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Acts and Monuments Volume 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 2,808,142 words · 12481 min

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that Cornelius by the commandment of Decius, was banished a town called Centumcellas, bordering in Hetruria, from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, and Cyprian again to him. This coming to the ears of Decius the Emperor, he sendeth for Cornelius, asking him: how he durst be so bold to show such stubbernes, that he neither caring for the God's, nor fearing the displeasure of his Princes, durst, against the common wealth, give and receive letters from other. To whom Cornelius answering again, thus purged himself, declaring to the Emperor, that letters in deed he had written and received again concerning the praises & honoring of Christ, & of salvation of souls, but nothing as touching any matter of the common wealth. And it followeth in the story: Then Decius moved with anger commanded him to be beaten with plumbattes (which is saith Sabellicus a kind of scourging) and so to be brought to the temple of Mars : either there to do sacrifice, or to suffer the extremitye. But he rather willing to die, then to committee such iniquity, prepared himself to Martyredome, being sure that he should die. And so commending the charge of the Church unto Stephanus his Archdeacon, was brought to the way of Appius, where he ended his life in faithful Martyrdom. Eusebius in one place saith, that he sat ii. years, in another place saith, that he sat three years, and so doth Marianus Scotu., following also the diversity of the said Eusebius. Damasus giveth him only two years.

In this foresaid persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished, but I suppose rather his banishment to be referred to the reign of Gallus next Emperor after Decius, whereof more shall be said, (Christ willing) in this place hereafter. In the mean time the said Cyprian in his second book, Epist. 5. &. 6. maketh mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius, or much about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant young man, who was twice in torments for his confession, which he never denied, but manfully and boldly withstood the adversary, till he was banished, and also after. And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certain brethren, to have him for their lectorer, as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The other was named Mappalicus, who the day before he suffered, declaring to the Proconsul, in the midst of his torments, & saying: Videbis cras agonem: that is, tomorrow you shall see the running for a wager. &c. was brought forth according as he forespake, to Martyrdom, and there with no less constancy then patience did suffer.

And thus much of the tyranny of this wicked Decius against God his Saints, now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him, like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement, not long to continue: so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter, who reigning but two years as saith Eusebius, or three at most, as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbarians with whom he did war, was there slain with his son, like as he had slain Philippus, and his son his predecessors before, so was he with his son slain by the righteous judgment of God himself. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying against the Gotthians, and being by them overcome, sest he should fall into their hands, ran into a whurlepyt, where he was drouned, and his body never found after.

Neither did the just hand of God plague the Emperor only, but also revenged as well the heathen Gentiles and persecutors of his word, throughout all provinces & dominions of the Roman Monarchy, amongst whom the lord immediately after the death of Decius, sent such a plage and pestilence, lastyng for the space of x. years together, that horrible it is to hear, and almost incredible to believe. Of this plague or pestilence, testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt, Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22. Where he declareth the mortality of this plague to be so great in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in y e whole City free. And although the greatness of the plague touched also the Christians somewhat, yet it scourged the heathen Idolaters much more: beside that the order of their behavior in the one, and in the other was much diverse. For, as the foresaid Dionysius doth record, the Christians through brotherly love and piety, did not refuse one to visit and comfort another, and to minister to him, what need required. Notwithstanding it was to them great danger: for diverse there were, who in closing up their eyes, in washyng their bodies, & interryng them in the ground, were next themselves which followed them to their graves. Yet all this stayed not them frō doing their duty, and showing mercy one to another. Whereas the Gentiles contrarily, being extremely visited by the hand of God, felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neither yet considered they their neighbor, but every man shifting for himself, neither cared one for another: but such as were infected, some they would cast out of the doors half dead, to be devoured of dogs and wild beasts, some they let die within their houses without all succor, some they suffered to lie unburied, for that no mā durst come near him. And yet notwithstanding, for all their voiding and shiftyng, the pestilence followed them whether soever they went, & miserably consumed them. In so much, that Dionysius bishop y e same time of Alexandria, thus reporteth of his own City: that such a great mortality was then among them, that the said City of Alexandria had not in number of all together, both old and young, as it was wont to contayn before of the old men only from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in time past commonly almost in that City. Pomponius Laetus, and other Latin writers also making mention of the said pestilitie, declare how the beginning thereof first came (as they think) out of Ethiope, and from the hot countries, and so invading and wastyng first the South partes, from thence spread into the East, & so further running and increasing into all other quarters of the world, especially, wheresoever the Edicts of the Emperor went against the Christians, it followed after, and consumed the most part of the inhabitauntes, whereby many places became desolate and void of all concourse, and so continued the term of x. years together.

This pestiferous mortality (by the occasion whereof Cyprian took the ground to write his book De mortalitate ) began as is said, immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor, in the beginning of the reign of Vibias Gallus, and Volusianus his son: who succeeded through treason, next unto Decius, about the year of our Lord. 255. and continued their reign but two years.

This Gallus although the first beginning of the reign was something quiet, yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whō rather he should have taken better heed, set forth Edicts in like manner, for y e persecution of Christians, albeit in this Edict we find no number of Martyrs to have suffered, but only all this persecution to rest only in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock. Of other sufferings or executions we do not read: for the terrible pestilence following immediately, kept the barbarous heathē otherwise occupied. Unto this time of Gallus, rather then to the time of Decius, I refer the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of Carthage. Of the which banishment, he himself testifieth in diverse of his epistles, declaring the cause thereof to rise upon a commotion or sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himself, lest the sedition should grow greater. Notw thstāding the said Cyprian, though being absent, yet had no less care of his flock and of the whole church, then if he had been present with them. And therefore never ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call upon them to be constant in their profession, and patient in their afflictions. Amongst diverse other, whom he doth comfort in his banishment, although he was in that case to be comforted himself, writing to certain that were condemned to minyng for metals, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with other bishops, Priests and Deacons, declareth unto them, how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared, but to be rejoiced at, to suffer banishment or other pains for Christ. And confirming them in the same, or rather commending them, signifieth, how worthily they do show themselves to be as valiant captains of virtue, provoking both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suffering of their body, the hearts of the brethren to Christian Martyrdom, whose example was and is, a great confirmation to many, both maids and children to follow the like. As for punishment and suffering, it is (saith he) a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian man's breast, whose hope doth wholly consist in the tree, dreadeth neither batte nor club, wounds and skarres of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame nor dishonesty to the party, but rather preferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the metals be digged there be no beds for Christian men's bodies to take their rest, yet they have their rest in Christ. And though their weary bones lie upon the cold ground, yet it is no pain to lie with Christ. Their feet have been fettered with bands and chains, but happily he is bound of man, whom the Lord Christ doth loose: happily doth he lie tied in the stocks, whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven. Neither can any man tie a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life. They have no garments to save them from cold, but he that putteth on Christ, is sufficiently coated. Doth bread lack to their hungry bodies? But man liveth not only by bread, but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God. Your deformity (saith he) shall be turned to honor, your mourning to joy, your pain to pleasure, and felicity infinite. And if this do grieve you, that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted manner: yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble heart, as when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a glorious sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your travail be great, yet is the reward gre ter, which is most certain to follow. For God beholding and looking down upon them that confess his name, in their willing mind approveth them, in their striuyng helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in us, which he hath performed, and crowning that which he hath in us perfected. With these and such like comfortable words he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them, that they are now in a joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness a stable light, and brightness greater then all their passions, according to the Apostles saying: These sufferings of this present time be nothing like comparable to the brightness of the glory that shall be revealed in us, &c.

And after the like words of sweet comfort and consolation writing to Seagrius, and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bonds for the testimony of truth, doth encourage them to continue steadfast and patient in the way, wherein they have begun to run, for that they have the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to be with us to the worlds ende: and therefore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortality, in their pain everlasting glory, of the which it is written: Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. Item, although before men they suffered torments, yet their hope is full of immortality, and being vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters. For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire. And writeth moreover, admonishing them, that it is so appointed from the beginning of the world, that righteousness here should suffer in secular conflicts, for so just Abel was slain in the beginning of the world, and after him all just and good men, the Prophets also and the Apostles sent of the Lord himself, unto whom all, the Lord first gave an example in himself, teaching that there is no coming to his kingdom, but by that way which he entered himself, saying by these words: he that loveth his life in this world, shall loose it, &c. And again, fear ye not them, that slay the body, but have no power to slay the soul. And S. Paul likewise admonishing all them, whosoever covet to be partakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord saith: if we suffer together with him, we shall reign toge her, &c.

Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs, which were in captivity: to persist▪ so likewise 〈1 page duplicate〉 writing to the Priests and Deacons, which were free, exhorteth them to be serviceable and obsequious with all care and love, to cherish and embrase thē that were in bonds. Cypria. Lib. 3. Ep. 6. whereby may appear the fervent zeal & care of this good-Bishop, toward the Church of Christ, although being now in exile, in the time of this Emperor Gallus.

In the same time and under the said Gallus reignyng with his son Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banyshment who next succeeded after Cornelius, in that byshopricke, about the year of our Lord 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue, but returned again home to his Church: as by the Epistle of, S. Cyprian, Lib 3. Epist. 1. may appear. As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitive days certain decretal Epystles with several ordinances be ascribed, bearing their names and titles, as hath been afore declared: so also hath Lucius one Epistle, fathered upon him, in the which Epistle he writing to the brethren of France and of Spain, appointeth such an order and form of the church, as seemeth not to agree with the time then present: For so he declareth in that Epistle that a Bishop in all places, whether soever he goeth, should have two Priests with three deacons waiting vpō him, to be witnesses of all his ways and doings. Which ordinance although I deny not, but it may be and is convenient, yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serve then, for a Bishop to carry such a pomp of Priests & Deacons about him, or to study for any such matter: for so much as Bishops commonly in those days were seldom free to go abroad, went they never so secrete: but either were in houses close and secret, or in prison, or else in banishment. Moreover in the said Epistle how pōpously he writeth to the Church of Rome: This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome (saith he) the mother of all Churches of Christ, which by the grace of God omnipotent, hath never been proved to swerve out of the pathe of Apostolical tradition, neither hath ever fallen, or been depraved with heretical innovations: but even as in the first beginning it received the rule of the Apostolical faith by his first instructors, the Princes of the Apostles, so it continueth ever immaculate and undefiled unto the end.

Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution, that no minister whatsoever, after his ordination, should at any time reenter to the chamber of his own wife, in pain of loosing his Ministry in the Church, &c. Eusebius in his vii. book, making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his Martyrdom, saith that he sat but eight months. But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that he sat three years, & was beheaded the second year of Valerian and Galienus Emperors. And so doth also Marianus Scotus, and Nauclerus, with other that follow Damasus, affirm the same.

After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius : whom Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus, affirm to have sit vii. years fine months, & to die a martir. Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with him, give him but two years, which part cometh most near to the truth, I leave to the readers judgment, of his two Epistles decretal, and of his ordinances out of the same collected, I need not much to tarry, for two respects, either for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously entitled to the names of the fathers of the primitive church, sufficiently hath been said before: or else because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter itself therein contained is such, that although no testimony came against it, yet it easily refelleth it self. As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth, that no Bishop being expulsed out of his seat or deprived of his goods, ought to be accused of any, or is bound to answer for himself, before that by the law regularly he be restored again fully to his former state, and that the Primates and the Synod render to him again all such possessions and fruits, as were taken frō him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the laws Canon & also seculare. First here I would desire y e Reader a little to stay, & this to consider to himself, who be these here meant, which either used or might despoile these bishops of their goods, & expulse thē frō their seats for such wrōgfull causes, but only Kings & Emperors, which at this time were not yet Christened nor used any such proceedings against these Bishops, in such sort as either Primates or Synods could restore them again to their places and possessions. Again what private goods or possessions had Bishops then to be taken from them, when as Churches yet neither were endued with patrimonies nor possessions. And if any treasures were committed to the church, it pertained not properly to y e Bishop, but went in general to the subuention of the poor in the Church, as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius may appear, alleged in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church, & declaring how there ought to be but one Byshoppe in the same, nterreth mention of xlvj. Priests, vii. Deacons, with vii. Subdeacons, xlij. Acoluthes, of widows and poor afflicted persons to the •• ber of a 1500, and above, found and nourished in the same Church, by the merciful benignity and providence of god Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon. which thing is forbidden both by the laws Ecclesiastical, & also secular, &c. Now what laws secular were in the time of Stephen, for bishops not to be charged w t any accusation before they were restored again to their state, let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen laws that then were, judge, and in judging, I doubt not but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be enough to descry the untruth hereof.

Moreover, by diverse other probable notes and arguments in the said seconde Epistle of Stephanus, it may be easily espied, this Epistle to be famed and •• authored, especial by the fifth Canon of the said Epistle, where he so solemnly entreateth of the difference between Primats, Metropolitans, and Archbishops, which distinction of degres and titles, sauoring more o ambition, then of persecution, giveth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen, but by ine other man, either of that name or of some other time when the Church began to be settled in more prosperity, and orders therein to be taken, for every man to know his eg •• e and limits of his authority according as t specified by the vi and vii. Canon, of Nicene Council ••• ceeing of the same matter.

The like 〈…〉 of the seventh Canon of the said Epistle, where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided & determined within the precinct of their own proper Province, and not to pass over the bounds theron, unless (saith he) the appea e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome: which san reth in my nose, rather of a •• acke of Popery then of the vein of Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible persecution among y e Bishops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretal Epistle of Stephanus : although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius, something may be said, as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy ••• timentes, and holy vessels, and other ornaments of the altar, serving to divine worship, and therefore not to be touched nor handled of any mā, saving of Priests alone. Concerning all which implements, my opinion is this, that I think the Church of Rome not to have been in so good state thē, that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him being occupied about other more earnest maters, and scarce able to hide their own heads, had any mind or cogitation to study upon such unnecessary inventions, serving in public Churches. Neither do I see howe the Heathen in those days would have suffered these ornaments to be vnconsumed, which would not suffer the Bishops themselves to live amongst them. Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus judge the contrary. Between this Stephen and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage was a great contention, about rebaptising of heretics, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be said.

Besides these Bishops above specified, diverse other there were also sent into banishment under the forenamed Emperors Gallus & Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermammon on this wise: that Gallus not seeing the evil of Decius, nor foreseeing the occasion of his seductiō and ruin, stumbled himself also at the same stone, lying open before his eyes. For at y e first beginning when his Empire went prosperously foreward, and all things went luckely with him, afterward he drave out holy men, which prayed for his peace and safeguard, and so with them rejected also the prayers which they made for him. &c. Eusebius. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloodshed or any Martyrs that in the time of this Emperor were put to death, we do not read.

After the reign of which Emperor Gallus and of his son Volusianus being expired who reigned but ii. years, Emelianus which slew them both by civil sedition, succeeded in their place▪ who reigned but three months, & was also slain. Next to whom Valerianus, & his son Gallienus were advanced to the Empire.

About the changing of these Emperors, the persecution which first began at Decius, & afterward slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague reigning in all places, partly by y e change of the Emperors, although it was not very long. For Valerianus in the first entrance of the Empire for the space of iii. or four years, was right courteous and gentle to the people of God, & well accepted to the Senate. Neither was there any of all the Emperors before him, no not of the which openly professed Christ, that shown himself so loving and familiar toward the Christians as he did: in so much that (as Dionysius, writing to Herman doth testify) all his whole court was replenished w t holy Saints & servants of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seem to be made a Church of God. But by the malice of Satan, through wicked counsel these quiet days endured not very long. For in process of time this Valerianus being charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a chief ruler of the Heathen Synagogue of the Egyptians, a master of the Charmers or inchaunters, who in deed was troubled, for that he could not do his Magicall feats for the Christians, was so far infatuated and bewitched, that through the detestable provocations of that deuilishe Egyptian, he was wholly turned unto abhominable Idols, and to execrable impiety, in sacrificing young infants and quartering bodies, and deviding the entrails of childrē new borne, and so proceeding in his fury, moved the eight persecution, against the Christians, whom the wicked Egyptian could not abide, as being the hinderers and destroyars of his Magicall enchauntinges, about the year of our Lord. 259.

The eight Persecution.

IN the which persecution the chief administers and executours were Emilianus President of Egypt, Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsuls in Africa, Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus. Uicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius Presidentes. &c.

What was the chief original cause of this persecution, partly is signified before, where mention was made of the wicked Egyptian. But as this was the outward and political cause, so S Cyprian showeth other causes more special, and Ecclesiastical, in his iiii. book. Epist. 4. whose words be these: but we (saith he) must understand and confess, that this turbulent oppression & calamity, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth daily consume, riseth chiefly of our own wickedness & sins: while we walk not in the way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us for our institution. The Lord observed the will of his father in all points: but we observe not the will of the Lord, having all our mind and study set upon lucre & possessions, given to pride, full of emulation and dissention, void of simplicity and faithful dealing, renouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed, every man pleasing himself, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthily. For what stripes and scourges do we not deserve, when the confessors themselves (such as have bid the trial of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doing, do keep no discipline? And therefore because some such there be, proudly puffed up with this swelling and unmannerly bragging of their confession, these torments come: such as do not easily send us to the crown, except by the mercy of God, some being takē away by quickness of death, do prevent the tediousness of punishimēt. These things do we suffer for our sins and deserts, as by the Lord's censure we have been forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my law, and will not walk in my judgments: If they shall profane my institutions, and will not observe my precepts, I will visit their iniquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (saith he) we feel, which neither please God in our good deeds, nor repent in our evil deeds. Wherefore the said Cyprian, adding this exhortation withal, exhorted them to pray and entreat from the bottom of their heart and whole mind, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. &c. Let us ask, and we shall obtain, and though (saith Cyprian) it be with tariance, yet for so much as we have grievously offended, let us continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shall be opened, if our prayers, sighinges, and weepinges knock still at the door with continuance, and if our prayers be joined together with brotherly agreement &c.

Moreover, what vices were then principally raygning among the Christians, he further specifieth in the said Epistle: which chiefly were division and dissention among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these words Petite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtain, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certain persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and condescend altogether of the names and persons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: which thing (saith Cyprian) did greatly displease him, that spake unto them: Pray, and ye shall obtain, for that there was no uniform equality of voice and heart nor one simple and joint concord among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalm. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord. &c. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth unto them in the foresaid Epistle, and moveth them to prayer and mutual agreement. For (saith he) if it be promised in the Gospel, to be granted whatsoever any two consenting together shall ask, what shall then the whole Church do agreeing together? or what if this unanimity were among the whole fraternity, which unanimity (saith Cyprian) if it had been then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these euiles had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had joined together in brotherly unanimity. &c.

After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecutions, the said, S. Cyprian moreover in the forenamed Epistle (worthy to be read of all men) describeth likewise a certain vision, wherein was shown unto them by the Lord, before the persecutiō came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certain aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensive: as one with an indignation sorrowful, holding his hand upon his breast, his countenance heavy and vnchearefull. On the left hand sat another person, having in his hand a net, which he threatened to lay to catch the people that stood about. And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof, it was said unto him: The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand, is sad and sory, that his precepts be not observed. But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry, for that occasion is given him to have power of the aged Father given him to afflict men. And this vision was seen long before this tempest of persecution happened, Wherein is declared the same that before is said, the sins of the people to be the cause, why Satan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with his net of destruction, to rage against the blood of Christian men, and all because (saith Cyprian) we forslacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as we should: wherefore the Lord because he loveth us, correcteth us, correcteth us, to amend us, amendeth us to save us. &c. Cyprian.

Furthermore, the same Cyprian, and in the same Epistle, wrtting of his own revelation or message sent to him, thus saith: And to his least servant both sinful and unworthy (meaning by himself) God of his tender goodness hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him saith he that he be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a little stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proved and tried. &c. And showeth also in y e same place of another revelation of his, wherein he was admonished to be spare in his feeding, and sober in his drink, least his mind given to heavenly meditation might be carried away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfeit of meats and drinks, should be less apt or able to prayer and spiritual exercise.

Finally in the latter end of the foresaid Epistle, mention also followeth of other revelations or shewinges, wherein the Lord (saith Cyprian ) doth vouchsafe in many of his servants to foreshow to come the restauring of his Church, the stable quiet of our health and safeguard, after rain fair weather, after darkness light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calm, the fatherly help of his love, the wont & old glory of his divine majesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as have fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall rejoice and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these things to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.

As touching now the crimes and accusations in this persecution laid to the charge of the Christians, this was the principal, first because they refused to do worship to their Idols and to the Emperors: then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and evils that happened in the world, as wars, famine, and pestilence, were only imputed to the Christians. Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his book Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertullian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the objection for not worshipping Idols, he cleareth the Christians both in his book Contra Demeir. & also De vanitate idol. proving those Idols to be no true God's, but Images of certain dead kings, which neither could save themselves from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians do truly worship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of public calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idols, he purgeth the Christians thereof, proving that if there be any defect in increase of things, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now toward her age and latter end. Agayne for that it hath been so foresaid and prophesied, that toward the end of the world should come wars, famine, and pestilence. Moreover if there be any cause thereof more proper then other, it is most like to be imputed to their vain Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Also that such evils be increased by the wickedness of the people, so that to speak in his own words famem maiorem facia rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by avarice of men, then by drought of the air, but especially the cause thereof to proceed of the cruel shedding of the innocent blood of the Christians &c.

Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mind (Christ wylling) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the full sum, first of his life and bringing up, then of his death, & Martyrdom, as the worthiness of that man deserveth to be remembered. Of this Cyprian therefore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, Jacobus de Voragine, Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentill, altogether given to the study and practice of the Magicall Arts, of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but y t he was a worthy Rethorician in Africa. Of whose conversion and baptism he himself in his first book & second Epistle, writeth a flourishing and eloquent History. Which his conversion unto the Christian faith as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary upon Jonah, was through the grace of God and the means of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasion of hearing the history of the Prophet Jonah. The same Jerome moreover testifieth how he immediately upon his conversion distributed among the poor all his substance and after that being ordained a Priest, was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptization, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth uncertain. But this is most true, he himself shined in his office and dignity with such good gifts, and virtues, that as Nazianzenus writeth, he had the government of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.

And to the further setting forth (to the praise of God) of his godly virtues wherewith he was endued appearing as well in his own works, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was courteous and gentle, loving and full of patience, and therwithall sharp & severe in his office, according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first book and third epistle. Furthermore he was most loving and kind toward his brethren, and took much pain in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopric, that with all study and endeavor they should gently entertain and show pleasure unto the Martyrs in his absence, as partly is touched before.

The third Epistle of his first book doth declare of what stomach and godly courage he was, in executing his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with marvelous modesty, whereby he attempted nothing upon his own head and judgment, but with the consent of his fellow bishops and other inferior Ministers, & that chiefly (among others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third book witness. He was of a marvelous liberal disposition towards the poor brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poor men to his fellow officers, and wrote unto them, that of their own proper goods, they would help their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his third book. He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was endued, as touching the visions and heavenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow, and of other matters touching the government of y e Church in his first book & third Epistle, and fourth book and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the form or manner of a certain vision, which we have before sufficiently expressed.

He had moreover great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chance, as may be gathered in the vi. Epistle of his fourth book. Also Augustine doth attribute unto him many worthy virtues, which writeth much in setting forth his gifts of humility, in his seconde book of Baptism, the fourth chapter, against the Donatists, and in his vii. book and xi. chap. of his long sufferance and patience. Also of his courtesy and meekness by which virtues he concealed nothing that he understood, but uttered the same meekly and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesiastical peace & concord with those that were of another opinion then he was of: lastly, that he neither circumvented nor did prejudice any man, but followed y thing which seemed good in his judgment, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fifth book, De Baptismo contra Donatistas. Neither is this to be passed with silence, that Jerome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Tertullian, For he saith that he saw a certain old man whose name was Paulus, which told him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian, being then an old man when he him self was but a springal in the City of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont never to let one day pass without some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say unto him: give me any master, meaning thereby Tertullian.

Now a few words touching his exile, and Martyrdom. Of his Epistles which he wrote back to his congregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made above wherein he showeth the virtue beseeming a faithful pastor in that he took no less care, as well of his own church, as of other Bishops being absent, then he did being present. Wherein also he himself doth signify y t voluntarily he absented himself, least he should do more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewise declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he writeth unto his brethren, as in his third book and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing seemeth to be done in the reign of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned again but of exile, in the reign of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second time banished of Paternus the Proconsull of Africa, into the City of Thurbin, as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian showeth, or else as Pontius the Deacon saith, into a City named Fur bilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead, Galienus Maximus succeeded in the room and office of Paternus, who fynding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes, and to be brought before the Idols, to offer sacrifice, which when he would not do, then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words said: Long hast thou lived in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered together men of wicked conspiracy, and hast shown thyself an enemy to the God's of the Romans, and to their holy laws: neither could the sacrete Emperors Valerianus & Galienus revoke thee to the sect of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyrant condemning him to have his head cut of, he patiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lord, Xistus then being Bishop of Rome, as Eusebius noteth, in the year of our Lord. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, being bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.

Now remaineth to speak something likewise of his works and books left behind him, although all peradventure do not remain, that he wrote: whereof some are missing, some again which in the livery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soon be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & gravity of his sentence, vigor of wit, power in persuasion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightlye be imitated but of few. Of the which his books with us extant, as the flourishing eloquence is worthily commended, proceeding out of the school of Rhetoricians, so is the authority thereof no less reputation, not only among us of this age of the Church, but also among the Auncient fathers. Whereof S. Agustine speaking of his commendation saith, Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non vt canonicas habeo, sed ease ex canonisis considero: & quod in eis deuinarum Scripturarum autoritati congruit cum laude eius accipio: quod autem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. &c. By which words it may appear that Agustine, although he did not repute y books and writings of Cyprian, to be equivalent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scriptures he had the same in great admiration.

Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, recyting the names of divers books, bearing the title of Cyprian (moe perchance then be truly his) do collect out of them a certain extract of his most pithy sentences, all which here to repeat were to tedious. To give a taste of the special, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying:

Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis, quod pauperi prodesse potest i.

Let it not sleep in thy treasures, that may profit the poor.

Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper nouas cogitations machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones proferendo. i.

Two things never wax old in man, the heart ever in imagining new cogitations, the tongue ever in uttering the vain conceptions of the heart.

Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte prodiuina remuneratione distribuendum est .i.

That which a man must needs forgo of necessity, wisdom it is a man to distribute so, that God may everlastingly reward him.

Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malorum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.

Discipline is an ordinate amendment of manners present, and a regular observation of evils past.

Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, vbi qui improbos damnent, desunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.

There can be no integrity, whereas they which should condemn the wicked are ever wanting: and they only which are to be condemned, are ever present.

Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, vt ne alteri possidere liceat.

A covetous man only possesseth his goods for this, because another should not possess them.

Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.

Wemen that advance themselves in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.

Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.

They which color their locks with red and yealow, begin betime to prognosticate, of that color their heads shall be in hell.

Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creauit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.

They which love to paint themselves in this world otherwise then God hath created thē: let them fear, least when the day cometh of resurrection, the creator will not know them.

Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suauitatis odorem sacrificat.

He that giveth an alms to the poor, sacrificeth to God an odour of sweet smell.

Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia futurorum bonorum.

All injury of evils present to be neglected, for the good hope of good things to come.

Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.

To set out virtue in words, and to destroy the same in facts, is nothing worth.

Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.

The mo children and greater household thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde up, but to disperse abroode, for that many sins are to be redeemed many consciences are to be purged.

Moreover, least the Papists here should take an occasion by this text, grounded upon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Almose (saith he) delivereth from all sin and death: to build up the works of satisfactiō, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainly expoundeth both himself, and that place of Scripture, writing in these words: Quia scriptum est, Eleemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non vtique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos salutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberauit, sed ab illa quae per delicta postmodum serpit. &c. That is: Almose doth deliver from all sin and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian ) which the blood of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholesome grace of our Baptism, and of our redeemer hath delivered us, but frō that death which afterward creepeth in by sin. &c. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparent, that Cyprian meaneth this deliverance (which cometh by almose giving) from death and sin, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death everlasting, from which only the blood of Christ doth save us, but for temporal or transitory punishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnaunt, but that temporal virtues may have their temporal rewards in this life, & likewise sins committed may have temporal punishments both of us and in our families, our eternal salvation standing evermore firm in Christ yet notwithstanding.

The foresaid Vincentius moreover speaking of another book of Cyprian (although the said book be not numbered in the Catalogue of his works) maketh mention of xii. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these:

  • 1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good works.
  • 2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.
  • 3. Adolescens sine obedientia. A young man without obedience.
  • 4. Dives sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.
  • 5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameless,
  • 6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without virtue.
  • 7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.
  • 8. Pauper superbus. A poor man proud.
  • 9. Rex iniquus. A king unrighteous.
  • 10. Episcopus negligens. A bishop negligent.
  • 11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.
  • 12. Populus sine lege. Subiectes without law.

As I have hitherto set forth the commendation of Cyprian this blessed Martyr: so must we now take heed again, y t we do not here incur the old & common danger, which the Papystes are commonly accustomed to run into, whose fault is always almost to be immoderate and excessive in their proceedings, making to much almost of everything. So in speaking of the holy Sacraments, they make more of them then doth y e nature of Sacraments require, not using them, but abusing thē, not referring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking thē in their kind for things godly as they are, but taking thē for God himself, turning religion into superstition, & y e creature to the creator, y t things signifying to the things them selves signified, &c. To the Church likewise and ceremonies of the church, to general Councils, to the blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceed moreover the bounds of judgment and verity, judging so of the Church, & general councils, as though they could never, or did never err in any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ amongst all women was blessed, and a virgins full of grace, the Scripture & truth doth give, but to say that she was borne without all original sin, or to make of her an advocate, or mother of mercy, there they run further then truth will bear. The ceremonies were first ordained to serve but only for order sake, unto the which they have attributed so much at length, that they have set in them a great part of our Religion yea & also salvation. And what thing is there else almost, wherein the Papists have not exceeded?

Wherefore to avoid this common error of the papists, we must beware in commending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and consideratiō, go with our commendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might have, & had their falls & faults, men I say, & not angels, nor gods, saved by God, not saviors of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet w t their learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their books be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equal with the Scriptures. And albeit the said well in most things, yet it is not therefore enough that what they said it must stand for a truth. That preeminence of authority only belongeth to the word of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they never so famous, there is none that is void of his reprehension. In Origen (although in his time the admiratiō of his learning was singular) yet how many things be there, which the Church now holdeth not? but examining him by Scriptures, where he said well, they admit him, where otherwise they leave him. In Polycarpus the church hath corrected and altered that which he did hold in celebrating the Easter day after the Jews. Neither cā holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in all his sayings: as where he maketh the fasting upon y e Sunday or the Sabbath day as great an offense, as to kill Christ him self, Ignat Epist. ad Phillip. contrary to this saying of Saint Paul. Let no man judge you in meat & drink. Also where the said Ignatius speaketh De virginitate, and of other things mo. Irenaeus did hold that man was not made perfect in the beginning. He seemeth also to defend free will in man, in those things also that be spiritual. He say that Christ suffered after he was fifty years old, abusing this place of the Gospel: Quinquaginta annos nondum habes. &c. Tertulianus (whom S. Cyprian never laid out of his hands almost) is noted to be a Chiliaste : also to have been of Mōtanus sect. The same did hold also w t Justin, Cyprian, & other, that the Angels fell first for the concupiscence of women, Lib. de habitu mulierum. He defendeth free will of man after y e corruption of nature, inclining also to the error of them, which defend the possibility of keeping God his law. Cōcerning Marriage. Vnum matrimonium (inquit) nouimus, sicut vnum Deum. i. We know (saith he) one Marriage, as we know one God condemning the second marriage. Lib, de Monogam. Divers other things of like absurdity in him be noted. Justinus also seemeth to have inclined unto the error of the Chiliastes, of the fall of certain Angels by women, offree will or man, of possibility of keeping the law and such other. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great schooler of Tertullian, utterly exempt from the blot of them, who contrary to the doctrine of the Church, did hold with rebaptising of such, as were before Baptized of heretics, Whereof speaketh S. Agustine, myslyking the same error of Cyprian, in these words contained in his 2. book, Contra Cresconium. Cypriani, inquit, laudem ego consequi non valeo eius multis literis mea scripta non comparo, eius ingenium diligo eius ore delector, eius charitatem miror, eius Martyrium veneror. Non accipio quod de baptisandis haereticis & schismaticis sensit. &c. Uppon the which matter there was a great contention between the said Cyprian, and Stephen Bishop of Rome, as partly afore is note . Of Agustine himself likewise, of Ambrose, Jerome, Chrysostom, the same may be said, that none of them also clearly passed away, but their peculiar faults and errors went with them, whereof it were to long, and out of our purpose at this present to entreat. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the holy learned Martyr of Christ.

Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of Cyprian that this Cyprian was not he, whom the narration of Nazianzen speaketh of (as is above mentioned) who from Art Magicke was converted to be a Christian, which Cyprian was a Citizen of Antioch, and afterward Bishop of the same City, and was Martyred under Diocletian. Whereas this Cyprian was Bishop of Carthage, and died under Valerianus, as is said, &c. By the decrees of Gratiā. Dist. x. Quoniam. it appeareth moreover that there was also a third Cyprian in the time of Julianus the Emperor Apostate, long after both these aforenamed. For so giveth the title prefixed before the said Distinct. Cyprianus Iuliano Imperatori: the distinction beginning. Quoniam idem mediator Dei & hominum homo Christus Jesus, he actibus proprijs, & dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis vtriusque discernit, &c. Upon the which distinctiō the gloss cometh in with these words saying: y t the popedom, and the seat Imperial, have both one beginning of one that is, Christ: who was both Bishoppe, and king of Kings. And that the said dignities be distincted, albeit the Pope notwithstanding hath both the swords in his hand and may exercise them both some time. And therefore although they be distincted, yet in exercise the one standeth lineally under the other, so that the imperial dignity is subject under the Papal dignity, as the inferior is subject under the superior: that as there is one ruler over the whole which is God: so in the Church is one Monarche, that is, the Pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawful right both of the heavenly and terrene dominion. Haec Glosa.

Thus much I thought here to note by the way because this distinction is fathered upon Cyprian, which is false, for this Cyprian was not in the time of Julian, not by 200. years, and so likewise by the other Cyprian, which died Martyr under Diocletian. Of any Cyprian besides these two, we read not. Neither is it credible, that if there were any such Cyprian, he would ever have written of any such matter, of the difference and mutual need of Christiā Emperors and Christian Popes. When as that Emperor being an Apostate, neither regarded Christ, nor cared for any Pope.

About this time, and under the same Emperor Valerianus suffered also Xistus, or Sixtus, the seconde of that name, Bishop of Rome, who being accused of his adversaries, to be a Christiā, was brought with his vi. deacons to the place of execution, where he with Nemesius & other his Deacons were beheaded and suffered Martyrdom. Laurence in the same time being also Deacon followed after complaing to Xistus, as one being grieved, that he might not also suffer with him, but to be secluded as the son frō the father. To whom the Bishop answering again, declared that within three days he should follow after. In the mean time, he willed him to go home, and to distribute his treasures, if he had any unto y e poor. The judge belike hearing mentiō to be made of treasures to be given to the poor, and thinking that Laurence had great store of treasure in his custody, commanded him to bring the same unto him, according as the discourse of his story here under written, more fully may appear. Which history, because it is set forth more at large in Prudentius, Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it mo things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader, we have therefore with the more dilygence here inserted the more ample description of y e same, to the further admiration of his patience, and God his glory shown in him.

Now then as order requireth, let us enter the story of that most constant and courageous Martyr of Christ S. Laurence, whose words and works deserve to be as fresh and green in Christian harts, as is the flourishing Laurel tree, This thirsty heart longing after the water of life, desirous to pass unto it, through the straight door of bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilaunt Shephearde, Xistus led as an harmless lamb, of harmful tyrants to his death, cried out with open mouth and heart invincible, saying, O dear father, whether goest thou, without the company of thy dear son? Whether hastenest thou, O reverend Priest, without thy Deacon? Never wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister. What crime is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod? Hast thou proved me unnatural? Now try sweet father, whether thou hast chosen a faithful minister or not. Deniest thou unto him the fellowship of thy blood, to whom thou hast committed the destribution of the Lord's blood? See that thy judgment be not misliked, whilst thy fortitude is liked & lauded. The abasing of the scholar, is the disgracing of the Master. What? have we not learned that worthy Masters, have obtained most worthy same, by y e worthy acts of their Disciples and Scholers? Finally Abraham sacryficed his only begotten Isaac. Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Pe er, even so father declare thy manifold virtues by me thy son. Offer thou him that proferreth him self. Grant that the body of thy scholar may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters thou hast beautefied. These words with tears S. Laurence uttered, not becau e his master should suffer, but for that he might not be suffered to taste of deaths cup, which he thirsted a ter.

Then Xistus to his son shaped this answer: I forsake thee not, O my son, I give thee to wit, that a sharper conflict remaineth for thee. A feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the rase of a lighter & easier death. But lusty and young thou art, and more lustely, yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph over this tiraunt. Thy time approacheth, cease to weep & lament, three days after thou shalt follow me. Decent is it, that this space of time come between the Priest & the Levite. It may not beseem thee O sweet Pupil, to triumph under thy master, least it be said he wanted an helper. Why crauest thou to be partaker with me in my passion? I bequeath unto thee the whole inheritance. Why requirest thou to enjoy my presence: let weak scholars go before, and the stronger come after, that those without master may get the victory, which have no need by master to be governed. So Helias left behind him his beloved Heliseus. I yield up into thy hands the succession of my virtues. Such was their contention, not unmeet for so godly a priest, so zealous a minister, striving with themselves, who should first suffer for the name of Christ Jesus.

In tragical histories we have it mentioned, y t through joy & admiration people claped their hands, whē Pylades named himself Orestes, Orestes, as truth it was, affirmed himself to be Orestes. Pylades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes, not suffering Pylades to loose his life for his sake: But neither of them might escape death, for both these lovers were gilty of blood the one committing the fact the other consenting. But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant, was by no means enforced to make this profer, saving only by his ardent zeal, and fervent spirit, who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome, had it shortly after filled to the hard brymme.

Now let us draw near to the fire of Martyred Laurence, that our cold hearts may be warmed thereby. The mercylesse tyrant, understanding this virtuous Levite, not only to be a minister of the Sacraments, but a distributer also of the Church riches (whereof mention is made before in the words of Xistus ) promised to himself a double pray, by the appresion of one silly soul. First with the rake of Avarice to scrape to himself the treasu e of poor Christians, then with the firy forke of tyranny so to toss and turmoyle them, that they should wax weary of their Christian profession: With furious face, and cruel countenance, the greedy wolf demanded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substance of the Church. Who craving three days respite, promised to declare where the treasure might he had. In the mean time he caused a good number of poor Christians to be congregated. So when y e day of his answer was come, the persecutor straightly charged him to stand to his promise. Then valiant Laurēce stretching out his arms over the poor said: These are the precious treasure of the church: These are the treasure in deed, in whom the faith of Christ reigneth, in whom Jesus Christ hath his mansion place. What more precious Jewel's can Christ have, thē those in whō he hath promised to dwell? For so it is written, I was hungry, & ye gave me to eat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me to drink: I was harborles, and ye lodged me. And again: Look what ye have done to the least of these, the same have ye done to me. What greater riches can christ our master posses, then the poor people, in whō he loveth to be seen? Oh, what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of the tirants heart? Now he stāped, he stared, he rāped, he fared as one out of his wit: his eyes like fire glowed, his mouth like a bore fomed, his teeth like an helhoūd grinded. Now not a reasonable man, but a roaryng lion he might be called. Kindle the fire (he cried) of wood make no spare. Hath this vyllaine deluded the Emperor? away with him, away with him. Whip him with scourges, iercke him with rods: buffet him with fistes, brain him with clubs, iesteth the traitor with the Emperor? Pinche him with fiery tongues gyrde him with burning plates, bring out the strongest chains, and the fireforkes, and the grated bed of iron. On the firewith it, bind the rebel hand and foot, & when the bed is fire hot, on with him: roast him, broyle him, toss him, turn him: On pain of our high displeasure do every man his office, O ye tormentors.

The word was no sooner spoken, but all was done. After many cruel handlings, this meek lamb was laid I will not say on his firye bed of iron, but on his soft bed of down. So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered his element the fire, not a bed of consuming pain, but a pallet of nourishing rest was it unto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the Emperor might seem to be tormented: the one broiling in the flesh, the other burning in the heart. When this triumphant Martyr had been pressed down with firepikes for a great space, in the mighty spirit of God he spake to the vanquished tyrant:

This side is now roasted enough, turn up O tyrant great, Assay, whether roasted or raw, thou thinkest the better meat.

O rare and unaccustomed patience. O faith invincible, that not only not burnest, but by means unspeakable doest recreate, refresh, stablish, & strengthen those that are burned, afflicted and troubled. And why so mightilye comfortest thou the persecuted? Because through thee they believe in gods promises infallible. By thee this glorious Martyr overcometh his torments, vanquisheth this tyrant, confoundeth his enemies, confirmeth the Christians sleepeth in peace, reigneth in glory. The God of might and mercy grant us grace, by the life of Laurence to learn in Christ to live, and by his death to learn for Christ to die. Amen.

Such is the wisdom and providence of God, that the blood of his dear Saints (like good seed) never falleth in vain to the ground, but it bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to work at the Martirdome of this holy Laurence, that by the constant confession of this worthy & valiant Deacon, a certain soldier of Rome being therewith compuncted, and converted to y e same faith, desired forthwith to be Baptized of him: for the which he being called for of the judge, was scourged, and afterward beheaded. Henr. de Erford.

Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius bishop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment, with certain other brethren, Of the which he writeth himself, & is alleged in the Ecclesiastical story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the words whereof tend to this effect: Dionysius with three of his Deacons, to wit, Maximus, Faustus, and Cheremon, also with a certain brother of Rome, came to Emilianus then President, who there declared unto them in circumstance of words how he had signified unto them y e clemency of his Lord's and Emperors: who had granted them pardon of life, so that they would return to them, & worship the God's and keepers (as he called them) of their Emperie, asking them what answer they would give him there unto: trusting as he said that they would not show themselves ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius answering, said: Al men worship not all God's, but diverse men diverse gods, so as everyone hath in himself a mind or fantasy to worship. But we worship not many nor diverse God's, but only that one God, who is the creator of all things, & hath committed to our Lord's Valerianus and Galienus the government of their Empery, making to him our prayers •• cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance. Then the President said: And what hurt is it, but that you may both worship your God, what God soever he be, and these our God's also? For you are commanded worship such God's, as all men know to be gods. Dionysius answered we worship none other, but as we have said▪ Emilianus the President said: I see you are ingratfull men, and consider not y e benignity of the Emperous, wherefor you shall remain no longer in this City, but shall be sent out to the parts of Libya, unto a town called Cephro. For that place by the commandment of the Emperor I have chosen for you. Neither shall it be lawful for you, to cōuent your assemblies, or to resort, as ye are wont to your burial places. And if any of you shall be found out of your places whereunto you are appointed, at your peril be it. And think not contrary, but ye shall be watched well enough. Depart therefore to the place as is commanded you. and it followeth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himself: And as for me (saith he) although I was sick, yet he urged me so straightly to depart, that he would not give me one days respite. And how (saith he writing to Germanus ) could I congregate or not congregate any assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth. And yet neither am I altogether absent from the corporal society of the Lord's flock, but I have collected them together, which were in the Citye, being absent, as though I had been present, absent in body yet present in spirit. And in the same Cephro, a great congregation remained with me, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City, as also of them which were remaining there out of Egypt. And there the Lord opened to me the door of his word, although at the first entrance I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of them fell from their Idols and were converted unto the Lord. And so by us the word was preached to them which before were infidels: which ministry after that we had accomplished there, the lord removed us to another place. For Aemilianus translated us frō thence to more sharp and straighter places of Libya, commanding us to meet altogether at a city Mareota, thinking there to separate us seuerallye into sundry villages, or thinking rather to take and prevent us by the way. After we were come thither, it was assigned to me (saith Dionysius ) to go to Colluthion, which place I never heard of before: which was the more grief to me, yet some solace it was to me, that the brethren told me, it was near to a City named Paraetonium. For as my being at Cephrō got me the acquaintance of many brethren of Egypt, so my hope was that the vicinitie of that place where I should be, to the City, might procure the familiarity and concourse of certain loving brethren, which would resort and assemble with us, and so it came to pass, &c.

Moreover the said Dionysius in his Epistle ad Domi ium & Dydymū, making mention of them which were afflicted in this persecution of Valerian, recordeth in these words saying: it were superflous (saith he) here to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slain in this persecution, which both were many and to me unknown. But this is certain that there were men, women, young men, maidens, old wives, soldiers, simple innocents, and of all sortes and ages of men. Of whom some with courginges and fire, some with sword obtained victory, and got the crown. Some continued a great time, and yet have been reserved. In the which number am I reserved hitherto to some other oportune time known unto the Lord, which saith: In the time accepted I have he rde thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped thee, &c. Now as concerning myself in what state I am, if thou desire to know first howe I and Gaius, and Faustus Petrus, and Paulus, being apprehended by the Centurion, were taken away by certain of the town of Mareote, I have declared to you before. Now I and Gaius, and Petrus alone are left here included, in a west place of Libya, distant the space of three days iou ney from Paraetonium. &c. And in process farther he addeth: In the City (saith he) were certain privily which visit the brethren: of Priests Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in the world, Faustinus and Aquilla, do wander abroad in Egypt. Of the Deacons besides them whō sickness hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius, & Cheremon, are yet alive. Eusebius hath God raised and stirred up to minister to the confessors lying in bands, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs, not without great peril. Neither doth the President cease yet to this day, cruelly murderyng such as be brought afore him, some tearynge with torments, some imprisoning and keeping in custody commanding that no man should come to them, inquyring also who resorted unto them. Yet notwithstanding God with chearefulnes and dailye resort of the brethren doth comfort the afficted. Haec Dionysius.

Concerning these deacons above recited, here is to be noted, that Eusebius afterward was made Bishop of Laodicia in Syria. Maximus the Priest aforesaid, had the mynistration of the Church of Alexandria after Dionysius▪ Faustus long after continued in great age, unto the latter persecution, where he being a very old man at length was beheaded, and died Martyr.

As touching Dionysius him self, thus the stories report, that he surviving all these troubles and persecutions, by the providence of God, continued after the death of Valerian, unto the xii. year of the reign of Galienus, which was about the year of our Lord. 268. and so departed in peace in great age, after that he had governed the Church of Alexandria the space of xvij. years, & before that, had taught the school of the said City of Alexandria, the term of xvj. years. After whom succeeded Maximus, as is above specified. And thus much touching the full story of Dionysius Alexandrinus, and of other also Martyrs and Confessors of Alexandria.

In Caesaria Palestine, suffered also the same time, Priscus, Malchus, and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the country, and good men, seeing the valiant courage of the Christians, so boldly to venter, & constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecutiō, as men being grieved with them selves, began to repent & accuse their so great sluggishness, and cowardly negligence, to see other so zealous & valiant, & themselves so cold & faint hearted, in laboring for the crown of Christian martyrdom: first consulting and agreing within themselves, came to Cesarea, & there stepping to the Judge, declared thenselves what they were, & obtained the end they came for, being given to the wild beasts. After which like manner also and in the same Citye of Cesarea, a certain woman whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had been before of the sect of Marcion was brought before the President, and likewise obtained the same Martyrdom. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 12.

Neither was the city of Carthage all this while free from the stroke of this persecution, if credit should be givē to the speculative glass of Vincentius, who cyting out of Hugo, recordeth of 300. Martyrs, of which 300. Martyrs the history saith thus, that the President setting before the cools and incense to do sacryfice, by a lyme kilne, which was there near at hand, offered unto them this condition, either to set incense to the coals, for sacrifice to Jupiter, or else to go into the furnace of lyme: whereupon they altogether with a general motion suddenly rushed into the kilne, and there with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered Vincent. Erford.

In Africa also in the City of Tuburba, the said Vincētius out of the Martyrologe inferreth mention of three constant virgins Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who in the persecution of this Valerian and Galienus, first had given for their drink vinager and gaule, then with scourges were tried, after that upon the gibbet were tormented, & rubbed with lime: then were scorched upon y e fiery gridirō, at last were cast to the wild beasts, who being not touched of them, finally with the sword were beheaded, Vincent. Erfor.

In Symela a City in Italy, under the Alps, one Pontius being there apprehended, by the commandment of Claudius the President, was hanged first upon the rack, then was cast to the wild beasts, of whom he being nothing hurt, was after committed to the fire. And finally neither touched therewith, (if the story of Vincentius be true) was headed by y e rivers side, & his body thrown into the flood, where immediatlye the same hour, the foresaid Claudius with his assistant Anabius, were taken with wicked spirits, by whom they were so miserablye vexed, that they byt of their tongues, and died.

Zenon also Bishop of Verona, is said also in the same persecution to sustain Martyrdom.

Moreover in the same City of Alexandria aforesaid, Bergomensis in his 8. book, writing of the story of Valerianus Emperor, maketh mention of Philippus, bishop of the said sea of Alexandria, who (as he saith) was under the said Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be found in any approved story, nor standeth with the truth of time that any such Philip then was bishop of Alexandria, or any other except only Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who remained xviij. years, and after him Theonas, &c. So that by the ancient records of old writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria, during this time signified by Bergomensis.

Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus Antoninus, and Bergomensis ▪ I find a certain history of one Philippus, President of Alexandria about the same time of Valerian and Galienus, elected by the Emperor and Senate of Rome, to govern those quarters, where he was at length converted to the Christian faith, and after made Priest or Bishop, as they say, of Alexandria, but that not to be so, the testimony of ancient writers doth refell. The history of this Philippus, witnessed in our later Chronicles is this: Philippus, being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came down with his wife Claudia, and his two sons, Auitus, and Sergius, and with his daughter named Eugenia, of the which Eugenia a long history full of strange and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus & other, whereof many things I will cut of, and brieflye touche the effect of the story, leaving to the judgment of the reader the credit of mine authors, as he shall see cause.

Thys Eugenia daughter of Philippus, being of singular beauty, and diligently brought up by her parents in y e study of science and learning, was by occasion of hearing Christians, reduced and brought up to Christianitye, with two other Eunuchs her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus: with whom she taking counsel, upon occasion, whether to avoid the danger of persecucion, or refusing to marry with a Pagan, unknown to her parents and fryendes did flee away, and because the more boldlye she might resort to hear the readynges of Helenus then an aged Byshoppe and of others, changed her self into man's apparel, and named her self Eugenius, under the which name she was at length admitted unto a certain Monastery, or a society of Christians in the suburbs of Alexandria although I hardly believe that any Monasterye of Christians was then in the suburbs of Alexandria permitted, where also at the last for the excellencye of learning and virtue, she was made head of the place. Here by the way I omit the miracles of the foresaid Helenus ) Byshoppe as the story saith of Hierapolis (howe he carried burning coals in his lap, & how he aduētured himself to go in the burning fire, to resell wicked Zereas a Pagan, remaining in the same vnburned. Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the answer of the Pythonisse again unto them, that she was taken up to the heaven among y e Goddesses. I omit moreover the miracles done by y e said Eugenia, in healyng the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her, &c. The story proceedeth thus: Among other which were by this Eugenius cured & restored, there was a certain Matrone of Alexandria named Melancia, who after she had used the help and acquaintaun of Eugenius supposing her to be a man, fell into an inordi ate love, seeking by all means how to accomplish the lust of her concupiscence. In so much that in her daily visiting of her, at length she began secretly to break her mind, and to entice her to her ludenes. Eugenius contrary exhorted her to virtue & honesty, showing her the miseries of this life, and the peril of that folly. Melancia seeing that by no means she would be allured, nor by force drawn to her desire, & fearing moreover that she in detecting of her would bring her to shame, beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugenius, declaring howe y t she went about corruptly to defloure her, & so presented her accusation before Philippus y e President, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that company. This matter being heard, and the woman well known, the crime began to seem suspicious, and so much the more, because it was objected against the Chrystians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her fellow Chrystians was now not only in great hatred, but also in danger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius purging herself & her honesty, although with sufficient probation, yet notwithstanding perceiving that it could take no place, what so ever she said, and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer, for the danger as well of her own self, as specially of her brethren which troubled her more: desired of the Judge place and time to make manifest to him the truth, and so shown her self what she was, and how she was his daughter, the other to be Prothus & Hiacinthus the two Eunuchs, her schoolefelowes, uttering moreover to him and to her brethrē the cause of her departing from them. At the narration whereof Philippus her father, and her two brethren coming to the knowledge of her conceived no little joy, in receiving their Eugenia again whom they thought had been lost. No less gladness was among the people, to see y e evidence of the matter so plainly to try out the truth of the one, & the falseness of the other. Wherat y e malignant accuser was to double shame confounded, first for her dishonesty falsely cloaked, secondly for the untruth of her accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth moreover, y t the said accuser was stricken presently with lightning. Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents & friends, not only was received of them again, but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win thē to Christ. Whereby Philippus the father of her by nature, now by grace was begot̄ of his own daughter to a more perfect life, & whō once he thought to have been lost, not only he found again, but also w t her found his own soul, & his own life, which before he had lost indeed. This Phillippus (saith the story) was made afterward Bishop of Alexandria, and there suffered Martyrdom. Concerning whose Martyrdom I deny not but it may be true, but that he was bishop of Alexandria, that cannot be admitted, as is before sufficiently proved, out of Eusebius and other ancient historicians.

Lykewyse it is said, that Eugenia after the Martyrdom of her father, returning to Rome with Prothus, and Hiacinthus, by occasion of conuertyng Basilla (who should have been married to a Pagan husband, and was then beheaded) to the Christian faith, was assailed with sundry kinds of death, first being tied to a great stone & cast into Tiber, where she was carried up from drowning, thē put in the hot bathes, which were extincted, and she preserved: afterward by famishment in prison, where they say she was fed at the hand of our Savior, all which Legendary miracles I leave to the Reader to judge of them, as shall seem good unto him. At last the story saith, she was with the sword beheaded, Antonin. Bergom. Ado.

And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellows noteth to be the bishop of Hierapolis, here is to be understood & observed by the way, y t as Philippus in the foresaid history is falsely said to be bishop of Alexandria, so likewise untrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis. For by Eusebius it appeareth, Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Silicia, and had there oversight of that Church from the time of our Lord, 254. to the year. 274.

The vi. year of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis, cited out of Isuardus, of Victor and Victorinus, who lying in prison the space of three years with Claudianus and Bossa his wife, are said to have sustain great torments, and Martyrdom, for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo.

Aurelius Prudentius in his book entitled Peristephanon, inferreth mention of Fructuosus Bishop of Tarracona in Spain, who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, suffered also Martyrdom being burned after syxe days imprisonment, under y e foresaid Emperors in this persecution. The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christ's name. Their Judge and condemner was Emilianus : Their imprisonment endured six days. The kind of death ministered unto them was fire, wherein they being altogether cast with their arms bound behind them, their bands (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolved, their hands untouched with the fire, and their bodies remaining whole. The charge of this Judge unto the Bishop was this, that he would worship the God's, whom the Emperor Galienus worshipped. To whom Fructuosus the bishop answering: nay, (said he) I worship no dumb God of stocks and blocks, whom Galienus doth worship, but I worship the Lord and master of Galienus, the Father and creator of all times, and his only Son, sent down to us of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepherd. At this word Emilianus answering again, Nay, (saith he) say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forthwith commanded them to be committed to the fire, where (as is said) their bands and manicles being loosed, by the fire, they lifted up their hands to heaven, praysyng the living God, to the great admiration of them that stood by, praying also that the element which seemed to flee from them, might work his full force upon them, & speedily dispatche them, which was after their request obtained. In the mean space as they were in the fire, there was a certain Soldier in the house of Emilianus, who did see the heavens above to open, and these foresaid Martyrs to enter in the same, which soldier likewise shown the sight the same time unto the daughter of Emilianus, the president who beholding the same sight with the soldier, was a present witness of the blessedness of them, whom her cruel father had condemned.

As this godly Bishop was preparyng to his death (saith Prudentius ) the brethren approaching to him, brought him drink, desiring him with much weeping to receive & drink with them, but that he refused to do, requiring thē moreover to refrain their tears. With like readiness the brethren also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes & hose, as he was addressing himself to the fire. But neither would he suffer any servants help in that, wherein he was no less willing as able to help himself. And thus this blessed and fruitful bishop Fructuosus with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, being brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ, with the shedding of their blood. Aurel. Prudentius. Ado. Equilinus.

And thus far continued wicked Valerian, in his tyranny against the Saints of Christ. But as all the Tyrauntes before, and oppressors of the Christians had their deserved reward at the just hand of God, which rendereth to every man according to his works: so this cruel Valerian, after he had reigned with his son Galienus, y e term of vi. or vii. years, and about two years had afflicted the Church of Christ, felt the just stroke of his hand, whose indignation before he had provoked, whereof we have to witness Eutropius, Pollio, Sabellicus, Volateranus: For making his expedition against the Persians, whether by the fraud and treason of some about him, or whether by his own rashness, it is doubtful: But this is certain, that he fell into the hands of his enemies, being about the age of lxx. years, where he led his wret hed age in a more wretched captivity. In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians used him (and well worthy) not for his ryding fool, but for his riding block. For whensouer the king should light upon his horse openly in the sight of the people, Valerian Emperor quondam, was brought forth in steed of a block, for the king to tread upon his back, in going to his horseback. And so continued this blockishe butcherly Emperor with shame and sport enough unto his final end, as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor.

And albeit Eusebius in a certain Sermon to the Congregation, declareth a more cruel handling of him, affirming that he was slain, writing in these words: Sed & tu Valeriane, quoniam eandem homicidiorum saeuitiam erga subditos Dei exercuisti, iustum Dei iudicium declarasti, dum captiuus ac vinctus vna cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus, ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus, sale{que} conditus, perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum erexisti. &c. That is and thou Valerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelitie in murdering the subjects of God, therefore hast proved unto us the righteous judgment of God, in that thyself hast been bound in chains, and carried away for a captive slave, with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperial attire, and at length also being commanded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slain and poudred with sault, hast set up unto all men a perpetual monument of thine own wretchedness. &c. Euseb.

The like severity of God his terrible judgment is also to be noted in Claudius, his President, and minister of his persecutions. Of which Claudius, Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth, that he was possessed and vexed of the devil, in such sort, that he biting of his own tongue in many small pieces, so ended his life. Erford.

Neither did Galienus the son of Valerian, after the captivity of his father, utterly escape the righteous hand of God. For beside the miserable captivity of his father whom he could not rescue, such portentes strange, & out of the course of nature, such Earthquakes did happen, also such tumults, commotions, and rebellions did follow, that Trebellio doth reckon up to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time took upon them to be tyrants and Emperors over y e Monarchy of Rome, by the means whereof he was not able to succor his father, though he would. Notwithstanding the said Galienus being (as is thought) terrified by the example of his father, did remove: at least did moderate the persecutiō stirred up by the Edicts of Valerian his father, directing forth his imperial Proclamation, the tenor whereof proceedeth after this effect, as is to be seen in Euseb. Lib 7. ca. 13. Emperor and

Caesar, Publius Licinius, Galienus, Pius Fortunatus, Augustus, unto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian and to all other the like Bishops. The bountiful benignity of my gift, I have willed and commanded to be proclaimed through the whole world, to the intent that such which are detained in banishment for discipline sake, may safely return home again, from whence they came. And for the same cause I have here sent to you the example of my rescript for you to peruse & to enjoy, so that no man so hardy to vex or molest you. And this which you may now lawfully enjoy, hath been long since by me granted. And therefore for your more warrant in the same, I have committed the examplar hereof to the custody of Aurelianus Cyrenius my chief Steward, where you may et the copy to see at your pleasure.

This mandate above prefixed did Galienus sent to Dionysius Alexandrinus, and to other Bishops as is premised. An other rescript also the said Emperor sent to other Christian Bishops, permitting to them full liberty to receive again their wonted places, where they were wont to associate together, called of them Caemiteria▪

By this it may appear that some peace was then granted under this Galienus, to the Church of Christ: albeit not so, but y e some there were which suffered. Among whom was one Marinus mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 7. This Marinus being a warrior and a noble man in Cesarea, stood for the dignity of a certain order, which by all order of course, was next to fall upon him by right, had not the envious ambitiō of him y t should follow next after him, supplanted him both of office & life. For he accused him to be a Christian, and therefore said that he was not to be admytted unto their offices, which was against their Religion. Wherupon Achaius then being judge examined him of his faith, who finding him to be a Christian indeed, & constantly to stand to his profession, gave him .iii. hours to deliberate & advise with himself. There was the same time in Cesarea a Bishop named Theotechnus, otherwise called Theodistus, who perceiving him to stand in doubtful delyberation and perplexity in himself, took him by the hand & brought him into the house or Church of the Christians, laying before him a sword (which he had under his cloke for the same purpose) and a book of the New Testament & so willed him to take his free choice which of them both he would prefer. The souldior immediately without delay ran to the book of the Gospel, taking that before the sword. And thus he being animated by the bishop, presented himself boldly before the judge, by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a Martyr. Euseb. ibid.

Whose body he being dead, one Asyrius a noble Senator of Rome, and a man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who the same time was there present at his Martyrdom) toke up and bare vpō his own shoulders, wrapping it in a rich & sumptuous weed, & so honourably committed it to the burial. Euseb, Lib. 7. cap 16.

Of which Asyrius the said author writeth, moreover this story, howe that in the foresaid City of Cesarea, the Gentiles used there, of an ancient custom to offer up a certain sacrifice by a fountain side, the which sacrifice by the working of the devil, was wont suddenly to vanish out of their eyes, to the great admiraciō of the inhabiters by. Asyrius seeing this and pitying the miserable error of the simple people, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, made his prayer to almighty God in the name of christ. y t the people might not be seduced of the devil any longer: by y e virtue of whose prayer the sacrifice was seen to swim in the water of the fountain, & so the strange wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter could be their wrought anymore. Euseb. Lib, 7. cap. 17.

And because mention is made here of Cesarea, there followeth in y e next chapter of y e same author, a strange miracle if it be true, which he there reporteth, howe y t out of the same City was the woman, which in y e gospel came to our Savior, and was healed of her bloody issue. Her house being in the Citye of Cesarea, before the door thereof was set up a certain pyller of stone, & upon the pillar, an Image was made of brass, of a woman mekely kneeling on her knes, and holding up her hands, as one that had some suit. Against the which there was another Image also of a man proportioned of the same metal, cunningly engraven, in a short semely vestur , & stretching forth his hand to the woman. At the foot of which pillar grew up a certain herb of a strange kind, but of a more strange opiration, which growing up to the hem of his vesture, & once touching the same, is said to have such virtue, that it was able to cure all manner of diseases. This picture of the man, (they say) represented the image of Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said, the credit whereof I refer to the Reader, whether he will think it true or false. If he think it false, yet I have shown him mine author: if he think it true, then must he think with all that this miraculous operation of the herb, proceeded neither by the virtue of the picture, nor by the prayer of the other being both dumb pictures, and engraven no doubt at that time by the hand of Infidels, but to be wrought by some secret permission of God his wisdom, either to reduce the Infidels at that time to the belief of the story, or to admonish the Christians to consider with them selves what strength and health was to be looked for only of Christ, and no other advocate, seeing the dumb picture engraven in Brasse, gave his efficacy to a poor herb to cure so many diseases. This picture saith Eusebius remained also to his time which was under Constantine the great.

As touching the line and order of the Romaine Bishops hitherto intermitted, after the martyrdom of Xistus above specified, the government of that church was conmitted next, to one Dionysius, about the year of our Lord, 266. who continued in the same the space of ix, years, as Eusebius saith, as Damasus recordeth but only vi. years, and two months. Of his decretal Epistles because sufficient hath been said before concerning that matter, I omit to speak. After whom succeeded Felix, in the first year of Probus the Emperor, about y e year of our Lord, 280. who governed that church v. years, and died as Pla ina saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both martyrs, as the histories of some do record.

About the time of these bishops, lived Theodorus bishop of Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Mognus, whom also Nicephorus for his miracles, calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Thus Galienus the foresaid Emperor raygned as is declared, with his father Valerian, vii, years, after whose captivity he ruled the Monarchy, alone about ix. years, with some peace and quietness granted to the Church.

The days of this Galien s being expired, followed Claudius a quiet Emperor, as most stories do record. Although Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mover of persecution against the Christians, & maketh mention of 262. Martyrs, which in his time did suffer, but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius, who would not have omitted some memorial thereof if it had been true, therefore I refer the same to the free judgment of the Reader to find such credit as it may. This Claudius reigned but two years, after whom came Quintilianus, his brother next Emperor, & a quiet Prince, who continued but only xvij. days, and had to his successor Aurelianus, under whom Orosius in his seventh book, doth number the ix. persecution against the Christians.

The ix. Persecution.

HEtherto from the captivity of Ualerian the Church of Christ was in some quietness till the death of Quintilianus, as hath been declared: After whom Aurelianus the next successor possessed the crown, who in the first beginning of his reign (after the common manner of all princes) shown himself a Prince moderate and discrete, much worthy of commendation, if his good beginning had continued in a constant course agreeing to the same. Of nature he was severe & rigorous in correcting, dissolute in manners, in so much that it was said of him in a vulgare proverb, that he was a good physician, saving that he gave to bitter medicines. This Emperor being sick, never sent for Physician, but cured himself with abstinence. And as his beginning was not unfruitful to the common wealth: so neither was he any great disturber of the Christians: whom he did not only tolerate in their religiō but also in their counsel, being the same time assembled at Antioch, seemed not to be against them. Notwithstanding in continuance of time through sinister motion and instigation of certain about him (as commonly such are never absent in all places from the ears of princes (his nature somewhat inclinable to severity, was altered to a plain tyranny, which tyranny first he shown beginning with the death of his own sisters son, as witnesseth Eutropius. After that he proceeded either to move, or at least to purpose persecution against the Christians. Albeit that wicked purpose of the Emperor, the merciful working of God his hand did soon overthrow. For as the edict or proclamation should have been denounced for the persecuting of the Christians, and the emperor now ready to subscribe the edict with his hand, the mighty stroke of the hand of the lord suddenly from above did stop his purpose, binding, as a man might say, the Emperors hands behind him: declaring (as Eusebius saith) to all men, how there is no power to work any violence against the servants of God, unless his permission do suffer them, and give them leave. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 30. Eutropius and Uopiscus affirm, that as the said Aurelianus was purposing to raise persecutiō against us, he was suddenly terrified with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked tyranny. Not long after about the fifth or sixth year of his rain, he was slain between Bizance and Hieraclea, an. 278. Thus Aurelianus rather intended thē moved persecution. Neither is there anymore then this found concerning this persecution in ancient histories and records of the Church. Wherefore I marvel the more, that Vincentius collecting out of the Martyreloges, hath comprehended such a great Cataloge of so many martyrs, which in France and in Italy (saith he) suffered death and torments under this Emperor Aurelianus. Wherunto Orosius also seemeth to agree, in numbering this to be the ninth persecution under the said Aurelian.

Next after Aurelianus the succession of the impery fell to Publius Annius Tacitus, who reigned but vi. months, Him succeeded his brother Florianus, who reigned but lx. days. And after him followed Marcus Aurelius, surnamed Probus. Of whom more hereafter (God willing) shall appear.

In the mean time, within the compass of these Emperors •• lleth in a story recorded, of Eusebius, and not unworthy here to be noted, whereby to understand the faithful diligence of good Ministers, what good it may do in a common wealth.

Mention is made before of Eusebius the Deacon of Dyonisius, whom God stirred up to unite and comfort the saints that were in prison and bands, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs departed, not without great peril of his own life, and after was made bishop (as is said) of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there, it chanced, the said Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria, the city to be besieged of the Romaines, Pyruchius being there captain. In the which siege half of the city did hold with the Romaines, the other half withstood them. In that part which went with the Romaine captain was Eusebius, being also in great favor with the captain for his worthy fidelity and service shown. With the other half that resisted the Romans, was Anatholius, governor or moderator then of the school of Alexandria, who also was bishop after the said Eusebius of Laodicea. This Anatholius perceiving the citizens to be in miserable distress of famine and destruction by reason of penury and lack of sustenance, sendeth to Eusebius beeng then with the Romaines, and certifieth him of the lamentable penury and peril of the city, instructing him moreover, what to do in the matter. Eusebius understanding the case, repaireth to the captain, desiring of him so much favor, that so many as would flee out of the city from their enemies, might be licenced to escape and freely to pass, which was to him eftsoons granted. As Eusebius was thus laboring with the capitaine, on the other side Anatholius for his part labored with the Citizens, moving them to assemble together, and persuading them to give themselves over, in yielding to the force and might of the Romaines. But when the Citizens could not abide the hearing thereof: yet (said Anatholius ) this I trust you will be con ented, if I shall coūsails you, in this miserable lack of things to avoid out of your city, all such superfluities and unnecessary impedimentes unto you, as old women, young children, aged men, with such other as be feeble and impotent, & not to suffer them here to perish with famine, whose presence can do no stead to you if they dy, & less if they live, for spending the victuals which otherwise might serve thē that be more able to defend the City. The Senate hearing this sentence, & understanding moreover the grant of the captain, promising them their safety, were well consenting thereunto. Then Anatholius, having a special care to them that belonged to the Church of Christ, calleth them together, with the rest of the multitude, and persuading them what they should do, and what had been obtained for thē, caused them to void the city, and not only them, but also a great number of other mo, who persuaded by him, under that pre ence, changing themselves in women's apparel, or faming some impotency, so escapeh out of the city. At whose coming out Eusebius on the other side was ready to receive them, and refreshed their hungrye and pined bodies, whereby not only they, but the whole Citye of Alexandria was preserved from destruction. Eusebius. lib. 7. cap. 32.

By this little history of Eusebius and Anatholius, described in the vii. book of Eusebius. cap. 32. and briefly here set forth to thee (gentle Reader) thou mayest partly understand the practice of the Prelates what it was in those days in the church, which was then only employed in saving of life, and succouring the common weals wherein they lived, as by these two godly persons Eusebius and Anatholius may well appear. Unto the which practice if we compare the practice of our latter prelates of the church of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appear.

The next Emperor to Florianus (as is said) was Marcus Aurelius Probus, a Prince both wise and virtuous, and no less valiant in martial affairs, as fortunate in the success of the same. During his time we read of no persecution greatly stiring in the church, but much quietness, as well in matters of religion, as also in the common wealth In so much that after his great and many victories, such peace ensued, that his saying was, there needed no more soldiers, seeing there were no moe enemies to the common wealth to fight against. It was his saying also, that his soldiers need not to spend corn and victuale, except they labored to serve the common wealth. And for the same cause he caused his soldiers to be set a work about certain mountains in Syrinia & in Messia to be planted with vines, and not so much as in winter suffered them to be at rest, therefore by them at length he was slain, after he had reigned the space of vi. years, and 4. months, an. 284 Eutrop.

Carus with his two sons Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded next after Probus in the Empire, the reign of which Emperors, continued in all, but iii. years. Of the which three first Carus, warring against the Persians, was slain with lightning. Of Numerianus his son, being with his father in his wars against the Persians, we find much commendation in Eutropius, Vopiscus, and other writers, which testified to him to be a valiant warrior, an eloquent orator, as appeared by his declamatiōs and writings sent to the Senate. Thirdly, to be an excellent Poet. This Numerianus sorrowing & lamenting for the death of his father, through immoderate weeping fell into a great sorenes of his eyes, by reason whereof he keeping close, was slain not long after of his father in law, named Aper who traitorously aspiring to the Empire, dissnnuled his death, with a false excuse to the people, asking for him, saying, for the pain of his eyes he kept in from the wind and weather, til at length by the stench of his body being carried about, his death was uttered.

In the life of this Emperor Carus aforesaid, written by Eutropius in the later edition set forth by Frobenius, I find (which in other editions of Eutropius doth not appear) that Numerianus the son of this Carus was he that slew Babylas the holy Martyr, whose history before we have comprehended. But that seemeth not to be like both by the narration of Chrysostom, and also for that Vrspergensis declaring the same history and in the same words, as it is in Eutropius, saith that it was Cyrillus, whom Numerianus killed, the story whereof is this: what time Carus the Emperor in his journey going toward the Persians, remained at Antioch. Numerianus his son would enter into the church of the Christians, to view and behold their mysteries. But Cyrillus their bishop would in no wise suffer him to enter into the church, saying that it was not lawful for him to see the mysteries of God, who was polluted with sacrifices of Idols. Numerianus full of indignation at the hearing of these words, not suffering that repulse at the hands of Cyrillus, in his fury did slay the godly Martyr. And therefore justly (as it seemed) was he himself slain afterward by the hands of Aper.

Thus Carus with his son Numerianus being slain in the East partes, as is declared, Carinus the other son reigned alone in Italy, where he overcame Sabinus striuyng for the Empire, and reigned there with much wickedness, till they returning home of the army again from the Persians, who then set up Dioclesian to be Emperor, by whom the foresaid Carinus for the wickedness of his life, being forsaken of his host, was overcome, & at length slain with the hand of the Tribune, whose wife before he had deflowered. Thus Carus with his two sons, Numerianus and Carinus ended their lives, whose reign continued not above three years.

All this mean space we read of no great persecution stirring in the Church of Christ, but was in mean quiet state and tranquility, unto the xix. year of the reign of Dioclesian, So that in counting the time from the latter ende of Ualerian, unto this foresaid year of Dioclesian, the peace of the church which God gave to his people, seemeth to continue above 44. years. During the which time of peace and tranquility, the church of the Lord did mightily increase and flourish, so that the more bodies it lost by persecution, the more honor and reverence it wan daily among the Gentiles in all quarters, both Greeks and barbarous, in so much that (as Eusebius in his vii. book describeth) amongst the Emperors themselves, diverse there were which not only bare singular good will and favor to them of our profession, but also did commit unto them offices & regiments over countries and nations, so well were they affected to our doctrine, that they priuileged the same with liberty and indemnity. What needeth to speak of them which not only lived under the Emperors in liberty but also were familiar in the court with the Princes themselves, entertained with great honor and special favor beyond the other seruitures of the court, as was Dorotheus with his wife, children and whole family, highly accepted & advanced in the palace of the Emperor: Also Gorgonius in like manner with diverse other mo, who for their doctrine & learning which they professed, were with their Princes in great estimation. In like reverence also were the bishops of cities and Diocese, with the Presidentes and rulers where they lived: who not only suffered thē to live in peace, but also had them in great price and regard, so long as they kept themselves upright, and continued in God his favor. Who is able to number at that time the mighty and innumerable multitudes and congregations assembling together in every city, and the notable cōcurses of such as daily locked to the common Oratoures to pray▪ For the which cause they being not able to be contained in their old houses, had large and great churches, new built from the foundation, for them to frequent together. In such increasement (saith Eusebius ) by process of time did the church of christ grow and shout up daily more and more, profiting and spreading through all quarters, which neith r envy of men could infringe, nor any devil could inchaunte, neither the crafty policy of man's wit could supplant, so long as the protection of God his Heauenlye arm went with his people, keeping them in good order, according to the rule of Christian life.

But as commonly the nature of all men being of it self unruly and untoward, always secketh & desireth prosperity, and yet can never well use prosperity, always would have peace, and yet having peace, always abuseth y e same: so here likewise it happened with these mē, which through this so great liberty & prosperity of life began to degenerate & languishe unto idleness & delycacy, & one to work spite and cōtumely against another, striving and contending among thenselves for every occasiō, with railing words after most despiteful manner: bishops against bishops, and people against people, moving hatred and seditiō one against another, besides also cursed hypocrisy and simulation with all extremity increasing more and more, by reason whereof the judgment of god after his wonted manner, (whilist yet the congregatiō began to multiply) began by a little and little to visit our men with persecution, falling first upon our brethrē which were abroad in warfare, but whē y t touched y e other nothing or very little, neither did they seek to appease gods wrath, & call for his mercy, but wickedly thinking with ourselves, that god neither regarded nor would visit our transgressions, we heaped our iniquities daily more and more one upon another, & they which seemed to be our pastors refusing the rule of piety, were inflamed with mutual contentions on against another. and thus whilst they were given only to the study of contentions, threatenings, emulations, mutual hatred, & dyscord, every man seeking his own ambition, and persecuting one another after the manner of tirany: Then, then, I say, the Lord according to the voice of Jeremiah took away the beauty of the daughter of Zion. & the glory of Israel, fell down from heaven, neither did he remember the footstool of his feet in the day of his wrath. And the Lord overturned all y e comely ornaments of Israel, & destroyed all her gorgeous buildings, and according to the saying of the Psalm, subverted and extinguished the Testament of his servant, and profaned his sanctuary in destruction of his churches, and in laying wast the buildings thereof so that all passingers spoiling the multitude of the people, they were made an obloquy to all the dwellers about. For he hath exalted the strength of his enemies, and turned away the help of his sword from her, nor aided her in the battle, but ceased from the purging of her and her seat. He stroke down to the ground and deminished her days and over all this poured upon her confusion. All these things were fulfilled upon us, when we saw the temples rased from the top to the ground, and the sacred scriptures to be burnt in the open market place, and the Pastors of the church to hide themselves, some here, some there, some other taken prisoners with great shame, were mocked of their enemies, whē also according to the saying of the prophet in another place: Contempt was poured out upon the Princes, and they caused to go out of the way, and not to keep the strait pathe.

The x. Persecution.

BY reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled against his church) ensued the tenth and last persecucion against the Christians, so horrible and grievous, that maketh the pen almost to tremble to writ upon it, so tedious that never was any persecution before or since comparable to it for the time it continued, lasting the space of ten years together. This persecution although it passed thorough the hands of diverse tyrants and workers moe then one or two, yet principally it beareth the name of Dioclesiā who was Emperor as is above noted, next after Carus & Numerianus. Thys Dioclesian ever having an ambitious mind, aspired greatly to be Emperor. To whom Druas his Concubine said, that first he should kill a wild Boore before he should be Emperor. He taking effect at these words, used much with hands to kill wild Boores: but seeing no success to come thereof, used this proverb: Ego Apros occido, alius pulpamento fruitur, that is, I kill the Boores, but other do eat the flesh. At length the said Dioclesian being nominate to be Emperor, and seeing Aper (who had killed Numerianus the Emperor) standing thereby sware, to the soldiers that Numerianus, was wrongfully killed, and forthwith running upon Aper with his sword, slew him. Vopisc. After this he being stablished in the Empire, and seeing on every side diverse and sundry cōmotions rising up against him, which he was not well able himself to sustain, in the first beginning of his reign he chooseth for his Colleage Maximianus surnamed Herculius, Father of Maxentius. Which two Emperors, because of diverse wars that rose in many provinces, choose to thē two other noble men, Galerius, & Constantine, whom they called Caesar's. Of whom Galerius was sent into the East partes against the Persians. Constantine was sent over to Britannie to this our country of England, to recover the tribute. Where he toke to wife Helena the daughter of king Coil, which was a maiden excelling in beautye, and no less famously brought up in the study of learning of whom was borne Constantine the great.

All this while hitherto no persecution was yet stirred of these 4. princes against the church of Christ, but quietlye and moderately they governed the common wealth, wherefor accordingly God prospered their doings and affairs, and gave them great victories, Dioclesian in Egypt, Maximinian in Aphricke and in France, Galerius in Persia, Constantine in England and in France also. By reason of which victories Dioclesian and Maximian pu te up in pride, ordained a solemn triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian gave commandment that he would be worshipped as God, saying, that he was brother to the Sun and Moon, and adourning his shoes with gold and precious stones commanded the people to kiss his feet.

And not long after by the judgment of God, for certain enormities used in the church, above touched, began the great and grievous persecution of the Christians, moved by the ragious cruelty of Dioclesian, which was about the nyneteenth year of his rain, who in the Moneth of Marche when the feast of Easter was nye at hand, commanded all the churches of the Christians to be spoiled and cast to the earth, and the books of holy scripture to be burned.

Thus most violent edictes and proclamations were set forth, for the overthrowing as is said, of the Christians temples throughout all the Roman Empire. Neither did there want in the officers any cruel execution of the same proclamations. For their temples were defaced even when they celebrated the feast of Easter. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 2. And this was the first edicte given out by Dioclesian, the next proclamation that came forth, was for the burning of the books of the holy scripture, which thing was done in the open market place as before: then next unto that were edictes given forth for the displacing of such as were Magistrates, and that with a great ignominy, & all other whatsoever bare any office. Imprisoning such as were of the common sort, if they would not abjure Christianity, and subscribe to the heathen religion. Euseb. lib. 8. cap 3. & Nicephorus lib. 7. cap 4. Zonoras also in his seconde tome. And these were the beginning of the Christians evils.

It was not long after but that new edictes were sent forth, nothing for their cruelty inferior to the first: for the casting of the elders and bishops into prisō, and then constraining them with sundry kinds of punishments to offer unto their Idols. By reason whereof ensued a great persecutiō amongst the governors of the church, amongst whom many stood manfully, passing through many exceeding bitter torments, neither were overcome therwyth, being tormented and examined diverse of them diuerslye, some scourged, all their bodies over with whips & scourges, some with racks, rasinges of y e flesh intolerable were cruciated: someone way, some another way put to death. Some again violently were drawn to the impure sacrifice, and as though they had sacrificed, when indeed they did not, were let go. Other some neither coming at all to their aultars, nor touching any piece of their sacrifices, yet were borne in hand of thē that stood by, that they had sacrificed, & so suffering that false infamation of their enymies, quietly went away. Other as dead men were carried and cast away, being but half dead. Some they cast down upon the pavement, and trailing them a great space by the legs, made the people believe that they had sacrificed. Furthermore other there were which stoutly withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they had done no such sacrifice. Of whom some said they were Christians, & gloried in the profession of that name: some cried saying, that neither they had, nor would ever be partakers of that idolatry. And those being buffeted on the face & mouth with the hands of the soldiers, were made to hold their peace, and so thrust out with violence. And if the Saints did seem never so little to do▪ what the enemies would have them, they were made much of. Albeit all this purpose of the adversary, did nothing prevail against the holy and constant servants of Christ. Notwithstanding, of the weak sort innumerable there were, which for fear & infirmity fell and gave over, even at the first brunt.

At the first coming down of these edictes into Nicomedia, there chanced a deed to be done, much worthy of memory, of a Christien, being a noble man borne, which moved by the zeal of God, after the proclamation made at Nicomedia was set up, by and by ran and took down the same, and openly tare and rent it in pieces, not fearing the presence of the two Emperors, then being in the city. For which act he was put to a most bitter death, which death he with great faith & constancy endured even to the last gasp, Euseb. lib. 8. lib. 3. & 5.

After this the furious rage of the malignaunt Emperors, being let loose against the saints of Christ proceeded more & more, making havoc of gods people through out all quarters of the world. First Dioclesian which had purposed with himself to subvert the whole Christian religion, executed his tyranny in the east) and Maximianus in the west, But wily Dioclesian began very subtilye, for he put the matter first in practice in his own campe, among whom the marshall of the field, as Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 4. affirmeth, put the Christian Soldiers to this choice, whether they would obey the Emperors commandment in that manner of sacrifice he commanded, and so both to keep their offices, and lead their bands, or else to lay away from thē their armor and weapons. Whereunto the Christian men courageously answered, that they were not only ready to lay away their armor & weapons, but also to suffer death if it should with tyranny be enforced unto them, rather thē they would obey the wicked decrees and comaundements of the Emperor.

There might a man have seen very many which were desirous to live a simple and poor life: and which regarded no estimation and honor in comparison of true piety & godliness. And this was no more but a subtle and wily flattery in the beginning, to offer them to be at their own liberty, whether they would willingly abjure their profession or not, as also this was another, that in the beginning of the persecution, there were but a few tormented with punishment, but afterward by little and little he began more manifestly to braste out into persecution: It can hardly be expressed with words what number of Martyrs, and what blood was shed through all cities and regions for the name of Christ Eusebius, in his 8 book & chap. 7. saith that he himself knew the worthy Martyrs that were in Palestine. But in Tire of Phenicia he declareth in the same a marvelous martyrdom made, where certain Christians being given to most cruel wild beasts were preserved without hurt of them, to the great admiration of the beholders and those Lions, Bears, and Lybardes (kept hungry for that purpose) had no desire to devour them, which notwithstanding most vehementlye raged against those by whom they were brought into the stage, and stood as they thought without danger of thē, such were first devoured. But the Christian Martyrs because they could not be hurt of the beasts being slain with the sword, were afterward thrown into the sea. At that time was martyred the Bishop of Sidon. But Syluanus the Bishop of Gazensis with 39. other were slain in the metal mynes of Phenitia. Pamphilus the elder of Cesarea being the glory of that congregation, died a most worthy Martyr, whose both life and most commendable martyrdom, Eusebius oftentimes declareth in his 8. book and 13. chapter, in so much that he hath written the same in a book by it self. In Syria all the chief teachers of the congregation were first committed to prison, as a most heavy & cruel spectacle to behold, as also the bishops, Elders, and Deacons, which all were esteemed as menquellers, and perpetratours of most wicked facts. Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 6, After that we read of another, whose name was Tirannion which was made meat for the fishes of the sea, and of Zenobius which was a very good Physician, which also was slain with brickebates in the same place. Eusebius. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Furthermore he maketh mention in the same place of others which were not tormented to death, but every day terrified and feared without ceasing: Of some others that were brought to the sacrifices and commanded to do sacrifice, which would rather thrust their right hand into the fire, then to touch the profane or wicked sacrifice, also of some others that before they were apprehended, would cast down themselves from steep places, left that being taken they should commit anything against their professiō. Also of two virgins very fair and proper, with their mother also which had studiously brought them up, even from their infancy in all godliness, being long sought for and at the last found, and straightly kept by their kepers, whilst they made their excuse to do that which nature required, threw thenselves down headlong into a river, also of other two young maid̄s being sisters, & of a worshipful stock, moved with many goodly virtues, which were cast of the persecutors into the sea: and these things were done at Antioch as Eusebius in his 8. book, and 13. chap. affirmeth. But Syluanus the Bishop of Emissa y e notable martyr together with certain others were thrown to the wild beasts. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Divers and sundry torments were the Christians in Mesopotamia molested with, where they were hanged up by the feet, & their heads downwards, & with the smok of a small fire strangled. And also in Capadocia, where the Martyrs had their legs broken. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.

Henricus de Erfordia maketh mention of the Martyrs of Tharsus in Silicia as Tharatus, Probus, and Andronicus: But yet the Martyrs in the region of Pontus suffered far more passing and sharper torments, whereof I will hereafter make mention. Eusebius ibidem. So outrageous was the beginning of the persecution which the Emperor made in Nicomedia in Bithinia. as afore is said, that he refrained not from the slaughter of the children of Emperors, neither yet from slaughter of the most chiefest princes of his court, who a little before he made as much of, as if they had ben his own childrē: Such another was Peter, which among diverse and sundry torments: (among whō he being naked was lefted up, his whole body being beaten with whips and torn, that a man might see y e bare bones, and after they had mingled vinegar & salt together they poured it upon the most tender parts of his body, & lastly roasted at a soft fire, as a man would roast flesh to eat as a victorious Martyr ended his life. Dorotheus and Gorgonius being in great authority and office under the Emperor, after diverse torments were strangled with a halter, which both being of the privy chamber, to him, when they saw & beheld the grievous punishment of Peter their household companion: wherefor (said they O Emperor) do you punish in Peter that opinion which is in all us? Why is that accounted in him an offense, that all we confess? we are of that faith religion & judgment y t he is of. Therefore he commanded them to be brought forth, & almost with like pains to be tormented as Peter was, & afterwards hanged. Euseb. Rufini Lib 8. cap. 6. After whom Anthimus the Bishop of Nicomedia after he had made a notable confession, & bringing with him a great company of Martyrs, was beheaded. These men being thus dispatched y e Emprour vainly thought y t he might cause y e rest to do whateuer him listed. To this ende came Lucianus the Elder of the congregation of Antioch, and was martyred after he had made his Apology before the Emperor. Eusebius. Lib. 8. Cap. 13.

Hermanus also that monster, caused Serena the wife of Dioclesian the Emperor, to be martyred for the Christian Religion: so much did the rage of persecutiō utterly forget all natural affects. Other Martyrs of Nichomedia doth Nicephorus in his vii. book and xiiii. chapter recite, as Eulampius and Eulampia, Agapen, Irenea, Chionia, and Anastacia, under Illyricus, chief officer, were bound hand & foot to a post and brent. Vincentius. Lib. 12 cap. 66. And also Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. mentioneth such another like matter full of horror and grief. There assembltd together in their temple many Christian men to celebrate the memory of the Natiuitie of Christ, of every age and sort some: There Maximianus thinking to have been given a very fit occasion to execute his tyranny vpō the poor Christians, sent thither such as should burn the temple, the doors being shut and closed round about. Thether came they with fire, but first they commanded the crier with a loud voice to cry, y t who soever would have life, should come out of the temple, & do sacrifice vpō the next altar they came unto of Jupiter, and unless they would do this, they should all be brent with the temple. Then one stepping up in the temple, answered in the name of all y e rest with great courage & boldness of mind, that they were all Christians, & believed that Christ was their only God & king, and that they would do sacrifice to him, with his father and holy Ghost, & that they were now all ready to offer unto him. Wyth these words the fire was kindled and compassed about the temple, and there were brent of men, women, and children certain thousands. There were also in Arabia, very many martyrs slain with axes, as Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 12. There was in Phrigia a city, unto which the Emperor sent his Edicts that they should do sacrifice to the gods, and worship Idols, all which Citizens the Major himself, the Questor, and chief Captain confessed that they were all Christians. The City upon this was besieged & set on fire, and all the people, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 11. In Melitina a region of Armenia, the bishops and Elders were cast in prison. Eusebius eodem cap. 6. In Arabrace a region near adjoining to Armenia Eustratius was Martyred, as Nicephorus declareth, Lib 7 cap. 14. This Eustratius was y country man borne, and very skillful in the Greek tongue, executing by the Emperors commandment, the shiriffes office at Licia in the East, which also did execution there upon the Christians, and was a Scribe of great estimatiō called Ordinis Ducalis. This man beholding the marvelous constancy of the Martyrs, thirsted with the desire of Martyrdom, for that he had privily learned the Christian religion. Therefore he not abiding for other accusers, detected himself, and worthily professed that he was a Christian, openly execrating the madness and vanity of the wicked Ethnikes. He therefore being carried away, was tied up, being first most bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire, being put unto his bowels, and thē basted with salt and vinagre, and lastly, so scotched & bemangled with the shardes of sharp and cutting shells, that his whole body seemed to be all one continual wound, howbeit, by gods great goodness afterward, it was restored to the first integrity. After this he was carried away to Sebastia, where, w t his companion Orest he was burned. At that time also suffered Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 14. And in no less wise raged this persecution throughout all Egypt: where Eusebius in his 8. book, and 13. chapter maketh mention of Peleus and Nile Martyrs and bishops in Egypt. But at Alexandria especially were declared most notable conflicts of Christian and true constant Martyrs that suffered: which Phileas the Bishop of Thumitane describeth as after (God willing) shall be declared. In this persecution of Alexandria, the principal that then suffered was Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the Elders of y e same most worthy Martyrs, as Faustus, Didius, and Ammonius, also Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, and Theodorus, which all were bishops of the congregations within Egypt, and besides them, many other both famous and singular mē. The whole legion of Christian soldiers which lay at Thebes in Egypt, under the Christian captain Maurice, when they would not obey the Emperors commandment touching the worshiping of Images, were tythed to death once, and then again. And at last through the exhortation of Maurice, died altogether like constant Martyrs. Vincentius in speculo, Lib 13. cap. 2. Likewise at Antino diverse Christian soldiers, notwithstanding they were seriously dissuaded, suffered death together, amongst whom were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius, ibidem, cap. 50. and also in y e other partes of Africa and Mauritania, was great persecution, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. Also in Sammium, of which place Chronicon maketh mention, and Scilia, where were 79. Martyrs slain, for the profession of Christ, as writeth Henricus de Erfordia.

Now let us come unto Europe, Nicephorus in his vii. book and xiv. chap. saith, that at Nicopolis in Thracia the Martyrs were in most miserable and pitiful wise handled, where Lysia had the execution thereof. In Chalcedon suffered Euphemia, under Priscus the Proconsul. Vincentius, Lib. 12. cap. 77.

Henricus de Erfordia saith that at Rome, Johannes and Crispus, being priests, had the execution of Martyrs. And at Boemia Agricola, and Vitalis, Vincentius. Lib. 12. cap. 49. And at Aquileia the Emperor commanded every man to kill the Christians. Vincentius, Lib. eodem cap. 58. and amongst those Martyrs he maketh mention of Felices, and Fortunatus. Reginus also writeth that in other places of Italy the persecution became great, as at Florentia, Pergamos, Neaples Campania, Beneuentus, at Venusa in Apulia, and in Thussia, and Henricus de Erfordia, saith, also at Verona. In France doubtless Rectionarus appointed to that office, played the cruel helhound, of whose great cruelty against y e Christians many histories are full. At Mediolanus suffered Victor. And at Massilia, Maximianus set forth his decree, that either they should all do sacrifice to the God's of the Gentiles, or else be all slain with diverse kinds of torments. Therefore many Martyrs there died for the glory of Christ. Antonius & Vincent. lib. 12. cap. 2. In Beluacus suffered Lucian.

Vincentius and Reginus write of many places in Spain, where was great persecution, as at Emerita, where suffered Eulalia, of whom more followeth hereafter, & Adula, where also suffered Vincentius, Sabina and Christina. At Toletum suffered Lencadia the virgin, at Cesarea Augusta, where were put to death, 18. beside a great number of other Martyrs, which suffered under Decianus the governor, which afflicted with persecution all the coast of Spain, as saith Vincentius, lib. 13. cap. 123.124.128.130.134▪ The foresaid Rictionarus made such persecution at Treuers near the river of Mosella, that the blood of Christian men that were slain, ran like small brooks, and couloured great and main rivers. Neither yet did this suffice him, but from thence sent certain horsemen with his letters, commanding them to ride into every place, and charge all such as had taken and apprehended any Christians, that they should immediately put them to death. Vincent. Lib. 13. cap. 136.

Also Henricus de Erfordia, and Reginus make mention of great persecution to be at Colonia where Agrippina and Augusta were martyred, as also in the Province of Rhetia.

Beda also saith, that this persecution reached even unto the Britain's in his book De ration temporum. And the Chronicle of Martinus, and the Nosegay or time do declare that all the Christians in Britanny were utterly destroyed. Furthermore, that the kinds of death & punishment were so great and horrible, as no man's tongue is able to express. In the beginning, when the Emperor by his subtlety and wiliness, rather dallied then shown his rigor, he threatened them with bands and imprisonment: but with in a while when he began to work the matter in good earnest, he devised innumerable sortes of torments & punishments, as whippings and scourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword, fire, and ship boates, wherein a great mumber being put, were sunk & drowned in the bottom of the sea. Euseb. Lib 8. cap 6. & 7. Also hanging them upon crosses, binding them to the bodies of dead trees with their heads donneward, hanging them by the middles upon gallowses, til they died for hunger, throwyng them alive to such kind of wild beasts as would devour them, as Lions, Bears, Libardes, and wild Bulls. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 8. Pricking and thrusting them in with bodkins and talants of beasts till they were almost dead, lifting them up a high with their heads douneward, even as in Thebaide, they did unto the women being naked and unclothed, one of their feet tied and lifted a high, & so hanging down with their bodies, which thing to see was very pitiful, with other devised sortes of punishments most tragical, or rather tirannicall, and pitiful to describe: as first, the binding of thē to trees, and to the boughs thereof. The pulling & tearing asunder of their members and iointes, being tied to the boughs and arms of trees. Euseb. Lib 8. cap. 9. The mangling of them with axes, the choking them with smoke by small and soft fires, the dismembering of their hands, ears, and feet, with other joints, as the holy Martyrs of Alexandria, suffered, the scorching and broiling of them w t coals, not unto death, but every day renewed. With such kind of torments the Martyrs at Antioch were afflicted. But in Pontus other horrible punishments and fearful to be heard, did the Martyrs of Christ suffer, of which, some had their fingers ends under the nails thrust in with sharp bodkins, some all to be sprinkled with boiling lead, having their most necessary members cut from them, some other suffering most filthy, intolerable, and indurable torments and pain in their bowels and privy members. Eusebius eodem, cap. 12.

To conclude, how great the outrage of the persecution which reigned in Alexandria, was, and with how many & sundry kinds of new devised punishments the Martyrs were afflicted: Phileas, the bishop of the Thumitanes, a man singularly well learned, hath described in his epistle to the Thumitanes, the copy whereof Eusebius hath in his 8. book & x. chapter, out of the which we mean here briefly to recite somewhat.

Because (saith he) every man might torment the holy Martyrs as they listed themselves, some beat them with cudgels, some with rods, some with whips, some with thongs, and some with cords, and this example of beating was in sundry wise executed, and with much cruelty. For some of them having their hands bound behind their backs, were lifted up upon timber logs, and with certain instruments their members & joints were stretched forth, whereon their whole bodies hanging, were subject to the will of the tormentors, who were commanded to afflict them with all manner of torments, and not on their sides only (like as homicides were) but upon their bellies, thighs, and legs, they scratched them with the talents and claws of wild beasts. Some other were seen to hang by one hand upon the engine, whereby they might feel the more grievous pullyng out of the rest of their joints and members. Some other were such sort bound unto pillars with their faces turned to the wall, having no stay under their feet, and were violently weighed down with the payse of their bodies, that by reason of their straight binding, they being drawn out, might be more grievously tormented. And this suffered they not only during the time of their examination, and while the Sheriff had to do with them, but also the whole day long. And whilst the Judge went thus from one to another, he by his authority appointed certain officers to attend upon those he left, and not to be let down until either through the intollerablenes of the pain, or by the extremity of cold, they being near the point of death, should be let down: and so were they hailed upon the ground. And further they were commanded that they should show not so much as one spark of mercy or compassion upon us, but so extremely and furiously did deal with us, as though our souls and bodies should have died together. And therefore yet another torment our adversaries devised to augmēt our former plagues. After that they had most lamentably beaten them, they devised moreover a new kind of rack, wherein they lying upright, were stretched by both the feet above the fourth stop or hole with sharp shells or shares strowed under them, after a strange kind of engine to us here unknown. Other some were cast down upon the pavement where they were oppressed so thick, and so grievously with torments, that it is not almost to be thought what afflictions they suffered.

Thus they lying in pains and torments, some died therewith, not a little shaming and confounding their enemies by their singular patience. Some half dead and half alive, were thrust into prison, where shortly after by pains and wounds of their bodies they ended their bitter life. Some again being cured of their wounds by their indurance in prison, were more confirmed, who being put to the choice whether they would come to their cursed sacrifice, and enjoy their wicked liberty, or else sustain the sentence of death, did willingly and without delay abide the extremity, remembering with themselves what is written in the Scriptures: He that sacrificeth (saith he) to strange God's, shall be exterminate, &c. Item, thou shalt not have any strange God's beside me, &c.
Thus much wrote Phileas to the Congregation where he was Bishop, before he received the sentence of death, being yet in bands, and in the same exhorteth his brethren constantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ professed. Euseb Lib 8. cap. 10.

Sabellicus in his vii. Ennead. and viii. book, saith that that christened man, which tore and pulled down the wicked Edict of the Emperor in Nicomedia, being stripped and beaten y t the bones appeared, and after washed in salt and vinegar, was then slain with this cruel kind of torment. But Platina writeth that Dorotheus and Gorgonius exhorteth him to die so constantly.

But as all their torments were for their horriblenesse, marvelous and notable, and therewithal so studiously, devised, & no less grievous and sharp: so notwithstanding therewith were these Martyrs neither dismayd, nor overcome, but rather thereby confirmed and strengthened, so merrily and joyfully sustained they what so ever was put unto them. Eusebius saith that he himself beheld and saw the huge and great persecution that was done in Thebaide, in so much that the very swords of the hangmen and persecutors being blunt with the great and often slaughter, they themselves for weariness sat down to rest them, and other were fain to take their places. And yet all this notwithstanding the murdered Christians, shown their marvelous readiness▪ willingness, and divine fortitude, which they were endued with, with stout courage, joy, and smiling, receiving the sentence of death pronounced upon thē, and song even unto the last gasp, Hymns and Psalms to God. So did also the Martyrs of Alexandria, as witnesseth Phileas above mentioned. The holy martyrs (saith he) keeping Christ in their minds, being led with the love of better rewards, sustained not only at one time, whatsoever labor and devised punishments they had to lay upon them: but now also the second time have done the same, and have borne all the manaces of the cruel soldiers, not only in words, wherewith they threatened them, but also whatsoever in deed and work they could devise to their destruction, and that with most manly stomachs, excluding all fear, with the perfection of their inspeakable love towards Christ, whose great strength and fortitude cannot by words be expressed. And Sulpitius saith in the second book of his sacred history, that then the Christians with more greedy desire preased and sought for Martyrdom, then now they desire bishoprikes.

Although some there were also, as I have said, that with fear and threatenings, and by their own infirmity, were overcome and went back. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap. 3. Amongst whom Socrates nameth Miletius, Lib. 1. cap. 6. and Athanasius in his second Apology, nameth the bishop of Licus a City in little Egypt, whom Peter the Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated, for that in this persecution he sacrificed to the Gentiles God's. Of the fall of Marcellinus the Bishop of Rome, I will speak afterwards. For he being persuaded by others, and specially of the Emperor Dioclesian himself, did sacrifice, whereupon he was excommunicated, but afterwards he reap̄ting the same, was again received into the congregation, and made Martyr as Platina and the compiler of the book of the general councils, affirm. The number of the Martyrs increased daily, sometimes ten, sometimes twenty were slain at once, some whiles 30. and oftentimes 60. and otherwhiles a C. in one day, men, women, and children by diverse kinds of death. Eusebius, Lib 8. cap. 9 also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Honorius and others do witness, that there were slain in this persecution by the names of Martyrs, within the space of 30. days, 17. thousand persons, beside another great number and multitude that were condemned to the metal mines and quaries with like cruelty.

At Alexandria with Peter the Bishop, of whom I have made mention before, were slain with axes 300. & above, as Sabellicus declareth. Gereon was beheaded at Colonia Agrippina, with 300. of his fellows, as saith Henricus de Erfordia. Maurice the Captain of Christian religion, with his fellows 6666. Victor in the city of Troy now called Xanthus, with his fellows 360. were slain, as saith Otto Phrinsigensis, Lib. 2. cap 45. Reginus reciteth the names of many other Martyrs, to the number of 120.

And for as much as mention here hath been made of Maurice and Victor, the particular description of the same history I thought here to insert, taken out of Ado & other story writers, as ensueth.

Maurice came out of Syria into France and Italy, being Captain of the bande of the Theban soldiers, to the number of 6660. being sent for of Maximianus, to go against the rebellious Bangandes, but rather as it should seem by the treason of the irant, which thought he might better in these quarters use his tyranny upon the Christians, then in the East part. These Thebans with Maurice the Captain, after that they had entered into Rome, who were there of Marcellus the blessed bishop, confirmed in the faith, promising by oath that they would rather be slain of their enemies, then forsake that faith which they had received, who followed the Emperors host through the Alps even into France. At that time the Caesarians were encamped not far from the town called Ottodor, where Maximianus offered sacrifice to his devils, and called all the soldiers both of the East and West to the same, straightly charging them by the aultars of his God's, that they would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and persecute the Christian enemies of the Emperors God's: which his commandment was shown to the Thebanes host, which were also encamped about the river of Rode, and in a place that was named Agawne, but to Ottodor they would in no wise come, for that every man did certainly appointe and persuade with themselves rather in that place to die, then either to sacrifice to the gods, or bear armor against the Christians. Which thing in deed very stoutly and valiantly they affirmed, upon their oath before taken to Maximianus when he sent for them. Wherwith the tyrant being wrathful and all moved, commanded every tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sword, whereto striuingly and with great rejoicing they committed their necks. To which notable thing and great force of faith, Maurice himself was a great incourager, who by & by w t a most grave Oration exhorted & animated his soldiers both to fortitude & constancy. Which being again called of y e Emperor, answered in this wise saying:

We are O Emperor your soldiers, but yet also to speak freely, the servants of god. We owe to thee service of war, to him innocency: of thee we receive for our travel, wages: of him the beginning of life. But in this we may in no ways obey thee O Emperor, to deny God our author and Lord, and not only ours, but your Lord likewise, will ye, nill ye. If we be not so extreemely enforced that we offend him, doubtless as we have hitherto before, we will yet obey you, but otherwise we will rather obey him then you. We offer here our hands against any other enemies: but to defile our hands with the blood of innocents, that we may not do. These right hands of ours have skill to fight against the wicked and true enemies: but to spoil and murder the godly and Citizens, they have no skill at all. We have in remembrance how we took armor in hand for the defense of the Citizens, and not against them. We fought always for justice sake, piety, and for the health of innocents. These have been always the rewards of our perils and travel We have fought in the quarrel of faith, which in no wife we can keep to you, if we do not show the same to our God. We first sware upon the Sacraments of our God, then afterward to the king: and do you think the second will aduaile us▪ if we break the first▪ By us you would plague the Christians, to do which seat we are only commanded by you. We are here ready to confess God the author of all things, and believe in his son Jesus Christ our Lord. We see before our eyes our fellows and partakers of our labors and travails, to be put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their blood, of which our most blessed companions and brethrē, their end and death we have not bewailed nor mourned, but rather have been glad, and have rejoiced thereat, for that they have been counted worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreme necessity of death cannot move us against your majesty, neither yet any despiratiō, O Emperor, which is wont in venturous affairs to do much, shall 〈◊〉 us against you. Behold here we cast down our weapons, and resist not, for that we had rather to be killed, then kill, and guiltless to die, then gilty to live. What soever more ye will command appoint and enjoin us, we are here ready to suffer, yea both fire sword, and whatsoever other torments. We confess our selves to be Christians, we cannot persecute Christians, nor will do sacrifice to your devilish Idols.

With which their answer the king being altogether incensed and moved, commanded the second time the tenth man of them that were left to be in like case murdered. That cruelty also being accomplished, at length whē the Christian soldiers would in no wise condescend unto his mind, he set upon them with his whole host, both footmen and also horsemen, and charged them to kill them all. Who with all force set upon them, they making no resistance, but throwyng down their armor, yielded their lives to the persecutors, and offered to them their naked bodies.

Victor at the same time was not of that bande, nor yet then any soldier, but one being an old souldior, and dismissed for his age. At which time he coming suddenly upon them as they were haketting and making merry with the spoils of the holy Martyrs, was bidden to sit down with them: and first asking the cause of that their so great rejoicing, and understanding the truth thereof, detested the guests, and refused to eat with them. And then being demanded of them whether happily he were a Christian or no, openly confessed and denied not, but that he was Christian, and ever would be. And thereupon they rushing vpō him, killed him, and made him partner of the like Martyrdom and honor.

Beda in his history writeth, that this persecution being under Dioclesian, endured unto the seventh yere of Constantine, and Euseb Lib 8. cap. 6 saith, that is lasted until the x. year of Constantine. It was not yet one year from the day in which Dioclesian & Maximianus joining themselves together, began their persecution, when that they saw the number of the Christians rather to increase then to diminish, notwithstanding all the cruelty that ever they could show; and now were out of all hope for the utter rootyng out of them▪ which thing was the cause of their first enterprise, and had now even their fill of blood, and lothed as it were, the shedding thereof, they ceased at the last of their own accord to put any mo Christians to death: But yet of a great multitude they did thrust out their right eyes, and maimed their left legs at the hamme with a searing iron, condemning them to the mines of metals, not so much for the use of their labor, as for the desire of afflicting them. And this was the clemency and release of the cruelty of those Princes, which said that it was not meet that the cities should be defiled with the blood of citizens, and to make the Emperors highness to be destained with the name of cruelty, but to show his princely beneficence and liberality to all men. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap 10.

When Dioclesianus and Maximianus had reigned together Emperors twenty years and one ( Nicephorus saith xxij. years) at length Dioclesian put himself from his imperial dignity at Nicomedia, and lived at Salona, Maximinianus at Mediolanum, and led both of thē a private life in the 309. year after Christ. This strange and marvelous alteration gave occasion, and so came to pass, that within short space after, there were in the Romaine commō wealth many Emperors at one time.

In the beginning of this persecution, you heard how Dioclesian being made Emperor, took to him Maximinian. Also how these two governing as Emperors together, chose other two Caesar's under them, to wit, Galerius Maximinus & Constantius the father of Constantine the 〈◊〉 . Thus then Dioclesian reigning with Maximinian, in the 19. year of his reign, began his furious persecution against the Christians, whose reign after the same continued not long. For so it pleased God to put such a snaffle in the tyrants mouth, that within two years after, he caused both him and Maximinian (for what cause he knoweth) to give over his Imperial function▪ and so to remain not as emperors anymore, but as private persons: So that t ey being now displaced and dispossessed, the Imperial dominion remained w t Constantius & Galerius Maximinus, which two divided the whole Monarchy between them: so that Maximinus should govern the East countries, & Constantius the west partes. But Constantius as a modest Prince, only contented with the Imperial title, refused Italy and Aphrike, contenting himself only with France, Spain, and Britain. Wherefore Galerius Maximinus chose to him his two sons Maximinus and Seuerus. Likewise Constantius took Constantine his son, Caesar under him. In the mean time, while Maximinus with his two Caesar's were in Asia, the Romaine soldiers set up for their emperor Maxentius the son of Maximinian, who had before deposed himself. Against whom Maximinus the Emperor of the East, sent his son Seuerus, which Seuerus was slain in the same voyage of Maxentius. In whose place then Maximinus took Licinius. And these were the Emperors and Caesar's, which succeeding after Dioclesian, and Maximinian, prosecuted the rest of that persecution, which Dioclesian and Maximinian before begun, during near the space of seven or viii. years, which was to the year of our Lord, 318. Save only that Constantius with his son Constantine, was no great doer therein, but rather a maintainer and a supporter of the Christians. Which Constantius surnamed Chlorus for his paleness, was the son of Eutropius, a mā of great nobility of the Romaine union, as Loetus affirmeth. He came of the line of Aeneas and Claudia, the daughter of Claudius Augustus. This man had not the desire of great and mighty dominion, and therefore parted he the Empire with Galerius, and would rule but in France, Britain, and Spain, refusing the other kingdoms for the troublesome and difficult government of the same. Otherwise he was a Prince, as Eutropius maketh description of him, very excellent, civil, meek, gentle, liberal, and desirous to do good unto those that had any private authority under him. And as Cyrus once said, that he ga e treasure enough, when he made his friends rich: even so it is said that Constantius would often times say, that it were better that his subjects had treasure, thē he to have it in his treasure house. Also he was by nature suffised with a little, In so much, that he used to eat and drink in earthen vessels (which thing was counted in Agathotles the Sicilian, a great commendation) and if at any time cause required to garnish his table, he would send for plate and other furniture to his friends. To these virtues he added yet a more worthy ornament, that is, devotion, love, and affection towards the word of God, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. affirmeth, after which virtues ensued great peace and tranquility in all his Provinces: By which word he being guided, neither levied any wars contrary to piety and Christian religion, neither he aided any other that did the same: neither destroyed he the churches, but commanded that the Christians should be preserved and defended, and kept them safe from all contumelions injuries. And when that in the other jurisdictions of the Empire, the congregations were molested with persecution, as Sozomenus declareth, Lib. 1. cap. 6. he only gave license unto the Christians to live after their accustomed manner. This wonderful act of his following, besides other, doth show that he was a sincere worshipper of the Christian religion.

Those which bare the chief offices among the Ethnikes, drave out of the emperors count all the godly Christians: whereupon this ensued, that the Emperors themselves at the last, were destitute of help, when such were driven away, which dwelling in their courts, and living a godly life, pour out their prayers unto God for y e prosperous estate and health both of the Empire & Emperor. Constantius therefore thinking at a certain time to try what sincere and good Christians he had yet in his court, called together all his officers and servants in the same, feigning himself to chitse out such as would do sacrifice to devils, and that those only should dwell there & keep their offices, and that those which would refuse to do the same, should be thrust out & banished the court. At this appointment, all the 〈◊〉 divided thenselves into 〈◊〉 The Emperor marked which were the constantest & godliest from the rest▪ And when 〈◊〉 said that they would willingly do sacrifi e, other serve openly and boldly denied to do the same: Then the Emperor 〈◊〉 rebuked those which were so ready to do 〈◊〉 , & judged them as false traitors unto God accountyng their unworthy to be in his court, which were such traitors to God, and forthwith commanded that they only should be banished the same. But greatly he commended them, which refused to do sacrifice and confessed God, affirming that they only were worthy to be above prince, forthwith 〈◊〉 thē that thenceforth they should be the 〈◊〉 counsellors and defēders both of his person & kingdom, saying thus much more that they only were worthy to be in office, whom he might make account of as his assured friends, and that he meant to have them in more estimation, then the substance he had in his treasury. Eusebius maketh mention hereof in his first book of the life of Constantius, and also Sozomenus in his 1. book and . chap.

With this Constantius was joined (as hath been aforesaid) Galerius Maximinus, a man as Eutropius affirmeth, very civil and a passing good souldior: Furthermore, a favorer of wise and learned men, of a quiet disposition, not rigorous, but in his drunkenness, whereof he would soon after repent him, as Victor writeth. whether he meaneth Maximinus the father, or Maximinus his son, it is uncertain. But Eusebius far otherwise describeth the conditions of him in his viii. book, and first chapter. For he saith he was of a tyrannical disposition: The feareinllest man that might be, and curious in all magical superstition, in so much that without the diuinatiōs and answers of devils he durst do nothing at all, & therefore he gave great offices and dignities to enchaunters. Furthermore that he was an exactor and extortioner of the Citizens, liberal to those that were flatterers, given to surfeiting and riot, a great drinker of wine, and in his furious drounkennesse most like a mad man, a Ribaud, an adulterer, which came to no City but he ravished virgins & defiled men's wives. To conclude he was so great an idolater, that he built up Temples in every City, and repaired those that were fallen in great decay: and he chose out the most worthiest of his political Magistrates to be the idols priests, and devised that they should execute that their office with great authority and dignity, and also with warlike pomp. But to Christian piety and religion he was most incensiue, and in the East Churches exercised cruel persecution, and used as executioners of the same, Pencetius, Quintianus, and Theotechnus beside others.

Notwithstanding he was at length revoked from his cruelty by the just judgment and punishment of God. For he was suddenly vexed with a fatal disease most filthy and desperate, which disease to describe was very strange, taking the first beginning in his flesh outwardly, frō thence it proceeded more and more to the inward parts of his body. For in the privy members of his body there happened unto him a suddayne putrificatiō, and after in the bottom of the same a botchy corrupt bile, with a Fistula, cōsuming & eating up his entrails, out of the which came swarming forth an innumerable multitude of lice, with such a pestiferous stinche that no man could abide him, and so much more, for that all the grosenesse of his body by abundance of meat before he fell sick, was turned also into a fat: which fat now putrefied, and stinking was so vgsome and horrible, that none that came to him could abide the sight thereof. By reason whereof, the Physicians which had him in cure, some of thē notable to abide the intolerable stench were commanded to be slain. Other some because they could not heal him being so swollen and past hope of cure were also cruelly put to death. At length being put in remembrance that his disease was sent of God, he began to forethinke the wickedness that he had done against the saints of God, and so coming again to himself, first confesseth unto god all his offenses, then calling them unto him which were about him, forthwith commanded all men, to cease from the persecutions of the Christians. Requiring moreover that they should set up his Imperial proclamations, for the restoring and reedyfiyng of their temples, and that they would obtain this of the Christians, in their assembles (which without all fear and doubt they might be bold to make) that they would devoutly pray to their God for the Emperor. Then forthwith was the persecution stayed, and the Imperial proclamations in every City were set up, containing the retraction or countermaund of those things which against the Christians were before decreed, the copy whereof ensueth.

Amongst other things which for the benefit and commodity of the common weal we established, we commanded to reform all things according to the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romaines, and also to use this policy, that the Christians which had forsaken the religion of those forefathers should be brought again to the right way. For such phātasticall singularity was amongst them, that those things which their elders had received and allowed, they re ected and disallowed, devising every man such laws as they thought good, and observed the same, assembling in diverse places great multitudes of people.

Therefore when our foresaid decree was proclaimed, many there were that felt the penalty thereof, and many being troubled therefore suffered many kinds of death. And because we see yet that there be many which persevere in the same, which neither give due worship unto the Celestial God's neither receive the God of the Christians, we having respect to our accustomed benignity, wherewith we are wont to show favor unto all men, think good in this cause also to extend our clemencye, that the Christians may be again tolerated, and appoint them places where again they may meet together, so that they do nothing contrary to public order and discipline By another Epistle we mean to prescribe unto the judges, what shall be convenient for them to do. Wherefore according as this our bountiful clemency deserveth, let them make intercession to God for our health, common weal, and for themselves, that in all places the state of of the common weal may be preserved, and that they themselves may be able safely to live within their bonds. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. vltimo.

But one of his inferior officers whose name was also Maximinus, was not well pleased when this countermaūd was Published throughout all Asia, and the Provinces where he had to do. Yet he being qualified by this example that it was not convenient for him to repugn the pleasure of those Princes which had the chief authority as Constantius and Maximinus, set forth of himself no edict touching the same: but commanded his officers in the presence of others, that they should somewhat stay from the persecution of the Christians: of which commandment of the inferior Maximinus, each of them gave intelligence unto their fellows by their letters. But Sabinus which then amongst them all, had the chiefest office and dignity: to the substitutes of every country, wrote by his letters the Emperors pleasure in this wise.

The majesty of our most gracious and Sovereign Lord's the Emperors, hath lately decreed with special diligence and deuotiō, to induce all men to an uniform life, so that they which seemed to dissent from the Romaine custom by a strange manner of living, should exhibit to the immortal God's their due and proper worship, but the willful and obstinate mind of diverse so much, and so continually resisted the same, that by no lawful means they might be revoked from their purpose, neither made afraid by any terror or punishment. Because therefore it so came to pass, that by this means many put themselves in peril and ieoperdy: The majesty of our sovereign Lord's the Emperors according to their noble piety, considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely majesties that such things should be, whereby so many men and much people should be, destroyed, gave me in charge that with diligence I should write unto you, that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion, that in no wise you molest the same, neither for that cause you do judge any man worthy of punishment: for that in all this time it hath evidently appeared that by no means they might be allured from such willfulness. It is therefore requisite that your wisdom write unto the Questors, Captains, and Constables of every City and village, that they may know it not to be lawful for them, or any of them, to do contrary to the prescript of this commandment, neither that they presume to attempt the same.
Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 1.

The governors therefore of every province, supposing this to be the determinate pleasure (and not feigned) of the Emperor, did first advertise thereof, the rusticall & Pagan multitude: After that they released and set at liberty all such prisoners as were condemned to the metal mines, & to perpetual imprisonment for their faith, thinking thereby (where in deed they were deceived) that the doing thereof would well please the Emperor. This therefore seemed to them as unlooked for, and as light to travelers in a dark night. They gather themselves together in every City, they call their Synods and counsels, & much marvel at the sodden change and alteration. The Infidels themselves extol the only and true God of the Christians. The Christians receive again all their former liberty, and such as fell away before in the time of persecution, repent themselves and after penance done, they returned again to the congregation. Now the Christians rejoiced in every Citty, praying God with hymns and Psalms. Eusebius ibidem. This was a marvelous sudden alteration of the Church, from a most unhappy state into a better, but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyraunt the same vi. months unviolated to continue. For whatsoeeuer seemed to make for the subversion of the same peace (yet scarcely hatched) that did he only meditate. And first of all he took from the Christians all liberty and leave for them to assemble and congregate in churchyardes under a certain color. After that he sent certain Miscreants unto the Athenians, to solicit them against the Christians, and to provoke them to ask of him as a recompense and great reward, that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabit in their country: and amongst them was one Theotechnus, a most wicked miscreant, an inchaunter, and a most deadly enemy against the Christians. He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credit, and accused to the Emperor, to which fraud also he erected a certain Idol of Jupiter to be worshipped of the inchaunters and conjurers, and mingled the same worship with ceremonies, full of deceiveable witchcra t. Lastly, he caused the same Idol to give this sound out of his mouth. That is: Jupiter commandeth the Christians to be banished out of the City and suburbs of the same, as enemies unto him. And the same sentence did the rest of the governors of the provinces publish against the Christians, and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them. Maximinus appointed and instituted high priests and bishops in every city to offer sacrifice unto Idols, & inueigled all those that were in great offices under him, that they should not only cease to pleasure them & to do for them, but also that they should with new devised accusations against thē, at their pleasure, put as many to death as by any means they might. They also did counterfeit certain practices of Pilate against our savior Christ full of blasphemy, and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters, commanding that the same should be published and set up in every city and suburbs of the same, and that they should be delivered to y e scholemaisters, to cause their scholars to learn by roate the same.

After that one named Praefectus castrorum, whom the Romaines do call captain, allured certain light womē, partly by fear, and partly by punishment, dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia, and taken out of the court wherein they were accused, that they should openly say in writing that they were once Christians, and that they knew what wicked & lascivious acts the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselves upon the sondaies, & what other things they thought good to make more of their own head, to the slander of the Christians. The capitaine showeth unto the emperor theer words, as though it had been so in deed, and the Emperor by and by commanded the same to be published throughout every city. Furthermore, they did hange up in the midst of every City (which was never done before) the Emperors edicts against y e Christians, graven in tables of brass. And the children in the schools with great noise and clapping of hands did every day resound, the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate unto Jesus, & what other things so ever were devised of the magistrates, after most despiteful manner. Euseb. lib. 8, cap. 3.4.5.6.7. And this is the copy of the edict, which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillars fraught, with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ.

The weak and imbecil rebellion of man's mind (all obscurity and blindness of ignorance set apart, which hitherto hath wrapped the minds of impious and miserable men, in the pernicious darkness of ignorance) is now at the length able to discern, that the same is governed, as also corroborated by the providence of the immortal gods the lovers of virtue: which thing, how acceptable it is to us, howe pleasant and grateful, and howe much proof the same hath declared of your well disposed willing minds, is incredible to be told: Although this was not unknown before with what diligence and devotion ye served the immortal God's, whose wonderful and constant faith is not known by bare and naked words, but by your worthy & notable deeds. Wherefore worthily is your City called the habitation and seat of the immortal God's, and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth, and prospereth by the presence of the celestial God's. For behold, your City not regarding your private businesses, nor esteeming that which should have been for the special commodity thereof, when it perceived that cursed vanity to begin again to creep, and as a fire negligently quenched, when the dead brandes thereof began to kindle and make a great flame: by and by without delay ye having recourse unto our piety, as unto the Metropolitan of all divine worship and Religion, craved remedy and help, which wholesome mind for your pieties sake, it is most manifest that the gods have endued you with. Therefore he, even that most mighty Jupiter I say, which preserveth your most famous City: to that intent he might deliver and make free your country God's, your wives and children, your household God's and houses, from all detestable corruption, hath inspired you with this wholesome and willing mind, showing & declaring howe worthy, notable, and healthful a thing it is to worship & to sacrifice to the immortal God's. For who is so void of reason & understanding, that knoweth not that this thing happeneth unto us by the careful study of the goodness of our gods, that the ground denieth not to give her timely increase, nor maketh frustrate the husband man's hope, nor that wicked war dare show her face upon the earth, nor that the corruption of the air is now cause of pestilence, neither that the sea swelleth with immoderate winds, neither that sudden storms are cause of hurtful tempests. To conclude, that the ground which is as the nurce and mother of all things, is not swallowed up of her deep chappes and gapings, by terrible earthquake, neither that the hills made level with the earth, are not with gaping cliftes devoured, all which evils and greater then these, before this time to have happened every mā knoweth. And all these mischiefs came vpō us for the pernicious errors sake of the extreme folly of those wicked men the Christanis, when filthiness it self (as I may call it) so occupied their minds, and ouerranne the world. Let them behold the fields now all about full of corn, and ouerflowen as it were with ears of corn. Let them vewe the pleasant meadows clothed with flowers, and moistened with showers from heaven, and also the pleasant and temperate weather. Therefore let all men rejoice, that by your piety, sacrifices, & worshipping, the majesty of the most stearn God of battle Mars is appeased, & that therefore we enjoy pleasant & firm peace. And how many so ever have left that blind error and straying of the Christians unfeignedly, and be of a better mind, let them specially rejoice, as men delivered out of a sudden great tempest, and from a grievous disease, and have afterward obtained a delectable and pleasant life. For doubtless, if they had remained in that execrable vanity, far of had they been chased from your City & suburbs of the same (according to your desire) that your City by that means, according to your commondable diligence, cleansed from all impurity and impiety, may offer sacrifices according to the meaning of the same, with due reverence of the immortal God's. And that you may perceive in how good part your supplication (yea unasked and desired) we are most willing and ready to further your honest endeavours, and grant unto you for your devotion, whatsoever you ask of our magnificence. And that this thing may be accomplished, forthwith ask and have. And this thing with all speed, endeavor you to obtain, which shall be a perpetual testimony of piety exhibited of your City to the immortal God's, and shall be a president to your children and posterity, and withal you shall obtain of us for this your willing desire of reformation, condygne and worthy rewards.
Eusebius. Lib 9. cap. 7.

Thus came it to pass that at the length persecutiō was as great as ever it was, and the magistrates of every province were very disdainful against the Christians which condemned some to death, and some to exile. Among whom they condemned three Christians at Emisa, in Phenicia, w t whom Siluanus the bishop a very old man, being 40. years in the ecclesiastical function, was condemned to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus the elder of Antioch, brought thither, after he had exhibited to the emperor his Apology concerning the doctrine of the Christians, was cast in prison, and after put to death. In Amasea a City of Capadocia, Bringes the lieftenaunt of Maximinus, had at that time, the executing of that persecution. At Alexandria, Petrus a most worthy bishop was beheaded with whom many other Egyptian bishops also died. Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 7. Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 44. Quirinus the Bishop Scescanius having a hanmyll tied about his neck, was thrown headlong from the bridge, into the flood, and there a long while fleeted above the water, and when he opened his mouth to speak to the lookers on that they should not be dismayed with that his punishment, was with much a do drowned. Chron. Euseb. At Rome died Marcellus the bishop as saith Platina, also Timothy the elder, with many other bishops & Priests were martyred. To cōclud many in sundry places everywhere were martyred, whose name y e book entitled Fasciculus temporum declareth, as Victorianus, Symphorianus, Castorius, with his wife, Castulus, Cesarius, Mennas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus, and other innumerable martyrs, Erasmus, Boniface, Iuliana, Cosmas, Damianus, Basilinus with seven others, Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis, Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, Ianuarius, Festus, Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hirenea. Theodora, and 270. other Martyrs, Florianus, Primus and Felicianus, Vitus and Modestus, Crescentia, Albinus, Rogatianus, Donatianus, Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia, the virgin, and Antheus the king with many thousand martyrs mo. Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Georgius, Iustus, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other mo to an infinite number, suffered martyrdom in this persecution, whose names God hath written in the book of life. Also Felix Victor, with his parents Lucia the widow, Gemenianus, with 79 others, Sabinus, Anastasia, Chrisogonus, Felix, and Audactus, Adrianus, Nathalia, Eugenia, Agnes, also when she was but 13. year old was martyred▪ Euseb. in his 8. book and 15. chap. rehearseth these kinds of torments and punishments, that is to say, Fire, wild beasts, the sword, crucifyinges, the bottom of the sea, the cutting and burning of menbers, the thrusting out of eyes, dismembering of the whole body, hunger, imprisonment, & whatsoever other cruelty y e Magistrates could devise. All which notwithstanding the godly ones, rather then that they would do sacrifice as they were bid, manfully endured. Neither were the womē anything at all behind thē. For they being enticed to the filthy use of their bodies, rather suffered banishment, or willingly killed themselves. Neither yet could the Christians live safely in the wilderness, but were fetched evē frō thence to death and torments, in so much that this was a more grievous persecution under Maximianus, the tyrant, then was the former cruel persecution, under Maximianus the Prince. Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6. &. 10.

And forasmuch as ye have heard the cruel Edict of Maximinus proclaimed against the Christians, graven in brass, which he thought perpetually should endure to the abolishing of Christ & his Religion: Now mark again the great handy work of God, which immediately fell upon the same, checking the proud presumption of the tyrant, proving all to be false and contrary, that in the brazen Proclamation was contained. For where the foresaid Edict boasted so much of the prosperity and plenty of all things in the time of this persecution of the Christians, suddenly befell such unseasonable drought with famine and pestilence among the people, besides also the wars with the Armenians, that all was found untrue that he had bragged so much of before. By reason of which famine and pestilence y e people were greatly consumed, in so much that one measure of wheat was sold for two thousand and five hundred pieces of money of Athens coin, by reason whereof innumerable died in the Cities, but many more in the country and villages, so that most part of the husband men and countrymen died up with the famine and pestilence. Divers there were which bringing out their best treasure, were glad to give it for any kind of sustenāce, were it never so little. Other selling away their possessions, fell by reason thereof to extreme poverty and beggary. Certain eating grass, and feeding on other vnholsome herbs, were fain to relieve them selves with such food as did hurt and poison their dodies. Also a number of women in the Cities, being brought to extreme misery and penury, were constrained to depart the City, and fall to begging through the country. Some other were weak and faint (as Images without breath) wandering up and down, & not able to stand for feblenesse, fell down in the middle of y e streets, and holding up their hands most pitiful, cried for some scrappes or fragments of bread to be given them, & being at the last gasp, ready to give up the Ghost, and not able to utter any other words, yet cried out that they were hungry. Of the richer sort diverse there were, who being weary with the number of beggars and askers, after they had bestowed largely upon them, became hard hearted, fearing least they should fall into the same misery themselves, as they which begged. By reason whereof the market place, streets, lanes, and alleis lay full of dead & naked bodies, being cast out and unburied, to the pitiful & grievous beholding of them that saw them. Wherefore many were eaten of dogs, for which cause they that lived fell to the killing of dogs, least they running mad, should fall upon them, and kill them.

In like manner the pestilence scattering through all houses and ages of men, did no less consume them, especially those which through plenty of vitail escaped famine. Wherefore the rich Princes Presidentes and other innumerable of the Magistrates, being the more apt to receive the infection, by reason of their plenty, were quickly dispatched, and turned up their heels. Thus the miserable multitude being consumed with famine and with pestilence, all places was full of mourning, neither was there anything else seen, but wailing and weeping in every corner. So that death, what for famine and pestilence in short time brake up and consumed whole households, two or three dead bodies being borne out together from one house to one funeral,

These were the rewards of the vain brags of Maximinus and his Edicts, which he did publish in all towns and Cities against us, whē it was evident to all men, how diligent and charitable the Christians were to them all in this their miserable extremity. For they only in all this time of distress, showing compassion vpō them, traveled every day, some in curing the sick, & some in burying the dead, which otherwise of their own sort were forsaken. Other some of the Christians calling and gathering the multitude together, which were in jeopardy of famine, distributed bread to them, whereby they ministered occasion to all men to glorify the God of the Christians, and to confess them to be the true worshippers of God, as appeared by their works. By the means and reason hereof, the great God and defender of the Christians, who before had shown his anger and indignation against all men, for their wrongful afflicting of us, opened again unto us the comfortable light of his providence, so that by means thereof peace fell unto us, as light to them that sit in darkness, to the great admiration of all men, which easily perceive God himself to be a perpetual director of our doings, who many times chasteneth his people with calamities for a time to exercise them, but after sufficient correction, again showeth himself merciful and favorable to them which with trust call upon him.

By the narration of these things heretofore premised, taken out of the story of Eusebius, like as it is manifest to see, so is it wonderful to mark and note, how those counsels and rages of the Gentiles, achieved against Christ and his Christians, when they seemed most ure against them, were most against them selves. And whereby they thought most to confoūd the Church & Religion of Christ, the same turned most to their own confusion,