under Alexander.

*The sixth Persecution.

AFter the death of Alexander the Emperor, who with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murdered in Germany followed Maximinus, chosen by the will of the soldiers, rather then by the authority of the Senate, about the year of our Lord, 237. who for the hatred he had to the house of Alexander (as Eusebius recordeth) raised up the vi. persecution against the Christians: especially against the teachers and leaders of the Church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains of them were removed out of the way. Whereby I suppose rather y e Martyrdom of Urbanus the bishop, and of the rest above specified, to have happened under the tyranny of this Maximinus then under Alexander. In the time of this persecution, Origen wrote his book De Martyrio : which book if it were extant would give us some knowledge, I doubt not, of such as in this persecution did suffer, which now lie in silence unknown. And no doubt but a great number they were, & moe should have been, had not the providēt mercy of God shortened his days, & bridled his tyranny, for he reigned but three years. After whom succeeded Gordianus an 240. a man no less studious for the utility of the commō wealth, as mild and gentle to the Christians. This Gordian after he had governed with much peace and tranquility the Monarchy of Rome the space of vi. years was slain of Philip Emperor after him.

In the days of these Emperors above recited, was Pontianus bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after Urbanus above rehearsed, about the year of our Lord, 236. in the xii. year of Alexander, as Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 28. noteth: declaring him to sit vi. years. Contrary Damasus and Platina write, that he was bishop ix. years and a half. And that in the time of Alexander, he with Philippus his Priest was banished into Sardina, and there died, But it seemeth more credible that he was banished rather under Maximinus, and died in the beginning of the reign of Gordianus. In his Epistles decretal (which seem likewise to be feigned) he appeareth very devout, after the common example of other bishops to uphold the dignity of Priests, and of Clergy men, saying: that God hath them so familiar with him, that by them he accepteth the offerings and oblations of other, and forgiveth their sins, and reconcileth them unto him. Also, that they do make the body of the lord with their own mouth, and give it to other, &c. Which doctrine how it standeth with the Testament of God, & glory of Christ, let the Reader use his own judgment.

Other notable fathers also in the same time were raised up in the church, as Philetus Bishop of Antioch, which succeeded after Asclepiades afore mentioned, an. 220. and after him Zebennus bishop of the same place, an. 231.

To these also may be added Ammonius the schoolemaister of Origen, as Soudas supposeth, also the kinsmen of Porphiry the great enemy of Christ. Notwithstanding, this Ammonius endued w t better grace, as he left diverse books in defense of Christ's religion: so he did constantly persevere (as Eusebius reporteth) in y e doctrine of Christ, which he had in the beginning received, who was about y days of Alexander.

Julius Aphricanus also about the time of Gordianus aforesaid, is numbered among the old and ancient writers, of whom Nicephorus writeth to be the scholar of Origen, and a great writer of histories of that time.

Unto these Doctors and Confessors may be adjoined the story of Natalius ; mentioned in the fifth book of Eusebius. This Natalius had suffered persecution before like a constant confessor, who being seduced and persuaded by Asclepiodotus and Theodorus (which were the Disciples of Theodorus ) to take upon him to be bishop of their sect, promising to give him every month an hundredth and fifty pieces of silver, and so he joining himself to them, was admonished by vision and reuelatiō from the Lord. For such was the great mercy of God, and of our Lord Christ Jesus, that he would nor his Martyr, which had suffered so much for his name before, now to perish out of his church. For the which cause (saith Eusebius ) God by certain visions did admonish him. But he not taking great heed thereunto, being blinded partly with lucre, partly with honor, was at length all the night long scourged of the Angels: In so much that he being made thereby very fore, and early on the morrow putting on sackcloth, with much weeping and lamentation went to Zephyrinus the bishop above mentioned, where he falling down before him and all the Christian congregation, shown them the stripes of his body, and prayed them for the mercies of Christ, that he might be received into their communion again, from which he had sequestered himself before. And so was admitted according as he desired.

After the decease of Pontianus Bishoppe of Rome afore mentioned, succeeded next in that place Anterius of whom Isuardus writeth that Pontianus departing away, did substitute him his room. But Eusebius writeth that he succeeded immediately after him. Damasus saith, that because he caused the acts and deaths of the Martyrs to be written, therefore he was put to martyrdom himself, by Maximinus the Judge. Concerning the time of this Bishop, our writers do greatly jar. Eusebius and Marianus Scotus affirm that he was Bishop but one month. Sabellicus saith that not to be so. Damasus assigneth to him xii. years & one month. Volateranus, Bergomensis, and Henricus Erford, give to him three years & one month. Nauclerus writeth that he sat one year and one month. All which are so far discrepant one from another, that which of them most agreeth with truth, it lieth in doubt. Next to this Bishop was Fabianus, of whom more is to be said hereafter.

Of Hippolytus, also both Eusebius and Hieronymus maketh mention that he was a bishop, but where, they make no relation. And so likewise doth Theodoretus witness him to be a bishop, and also a Martyr, but namyng no place. Gelasius contra Eutichen saith, he died a Martyr, and that he was bishop of an head City in Arabie. Nicephorus writeth, that he was Bishop of Ostia, a port town near to Rome. Certain it is, he was a great writer, and left many works in the Church, which Eusebius and Jerome do recite: by the supputation of Eusebius, he was about the year of our Lord, 230.

Prudentius in his Peristephanon, making mentiō of great heaps of Martyrs buried by ix. together, speaketh also of Hippolytus, and saith that he was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales and bushes, and describeth thereof a pitiful story.

After the Emperor Gordianus, the Empire fell to Philippus, who with Philip his son, governed the space of vi. years, an. 246. This Philippus with his son and all his family, was christened & converted by Fabianus & Origen, who by letters exhorted him and Seuera his wife to be baptized, being the first of all the Emperors that brought in Christianity into the emperiall seat. Howsoever Pomponius Letus reporteth of him to be a dissembling prince, this is certain, that for his Christianitye, he with his son was slain of Decius one of his Captains. Sabellicus Bergomensis Lib 8. showeth this hatred of Decius against Philippus to be conceived, for that the Emperor Philip both the Father and the son had committed their treasures unto Fabianus then Bishop of Rome.

The seventh Persecution.

THus Philippus being slain, after him Decius invaded the crown about the year of our Lord, 250, by whom was moved a terrible persecution against the Christians, which Orosius noteth to be the vii. persecution. The first occasion of this hatred and persecution of this tyrant conceived against the Christians, was chiefly, as is before touched, because of the treasures of the Emperor which were committed to Fabian the bishop.

This Fabian first being a married man, as Platina writeth, was made Bishop of Rome after Anterius above mentioned by the miraculous appointment of God, which Eusebius doth thus describe in this sixth book: When the brethren (saith he) were together in the Congregation, about the electiō of their Bishop, and had purposed among them selves upon the nominatiō of some noble and worthy personage of Rome, it chanced that Fabianus among other was there present, who of late before was newly come out of the country to inhabit in the City. This Fabian, as is said, thinking nothing less then of any such matter suddenly cometh a Dove fleing from above, and sitteth upon his head. Whereupon all y e Congregation being moved, with one mind and one uoyce, did chose him for their Bishop. In the which function he remained the space of xiii. years, as Eusebius writeth. Damasus, Marianus, and Sabellicus say. xiv. Yeares unto y e time of Decius. Who, whether for that Philippus had committed to him his treasures, or whether for the hatred he bare to Philippus, in the beginning of his reign caused him to be put to death. Sendyng out moreover his Proclamation into all quarters that all which professed the name of Christ, should be slain.

To this Fabian be ascribed certain ordinances, as of consecrating new oil once every year, and burning the old, of accusations against Bishops, of appealing to the sea Apostolic, of not marrying within the fifth degree, of communicating thrice a year, of offering every Sunday, with such other things moe in his. iii. Epistles decretal, the which Epistles, as by diverse other evidences may be supposed to be untruly named upon him, giving no signification of any matter agreing to that time: so do I find the most part of the iii. Epistle, word for word standing in the Epistle of Sixtus y e 3. which followed almost 200. years after him, beside the unseemly doctrine also in the ende of the said Epistles contained, where he contrary to the tenor of the Gospel, applieth remission of sins (only due to the blood of Christ) unto the offerings of bread and wyne by men and women every Sunday in the Church.

To this Fabianus wrote Origin De orthodoxia suae fidei, that is, of the rightnes of his faith. Whereby is to be understood, that he continued to the time of Decius, some say also to the time of Gallus. Of this Origen partly mention is touched before, declaring how bold and feruente he was in the days of Seuerus, in assisting, comforting, exhorting and killing the Martyrs that were imprisoned & suffered for the name of Christ, with such danger of his own life, that had not been the singular protectiō of God, he had been stoned to death many times of the Heathen multitude. Such great concourse of men and women was daily to his house to be catechised & instructed in the Christian faith by him, that soldiers were hired of purpose to defend the place where he taught them. Again, such search sometimes was set for him, that vnneth any shiftyng of place or country could cover him. In those laborious travails and affairs of the Church, in teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding, he continued about the space of 52. years, unto the time of Decius and Gallus. Divers and great persecutions he sustained, but specially under Decius, as testifieth Eusebius in his sixth book, declaring, that for the doctrine of Christ he sustained bands and torments in his body, rackings with bars of iron, dungeons, besides terrible threats of death and burning. All this he suffered in the persecution of Decius, as Eusebius recordeth of him, and maketh no relatiō of any further matter. But Soudas and Nicephorus following the same, saith further concerning him, that the said Origen, after diverse and sundry other torments, which he manfully and constantly suffered for Christ, at length was brought to an altar where a foul filthy Ethiope was appointed to be, and there this option or choice was offered unto him, whether he would sacrifice to the idol, or to have his body polluted with that foul and ouglie Ethiope. Then Origen (saith he) who with a Philosophical mind, ever kept his chastity undefiled, much abhorring y filthy villainy to be done to his body, condescended to their request. Wherupon, the judge putting incense in his hand, caused him to set it to the fire vpō the altar. For the which impiety, he afterward was excommunicated of the Church. Epiphanius writeth that he being urged to sacrifice to Idols, and taking the boughs in his hand, wherewith the Heathen were wont to honor their God's, called upon the Christians to carry them in the honor of Christ. The which fact the church of Alexandria misliking, removed him from their communion. Wherupon Origen driven away with shame and sorrow out of Alexandria, went into Jewry, where being in Jerusalem among the congregation, and there requested of the Priests and Ministers (he being also a Priest) to make some exhortation in the church, refused a great while so to do. At length by importunate petition being constrained thereunto, rose up, and turning the book, as though he would have expounded some place of the Scripture, only read the verse of the 49. Psalm: but God said to the sinner, why doest thou preach my justifications, & why doest thou take my testament in thy mouth, &c. Which very being read, he shut the book, and sat down weeping and wailing, the whole congregation also weeping & lamenting with him, Suid. Niceph. More what became of Origen it is not found in history, but only that Soudas addeth, he died and was buried at Tyrus. Eusebius affirmeth, that he departed under the Emperor Gallus, about the year of our Lord 255. and the 70. year of his age, in great misery (as appeareth) and poverty.

In this Origen diverse blemishes of doctrine be noted whereupon Jerome some times doth inveigh against him. Albeit in some places again he doth extol and commend him for his excellent learning, as in his Apology against Ruff. and in his Epistle to Pammachus and Ocean, where he praiseth Origen, although not for the perfection of his faith and doctrine, nor for an apostle, yet for an excellent interpreter, for his wit, and for a Philosopher. And yet in his Prologue vpō the Homilies of Origen upon Ezekiel, he calleth him another master of the churches, after the Apostles. And in another Preface upon his questions upon Genesis, he wisheth to himself the knowledge of the scriptures, which Origen had, also with the envy of his name. Athanasius moreover calleth him singular, and laborious, and useth also his testimonies against the Arians. Socrates, Lib. 6. cap. 13.

After Origen, the congrue order of history requireth. next to speak of Heraclas his Usher, a man singularly commonded for his knowledge, not only in Philosophy, but also in all such faculties as for a christiā divine doth appertain. This great towardness of wit and learning when Origen perceived in him, he appointed him above all other, to be his Usher or vnderteacher, to help in his school or University of Alexandria, in the reign of Antoninus Caracalla, son of Seuerus. And after in the x. year of Alexander, Origen departing unto Cesarea, he succeeded in his room to govern the school in Alexandria. Further also, in the time of Gordianus, after the decease of Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, this Heraclas succeeded to be Bishop of the said City. Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 29. In the which functiō he ministered the term of xvj. years, Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 35. Of this Heraclas writeth also Origen himself, that he, although being Priest, yet ceased not to read over and peruse y e books of the Gentiles, to the intent he might the better out of their own books confute their error. &c.

After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the bishopric of Alexandria, like as he succeeded him in y e school before. Which Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas unto Philemon a Priest of Rome, thus saying: Hunc ego canonem & typum a beato Heracla Papa nostro accepi, &c. that is, This Canon and type I received of blessed Heraclas our Pope, &c. This Heraclas was no Martyr which died 3. years before Decius, about the year of our Lord, 250. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria, Dionysius Alexandrinus, who also suffered much under the tyranny of Decius, as hereafter shall be shown (Christ willing) when we come to the time of Valerian.

Nicephorus in his fifth book, and other which write of this persecutiō under Decius, declare the horriblenes thereof to be so great and so innumerable Martyrs to suffer in the same, that he saith it is as easy to number the sandes of the sea, as to recite the particular names of them, whō this persecution did devour. In the which persecutiō the chiefest doers and tormenters under the Emperor, appear in the history of Vincentius to be these: Optimus the under Consul, Secundianus, Verianus, and Marcellianus, &c. Although therefore it be hard here to infer all and singular persons in order that died in this persecution: yet such as remain most notable in stories I will briefly touche, by the grace of him for whose cause they suffered.

In the former tractation of the fifth persecution, mentiō was made before of Alexander bishop of Jerusalem, and of his troubles suffered under Seuerus, and how afterward by the miracle of God he was appointed bishop of Jerusalem, where he continued a very aged man, above the term of 40, years governor of that Church, til the tune of the first year of Decius. At what time he being brought from Jerusalem to Cesarea into the judgment place, after a constant and evident confession of his faith made before the Judge, was committed unto prison, and there finished his lyre, as testifieth Dionysius Alexandrinus in the six book of Eusebius. After whom succeeded in that seat Mezabanes the xxxvj. Bishop of that City, after James the Apostle.

Mention was made also before of Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch, who succeeded after Serapion, and in the persecution of Seuerus did likewise persevere a constant confessor, and as Vincentius testifieth in his xi. book suffered Martyrdom at last under this Decius. But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree with the truth of time, for as much as by probable writers, as Zonaras, Nicephorus and other, the said Asclepiades after Serapion, entered the bishops seat of Antioch, an. 214. and sat vii. years before the time of Gordianus. After whom succeeded Philetus, an. 221. governing the function xii. years. And after him Zebinus followed, an. 232. and so after him Babylas, which Babylas if he died in this persecution of Decius, then could not Asclepiades also suffer in the same time, who died so long before him, as is declared.

Of this Babylas bishop of Antioch, Eusebus and Zonaras record, that under Decius he died in prison, as did Alexander bishop of Jerusalem above rehearsed.

We read in a certain treatise of Chrysostom, entitled Contra Gentiles, a notable and a long history of one Babylas a martyr, who about these times was put to death for resistyng a certain Emperor, not suffering him to enter into the temple of the Christians, after a cruel murder committed, the story of which murder is this: There was a certain Emperor, who upon conclusiō of peace made with a certain nation, had received for hostage or surety of peace the son of the king being of young and tender age, with conditions upon the same, that neither he should be molested of them, nor that they should ever be vexed of him. Upon this the kings son was delivered not without great care and fear of the father unto the Emperor, whom the cruel Emperor, contrary to promise, caused in short time, without all just cause to be slain. This fact so horrible being committed, the tyrant with all hast would enter into the temple of the Christians: Where Babylas being bishop or minister withstood him that he should not into y e place approach. The Emperor therewith not a little incensed, in great rage commanded him forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he could bear, & from thence shortly after to be brought forth to death and execution. Babylas going constantly and boldly to his Martyrdom, desired after his death to be buried with his irons and bands, & so he was. The story proceedeth moreover, and saith, that in continuance of time in the reign of Constantine, Gallus then made the ouersear of the East partes, caused his body to be translated into the suburbs of Antioch called Daphnes, where was a temple of Apollo, famous with devilish Oracles & answers, given by that Idole, or by the devil rather in that place. In the which temple after y e bringing of the body of Babylas, the idol ceased to give anymore Oracles, saying, that for the body of Babylas, he could give no moe answers, but complaining that that place was wont to be consecrated unto him, but now it was full of dead men's bodies. And thus the Oracles there ceased for that time, till the coming of Julianus: who inquiring out the cause why the Oracles ceased, caused the bones of the holy Martyr to be removed again from thence by the Christians, whom he then called Galileans. They coming in a great multitude both men, maidens, and children, to the tomb of Babylas, transported his bones according to the commandment of the emperor, singing by the way as they went, the verse of the Psalm in words as followeth: Confounded be all that worship Images and all that glory in Idols, &c. which coming to the Emperors ares, set him in great rage against the Christians, stirring up persecution against them. Albeit Zonaras declareth the cause something otherwise: saying, that so soon as the body of him and other Martyrs were removed away, incontinēt the temple of the Idole with the Image, in the night was consumed with fire. For the which cause (saith Zonaras ) Julian stirred up with anger, persecuted the Christians, as shall be shown (Christ willing) in his order and place hereafter.

And thus much of Babylas, which whether it was the same Babylas Bishop then of Antioch, or another of the same name, it appeareth not by Chrysostom : which neither maketh mention of the Emperors name, nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop. Agayne the stopping out of the Emperor out of the Church importeth as much as that Emperor to have been a Christian. For otherwise if he had come in as an Heathen and as a persecutor, it was not then the manner of Christian bishops violently to withstand the Emperors or to stop them out. Ouer & beside the testimony of Eusebius, Zonaras doth witness contrary in his vi. book, that this Babylas which was then Bishop of Antioch after Zebinus, was not put to death by the tormentors, but died in prison. Wherefore it is not impossible, but this Babylas, and this Emperor which Chrysostom speaketh off may be another Babylas, then that which suffered under Decius. Nicephorus in his v. book maketh mention of another Babylas beside this that suffered under Decius, which was bishop of Nicomedia.

In the forenamed City of Antioch, Vincentius, Lib. 11. speaketh of 40. virgins Martyrs, which suffered in this persecution of Decius.

In the country of Phrigia, and in the toune of Lampsar, the same Vincentius also speaketh of one Peter, which there was apprehended, and suffered bitter torments for Christ's name, under Optimus the Proconsul. And in Troada likewise of other Martyrs that there suffered, whose names were Andrew, Paul, Nicomachus, and Dionisia a virgin. Lib. 11 cap. 46.

Also in Babylon (saith he) diverse Christian Confessors were found of Decius, which were led away into Spain, there to be executed, Lib. eodem, cap. 43.

In the country of Cappadocea at the City of Cesarea, in like manner of the said author is testified, of Germanus, Theophilus, Cesarius, and Vitalis, to suffer Martyrdom for Christ, eodē cap 52. And in y e same Book mention also is made of Polychronius Bishop of Babylon, cap. 89. And in Pamphilia of Nestor there Bishop, y t died Martyr, cap. 52.

At Perside in the Toune of Cardala, Olympiades and Maximus. In Tyrus also Anatolia Virgin, and Audax gave their lives likewise to death, for the testimony of Christ's name.

Eusebius moreover in his sixth book, reciteth out of the Epistles of Dionysius Alexandrinus, diverse that suffered diversely at Alexandria, the which places of Dionysius, as they be cited in Eusebius, I thought here good for the auncientnes of the author, to insert and notify in his own words, and in our language, as he wrote them to Fabius bishop of Antioch, as followeth.

This persecution (saith he) began not with the proclamation set forth by the Emperor, but began a whole year before, by the occasion and means of a wicked person, a Soothsayer, and a follower of wicked Arts: who coming to our City here, stirred up the multitude of y e Heathen against us, and incited them to maintain their own old superstition and gentilitie of their country, whereby they being set a gog, and obtaining full power to prosecute their wicked purpose so thought & no less declared, all their piety & religiō to consist only in the idolatrous worship of devils, and in our destruction. And first flying upon a certain priest of ours named Metra, apprehended him & brought him forth, to make him speak after their wicked blasphemy, which whē he would not do, they laid upon him with slaves and clubs, and with sharp reeds pricked his face and eyes, and afterward bringing him out into the suburbs, there they stoned him to death. Then they took a faithful woman called Quinta, and brought her to the temple of their Idols, to compel her to worship with them, which whē she refused to do, and abhorred their Idols, they bound her fecte, and drew her through y e whole street of the city, upon the hard stones, & so dashyng her against millstones, & scourging her with whips brought her to the same place of the suburbs, as they did the other before, where she likewise ended her life. This done, in a great outrage, & with a multitude running together, they brust into houses of the religious & godly Christians, spoiling, sacking, and carrying away all that they could find of any price. The rest of things, such as were of less value & of wood, they brought into the open market, & set them on fire. In the mean time the brethren voided aside, & withdrew themselves, taking patiently and no less joyfully the spoiling of their goods, then did they of whom S. Paul doth testify. Neither do I know any of them all (one only excepted) apprehended of them, which reuoltyng from his profession, denied the Lord yet to this present day.

Among the rest that were taken, there was a certain virgin well stricken in years, named Apollonia, whom they brought forth, & dashing out all her teeth out of her jaws, made a great fire before the city, threatening to cast her into the same, unless she would blaspheme with them and deny Christ. Whereat she staying a little with herself, as one that would take a pause, suddenly leaped into the midst of the fire, and there was burned.

There was one also Serapion, whom they took in his own house, and after they had assailed him with sundry kinds of torments, and had broken almost all the iointes of his body, they cast him down from an upper lost, & so did he complete his Martirdom. Thus was there no way neither privy nor public, nor corner nor alley left for us, neither by day nor by night to escape, all the people making an outcry against us, that unless we uttered words of blasphemy, we should be drawn to the fire & burned. And this outrageous tumult endured a certain space, but at length as the Lord would, the miserable wretches fell at dissentiō among themselves, which turned the cruelty they exercised against us, upon their own heads. And so had we a little breathyng time for a season, while the fury of the Heathen people by this occasion aswaged.

Shortly then after this, word was brought unto us of the state of the Empire, which before was something favorable to us, to be altered and changed against us, putting us in great fear. And consequently upon the same followed the Edict of the Emperor so terrible & cruel, that according to the forewarning of the lord, the elect if it had been pos ib e, might have been thereby subverted. Upon that Edict such fear came over us all, that many there were especially of the richer sort, of whō some for fear came running, some were led by the occasion of time, some were drawn by their neighbors being cited by name, to those impure and idolatrous sacrifices. Other some came trembling & shaking, as men not which should do sacrifice, but which should be sacrificed themselves, the multitude laughyng them to scorn. Some again came boldly to the aultars, declaring themselves never to have been of that professiō, of whom it is said, that hardly they shall be saved. Of the residue, some followed one part, some another, some ran away, some were taken. Of whom certain continued to bands & torments constant. Other again after long imprisonment, before they should come before the Judge, renounced their faith. Some also after they suffered torments, yet after revolted. But other being as strong as blessed, & valiant pillars of the Lord, fortified with constancy agreing to their faith, were made faithful Martyrs of y e kingdom of God.

Of whom the first was Julianus, a man diseased with the gout, and not able to go, being carried of two men, of whō the one quickly denied, the other Cronion surnamed Eunus, with the foresaid Julianus, the old man, confessing the Lord with a perfect faith, were laid upon Camels, and there scourged, at length cast into the fire, with great constancy were so consumed.

As these aforesaid were going to their Martyrdom, there was a certain soldier, who in their defense took part against them that railed upon them. For the which cause the people crying out against him, he also was apprehended, and being constant in his professiō, was forthwith beheaded.

Likewise one Macar, a man borne in Libya, being admonished and exhorted of the Judge to deny his faith, and not agreeing to his persuasions was burned alive.

After these suffered Epimachus, and one Alexander, who being long detained in prison and in bands, after innumerable pains & torments with razers & scourges, were also cast into the burning fire with four other women with them, which all there ended their Martyrdom.

Also Ammonarion an holy virgins, whō the cruel judge had long and bitterly tormented, for that she promising the Judge before, that for no punishment she would yield to his request, and constantly performyng the same, suffered likewise Martyrdom, with two other women, of whom there was an aged Matrone, named Mercuria, the other was called Dionysia, being a mother of many fair childrē, whom yet notwithstanding she loved not above the Lord. These after they could nothe overcome by no torments of y e cruel judge, but he rather ashamed and confounded to be overcome of seely women, at length they being past feeling of all torments, were slain with the sword, first Ammonarion like a valiant Captain suffering before them.

Heron, Ater, and Isidorus Egyptians, and with them Dioscorus also a child of xv. years, were crowned with y e same crown of Martyrdom. And first the judge began with the child, thinking him more easy to be won, with words to entice him, then with torments to constrain him, but he persisted immouable, giving neither place to persuasions nor punishments. The rest after he had grievously tormented being constant in their profession, he committed to the fire. At Dioscorus, the judge greatly meruailing for his wise answers & grave constancy dismissed him, sparing (as he said) his age to a longer respite: which Dioscorus is yet also with us at this present, waiting for a longer trial.

Nemesion being also an Egyptian, first was accused for a companion of thieves, but being purged thereof before the Centurion, was then accused of Christianity, and for that cause being in bands, was brought to the President, who most unrighteously tormenting and scourging him double to all other thieves and felons, at length among the thieves burned him to death, making him a blessed martir.

There were standing before the tribunal seat certain of the warriors or knights, whose names were Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, and with them a certain aged man called Theophilus, who standing by, at what time a certain Christian man was before the judge examined, and there seeing him for fear ready to incline and fall away, did burst almost for sorrow within themselves, making signs to him with their hands, and all iestures of their body, to be constant. This being noted of all the standers by, they were ready to lay hold upon them, but they preventing the matter, preased up of their own accord before to the bench of the judge, professing themselves to be Christians. In so much, that both the President with the benchers were all astonied, the Christians which were judged, more emboldened to suffer, and the Judges thereby terrified. This done, they departed away from the place, glad and rejoicing for the testimony that they had given of their faith. Many other besides were in other cities and tounes rent and torn asunder by the Heathen, among whom, one I will speak off for cause worthy of memory.

Ischirion one that was in service with a certain noble man, was commanded of his master to make sacrifice, who for not obeying, was therefore rebuked: After persisting in the same, was grievously threatened with sharp and manacing words. At last his master when he could not prevail against him, taking a stake or pike in his hands, ran him through into the body and slue him.

What should I speak of the multitude of them which wandering in deserts and mountains, were consumed with hunger, thirst, cold, sickness, thieves, or wild beasts, of whose blessed victory they which be alive, are yet witnesses. In the number of whom, one I will speak off, among diverse other, named Cheremon Bishop of the City called Nile, an aged man, he with his wife flying to the mountain of Arabia, never returned again, nor ever could be seen after. And though they were sought for diligently by their brethren, yet neither they nor their bodies were found. Many other there were which flying to these moūtains of Arabia, were taken of the barbarous Arabians: of whom some with much money could scarce be ransomed, some were never heard off yet to this present day. Thus much out of the Epistle of Dionysius alleged in Euseb. Lib. 6 cap. 41 42. &c.

Moreover, the foresaid Dionysius in another place writing to Germanus, of his own dangers and of other, sustained in this persecution, & before this persecution of Decius, thus inferreth as followeth: I, saith he, behold before the sight of God, I lie not: and he knoweth, I lie not, how that I having no regard of mine own life, and notwithout the motion of God, did fly and avoid the danger of this persecution. Yea and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage against us: Sabinus the same hour sent a Farmer to seek me, at what time I remaining at home waited iii. days for his coming. But he searching narrowly for me by all ways, fields, floods, & corners, where he thought I might best have hid myself, or to have passed by, was stricken with such a blindness, that he could not find mine house, thinking with himself nothing less, then that I would abide at home in such so dangerous persecution. Thus these iii. days being past, upon the fourth day, the Lord God so willing and commanding me to fly, and also maruelously opening to me the way, I with my children and many other brethren went out together. And this not to come of myself, but to be the work of God's providence, the sequel of those things declared, wherein afterward I was not unprofitable peradventure to some, &c.

Again in another place shortly after the foresaid Dionysius proceeding in the narration of himself, thus inferreth: Then I coming to Jerusalem with them which were with me, was brought by soldiers unto Taposixis, where as Timothy (by the providence of God) neither was present, nor yet takē. Who then returning home found his house desert, and officers watching about the same, & us within taken, &c. And again shortly after it followeth: And to see (saith he) the admirable disposing of God his works. As Timothy was thus flying with much hast & great fear, a certain man, as happened, a dweller near by met him by the way, & asked, whether he went so hastily: to whom Timothy answering declared all the matter simply as it was. Which done, the man proceedeth on his journey, whether he was purposed to go, which was to a marriage, the manner of which marriages then was to sit up all the night long feasting and drinking. Thus as he was come, sitting with them at the feast, he telleth his companions what was done, & what he heard by the way. This was no sooner told, but all they forthwith upon a head, as stricken with a sudden fury rushing out together, made toward us as fast as they could, with such crying & noise, as might seem very terrible. At the first hearing whereof, the soldiers that had us in keeping, being afraid, ran away, by reason whereof we were left alone, & found as we were lying upon fourmes & benches. I then, (the Lord knoweth) thinking with myself that they had been thieves, which came to spoil and rob, being in my couch, lay still in my shirt only as I was, the rest of my garments lying by me, I offered to them. They then willed me in all hast to rise and get away, whereby I then perceiving the cause of their coming, cried unto them desiring that they would suffer us so to do: And if they would do any benefit for me for so much as I could not escape the hands of thē which would pursue me and carry me away, I prayed them that they would prevent them, and cut off my head before. And as I was crying thus unto them, casting myself groveling upon the pavement as my companions can testify, who were partakers of all these things, they brust forth violently, taking me by the hands and feet, and carried me out of the doors, and led me away. There followed me Gaius, Faustus, Petrus, Paulus, (who were witnesses of all the same) which brought me also out of the City, and so setting me upon a bare Ass, conveyed me away. Thus much writeth Dionysius of himself, the example of whose Epistle is cited in the Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 40. also Lib. 7. cap. 11.

Nicephorus in his fifth book, cap. 27. maketh mention of one named Christophorus, which also suffered in this persecution of Decius. Of which Christophorus, whether the fable riseth of that mighty Giant set up in Churches, wadyng through the Seas, with Christ on his shoulder, and a tree in his hand for a walking staff, &c. it is uncertain. Georg. Wicelius alledgeth out of Ruggerus Fulden (and mentioneth of one Christophorus, borne of the nation of the Canaanites, which suffered under Decius, being, as he saith of xii. cubits hye. But the rest of the history painted in Churches, the said Wicelius he derideth as fables of Centaurus, or other Poetical fictions.

Bergomensis in his viii. book maketh relation of diverse martyred under Decius, as Meniatus which suffered at Florence, of Agatha an holy virgins of Sicily, who is said to suffer diverse and bitter torments under Quintinianus the Proconsul, with prisonment, with beatinges, with famine, with racking, roled also upon sharp shelles and hot coles, having moreover her breasts cut from her body, as Bergomensis, and the Martyrologe of Ado record. In the which Authors as I deny not, but part of the story may be true, so again concerning the miracles of the aged man appearing to her, and of the young man clothed in a silken vesture, with an hundredth young mē after him, and of the marble table with the inscription, Mentem sanctam, &c. I doubt.

Hard it is to recite all that suffered in this persecution, whē as whole multitudes went into wilderness & mountains, wandering without succor or comfort, some starved with hunger and cold, some with sickness consumed, some devoured of beasts, some with barbarous thieves taken and carried away. Vincentius in his xi. book speaking of Asclepiades, writeth also of xl. virgins and Martyrs, which by sundry kinds of torments were put to death about the same time, in the persecution of this tirant.

Likewise in the said Vincentius, mentiō is made of Tryphon, a man of great holiness, and constant in his suffering, who being brought to the City of Nice, before the President Aquilus, for his constant confession of Christ's name was afflicted with diverse and grievous torments, and at length with the sword put to death.

At what time Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the City of Ephesus, compelling all that were in the City there, to sacrifice to the Idols, seven Christians were found, whose names were Maximianus, Malchus, Martianus, Dionysius, Johannes, Serapion, and Constantine, who refusing the Idolatrous worship, were accused for the same unto the Emperor to be Christians. Which when they constantly professed, and did not deny, notwithstanding, because they were soldiers, retaining to the Emperors service, respite was given them for a certain space to deliberate with themselves, til the return again of the Emperor, which then was going to war. In the mean space, the Emperor being departed, they taking counsel together, went and hid themselves in secret caves of the Mount Caelius. The Emperor returning again, after great inquisitiō made for them, hearing where they were, caused the mouth of the place where they were, to be closed up with heaps of stones, that they not able to get out, should be famished within. And thus were those good men martyred. The story (if it be true) goeth further that they between fear and sorrow fell a sleep, in which sleep they continued the space of certain ages after, till the time of Theodosius the Emperor, before they did awake, as reporteth Vincentius, Nicephorus, Lib. 5. ca. 27. and partly also Henr. Erfordiens ▪ But of their awakyng, that I refer to them that lift believe it. Certain it is, that at the last day they shall awake in deed without any fable.

Hieronymus in the life of Paulus the Hermit, reciteth a story of a certain soldier, whom the Pretor could not otherwise with torments remove frō his Christianity, he devised another way, which was this: he comaunded the soldier to be laid upon a soft bed in a pleasant garden among the flourishing Lilies and red Roses, which done, all other being removed away, & himself there left alone, a beautiful harlot came to him, who embracing him, & with all other intisements of an harlot, labored to provoke him to her naughtiness. But the godly soldier fearing God more, then obeying flesh, bitte of his tongue with his own teeth, and spit it in the face of the harlot, as she was kissing him, and so got he the victory, by the constant grace of the Lord assisting him.

An other like example of singular chastity is written of the virgin Theodora, and another soldier, by Ambrose Lib. 2. De virginibus. At Antioch, this Theodora refusing to do sacrifice to the Idols, was condemned by the Judge to y e stews, which notw t standing by the singular providence of god was well delivered. For as there was a great company of wanton young men ready at the door to press into the house where she was, one of the brethren, named Didimus (as Ado saith) moved with faith and motiō of God, putting on a souldioures habit, made himself one of the first that came in, who rounding her in the ear, told her the cause and purpose of his coming, being a christiā as she was: his counsel was that she should put on y t soldiers habit, and so slip away. And he putting on her garments would there remain to abide their force. And so did, whereby the virgins escaped unknown. Didimus left unto the rage and wondering of the people being a man instead of a woman, was presented unto the President, unto whom without delay he uttered all the whole matter as it was done, professing him so as he was, to be a christiā, and thereupon was condemned to suffer. Theodora understanding thereof, and thinking to excuse him by accusing her self, offered her self as the party guilty, unto the Judge, claiming and requiring the condemnation to light upon her, the other as innocent to be discharged. But the cruel Judge (crueller then Dionysius, which spared Damon & Pithias ) neither considering the virtue of the persons, nor the innoncency of the cause, unjustly and inhumanely proceeded in execution against thē both, who first having their heads cut off, after were cast in the fire, Ambrose. Ado. Although what time, or in what persecution these did suffer, in the authors of this narration it doth not appear.

Agathon a man of arms in the City of Alexandria, for rebuking certain lewd persons, scornfully deridyng the dead bodies of the Christians, was cried out off and railed on of the people. Afterward accused to the judge, was condemned to loose his head. Erfordiensis

The said Erfordiensis also maketh mention of Paulus, and Andraeas, whom the Proconsul of Troada gave to the people being scourged, and after drawn out of the City, they were trodden to death with the feet of the people. Hen. de Erford.

Among other that suffered under this wicked Decius, Bergomensis also maketh mention of one Justinus a Priest of Rome, and of another Nicostratus a Deacon. To these Vincentius also addeth Portius a Priest of Rome, whom he reporteth to be the conuerter of Phillip the Emperor afore mentioned.

Of Abdon and Sennas we read also in the foresaid Bergomensis and Vincentius, two noble men, who because they had buried the Christians, whom Decius had brought from Babylon to Corduba, and there put them to death, were therefore accused to Decius, & brought to Rome, where they being commanded to sacrifice to dead Idols, would not obey, and for the same were given to the wild beasts to be devoured: but when the wild beasts more gentle then the men would not touch them, they were at length with the sword beheaded. Bergom. Vincent. Lib. 11. cap. 4 Albeit to me it seemeth not impossible nor unlike, this Abdon and Sennas, to be the same, whom in other stories we find, and before have mentioned to be Ammon and Zenon.

One Secundianus was accused to Valerian a Captayne of Decius, to be a Christian, which professiō when he stoutly did maynetayne, was commanded to prison. By the way as the soldiers were leading him to the gaile, Verianus and Marcellianus seeing the matter, cried to the soldiers, asking them whether they drew the innocent. At the which word, when they also confessed them selves to be Christians, they were likewise apprehended, and brought to a City named Centumcellas where being willed to sacrifice, they did spit upon the Idols, and so after sentence and judgment given, first they were beaten with wasters or trunshons, after that were hanged and tormented vpō the gibbet, having fire set to their sides. Vincentius addeth moreover that the tormentors some of them fall̄ suddenly dead, other some being taken w t wicked spirits, the Martyrs w t sword at length were beheaded. Vinc. Lib. 11 cap. 31.

To prosecute in length of history, the lives and sufferings of all them, which in this terrible persecution, were Martyred, it were to long, & almost infinite: briefly therefore to rehearse the names of such as we find alleged out of a certain brief treatise of Bede entitled De temporibus, cited by Henricus De Erford, it shall be at this time sufficient. Under Decius suffered Hyppolitus and Concordia, Hiereneus and Abnudus, Victoria a virgins, being noble personages of Antioch Bellias Byshoppe of the City of Apollonia, Leacus, Tyrsus, and Gallinetus, Nazanzo, Tryphon in the City of Egypt called anais. Phileas Bishop, Philocomus with many other in Perside. Philcronius bishop of Babylon, Thesiphon Bishop of Pamphilia. Nestor Bishop in Corduba. Parmenius Priest with diverse moe. In the Province called Colonia, Circensis, Marianus and Jacobus. In Africa, Nemesianus, Felix, Rogatianus priest. elicissimus. At Rome Iouinus, Basileus, also Ruffin , and Secunda Uirgines, Tertullianus, Valerianus, Nemesius, Sempronianus, and Olympius. In Spain Teragone, at Verona Zeno Bishop. At Cesarea, Marinus, and Archemius. In the town of Miliane Priuatus Bishop, Theodorus surnamed Gregorius Bishop of Pontus. Haec Beda.

Vincentius in his xi. book, maketh also mention, citing Ex Hugone, of certain children suffering Martyrdom under the same persecution, in a City of Tuscia called Aretium : whose names I find not, except they be •• rgentius & Laurentius mentioned in Equilinus, Lib. 5. cap. 80.

Now that I have recorded of them sufficiently, which under this tempest of Decius, constantly gave their lives to Martyrdom for the testimony of Christ: it remaineth, that a few words also be spoken of such that for fear or frailty in this persecution did shrink back, & slide from the truth of their confession. In the number of whom first cometh in the remembrance of Serapion an aged old man. Of whom writeth Dionysius Alexandrinus, unto Fabius, declaring: that this Serapion was an old man, which lived amongst them a sincere and upright life of long time, but at length fell. This Serapion oft and many times desired to be received again, but no man listened to him, for he had sacrificed before. After this not long after he fell into sickness where he remained three days dumb, and benumbed of all his sēses. The fourth day following, beginning a little to recover, he called to him his sisters son, & said: how long, how long (my son) do ye hold me here? Make hast I pray you, that I were absolved. Call hither some of the ministers to me, and so saying no more, held his peace, as dumb & speachles. The boy ran, it was then night, unto the minister, who at the same time being sick, could not come with the messenger, but said: for so much as he willed herretofore (as he said) that such as lay a dying, if they covet to be received & reconciled, and especially if they required it earnestly, should be admitted, whereby with the better hope & confidence they may depart hence: therefore he gave to the boy a little of the Eucharist, willing him to crumble it into the cup, & so to drop it into the mouth of the old man. With this the boy returned, bringing w t him the holy Eucharist. As he was now nere at hand, before he had entered in, Serapiō the old mā, speaking again, cōmest thou (said he) my son? The Priest, quoth the messenger, is sick & cannot come, but do, as he willeth you, & let me go. And the boy immixed the Eucharist, & dropt it in softly into the mouth of the old mā. Who after he had tasted a little, immediately gave up the Ghost. &c. Haec Dionys. ex Eus.

In the City of Troade, as the Proconsul was grievously tormenting one Nicomachus, he cried out, that he was no Christian, and so was let down again. And when after he had sacrificed, he was taken eftsoons with a wicked spirit, and so thrown down upon the ground, where he biting of his tongue with his teeth, so departed. Henr. de Erfordia.

Dionysius in his Epistles also writing to Fabius, and lamenting the great terror of this persecution declareth, how that many worthy and notable Christians, for fear and horror of the great tyranny thereof, did show themselves feeble and weak men. Of whom some for dread, some of their own accord, other after great torments suffered, yet after revolted from the constancy of their profession. Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis, reciteth with great sorrow, and testifieth, how that a great number at the first threatening of the adversary, neither being compelled nor thrown down with any violence of the enemy, but of their voluntary weakness fell down themselves. Neither (saith he) tarrying while the judge should put incense in their hands, but before any stroke stricken in the field, turned their backs, & played the cowards, not only coming to their sacrifices, but preuētyng the same, and pretending to come without compulsion, bringing moreover their infantes & children either put into their hands, or taking them with them of their own accord, and exhorting moreover other to do the like after their example.

Of this weakness and falling, the said author showeth two causes, either love of their goods and patrimony, or fear of torments. And addeth moreover examples of the punishments of them which so revolted: affirming that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked sprites. And of one man among other which after his voluntary denial, suddenly was stricken dumb. Again, another after his abjuration as he should communicate with other, instead of bread received ashes in his hand. Itē of a certain maiden, who being taken & vexed with a sprite, did tear her own tongue with her teeth, and tormented with pain in her belly and inward partes so deceased.

Among other of this sort, S. Cyprian, Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one Euaristus a Bishop in Africa, who leaving his charge, and making a shipwreck of his faith, went wandering about in other countries, forsakyng his own flock. In like manner he maketh also mention of Nicostratus a Deacon, who forsakyng his Deaconship, and taking the goods of the Church with him, fled away into other countries, &c. Albeit Bergomensis giveth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward died a Martyr. Thus then although some did relent, yet a very great mumber saith he, there was, whom neither fear could remove, nor pain could overthrow to cause them to betray their confession, but that they stood like glorious Martyrs unto the ende, Cyprian.

The same Cyprianus also in another book De mortalitate, reciteth a notable story of one of his own Colleges and fellow Priest: who being oppressed with weakness, and greatly afraid with death drawing at hand, desired leave to depart, and to be discharged. As he was thus entreating, and almost now dying, there appeared by him a young man, of an honorable and of reverend majesty, of a tall stature, and comely behavior, so bright & clear to behold, that scarce man's carnal eyes was able to bear the beholding of him, but that he was able so to do, which was now ready to depart this world. To whom this young man speaking with a certain indignation of mind and voice, thus said: Pati timetis, exire non vultis, quid faciam vobis? To suffer ye dare not, to go out ye will not, what would ye me to do unto you?

Upon the occasion of these and such other, which were a great number, that fell and did renounce, as is aforesaid, in this persecution of Decius, rose up first the quarrel & heresy of Novatus, who in these days made a great disturbance in the church, holding this opinion, that they which once renounced the faith, and for fear of torments had offered incense to the idols, although they repented therefore, yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Novatus being first Priest under Cyprian at Carthage, afterward by stirring up discord and factions, began to disturb the Bishopric of Cyprian, to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus, against the bishops mind or knowledge, also to allure and separate certain of the brethren from the Bishop, all which Cyprian, Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare. After this the said Novatus going to Rome, kept there the like stir with Cornelius (as the same Cornelius in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testify) setting himself up as Bishop of Rome against Cornelius, which was the lawful Bishop of Rome before. The which to bring to pass, he used this practice: first he had allured to him to be his adherents, three or four of good men and holy confessors, which had suffered before great torments for their confession, whose names were Maximus, Urbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus. After this he enticed three simple bishops about the coasts of Italy to repair to Rome, under pretence to make an end of certain controversies then in hand. This done, he caused the same, whether by making them drunk, or by other crafty counsel, to lay their hands upon him, and to make him Bishop, & so did. Wherefore the one of those three Bishops hardly was received to the communion, by the great intercession of his people: the other two by discipline of y e church, were displaced from their Byshoprickes, & other possessed with their rooms. Thus then were there two Bishops together in one church of Rome, Novatus and Cornelius, which was unseemly, & contrary to the discipline of the Church. And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S. Cyprian, writing in his Epistles so much of one Bishop, and of the unity to be kept in Ecclesiastical regiment, as appeareth, Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit. praelat. item. Lib. 3. Epist. 11. &c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himself of one Bishop, saying: Ita{que} Vindex ill Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere Episcopū in Catholica Ecclesia. &c. That is, He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholic Church. &c. This by the way, not out of the way I trust, I have touched briefly, to detect or refute the cauiling wrestling of the Papists, which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone, over the whole universal Church of Christ in all places. Whē their meaning is otherwise, how that everyone Catholic Church or diocese ought to have one Bishop over it, not that the whole world ought to be subject to the dominion of him only that is Bishop of Rome. Now to the story again. Novatus being thus Bishop took not a little upon him, going about by all means to defeat Cornelius, and to allure the people from him. Insomuch that (as in the foresaid book of Eusebius appeareth) whē Novatus came to the distributing of the offerings, and should give every man his part, he compelled the simple persons every man to swear, before they should receive of the benediction, & of the collectes or oblations, holding both their hands in his, & holding them so long, speaking these words unto them, (Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt not leave me and go to Cornelius, ) till that they swearing unto him, instead of Amē (to be said at y e receiving of the bread, should answer, I will not return to Cornelius, &c. Where note by the way, that the Latin book of Christofersons tan lation, in this place, craftily leaveth out the name of bread. This story being written in Eusebius, also contained in Nicephorus, although not in the same order of words, yet in effe t drawn out of him, doth declare in plain words in both the Authors (who so will mark the same) that the sacrament of the body of Christ, is termed with the plain name of bread, after the consecration.

It followeth more in the story, that Maximus, Urbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus before mentioned, perceiving at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy, of Novatus, left him, and with great repentance returned again to the Church, & were reconciled to Cornelius, as they thenselves writing to Cyprian, and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. & Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fab{us} witnesseth the same. In thi Epistle the said Cornelius moreover writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr, which once being a follower also of Novatus, after perceiving his wickedness forsook him, and did excommunicate him. Of him Cyprian also maketh mention, & calleth him a blessed confessor. Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontifical saith, that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus above mentioned, & was put with them in prison, where he ended his life. And thus much of Novatus (against whom, as Eusebius testifieth) a Synod was hold̄ at Rome of lx. sundry Bishops in the time of Cornelius, and under the reign of Decius an. 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutiō at that time was somewhat calmed.

After Fabianus (or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus ) next succeeded into the bishopric of Rome Cornelius, whō Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Bishop, and for his great virtue & maydenlye continency much commondable, chosen to that room, not so much of his own consent, as of y e full greement both of the Clergy men, and also of the people. Jerome addeth also that he was a man of great eloquence, whereby it may appear those two Epistles decretal, which go in his name not to be his, both for the rudeness of the barbarous and gross style, and also for the matter therein contained, nothing tasting of that time, nor of that age nor doings then of the Church. Wherof in the first he writeth to all ministers & brethren of the Church, concerning the lifting up of the bodies & bones of Peter & Paul, De cathecumbis, and transposed to Vaticanum, at the instance of a certain devout woman named Lucina, having no great argument or cause to write thereof unto the churches, but only that he in that letter doth desire thē to pray unto the Lord, that through the intercession of those Apostolical Saints; their sins might be forgiven them. &c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Bishop of the East Church, he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chief Bishop, for any cause, or by any power. Also that no cause of Priests or Ministers ought to be handled in any strange or foreign Court, without his precinct, except only in the Court of Rome by appellation; whereby who seeth not the train of our latter Bishops, going about craftily to advance the dignity of the Court of Rome, under and by the prtenced title of Cornelius, and of such ancient Bishops. If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deed in those so turbulent times of persecution; no doubt but some signification thereof he would have touched in the said his letters, either in ministering consolation to his brethrē, or in requiring consolation and prayers of others. Neither is there any doubt, but he would have givē some touch also of the matter of Novatus, with whom he had so much to do, as in deed he did: for so we find it recorded both in Eusebius, and in Jerome that he wrote unto Fabius Bishop of Antioch, of the decreementes of the counsel of Rome, and another letter of the manner of the Counsel: the third also of the cause of Novatus, and again of the repentance of such as fell, whereof there is no word touched at all in these foresaid Epistles decretal.

What trouble this Cornelius had with Novatus, sufficiently is before signified. In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himself very constantly and faithfully, which sustained great conflicts with the adversaries, as S. Cyprian giveth winesse, Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Jerome testifieth that he remained Bishop after the death of Decius, to the time of Gallus, and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian, which hath these words: Et tyrannum armis & bello postmodum victum, prior sacerdotio suo vicit. But Damasus and Sabellicus, his followers, affirm that he was both exiled & also martyred under the tyrannous reign of Decius. Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story, taken out (as it seemeth) of Damasus, and saith: that Cornelius by the commandment of Decius, was banished a town called Centumcellas, bordering in Hetruria, from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, and Cyprian again to him. This coming to the ears of Decius the Emperor, he sendeth for Cornelius, asking him: how he durst be so bold to show such stubbernes, that he neither caring for the God's, nor fearing the displeasure of his Princes, durst, against the common wealth, give and receive letters from other. To whom Cornelius answering again, thus purged himself, declaring to the Emperor, that letters in deed he had written and received again concerning the praises & honoring of Christ, & of salvation of souls, but nothing as touching any matter of the common wealth. And it followeth in the story: Then Decius moved with anger commanded him to be beaten with plumbattes (which is saith Sabellicus a kind of scourging) and so to be brought to the temple of Mars : either there to do sacrifice, or to suffer the extremitye. But he rather willing to die, then to committee such iniquity, prepared himself to Martyredome, being sure that he should die. And so commending the charge of the Church unto Stephanus his Archdeacon, was brought to the way of Appius, where he ended his life in faithful Martyrdom. Eusebius in one place saith, that he sat ii. years, in another place saith, that he sat three years, and so doth Marianus Scotu., following also the diversity of the said Eusebius. Damasus giveth him only two years.

In this foresaid persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished, but I suppose rather his banishment to be referred to the reign of Gallus next Emperor after Decius, whereof more shall be said, (Christ willing) in this place hereafter. In the mean time the said Cyprian in his second book, Epist. 5. &. 6. maketh mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius, or much about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant young man, who was twice in torments for his confession, which he never denied, but manfully and boldly withstood the adversary, till he was banished, and also after. And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certain brethren, to have him for their lectorer, as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The other was named Mappalicus, who the day before he suffered, declaring to the Proconsul, in the midst of his torments, & saying: Videbis cras agonem: that is, tomorrow you shall see the running for a wager. &c. was brought forth according as he forespake, to Martyrdom, and there with no less constancy then patience did suffer.

And thus much of the tyranny of this wicked Decius against God his Saints, now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him, like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement, not long to continue: so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter, who reigning but two years as saith Eusebius, or three at most, as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbarians with whom he did war, was there slain with his son, like as he had slain Philippus, and his son his predecessors before, so was he with his son slain by the righteous judgment of God himself. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying against the Gotthians, and being by them overcome, sest he should fall into their hands, ran into a whurlepyt, where he was drouned, and his body never found after.

Neither did the just hand of God plague the Emperor only, but also revenged as well the heathen Gentiles and persecutors of his word, throughout all provinces & dominions of the Roman Monarchy, amongst whom the lord immediately after the death of Decius, sent such a plage and pestilence, lastyng for the space of x. years together, that horrible it is to hear, and almost incredible to believe. Of this plague or pestilence, testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt, Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22. Where he declareth the mortality of this plague to be so great in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in y e whole City free. And although the greatness of the plague touched also the Christians somewhat, yet it scourged the heathen Idolaters much more: beside that the order of their behavior in the one, and in the other was much diverse. For, as the foresaid Dionysius doth record, the Christians through brotherly love and piety, did not refuse one to visit and comfort another, and to minister to him, what need required. Notwithstanding it was to them great danger: for diverse there were, who in closing up their eyes, in washyng their bodies, & interryng them in the ground, were next themselves which followed them to their graves. Yet all this stayed not them frō doing their duty, and showing mercy one to another. Whereas the Gentiles contrarily, being extremely visited by the hand of God, felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neither yet considered they their neighbor, but every man shifting for himself, neither cared one for another: but such as were infected, some they would cast out of the doors half dead, to be devoured of dogs and wild beasts, some they let die within their houses without all succor, some they suffered to lie unburied, for that no mā durst come near him. And yet notwithstanding, for all their voiding and shiftyng, the pestilence followed them whether soever they went, & miserably consumed them. In so much, that Dionysius bishop y e same time of Alexandria, thus reporteth of his own City: that such a great mortality was then among them, that the said City of Alexandria had not in number of all together, both old and young, as it was wont to contayn before of the old men only from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in time past commonly almost in that City. Pomponius Laetus, and other Latin writers also making mention of the said pestilitie, declare how the beginning thereof first came (as they think) out of Ethiope, and from the hot countries, and so invading and wastyng first the South partes, from thence spread into the East, & so further running and increasing into all other quarters of the world, especially, wheresoever the Edicts of the Emperor went against the Christians, it followed after, and consumed the most part of the inhabitauntes, whereby many places became desolate and void of all concourse, and so continued the term of x. years together.

This pestiferous mortality (by the occasion whereof Cyprian took the ground to write his book De mortalitate ) began as is said, immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor, in the beginning of the reign of Vibias Gallus, and Volusianus his son: who succeeded through treason, next unto Decius, about the year of our Lord. 255. and continued their reign but two years.

This Gallus although the first beginning of the reign was something quiet, yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whō rather he should have taken better heed, set forth Edicts in like manner, for y e persecution of Christians, albeit in this Edict we find no number of Martyrs to have suffered, but only all this persecution to rest only in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock. Of other sufferings or executions we do not read: for the terrible pestilence following immediately, kept the barbarous heathē otherwise occupied. Unto this time of Gallus, rather then to the time of Decius, I refer the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of Carthage. Of the which banishment, he himself testifieth in diverse of his epistles, declaring the cause thereof to rise upon a commotion or sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himself, lest the sedition should grow greater. Notw thstāding the said Cyprian, though being absent, yet had no less care of his flock and of the whole church, then if he had been present with them. And therefore never ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call upon them to be constant in their profession, and patient in their afflictions. Amongst diverse other, whom he doth comfort in his banishment, although he was in that case to be comforted himself, writing to certain that were condemned to minyng for metals, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with other bishops, Priests and Deacons, declareth unto them, how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared, but to be rejoiced at, to suffer banishment or other pains for Christ. And confirming them in the same, or rather commending them, signifieth, how worthily they do show themselves to be as valiant captains of virtue, provoking both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suffering of their body, the hearts of the brethren to Christian Martyrdom, whose example was and is, a great confirmation to many, both maids and children to follow the like. As for punishment and suffering, it is (saith he) a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian man's breast, whose hope doth wholly consist in the tree, dreadeth neither batte nor club, wounds and skarres of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame nor dishonesty to the party, but rather preferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the metals be digged there be no beds for Christian men's bodies to take their rest, yet they have their rest in Christ. And though their weary bones lie upon the cold ground, yet it is no pain to lie with Christ. Their feet have been fettered with bands and chains, but happily he is bound of man, whom the Lord Christ doth loose: happily doth he lie tied in the stocks, whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven. Neither can any man tie a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life. They have no garments to save them from cold, but he that putteth on Christ, is sufficiently coated. Doth bread lack to their hungry bodies? But man liveth not only by bread, but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God. Your deformity (saith he) shall be turned to honor, your mourning to joy, your pain to pleasure, and felicity infinite. And if this do grieve you, that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted manner: yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble heart, as when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a glorious sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your travail be great, yet is the reward gre ter, which is most certain to follow. For God beholding and looking down upon them that confess his name, in their willing mind approveth them, in their striuyng helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in us, which he hath performed, and crowning that which he hath in us perfected. With these and such like comfortable words he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them, that they are now in a joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness a stable light, and brightness greater then all their passions, according to the Apostles saying: These sufferings of this present time be nothing like comparable to the brightness of the glory that shall be revealed in us, &c.

And after the like words of sweet comfort and consolation writing to Seagrius, and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bonds for the testimony of truth, doth encourage them to continue steadfast and patient in the way, wherein they have begun to run, for that they have the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to be with us to the worlds ende: and therefore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortality, in their pain everlasting glory, of the which it is written: Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. Item, although before men they suffered torments, yet their hope is full of immortality, and being vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters. For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire. And writeth moreover, admonishing them, that it is so appointed from the beginning of the world, that righteousness here should suffer in secular conflicts, for so just Abel was slain in the beginning of the world, and after him all just and good men, the Prophets also and the Apostles sent of the Lord himself, unto whom all, the Lord first gave an example in himself, teaching that there is no coming to his kingdom, but by that way which he entered himself, saying by these words: he that loveth his life in this world, shall loose it, &c. And again, fear ye not them, that slay the body, but have no power to slay the soul. And S. Paul likewise admonishing all them, whosoever covet to be partakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord saith: if we suffer together with him, we shall reign toge her, &c.

Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs, which were in captivity: to persist▪ so likewise 〈1 page duplicate〉 writing to the Priests and Deacons, which were free, exhorteth them to be serviceable and obsequious with all care and love, to cherish and embrase thē that were in bonds. Cypria. Lib. 3. Ep. 6. whereby may appear the fervent zeal & care of this good-Bishop, toward the Church of Christ, although being now in exile, in the time of this Emperor Gallus.

In the same time and under the said Gallus reignyng with his son Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banyshment who next succeeded after Cornelius, in that byshopricke, about the year of our Lord 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue, but returned again home to his Church: as by the Epistle of, S. Cyprian, Lib 3. Epist. 1. may appear. As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitive days certain decretal Epystles with several ordinances be ascribed, bearing their names and titles, as hath been afore declared: so also hath Lucius one Epistle, fathered upon him, in the which Epistle he writing to the brethren of France and of Spain, appointeth such an order and form of the church, as seemeth not to agree with the time then present: For so he declareth in that Epistle that a Bishop in all places, whether soever he goeth, should have two Priests with three deacons waiting vpō him, to be witnesses of all his ways and doings. Which ordinance although I deny not, but it may be and is convenient, yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serve then, for a Bishop to carry such a pomp of Priests & Deacons about him, or to study for any such matter: for so much as Bishops commonly in those days were seldom free to go abroad, went they never so secrete: but either were in houses close and secret, or in prison, or else in banishment. Moreover in the said Epistle how pōpously he writeth to the Church of Rome: This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome (saith he) the mother of all Churches of Christ, which by the grace of God omnipotent, hath never been proved to swerve out of the pathe of Apostolical tradition, neither hath ever fallen, or been depraved with heretical innovations: but even as in the first beginning it received the rule of the Apostolical faith by his first instructors, the Princes of the Apostles, so it continueth ever immaculate and undefiled unto the end.

Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution, that no minister whatsoever, after his ordination, should at any time reenter to the chamber of his own wife, in pain of loosing his Ministry in the Church, &c. Eusebius in his vii. book, making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his Martyrdom, saith that he sat but eight months. But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that he sat three years, & was beheaded the second year of Valerian and Galienus Emperors. And so doth also Marianus Scotus, and Nauclerus, with other that follow Damasus, affirm the same.

After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius : whom Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus, affirm to have sit vii. years fine months, & to die a martir. Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with him, give him but two years, which part cometh most near to the truth, I leave to the readers judgment, of his two Epistles decretal, and of his ordinances out of the same collected, I need not much to tarry, for two respects, either for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously entitled to the names of the fathers of the primitive church, sufficiently hath been said before: or else because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter itself therein contained is such, that although no testimony came against it, yet it easily refelleth it self. As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth, that no Bishop being expulsed out of his seat or deprived of his goods, ought to be accused of any, or is bound to answer for himself, before that by the law regularly he be restored again fully to his former state, and that the Primates and the Synod render to him again all such possessions and fruits, as were taken frō him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the laws Canon & also seculare. First here I would desire y e Reader a little to stay, & this to consider to himself, who be these here meant, which either used or might despoile these bishops of their goods, & expulse thē frō their seats for such wrōgfull causes, but only Kings & Emperors, which at this time were not yet Christened nor used any such proceedings against these Bishops, in such sort as either Primates or Synods could restore them again to their places and possessions. Again what private goods or possessions had Bishops then to be taken from them, when as Churches yet neither were endued with patrimonies nor possessions. And if any treasures were committed to the church, it pertained not properly to y e Bishop, but went in general to the subuention of the poor in the Church, as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius may appear, alleged in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church, & declaring how there ought to be but one Byshoppe in the same, nterreth mention of xlvj. Priests, vii. Deacons, with vii. Subdeacons, xlij. Acoluthes, of widows and poor afflicted persons to the •• ber of a 1500, and above, found and nourished in the same Church, by the merciful benignity and providence of god Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon. which thing is forbidden both by the laws Ecclesiastical, & also secular, &c. Now what laws secular were in the time of Stephen, for bishops not to be charged w t any accusation before they were restored again to their state, let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen laws that then were, judge, and in judging, I doubt not but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be enough to descry the untruth hereof.

Moreover, by diverse other probable notes and arguments in the said seconde Epistle of Stephanus, it may be easily espied, this Epistle to be famed and •• authored, especial by the fifth Canon of the said Epistle, where he so solemnly entreateth of the difference between Primats, Metropolitans, and Archbishops, which distinction of degres and titles, sauoring more o ambition, then of persecution, giveth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen, but by ine other man, either of that name or of some other time when the Church began to be settled in more prosperity, and orders therein to be taken, for every man to know his eg •• e and limits of his authority according as t specified by the vi and vii. Canon, of Nicene Council ••• ceeing of the same matter.

The like 〈…〉 of the seventh Canon of the said Epistle, where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided & determined within the precinct of their own proper Province, and not to pass over the bounds theron, unless (saith he) the appea e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome: which san reth in my nose, rather of a •• acke of Popery then of the vein of Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible persecution among y e Bishops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretal Epistle of Stephanus : although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius, something may be said, as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy ••• timentes, and holy vessels, and other ornaments of the altar, serving to divine worship, and therefore not to be touched nor handled of any mā, saving of Priests alone. Concerning all which implements, my opinion is this, that I think the Church of Rome not to have been in so good state thē, that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him being occupied about other more earnest maters, and scarce able to hide their own heads, had any mind or cogitation to study upon such unnecessary inventions, serving in public Churches. Neither do I see howe the Heathen in those days would have suffered these ornaments to be vnconsumed, which would not suffer the Bishops themselves to live amongst them. Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus judge the contrary. Between this Stephen and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage was a great contention, about rebaptising of heretics, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be said.

Besides these Bishops above specified, diverse other there were also sent into banishment under the forenamed Emperors Gallus & Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermammon on this wise: that Gallus not seeing the evil of Decius, nor foreseeing the occasion of his seductiō and ruin, stumbled himself also at the same stone, lying open before his eyes. For at y e first beginning when his Empire went prosperously foreward, and all things went luckely with him, afterward he drave out holy men, which prayed for his peace and safeguard, and so with them rejected also the prayers which they made for him. &c. Eusebius. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloodshed or any Martyrs that in the time of this Emperor were put to death, we do not read.

After the reign of which Emperor Gallus and of his son Volusianus being expired who reigned but ii. years, Emelianus which slew them both by civil sedition, succeeded in their place▪ who reigned but three months, & was also slain. Next to whom Valerianus, & his son Gallienus were advanced to the Empire.

About the changing of these Emperors, the persecution which first began at Decius, & afterward slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague reigning in all places, partly by y e change of the Emperors, although it was not very long. For Valerianus in the first entrance of the Empire for the space of iii. or four years, was right courteous and gentle to the people of God, & well accepted to the Senate. Neither was there any of all the Emperors before him, no not of the which openly professed Christ, that shown himself so loving and familiar toward the Christians as he did: in so much that (as Dionysius, writing to Herman doth testify) all his whole court was replenished w t holy Saints & servants of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seem to be made a Church of God. But by the malice of Satan, through wicked counsel these quiet days endured not very long. For in process of time this Valerianus being charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a chief ruler of the Heathen Synagogue of the Egyptians, a master of the Charmers or inchaunters, who in deed was troubled, for that he could not do his Magicall feats for the Christians, was so far infatuated and bewitched, that through the detestable provocations of that deuilishe Egyptian, he was wholly turned unto abhominable Idols, and to execrable impiety, in sacrificing young infants and quartering bodies, and deviding the entrails of childrē new borne, and so proceeding in his fury, moved the eight persecution, against the Christians, whom the wicked Egyptian could not abide, as being the hinderers and destroyars of his Magicall enchauntinges, about the year of our Lord. 259.

The eight Persecution.

IN the which persecution the chief administers and executours were Emilianus President of Egypt, Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsuls in Africa, Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus. Uicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius Presidentes. &c.

What was the chief original cause of this persecution, partly is signified before, where mention was made of the wicked Egyptian. But as this was the outward and political cause, so S Cyprian showeth other causes more special, and Ecclesiastical, in his iiii. book. Epist. 4. whose words be these: but we (saith he) must understand and confess, that this turbulent oppression & calamity, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth daily consume, riseth chiefly of our own wickedness & sins: while we walk not in the way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us for our institution. The Lord observed the will of his father in all points: but we observe not the will of the Lord, having all our mind and study set upon lucre & possessions, given to pride, full of emulation and dissention, void of simplicity and faithful dealing, renouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed, every man pleasing himself, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthily. For what stripes and scourges do we not deserve, when the confessors themselves (such as have bid the trial of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doing, do keep no discipline? And therefore because some such there be, proudly puffed up with this swelling and unmannerly bragging of their confession, these torments come: such as do not easily send us to the crown, except by the mercy of God, some being takē away by quickness of death, do prevent the tediousness of punishimēt. These things do we suffer for our sins and deserts, as by the Lord's censure we have been forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my law, and will not walk in my judgments: If they shall profane my institutions, and will not observe my precepts, I will visit their iniquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (saith he) we feel, which neither please God in our good deeds, nor repent in our evil deeds. Wherefore the said Cyprian, adding this exhortation withal, exhorted them to pray and entreat from the bottom of their heart and whole mind, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. &c. Let us ask, and we shall obtain, and though (saith Cyprian) it be with tariance, yet for so much as we have grievously offended, let us continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shall be opened, if our prayers, sighinges, and weepinges knock still at the door with continuance, and if our prayers be joined together with brotherly agreement &c.

Moreover, what vices were then principally raygning among the Christians, he further specifieth in the said Epistle: which chiefly were division and dissention among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these words Petite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtain, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certain persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and condescend altogether of the names and persons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: which thing (saith Cyprian) did greatly displease him, that spake unto them: Pray, and ye shall obtain, for that there was no uniform equality of voice and heart nor one simple and joint concord among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalm. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord. &c. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth unto them in the foresaid Epistle, and moveth them to prayer and mutual agreement. For (saith he) if it be promised in the Gospel, to be granted whatsoever any two consenting together shall ask, what shall then the whole Church do agreeing together? or what if this unanimity were among the whole fraternity, which unanimity (saith Cyprian) if it had been then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these euiles had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had joined together in brotherly unanimity. &c.

After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecutions, the said, S. Cyprian moreover in the forenamed Epistle (worthy to be read of all men) describeth likewise a certain vision, wherein was shown unto them by the Lord, before the persecutiō came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certain aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensive: as one with an indignation sorrowful, holding his hand upon his breast, his countenance heavy and vnchearefull. On the left hand sat another person, having in his hand a net, which he threatened to lay to catch the people that stood about. And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof, it was said unto him: The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand, is sad and sory, that his precepts be not observed. But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry, for that occasion is given him to have power of the aged Father given him to afflict men. And this vision was seen long before this tempest of persecution happened, Wherein is declared the same that before is said, the sins of the people to be the cause, why Satan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with his net of destruction, to rage against the blood of Christian men, and all because (saith Cyprian) we forslacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as we should: wherefore the Lord because he loveth us, correcteth us, correcteth us, to amend us, amendeth us to save us. &c. Cyprian.

Furthermore, the same Cyprian, and in the same Epistle, wrtting of his own revelation or message sent to him, thus saith: And to his least servant both sinful and unworthy (meaning by himself) God of his tender goodness hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him saith he that he be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a little stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proved and tried. &c. And showeth also in y e same place of another revelation of his, wherein he was admonished to be spare in his feeding, and sober in his drink, least his mind given to heavenly meditation might be carried away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfeit of meats and drinks, should be less apt or able to prayer and spiritual exercise.

Finally in the latter end of the foresaid Epistle, mention also followeth of other revelations or shewinges, wherein the Lord (saith Cyprian ) doth vouchsafe in many of his servants to foreshow to come the restauring of his Church, the stable quiet of our health and safeguard, after rain fair weather, after darkness light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calm, the fatherly help of his love, the wont & old glory of his divine majesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as have fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall rejoice and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these things to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.

As touching now the crimes and accusations in this persecution laid to the charge of the Christians, this was the principal, first because they refused to do worship to their Idols and to the Emperors: then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and evils that happened in the world, as wars, famine, and pestilence, were only imputed to the Christians. Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his book Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertullian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the objection for not worshipping Idols, he cleareth the Christians both in his book Contra Demeir. & also De vanitate idol. proving those Idols to be no true God's, but Images of certain dead kings, which neither could save themselves from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians do truly worship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of public calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idols, he purgeth the Christians thereof, proving that if there be any defect in increase of things, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now toward her age and latter end. Agayne for that it hath been so foresaid and prophesied, that toward the end of the world should come wars, famine, and pestilence. Moreover if there be any cause thereof more proper then other, it is most like to be imputed to their vain Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Also that such evils be increased by the wickedness of the people, so that to speak in his own words famem maiorem facia rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by avarice of men, then by drought of the air, but especially the cause thereof to proceed of the cruel shedding of the innocent blood of the Christians &c.

Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mind (Christ wylling) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the full sum, first of his life and bringing up, then of his death, & Martyrdom, as the worthiness of that man deserveth to be remembered. Of this Cyprian therefore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, Jacobus de Voragine, Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentill, altogether given to the study and practice of the Magicall Arts, of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but y t he was a worthy Rethorician in Africa. Of whose conversion and baptism he himself in his first book & second Epistle, writeth a flourishing and eloquent History. Which his conversion unto the Christian faith as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary upon Jonah, was through the grace of God and the means of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasion of hearing the history of the Prophet Jonah. The same Jerome moreover testifieth how he immediately upon his conversion distributed among the poor all his substance and after that being ordained a Priest, was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptization, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth uncertain. But this is most true, he himself shined in his office and dignity with such good gifts, and virtues, that as Nazianzenus writeth, he had the government of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.

And to the further setting forth (to the praise of God) of his godly virtues wherewith he was endued appearing as well in his own works, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was courteous and gentle, loving and full of patience, and therwithall sharp & severe in his office, according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first book and third epistle. Furthermore he was most loving and kind toward his brethren, and took much pain in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopric, that with all study and endeavor they should gently entertain and show pleasure unto the Martyrs in his absence, as partly is touched before.

The third Epistle of his first book doth declare of what stomach and godly courage he was, in executing his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with marvelous modesty, whereby he attempted nothing upon his own head and judgment, but with the consent of his fellow bishops and other inferior Ministers, & that chiefly (among others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third book witness. He was of a marvelous liberal disposition towards the poor brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poor men to his fellow officers, and wrote unto them, that of their own proper goods, they would help their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his third book. He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was endued, as touching the visions and heavenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow, and of other matters touching the government of y e Church in his first book & third Epistle, and fourth book and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the form or manner of a certain vision, which we have before sufficiently expressed.

He had moreover great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chance, as may be gathered in the vi. Epistle of his fourth book. Also Augustine doth attribute unto him many worthy virtues, which writeth much in setting forth his gifts of humility, in his seconde book of Baptism, the fourth chapter, against the Donatists, and in his vii. book and xi. chap. of his long sufferance and patience. Also of his courtesy and meekness by which virtues he concealed nothing that he understood, but uttered the same meekly and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesiastical peace & concord with those that were of another opinion then he was of: lastly, that he neither circumvented nor did prejudice any man, but followed y thing which seemed good in his judgment, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fifth book, De Baptismo contra Donatistas. Neither is this to be passed with silence, that Jerome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Tertullian, For he saith that he saw a certain old man whose name was Paulus, which told him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian, being then an old man when he him self was but a springal in the City of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont never to let one day pass without some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say unto him: give me any master, meaning thereby Tertullian.

Now a few words touching his exile, and Martyrdom. Of his Epistles which he wrote back to his congregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made above wherein he showeth the virtue beseeming a faithful pastor in that he took no less care, as well of his own church, as of other Bishops being absent, then he did being present. Wherein also he himself doth signify y t voluntarily he absented himself, least he should do more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewise declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he writeth unto his brethren, as in his third book and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing seemeth to be done in the reign of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned again but of exile, in the reign of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second time banished of Paternus the Proconsull of Africa, into the City of Thurbin, as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian showeth, or else as Pontius the Deacon saith, into a City named Fur bilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead, Galienus Maximus succeeded in the room and office of Paternus, who fynding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes, and to be brought before the Idols, to offer sacrifice, which when he would not do, then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words said: Long hast thou lived in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered together men of wicked conspiracy, and hast shown thyself an enemy to the God's of the Romans, and to their holy laws: neither could the sacrete Emperors Valerianus & Galienus revoke thee to the sect of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyrant condemning him to have his head cut of, he patiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lord, Xistus then being Bishop of Rome, as Eusebius noteth, in the year of our Lord. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, being bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.

Now remaineth to speak something likewise of his works and books left behind him, although all peradventure do not remain, that he wrote: whereof some are missing, some again which in the livery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soon be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & gravity of his sentence, vigor of wit, power in persuasion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightlye be imitated but of few. Of the which his books with us extant, as the flourishing eloquence is worthily commended, proceeding out of the school of Rhetoricians, so is the authority thereof no less reputation, not only among us of this age of the Church, but also among the Auncient fathers. Whereof S. Agustine speaking of his commendation saith, Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non vt canonicas habeo, sed ease ex canonisis considero: & quod in eis deuinarum Scripturarum autoritati congruit cum laude eius accipio: quod autem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. &c. By which words it may appear that Agustine, although he did not repute y books and writings of Cyprian, to be equivalent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scriptures he had the same in great admiration.

Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, recyting the names of divers books, bearing the title of Cyprian (moe perchance then be truly his) do collect out of them a certain extract of his most pithy sentences, all which here to repeat were to tedious. To give a taste of the special, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying:

Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis, quod pauperi prodesse potest i.

Let it not sleep in thy treasures, that may profit the poor.

Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper nouas cogitations machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones proferendo. i.

Two things never wax old in man, the heart ever in imagining new cogitations, the tongue ever in uttering the vain conceptions of the heart.

Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte prodiuina remuneratione distribuendum est .i.

That which a man must needs forgo of necessity, wisdom it is a man to distribute so, that God may everlastingly reward him.

Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malorum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.

Discipline is an ordinate amendment of manners present, and a regular observation of evils past.

Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, vbi qui improbos damnent, desunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.

There can be no integrity, whereas they which should condemn the wicked are ever wanting: and they only which are to be condemned, are ever present.

Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, vt ne alteri possidere liceat.

A covetous man only possesseth his goods for this, because another should not possess them.

Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.

Wemen that advance themselves in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.

Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.

They which color their locks with red and yealow, begin betime to prognosticate, of that color their heads shall be in hell.

Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creauit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.

They which love to paint themselves in this world otherwise then God hath created thē: let them fear, least when the day cometh of resurrection, the creator will not know them.

Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suauitatis odorem sacrificat.

He that giveth an alms to the poor, sacrificeth to God an odour of sweet smell.

Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia futurorum bonorum.

All injury of evils present to be neglected, for the good hope of good things to come.

Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.

To set out virtue in words, and to destroy the same in facts, is nothing worth.

Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.

The mo children and greater household thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde up, but to disperse abroode, for that many sins are to be redeemed many consciences are to be purged.

Moreover, least the Papists here should take an occasion by this text, grounded upon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Almose (saith he) delivereth from all sin and death: to build up the works of satisfactiō, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainly expoundeth both himself, and that place of Scripture, writing in these words: Quia scriptum est, Eleemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non vtique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos salutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberauit, sed ab illa quae per delicta postmodum serpit. &c. That is: Almose doth deliver from all sin and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian ) which the blood of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholesome grace of our Baptism, and of our redeemer hath delivered us, but frō that death which afterward creepeth in by sin. &c. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparent, that Cyprian meaneth this deliverance (which cometh by almose giving) from death and sin, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death everlasting, from which only the blood of Christ doth save us, but for temporal or transitory punishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnaunt, but that temporal virtues may have their temporal rewards in this life, & likewise sins committed may have temporal punishments both of us and in our families, our eternal salvation standing evermore firm in Christ yet notwithstanding.

The foresaid Vincentius moreover speaking of another book of Cyprian (although the said book be not numbered in the Catalogue of his works) maketh mention of xii. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these:

  • 1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good works.
  • 2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.
  • 3. Adolescens sine obedientia. A young man without obedience.
  • 4. Dives sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.
  • 5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameless,
  • 6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without virtue.
  • 7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.
  • 8. Pauper superbus. A poor man proud.
  • 9. Rex iniquus. A king unrighteous.
  • 10. Episcopus negligens. A bishop negligent.
  • 11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.
  • 12. Populus sine lege. Subiectes without law.

As I have hitherto set forth the commendation of Cyprian this blessed Martyr: so must we now take heed again, y t we do not here incur the old & common danger, which the Papystes are commonly accustomed to run into, whose fault is always almost to be immoderate and excessive in their proceedings, making to much almost of everything. So in speaking of the holy Sacraments, they make more of them then doth y e nature of Sacraments require, not using them, but abusing thē, not referring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking thē in their kind for things godly as they are, but taking thē for God himself, turning religion into superstition, & y e creature to the creator, y t things signifying to the things them selves signified, &c. To the Church likewise and ceremonies of the church, to general Councils, to the blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceed moreover the bounds of judgment and verity, judging so of the Church, & general councils, as though they could never, or did never err in any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ amongst all women was blessed, and a virgins full of grace, the Scripture & truth doth give, but to say that she was borne without all original sin, or to make of her an advocate, or mother of mercy, there they run further then truth will bear. The ceremonies were first ordained to serve but only for order sake, unto the which they have attributed so much at length, that they have set in them a great part of our Religion yea & also salvation. And what thing is there else almost, wherein the Papists have not exceeded?

Wherefore to avoid this common error of the papists, we must beware in commending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and consideratiō, go with our commendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might have, & had their falls & faults, men I say, & not angels, nor gods, saved by God, not saviors of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet w t their learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their books be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equal with the Scriptures. And albeit the said well in most things, yet it is not therefore enough that what they said it must stand for a truth. That preeminence of authority only belongeth to the word of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they never so famous, there is none that is void of his reprehension. In Origen (although in his time the admiratiō of his learning was singular) yet how many things be there, which the Church now holdeth not? but examining him by Scriptures, where he said well, they admit him, where otherwise they leave him.