Acts and Monuments Volume 1

Whereupon, the king thought good therefore presently to make open challenge to the Realm and Crown of France: and further, to quarter & intermingle the arms of France, with the arms of England in one Scootchen. Wherupon eftsoons K. Edward made answer unto the Pope again, directing unto him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right & title unto the Crown of France, purging thereby himself and his cause unto the Bishop. The copy and tenor of which letter, because it is to long to express, it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Library of I. Stephenson Citizen of Londō, who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope he directed another to the Pieres and Prelates of France, (he remaining yet at Gaunt) in tenure as followeth.

This done, for that the winter then drew on, neither was there any hope as the time served, of farther doing good: the king thought best for a season to return again to England with his company, giving over the wars until the next spring and so did, taking shipping and so ariued at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared unto him, of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at Southampton: who answered again that within one year, he doubted not the same to be well paid for & recompensed. And according to the same purpose of his, he lingered no time but calling a Parliament at Westminster: with much grudge & evil will of his subjects, was for the maintenance of his wars granted to him a great subsidy, which was the 5. every man's goods, and also the customs of his woolles 2. years before hand, and the 9. these of every man's corn. At the spring the K. again prepared his army, & rigged his nauy purposing to land in Flaūders. But the Archb. of Canterb. then Lord Chancellor having understanding of the French power upon y ^e Sea lying for the k. gave him advertisement there of willing him more stronglier to go or else not to venture. But the king not crediting the Archbish. and being angry with him therefore, said that he would go forward: whereupon the bishop resigned the Chauncellorship, & removed himself from his Counsayle: then the k. consulting hereupon farther with the Lord Morley, his Admiral, and others (hearing also the same of them) furnished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his ship: and did so much, that a few days before midsommer, he was vpō the Sea with a great fleet. Before the town of Sluse, y ^e french king to stop his passage, had laid ready a great nauy well near to y ^t number of 20. score sail: and had made the Christopher of England (which before the French men took at Southamptō) their Admiral: betwixt which two nauies was a long and terrible fight. But in the end, the victory by God's grace fell to the king of England, in which fight he himself was personally. So that of the number of thirtye thousand Frenchmē, few or none were left & escaped alive, and two hundredth sail of ships taken: in one of the which, were found 400. dead bodies.

After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen (of whom many for fear of the sword lept into the sea) when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king: They which were next about the king, did subborne his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words, which was thus. As the foresaid fool being in the kings presence, and was talking of many things: among other talk, he suddenly brast out (being prompt by others) into a vehement railing of the Englishmen, calling them cowards & dastards, with many such approbrious words: tending to that effect. The king not knowing whereunto the words of the fool did appertain: asked the fool, why he called the Englishmen such weaklings and cowards, &c. why, saith the fool? Because the fearful and cowardly Englishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustely, as our Normands, & Gentlemen of France had. Whereby the French king began to understand the victory of his part to be lost, and the Englishmē to be victorers.

This victory achieved, y ^e fame thereof spreading abroad in England, first was not believed till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his son, being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops & prelates of the realm, the effect of which letters here followeth under written.

After this foresaid victory upon the sea, & news thereof with due thanks to our Savior sent into England: the Kyng striking into Flaunders, came to Gaunt in Brabaute where he had left the Queen, who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched as we term it of her fourth son, whose name was John and commonly called John of Gaunt, and was Earl of Richmonde, and Duke of Lancaster. At Uillenorth the king assembled his council, whereat the noble men of France Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firm league the one to help and defend the other, with the king of England, against the French king, purposing and determining from thence to march toward Turncy & it to besiege. But the French king understanding their counsel, fortified and victualed the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the said French king the same time to stop the sige of king Edward, sent w ^t king David of Scotland a great power, to that intent to make inuasiō in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his siege. In the mean time while king Edward wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous, making unto him certain requests, as in the same his letters here following is to be seen: who for y ^e he wrote not unto him as K. of France but by y ^e name of Philip de Ualous, refused to answer him touching the same as by their letters here placed may be seen.

Mention was made a little before of David King of Scots whom the French king had supported and stirred up against the king and realm of England: which David (with the aide of the Scots and Frenchmen) did so much prevail, y ^t they recovered almost again all Scotland which before he had lost, and was constrained to live in the forest of Gedworth many years before. Then invaded they Enland, & came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as far as Durham. & then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Barwike. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtle devise practiced by Douglas & certain other: who apparaising themselves in poor men's habits, as vitailers with corn and prouender & other things, demanded the porter early in the morning what need they had thereof, who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate, where they should tarry til y ^e Captain rose: and perceiving the Porter to have the kaies of the inward gate, threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, & slew the Porter, taking from him the kaies of the town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to the bands, which privily they had laid not far off: who in hasty wise coming, & finding the gates ready opened entered upon the sudden and killed as many as them resisted, and so obtained again the city of Edinburgh.

The Scots thus being busy in England, the French king in the mean season gathered together a puissaunt power purposing to remove the siege frō Turnay: and among other, sent for the king of Scots, who came to him w ^t great force, besides diverse other noble men of France: in so much that the French king had a great army, & thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French K. for all this his foresaid huge power & force, durst not yet so near approach the king, as either to give him battle, or else remove his siege: but kept himself w ^t his army aloof, in a sure place for his better defense. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burnt spoiled, and destroyed the country 20. miles in manner compass about Turnay, and took diverse and sundry strong towns and holds at Ortois, Urles, Greney, Archis, Odint, S. Amand, and the town of Lis • e, where he slew above 300. men of arms, and about S. Omers, he slue and killed of noble men, the Lord of Duskune, of Mauris • elou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, of Mounfaucon, and other Barons to the number of 14. and also slue and killed above 130. Knightes, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns to the number of 300. Yet for all this, Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men: but of his great army he lost (which is to be marveled at, being in the midst of his own country) by famine & other inconveniences, & for want of water more then 20000. men without any battle by him given. Whereupon at the treaty of the said Phillip by his ambassadors to the king sent, and by the mediation of the Lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, & mother to the Earl of Henault, whose daughter king Edward as you heard had married: A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one year was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and loath thereunto. Yet notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the foresaid Lady, but specially for y ^t the king was greatly disappointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, which sent him not over such money as he needed, for the continuance of his wars and payment of his soldiors wages (y ^c articles being somewhat reasonable) he agreeth to the truce thereof, the conditions of which truce there concluded, here follow under written.

• 1. First, that during the said truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breach of the same.
• 2. Item, that during the said respite or truce, either of the Princes, their helpers, coadiutors, and allies whatsoever: shall remain and be in the quiet possession of all such possessions, holds, territories and lands, as at this pre • ent day, they keep and enjoy within the realm and dominion of France, in what manner so ever they have achieved the same, during the said truce.
• 3. Item, that the said princes their aiders, coadiutors, and allies whatsoever: shall pass safely from one country to another, and all merchants with their merchandise, as well by sea as by land as accustomably they have ben wont: except such banished men as have ben banished out of y ^t said realms, or any of them for other causes, then the wars between the said princes.
• 4. Item, that the said two princes shall not procure either by themselves or any other, any practice or other molestation to be made the one to the other, by y ^c bishop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoever: either for the wars begun, or any other cause, nor for the service of any of their allies, coadiutors, and aiders, or any of them. And that our holy father the Pope nor any other, shall disturb or molest either of the said two kings during the said time.
• 5. Item, that immediately after the truce be proclaimed in both the hosts, that they may stand bound of either side, to keep and observe all and every such article as shall be therein contained.
• 6. Item, that within 20, days next and immediately ensuing, eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen, and other their lands these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better observed, kept, and known.
• 7. Item, if by any the said princes, their allies, people or coadiutours, any siege be laid in Gascoyne, or the Duchy of Guyen, or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Gersey, or any other: that the same sieges be raised, so soon as they shall hear of this truce.
• 8. Item, that such as are thieves and fugitiues out of the Country of Flaunders, shall not return during the truce: and if they do, that then such as apprehend them, shall see justice done upon them, and forfeit all the goods they have in Flaunders.
• 9. Item, it is accorded, that the debts due to Arras, Tresponois, or other titles of France, shall neither be demanded, nor executed during the said truce.
• 10. Item, that all such prysoners as have been taken during these wars, shall be released out of prison & sent home upon their faith and oath to return, if they be not raunsomed during the said truce. And if any shall refuse so to do, that then the Lord under whom he is, shall contstrain him to return again to prison.
• 11. Item, that all the bands whatsoever they be, which be made before this said truce in the time of war (whether they be of goods spiritual or temporal) be released w ^t out restitucion, during the said truce.
• 12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect between the Englishmen & Scots, their Lord's, aiders and allies: and the same to endure until the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist. And that certain persons be appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirm the same truce, under such conditions as have been accustomed in those partes. And if the said Scots refuse so to do, that then they to have no aide out of France, during the said truce.
• 13. Item, that this said truce be proclaimed in England, and in Scotland, within the 26. days after the date thereof.
• 14. Item, it is accorded that within this truce be contained Espamels, Chatellon, Geneuos, the Bishop and the town of Cambrey, and castels of the same, &c.

In witness whereof, we John by the grace of God king of Bohemia, and Earl of Luxemburgh, Adulphe Bishop of Liege, Raoule Duke of Loreine, Ayemes Earl of Savoy, & John Earl of Darminacke on the one party: And B. Duke of Brabante, C. Duke of Gelre, D. Marques of Iuliers, sir John of Henault, and sir Beawmount on the other party, betwixt the high & puissant princes of France and England: Have scaled this instrument of truce and peace, and delivered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline, on monday the 25. day of September, the yere of grace. 1340.

This truce thus finished, king Edward brake up his campe, removing his siege from Tourney, & came again to Gaunt. Frō whence (very early in the morning) he w ^t a small company took shipping, and by long seas came to the tower of London, very few or none having understanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with diverse of his counsel and high officers (for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars, to condescende unto the foresaid truce) he commanded to be apprehended and brought unto him to the tower, the Lord John Stonhore chief justice of England, and syr John Poulteney with diverse others. and the next morning, he sent for the Lord K. Bishop of Chichester and the Lord Wake, the Lord Treasurer & diverse other such that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be kept as prisoners in the said tower, only the said bishop excepted: whom for fear of the constitution of Pope Clement, which commanded that no Bishop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at liberty & suffered him to go his way, & in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight, Lord Chancelor of England.

The history entreating of this matter, reporteth thus that the king had this time under him evil substitutes, and covetous officers: who attēding more to their own gain, then to the public honor and commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. Wyth which crime, also John Stratford Archbishop then of Canterbury, was vehemently noted and suspected, whether of his true deserning, or by the setting on of other hereafter shall more appear. In so much that the king ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falsehood used against his person, as by these his letters written and directed to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's against the said Archbishop manifestly appeareth, the tenor of which letter here followeth under written.

By these foresaid objections & accusations of the king premised, and laid against the Archbishop of Canterbury: what is to be thought of the doings of the said Archbishop, I leave it to thy iudgeuient gentle reader (as I said before) to be coniected: For so much as our histories somewhat bearing with the said Archbishop, seem either to be uncertain of the truth of the matter, or else covertly to dissemble some part of that they knew. And especially of Pol • dor Virgil. I marvel, who having so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so slightly pass it over without any word of mention. In which matter if probable conjecture (beside history) might here be heard, it is not unlike • but that some old practice of prelates hath herein been put in ure, through some crafty conspiracy between the Pope and the Archbishop. And the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto the king in this his challenge to the crown of France: So the Archbishop against his Prince (as for the most part always they have been) was a trend, as no man need to doubt thereof, unto the Pope. Which thing also more probable may be supposed, because of the coming down of the it. Cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of farther truce: whereof (Christ willing) more hereafter shall follow. Albeit, the Archbishop (this yet notwithstanding) subtely and featly excuseth himself to the king of the foresaid objections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth.

And thus node the case between the king & the Archbishop of Canterbury, who coming thus (as is said) in secret wise into England, from the siege of Tourney, his army in the mean while, by ships was conveyed to little Britain. Of whom a great number, through unseasonable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumed. To whom also no less danger happened by the seas coming out of Britain into England, by tempest, thunder and lightening stirred up, as is thought by the Necromaucers of the French king.

About which season, approchyng to the year of our Lord 1341. were sent from the Pope two other Cardinals to entreat with Kyng Edward for three years truce to be concluded more with the French Kyng, beside the former truce taken before for one yere, and all by the popes means. For here is to be understanded, that as it was not for the Popes purpose to have the Kyng of England to reign over so many coūtreis, so his privy supportation lacked not by all means possible, both by Archbishops & Cardinals, and also by the Emperor to maintain the state of the French king, and to stablish him in his possession. Ex Tho. Walsing. ex chron. Albanens.

In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same year such plenty there was here in the realm of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was sold for ii.s. a fat ox for a noble, and as some say a sheep for iiii. d. And thus far endureth the history of Ranulphus Cestrensis called Polychronicon.

The next yere following, which was 1342, Ludouicus Bauarus the Emperor, who before had shown great courtesy to king Edward as in his first viage over, in so much that he made him his Uicar or Uicegerent general, and offered him also aide against the French king: Now ( • yther turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writeth to him contrary letters, wherein he reuoketh again the Uicegerentship granted to him, and seeketh all means in the favor of the French king, against king Edward: as by his letters here under written may better appear.

In this mean time died Pope Benedict the 12. mentioned a little before: after whom succeeded in that room Pope Clement the 6. Of whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal and bountiful to his Cardinals of Rome, in riching and heaping them with goods & possessions, not of his own, but with the Ecclesiastical dignities and preferments of the Churches of England. For so recordeth the author, that he bestowed upon his Cardinals the livings and promotions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and went about to set up new titles for his Cardinals, here within this realm. But the king being offended therewith made void and frustrate all those foresaid provisions of the pope, charging moreover and commanding no person whatsoever, to busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of prisonment & l • sing his life. Which law was made the next yere following which was an. 1344.

It followed then, that the said Pope Clement, again began to make new pronisiōs for two of his Cardinals of benefices and Churches that should be next vacant, beside Bishoprics and Abbotshyps, to the extent of two thousand Marks. Wherupon, the procurators of the said Cardinals were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the realm not suffering that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said procurators forthwith to depart the realm : whereupon, the nobles and commons shortly after, writeth a fruitful Epistle to the Pope, for the liberties and the maintenance of y ^• English church: Whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French, we have caused to be translated into English, as ensueth.

After these things thus passed over, the King shortly after sent over his Procuratours, Earl of Lancaster and Darby, Hugh Spencer, L. Rafe Stafforde, with the Bishop of Ex • tor and diverse other, to the popes court to discuss and plead about the right of his title, before the pope. Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after, sent down this message: how that Ludouike duke of Bauarie, the Emperor whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of absolution: And how the pope therefore had cōferred and restored unto him justly and graciously the Empire, which he before unjustly did hold. &c. Which message when the King did hear, being therewith moved to anger, answered again, saying: That if he did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to fight with them both, &c. Ex chro. Albanen.

Within the time of this yere, pence, halfepence, and farthings began to be coined in the tower. And the next yere following, which was an. 1344. the castle of winsor (where the king was borne) began to be repared: and in the same, the house called the round table was situate, the diameter whereof from the one side to the other, contained 200. feet, to the expēces of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the maintaining of the kings chiualrie: till at length by the occasion of the French wars, it came down to ix. If a week. By the example whereof, the French king being provoked, began also the like round table in France, for the maintaining of the knighthoode. At which tune the said French king moreover gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees for making of ships & maintaining of his nauie, whereby the Realm of England was not a little damnified.

During the same yere, the Clergy of England granted to the king tenths for 3. years: for the which the king in recompense again granted to them his Charter containing these privileges: that no Archbishop nor Bishop should be arreigned before his Justices, sieve ad sectam suam, sieve partis, if the said clarke do submit & claim his clergy, professing himself to be a member of holy Church, who so doing shall not be bound to come to his answer before the Justices. And if it shall be laid unto them to have married two wives, or to have married a widow: the Justices shall have no power to proceed against them, to inquire for the matter: So that the cause shall be reserved to the spiritual court. &c.

About this present time at the setting up of the round table, the king made Prince Edward his eldest son the first prince of Wales. At this while yet continued the truce between the 2. kings. Albeit it is likely to be thought that y ^• French king gave many attempts to infringe the same. Wherupon Henry earl of Lancaster w ^t 600. men at arms, and as many archers as were sent over to Gascoin, y ^• yere after, an. 1345. who there so valiantly is said to behave him self, that he subdued 55. towneships unto the king, 23. noble men, he toke prisoners, encountering w ^t the French men at Attebroke. So courteously and liberally he dealt with his soldiers, y ^• it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight underneath him. His manner was in winning any town, little or nothing to reserve to himself, but to sparie y ^• whole spoil to his soldiers. One example in the author (whom I follow) is touched: howe the foresaid Earl at the winning of the town of Briars, where he had granted to every soldior for his bootie, the house w ^t all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtain: among other his soldiors to one named Reh, fell a certain house w ^t the implements thereof, wherein was contained the mint and money coined for that country, to the valure of a great substance: which when the soldior had found, in breaking up a house, where first the gross metal was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the Earl declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whom the Earl answered that the house was his, & whatsoever he found therein. Afterwarde the souldior finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to the earle, for so much as he thought such treasure to be to great for his portion, to whom the said Earl again answering, declared that he had once given him the whole house, and that he had once given, he would not call back again as childrē use to play. And therefore had him enjoy that which was granted to him: And if the money were thrice as much it should be his own: Ex chron. Albanens. Which story whither it was true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present, any author should report the like act to be practiced, I would hardly believe it to be true.

As the erl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting & spoiling without mercy, which were thought (& not unlike) to be set on by y ^• French king. And therefore was judged both by that, & by other diverse ways to have broken the coutnants of truce between him and the king of England.

Wherefore y ^• next yere ensuing. An. 1346. king Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, & therein complaining to the pope of Philip de Ualois, how he had transgressed, and brokē the truce between them made, which by cuidēt probations he there made manifest: about the mōth of July made his voyage into Normandy in such secrete wise, that no man well knew whether he intended. Where first he entered the town of Bogs, from thence proceeded unto Cardone. Where, about the 27. of July by the river of Cardone he had a strong battle, w ^t the Normands & other French men, which to stop his passage, defended y ^• bridge. At the which battle were taken of the Lord's of France, the erle of Ewe, the erle of Tankeruile. And of knights with other men of arms, to the number of an 100. of foot men 600. and the town and suburbs beaten down to the hard walls. And all that could be borne away transported to the ships.

A little before mention was made how the French K. began first to infringe the truce taken, and howe the Earl of Lancaster, vpō the same was sent unto Gascony. Now for the more evidence of the matter concerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs & untrue dealing: It shall better in the kings letter appear, who hearing word y ^t the Lord Philip de Ualois (contrary to the form of truce taken at Uanes) had apprehended certain of his nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned & put to death: beside other slaughters and spoilings made in Britain, Gascony, and other places moe. He therefore seeing the truce to be broken of the French kings part, & being thereto of necessity compelled: In the year above prefixed, the 14. of the month of June, did publish and send abroad his letter of defiance, containing this effect.

And thus much for the kings letter. Now let us again return to his passage, from whence a little we have degressed. Concerning the which passage of the king, with the order of his acts achieved in the same, from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne, unto the town of Pusiack, is sufficiently described by one of the Kings Chaplaynes and his confessor, who being a Dominick Friar and accompanying the King through all his journey, writeth thereof as followeth.

After whose coming to Poisie, the foresaid chaplain and confessor to the king, named Michael Northburgh, describing the kings voyage and the acts of the Englishmen from the town of Poisie, to his coming to Calis, in his letters writeth in this wise.

After the siege and winning of Poisie, the third day of September an. 1346. the king through the midst of France directed his passage unto Calis, as by the tenor of this letter you hear, & besieged y ^e same: which siege he continued from the third of September aforesaid, til the third day of August the year next ensuing, upon the which day it was rendered up unto the said king Edward the third, and subdued unto the crown of England, as after the Lord willing shall more appear.

In the mean time during the siege of Calis, David the Scottish king at the request of y ^e French king with a great army brast into the North parts of England, and first besieging the town of Lidell, within six days obtained the greatest part of the town, & there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby a valiant knight which was the keeper of the hold, caused him vncurteously to be put to the sword, and so from thence proceeded further into England, till at length being met with all by William Surthe Archbish. of York, and the L. Percy, and the L. Neuell, w ^t other nobles of those parties (calling & gathering their men together) in the plain nere to Durham, the 17. day of October in the yere abovesaid through the gracious hand of Christ, there were subdued & conquered. In the which conflict, the Earls of Murrise, and Stratheron, with the flower of all the chiualry and principal warriors of Scotland were slain. Also the foresaid king David, with the Earls of Mentiffe & Fiffes, and other Lord's, and Williā Douglas Mas klime, fleming, and William Douglas, & other many moe men of arms were taken prisoners, & so the mischief which they intended to other, fell upon their own heads.

During moreover the said siege of Calis, the foresaid Pope Clement the 6. writing to the king of England, went about under the pretence of peace, to stop his proceedings whose letters here follow nuder written.

Moreover during yet the siege of Calis, the French king had sent certain offers to the men of Flaunders that if they would relinquish the king of England and adhere to him.

• First he would remit all their former transgressions.
• Secondly, he would vnburdē them of their interdict.
• Thirdly, he would send unto them such plenty of corn, that what was sold for 12.5. with them, should be sold for 4.5. and that for 6. years.
• Fourthly, he would store them with plenty of French wool, to make cloth for a small price, & that they might sell the said clothes both in Flaunders and in France: & that the French men should use the same cloth, for so much as all other manner of cloth should be forbid in France, so long as any of that (made of French wool) might be found.
• Fifthly, he would restore them to these three Cities Insulam, Rowocum, and Betony.
• Sixthly, he would defend them from all their adversaries. And in pledge of the same, would send them money before hand.
• Seventhly, such as were able and forward men among them, he would retain and promote them. &c.

But these offers seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve the present turn, then or any hearty truth, were not received. Thē the L. John, Prince & heir to the French king, during the foresaid siege of Calis above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of French men, set upon y ^• men of Flaūders and English men in the town of Cassels. In the which conflict during from morning to noon, the Frenchmē were vanquished and the young Dolphin driven back from whence he came. Of whose number diverse were slain, and taken prisoners. Where on the other side (through the Lord's defense) not one is reported to be grievously wounded.

As this passed on, not long after about y ^• 7. day of June an. 1347, king Edward continuing still his siege against Calis, Philip the French king came down with a mighty army purposing to remove the siege: where not far of from the English host, he encamped himself. Which done 2. Cardinals, Ambaldus, & Stephanus (procured for the same purpose) going between the two kings, gave to the king of England thus to understand: that if he would condescend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest prosers unto him, as to reason & to his contentation should seme agreeable. But in conclusion when it came to talk, the nobles could not agree upon y ^• conditions. Wherefore the french king seeing no other remedy, did it to be signified to king Edward: that between that present Teusday, & the next friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should have battle givē him. Thus the place being vewed of four Captains of either host, for the battle to be fought: it so fell, that the French K. on Wednesday at night before the battle should join, secretly by night setting his pauilions on fire, returned back with his army, out of the sight of English men.

Upon the Friday following, they which were besieged in the town of Calis, seeing the king to be retired (upon whose help they trusted, being also in great penury & famine for lack of victuals, & otherwise in much misery vehemently distressed) surrendered the town to the kings hands: who like a merciful Prince only deteining certain of the chief, the rest with the whole commons he let go with bag & baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing therein more Princely favor to them, then they did of late in Queen Mary's days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calis again.

After the winning thus of Calis as hath been premised, king Edward remaining in the said town a certain space, was in consultatiō concerning his voyage & proceeding farther into France. But by means of the foresaid Cardinals, truce for a certain time was takē, and instruments made (so provided) that certain noble mē as well for the french K. as for the king of England, should como to the Pope there to debate upon the Articles. Unto the which king Edward, for peacesake was not greatly disagreing. Which was. an. 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh.

The next year following which was an. 1348. fell a sore plague, which they call the first general pestilence in y ^• realm of England, This plague (as they say) first springing frō the East, & so spreading westward, did so mightily prevail here in this land, beginning first at Dorcester & the countries thereabout, that every day lightly 20. some days 40. some 60. & moe dead corses were brought & laid together in one pit. This beginning the first day of Angust: by the first of November it came to Londō. Whereas the vehement rage thereof was so hot, and did increase so much: that from the first day of February, til about the beginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield, above 200. dead corses every day were buried, besides them which in other Churchyardes of the City were laid also. At length by the grace of Christ ceasing there it proceeded from thence to the Northparts. Where also the next year after. an. 1349. it swaged.

After this in the next year ensuing. an. 1350. the town of Calis was by treason of the keeper of the Castle, almost betrayed and won from the English men. Within the compass of which yere, died Philip the French king. After whom king John his son succeeded in the crown. Who the next year after under false precence of friendship, caused the Constable of France Earl of Ewe to be beheaded: who being taken prisoner before in war by English men, and long detained in prison in England, was licēsed by king Edward to visit his country of France. In the same yere the town of Gwines was takē by Englishmē, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleep.

The year next following, the Marshall of France with a great army was put to flight, by Syr Roger Bentele Knight and Captayne in Britain, having but only 600. Soldiers with him. In this battle were taken 9. Knightes, Esquires, and Gentlemen. 140. The French men & Britain's, by this victory were exceedingly discouraged, and there pride cut down.

In the yere after, was Henry first made Duke of Lancaster, which before was Earl of Derby and Lancaster. Also diverse good ordinances were appointed in y ^e Parliament at Westminster. Which afterby avarice, and parciall favor of the head men, were again undone.

Concord and agreement about the year. 1354. began to come well forward, & instruments were drawn upon the same, between the 2. kings. But that the matter being brought up to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the French men, partly by the winking of y ^c Pope which ever held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which were these: That the king of England, all the Dukedom of Aquitanie with other lands there, should be to him restored, without homage to the French king. And that king Edward again should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in France: whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult, which followed after between the two Realms.

It followed after this, the year of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, & that king John his son, had granted the Dukedom of Aquitine to Charles his eldest son & Dolphin of Vienna: sent over Prince Edward with the Earl of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a sufficient number of able soldiers, into Aquitania. Where he being willingly received of diverse, y ^• rest be subdued: partly by force of sword, partly received, submitting themselves to his protection.

Not long after this in y ^• same yere, word being brought to king Edward that John the French king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to give him battle, gathered his power & set over to Calis with his 2. sons, Leo nell Earl of Wilton: and John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond: & with Henry Duke of Lancaster, &c. who being come to S. Omers, the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his coming, the nearer he approached to them the further they retired back: wasting & destroying behind them, to the intent that the english army in pursuing thē should find no victuals. By reasō whereof, king Edward following him by y ^• space of 9. or 10 days unto Hadē (whē neither he could • inde his enemy to fight, nor victuals or forage for his army) he returned unto Calis: where war again being offered in the name of the king upon unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, frō Calis crossed the seas into England: where he recovered again the town of Barwicke, which the Scots before by subtle train had gotten. At which time was granted unto the king in Parliament 50. s. for every sack or pack of wool that should be carried over, for the space of 6. years together. By the which grant, the king might despend every day by estimation above 100. marks sterling. And for as much as every yere 100000. sacks of wool were thought to be exported out of the Realm: the sum thereof for 6. years space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. pound sterling.

The same year, when king Edward had recovered Barwick, and subdued Scotland: Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the French king. Who notwithstanding by the way all bridges were cast down, & great resistance made: yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, & many prisoners taken: at length joining with the French king at Poytiers, scarce with 2000. gave the overthrow to the French king with 7000. men of arms and mor. In which conflict the French king himself, and Philip his son with L. James of Bourbon, the Archb. of Senon, II, Earls. 22. Lord's were taken. Of other warriors and men of arms 2000. Some affirm in this conflict were slain 2. Dukes, of Lord's and noble men 24. of men of arms 2002. of other soldiers above 8000. The commō report is, that mo Frenchmē were there taken prisoners, then was the number of them which took them. This noble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no little admiration to all men.

It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the circumstances of his victoryes, of the bringing in of the french king into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him and of David the Scottish king, of which, the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes, y ^t other at 100000. marks to be paid in 10 years how the staple was after translated to Calis, with such like, I refer them that would see more, to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing. of S. Albans, of John Froysard, Adā Merimouth, who discourse all this at large.

Thus having discoursed at large all such marshal affairs and warlicke exploytes incident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the realms of France and Scotland: Now to return again to our matters ecclesiastical, followeth in order to recapitulate and notifye the troubles & contentions growing between the same king & the Pope and other ecclesiastical persons in matters touching the church in order of years remayuing in the Tower taken out of the records as followeth. As where first in the 4. year of his reign the king wrote to the Archbi. of Canterbury to this effect. That whereas King Edward the 1. his grand father did give to a Clerke of his own, being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York, the Archbishopric of York being then vacant and in the kings hands, in the quiet possession whereof the said Clerke continued until the Pope misliking therewith would have displaced him, and promoted to the same dignity a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest prejudice of the crown of England. The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of York not to suffer any matter to pass that may be prejudice to the donation of his graundfather, but that his own Clerke should enjoy the said dignity accordingly, upon pain of his highness displeasure.

The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops following vide to the Bishop of Lincoln, Bishop of Worcester, Bishop of Sax, Monser Marinion, Archdeacon of Richmond, Archdeacō of Lincoln, the Prior of Lewē, the Prior of Lenton, to master Rich of Bintworth, to •• Iherico de Concoreto the Popes Nuncio, to M. 〈◊〉 of Calma. And with all wrote his letters to the Pope touching the same matter consisting in three partes. First is the declaration and defense of his right and title to the donatiō and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebendes, benefices and dignities ecclesiastical holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England. Secondly in expostulating with the Pope for intending himself into the ancient right of the crown of England intermeddling with such collations contrary to right & reason and the example of all his predecessors which were Popes before. Thirdly entreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the Realm with such novelties and strange usurpations, and so much the more for that in the public Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed upon by the universal assent of all the estates of the Realm that the Kyng should stand to the defense of all such rightes and jurisdictions as to his crown appertained.

After this in the 9. year of the Reign of this Kyng Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certain other matters and requests to the King whereunto the King answering again declareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more over y ^t his purpose was to have sent unto him certain Ambassadors for congratulatiō of the sau • e: But being otherwise occupied by reason of wars could not attend his holiness requests: notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of Ascension next, whereupon the assembly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadors to his holiness accordingly.

The next year after which was the 10. year of his reign the King writeth another letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had granted him one years tenth for the supportation of his wars, and for that the Pope also had the same time to take up the payment of 6. years tenth granted him by the Clergy a little before, therefore the Pope would vouchsafe at his request to forbear the exaction of that money for one year, till that his tenth for the necessities of his wars were dispatched.

The same yere he wrote also to the Pope to this effect. That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwich did nominate a Clerke to be Bishop of Norwich and sent him to Rome for his inuestiture without the Kings knowledge, therefore the Pope would withdraw his consent & not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the Kings peculiar jurisdiction and prerogative.

After this in the 16. year of this King it happened that the Pope sent over certain Legates to hear and determine matters appertaining to the right of patronages of Benefices: which the King perceiving to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of his subjects writeth unto the said Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceed therein nor attempt anything vnaduisedlye otherwise then might stand with the lawful ordinances & customs of the laws of his realm and liberty of his subjects.

Writing moreover the same year to other Legates being sent over by the Pope to treat of peace between the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repair to the french King who had so oftentimes broken with him, and prove what conformitye the french king would offer: which if he found reasonable, they should soon accord with him: otherwise exhorted thē not to enter into the land nor to proceed any further in that behalf.

The year following which was the 17. of his reign ensueth another letter to the Pope against his provisions and reservations of benefices, worthy here to be placed & specified, but that the sum thereof is before set down to be found in the page. 386.

The year following another letter likewise was sent by the King to the Pope upon occasion takē of the church of Norwich: requiring him to surcease his reservations and provisions of the Bishopric within the Realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the Chapters of such Cathedral Churches according to the ancient grauntes and ordinances of his noble progenitors.

Proceeding now to the 19. year of this kings reign there came to the presence of the king certain Legates frō Rome complaing of certain statutes past in his parliament tending to the prejudice of the Church of Rome & the Popes primary viz. that if Abbots, Priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices should not present to the said benefices within a certain time, the lapse of the same should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the Archbishop: if the Archbishop likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not to the Lord Pope but to the Kyng and his heirs. An other complaint was this that if Archbishops should be slack in giving such benefices as properly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise should appertain to the foresaid King and his heirs. An other complaint was that if the Pope should make void any elections in the Church of England for any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then the King and his heirs was not bound to render the Temporaltyes unto the parties placed by the Popes provision. Whereupon the Pope being not a little agrieued, the Kyng writeth unto him certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that Parlyament. And further as touching all other things he would confer with his Prelates and Nobles and thereof would return answer by his Legates.

In the 20. year of his reign another letter was written to the Pope by the King, the effect whereof in few words to express, was this, to certify him that in respect of his great charges sustained in his wars, he hath by y ^e counsel of his Nobles taken into his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices here in England.

To proceed in the order of years that in the 26. year of this king one Nicholas Heath Clerke a busy headed body and a troubler of the Realm had procured diverse Bishops and others of the Kings counsel to be cited up to the Court of Rome there to answer such complaints as he had made against them: whereupon commandment was given to the King to all the ports of the realm for the restraynt of all passingers out, and for searching and aresting all persons bringing in any Bulls or other process from Rome tending to the derogation of the dignity of the crown or molestation of the subjects concerning which Nicholas Heath the King also writeth to the Pope his letters complaing of the said Heath and desiring him to give no ear to his lewd complaynts.

The same year the King writeth also to the Popes Legate resident in England requiring him to surcease from exacting diverse sums of money of the Clergy in the name of first fruits of benefices.

The 31. year of this Kings reign the King by his letters complaineth to the Pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanneway remaining in Rome, which by his slanderous complaints procured diverse citations to be sent into the Realm, to the great disturbance of diverse and sundry honest men: whereupon he prayeth and adviseth the Pope to stay himself and not to send over such hasty Citatiōs upon every light occasiō.

To pass further to the 38. year of the same King thus we find in the Rolls. That the King y ^• same year took order by two of his Clergy, to wit John a Stock and John of Norton to take into their hands all the temporaltyes of all Deaneryes, Prebendes, Dignityes, and Benefices being then vacant in England and to answer the profits of the same to the Kings use.

The same year an ordinance was made by the King and his Counsel and to the same proclaimed in all porte towns within the Realm, that good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoever coming frō the Court of Rome. &c. do bring into the Realm with him any Bull, instrument, letters patentes, or other process that may be prejudicial to the King or any of his subjects: nor that any person passing out of this Realm toward the Court of Rome do carry with him any instrument or process that may redound to the prejudice of the King or his subjects: and that all persons passing to the said Court of Rome. &c. with the Kings special license do notwithstanding promise and find surety to the Lord Chancellor, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the prejudice of the King or his subjects under pain to be put out of the Kings protection and to forfeyt his body, goods, and Cattelles according to the statute thereof made Anno. 27.

And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the King with such other domestical matters, perturbations, and troubles passing between him and the Pope taken out of the public Recordes of the Realm, whereby I thought to give the Reader to understand the horrible abuses, the intolerable pride, and the insatiable avarice of that Bishop more like a proud Lucifer then a pastor of the Church of Christ, in abusing the king and oppressing his subjects with exactions immeasurable: not only exercising his tyranny in this Realm, but raging also against other Princes both far and near, emongst whom neither spared he the Emperor himself. In the story and arts of which Emperor Ludouicus mentioned a title before, pag. 273. whom the Pope did most arrogantly excommunicate upon maundy thursday, and the self same day placing another Emperor in his room. Relation was made of certain learned men which took the Emperor's part against the Pope. In number of whom was Marsilius Patauinus, Gullermus Ockam, Johannes Gandauensis, Luitpoldus, Andreas Landensis, Vlricus Hangenor treasurer to the Emperor, Dantes, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius Patauinus compiled and exhibited unto the Emperor Ludourke, a worthy work entitled Defensor pacis : writē in the Emperors behalf against the Pope. Wherein (both godly & learnedly disputing against the Pope) he proveth, all Bishops and Priests to be equal: And that the Pope hath no superiority above other Bishops, much less above the Emperor. That the word of God ought to be only the chief judge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical: That not only spiritual persons, but say men also being godly and learned ought to be admitted into general councils: That the Clergy and the Pope ought to be subject unto Magistrates: That the Church is the university of the faithful, and that the foundation and head of the Church is Christ, and that he never appointed any vicar or Pope over his universal church: That Bishops ought to be chosen everyone by their own Church and Clergy: That the marriage of Priests may lawfully be permitted: That S. Peter was never at Rome: That the Clergy and Sinagoge of the Pope is a deune of thieves: That the doctrine of the Pope is not to be followed, because it leadeth to destruction: And that the corrupt matters of the Christians do spring and flow out of the wickedness of the spiritualty. &c. He disputeth moreover in another work of free justification by grace: And extenuated merits, saying that they are no causes efficient of our salvation, but only sine qua non, that is to say, that works be no cause of our justification, but yet our iustificatiō goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholic, he was condemned by the Pope. an. 1324. by the Popes decree extravagant, cap. Licet intra doctrinam. Concerning the which man and his doctrine: I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the intent men may see, that they which charge this doctrine now taught in the Church with the note of noueltye or newness, how iguoraunt and unskillful they be in the histories and order of times fore past.

In the same part of condemnation at the same time, also was Johannes de Gunduno. an. 1330. and contained also in the foresaid Extrauagāt, with Marsilius Patauinus. Which Johannes wrote much upon Aristotle and Auerrois, and are yet remaining. And no doubt but he wrote also of divinity, but not unlike that these works have been abolished.

In the same number and cataloge, cometh also Guillermus Ockam, who was in the year of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defense of Ludouicus the Emperor against the Pope: and also in defense of Michael General of Grayfriers, whom the Pope had excommunicated & cursed for an heretic. Divers treatises were by the said Ockam set forth, whereof some are extant and in print, as his questions & distinctions: some are extinct and suppressed (as Ascentius reporteth) quood essent aliquando asperiora. Some again be published under no name of the author, being of his doing: as the dialogue between the soldier and the clarke: wherein it is to be coniected, what books and works this Ockam had collected against the Pope. Of this Ockā John Sledane in his history inferreth mention, to his great commendation, whose words be these: William Ockam in time of Ludouicus, 4. Emperor did flourish, about the yere of our Lord 1326. Who among other things wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. In the which book he handleth these 8. questions very copiously: whether both the administrations of the Bishops office, and of the Emperors may be in one man. 2. Whether the Emperor taketh his power and authority only of God, or else of the Pope. 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome have power by Christ, to set and place kings and Emperors, and to commit to them their jurisdiction to be exercised. 4. Whether the Emperor being elected, hath full authority upon the said his election, to administer his Empire. 5. Whether other kings besides the Emperor and King of Romaines, in that they are consecrated of priests, receive of thē any part of their power. 6. Whether the said kings in any case be subject to their cōsecrators. 7. Whether if the said kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the Diadeine without any further consecration, they should thereby lose their kingly right and title. 8. Whether the seven princes electors give as much to the election of the Emperor, as succession rightful giveth to other kings. Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on both sides at length decideth the matter on the parte of the civil magistrate: and by occasion thereof, entereth into the mention of the Popes decrees Extrauagant, declaring how little force or regard is to be given thereunto.

Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis a learned & a famous and right godly man: who not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about the year of our Lord 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will, as we do now, and dissented therein from the Papists and Sophisters, counting them worse then Pelagians.

Of the like judgment, and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro, as appeareth super lit. 1. Sentent. dist. 45. and Burdianus upon the Ethiques of Aristotle: which both maintained the grace of y ^t gospel, as is now in the church received, above 200. years since.

And what should I speak of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo, who at the same time, An. 1350. dissuaded the French king not to receive in his land the new found constitutions, decretal & Extrauagant, within his realm: whose sage counsel then given, yet remaineth among the French kings records, as witnesseth Charol. Molinaeus.

Dantes an Italian writer a Florentine, lived in the time of Ludouicus themperour, about the yere of our lord 1300. and took his parte with Marsilius Patauinus against three sortes of men, which he said were enemies to the truth: That is, the pope: Secondly, the order of religious men, which count thenselves the children of the church, whē they are y ^t children of the devil their father: Thirdly, the Doctors of decrees and decretals. Certain of his writings be extant abroad, wherein he proveth the Pope not to be above the Emperor, nor to baue any right or jurisdiction in the Empire. He cōfuteth the Donation of Constantine to be a forged and a feigned thing, as which neither did stand with any law or right. For the which, he was taken of many for an heretic. He complaineth moreover very much, the preaching of God's word to be omitted: and in stead thereof, the vain fables of monks and friers to be preached and believed of the people: and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the food of the Gospel, but with wind. The Pope saith he, of a pastor is made a wolf, to wast the church of Christ, and to procure with his Clergy not the word of God to be preached, but his own Decrees. In his canticle of purgatory, he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon. And to her ministers, to some he applieth 2. horns, to some 4. As to the Patriarchs, whō he noteth to be the tower of the said whore Babilonicall. Ex libris Dantes Italice.

Hereunto may be added the saying out of the book of Iornandus unprinted, with the foresaid Dantes: that forsomuch as Antichrist cometh not before the destruction of the Empire, therefore such as go about to have the Empire extinct, are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist. Therefore let the Romaines (saith he) and their Bishops beware, least their sins and wickedness so deserving by the just judgment of God, the priesthood be taken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and princes of Germany take hede. &c.

And because our adversaries which object to us the newness of our doctrine, shall see the course and form of this religion now received, not to have ben, either such a new thing now, or a thing so strange in times past: I will add to these above recited, master Taulerus a preacher of Argentine in Germany. An. 1350. Who contrary to the Popes proceedings, taught openly against all men's merits, and against invocation of Saints, and preached sincerely of our free iustificatiō by grace, referring all man's trust only to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.

With whom also may be adjoined Frāciscus Petrarcha, a writer of the same age, who in his works and his Italian meeter speaking of Rome: calleth it the whore of Babylon, the school and mother of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of traichery growing and increasing by y ^t oppressing of others: and saith farther that she, (meaning the Popes Court) extolleth her self against her founders that is, the Emperors, who first set her up and did so enriche her: And seemeth plainly to affirm that the pope was Antichrist, declaring that no greater evil could happen to any man then to be made Pope. Thys Franciscus was about the year of our Lord. 1350.

And if time would serve us to seek out old histories, we should find plenty of faithful witnesses of old and ancient time, to give witness with us against the Pope beside the other above rehearsed: as Johannes de Rupe scissian. 1340. Who for rebuking the spiritualty for their great enormities and neglecting their office and duty, was cast in prison.

Illyricus a writer in our days, testifieth that he found & red man old Pamphlet, that the said Johannes should call the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: and the Pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the Cardinals to be the false prophets. Being in prison he wrote a book of Prophesies, bearing the title: Vade mecum in tribulationem : in which book (which also I have seen) he prophesied & admonished affliction and tribulation to hang over the spiritualty. And pronounceth plainly that God will purge his Clergy, and will have priests that shall be poor, godly, and that shall faithfully seed the Lord's flock: moreover, that the goods of the church shall return again to the lay men. He prophesied also the same time, that the French king and his army should have an overthrow. Which came likewise to pass during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Johannes de Rupe, writeth Froysard in his time, and also Wicklisse, of whose prophecies, more may be said at more leisure (Christ willing) hereafter.

About the same year of our Lord 1340. in the City Herbipoli, was one named master Cōradus Hager, who (as appeareth by the old bulls and registers of Otho bishop of the said city) is there recorded, to have maintained and taught the space of 24. years together, the Mass to be no manner of sacrifice: neither that it profiteth any man ether quick or dead, and that the money given of the dead for Masses, be very robberies & sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly do intercept and take away from the poor. And said moreover, that if he had a stooue full of gold and silver, he would not give one farthing for any Mass. For the same his doctrine, this good preacher was condemned and enclosed in prison: what afterward became upon him, we do not find.

There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belonging to this present time, a certain monument in verses Poetically compiled, but not without a certain moral, entitled, Poenitentiarius Asini, the Asses confessor: bearing the date and year of our Lord in this number, Completus An. 1343. In this treatise be brought forth the Wolf, the Fox, and the Ass coming to Christ and doing penance. First the Wolf confesseth him to the Fox, who easily doeth absolve him from all his faults, and also excuseth him in the same. In like manner the Wolf hearing the Foxes shrifte, showeth to him the like favor again. After this cometh the Ass to confession, whose fault was this: that he being hungry, took a straw out from the cheafe of one that went in peregrination unto Rome. The Ass although repenting of his fact, yet because he thought it not so heinous as y ^e faults of the other, the more he hoped for his absolution, But what followed? After the seely Ass had uttered his crime in auricular confession, immediately the discipline of the law was executed upon him with severity: neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended upon the same, slain and devoured. Whosoever was the author of this fabulous tale, had a mystical understanding in the same, for by the Wolf no doubt was meant the Pope. But the Fox was resembled to the Prelates, Curtisans, Priests, and rest of the spiritualty. Of the spiritualty, the Lord Pope is soon absoyled, as contrary, the Pope soon doeth absoyle them in like manner. By the Ass is meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strait censure of the law is sharply executed: especially when the Germane Emperors come under the Popes Inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not the weight of a straw, yet what saith the holy father the Wolf, if it please him to make any matter of it.

And thus they aggerating and exaggerating the fault to the uttermost, fly upon the poor asse & devour him. By the which Apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual Romanists are lively described.

Not long after those above rehearsed, about the year of our lord 1350. Gerhardus Ridder, wrote also against the Monks and Friers a book entitled, Lacrima Ecclesiae : wherein he disputeth against the foresaid religious orders namely against the begging Friers: proving that kind of life to be far frō Christian perfection, for that it is against charity to live upon other, when a man may live by his own labors. And affirmeth them to be hypocrites, filthy livers, and such as for man's favor, and for lucre sake, do mixed with true divinity: fables Apocriphas, and dreams of vanity. Also, that they under pretence of long prayer, devour widows houses: and with their confessions, sermons, and burials do trouble the Church of Christ manifold ways. And therefore persuaded the prelates to bridle and keep short y ^e inordinate license and abuses of these Monastical persons. &c.

Yet I have made no mensiō of Michael Cesenas, provincial of the gray friers, n • r Petrus de Corbaria, of whō writeth Antoninus, in quarta parte summae & saith they were condemned in the extravagant of Pope John, with one Ioānes de Poliaco. Their opinions saith Antoninus were these: That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church, then the other Apostles: And that Christ left no Vicar behind him or head in his Church: And that the Pope hath no such authority to correct and punish, to institute or depose the Emperor. Item, that all Priests of what degree so ever, are of equal authority, power, and jurisdiction by the institution of Christ: but by the institution of the Emperor, the Pope to be superior, which by the same Emperor also may be revoked again. Item that neither the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man, punitione coactiua. That is, by externe coaction: unless they receive license of the Emperor. This foresaid Michael, general of the gray Friers, wrote against the tyranny, pride, and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist: and the Church of Rome, to be the whore of Babylon drunk with the blood of Saints. He said there were two Churches, one of the wicked flourishing, wherein reigned the pope: the other of the godly afflicted. Itē, that the verity was almost utterly extinct: And for this cause he was deprived of his dignity & condemned of the Pope. Notwithstāding, he stood constant in his assertions. This Michael was about the year of our Lord 1322. And left behind him many fautours & followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slain by the Pope: Some were condemned, as William Ockam, some were burned as Johannes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. In extrauag. John 23.

With him also was condemned in the said Extrauagāt Johannes de Poliaco, above touched, whose assertions, were these: That the pope could not give license to hear confessions to whom he would, but that every pastour in his own Church ought to suffice. Item, that pastors and bishops had their authority, immediately from Christ & his Apostles, and not from the pope, Itē, that the constitution of pope Benedict. II. wherein he granteth larger priuelegies to the Friers above other pastors, was no declaration of the law, but a subversion. And for this he was by y ^e said Friers oppressed, about the year of our Lord. 1322.

After Simon Mepham Archbishop of Canterbury before mentioned, who lived not long: succeeded John. Stretford. After whom came John Offord, who lived but x. months. In whose room succeeded Thomas, & remained but one year. an. 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury, by Pope Clement the vi. who sat xvii. years, and built Canterbury College in Oxford. Which Simon Islyp succeeded the Bishop of Eli named Simon Langham, who within two years was made Cardinal. In whose stead Pope Urbane the 5. ordained William Wittlesey bishop of Worcester to be archbishop of Canterbury. an. 1366. In which year, William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the new college in Oxford.

Agayne in the order of the popes, next unto Pope Clement the 6. before mentioned, about the same time. an. 1353, succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first year of which Pope two Friers Minors of Franciscans were burned at Avigno. Pro opinionibus (as mine author saith) erroneis, prout. D. Papae & eius Cardinalibus videbatur. i. For certain opinions, as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals, erroneous. Ex Chron. Walls. Of the which two Friers, I find in the Chronicles De actis Rom. pontificum, and in the history of Praemonstratensis, that the one was Johannes Rochetaylada. Or rather as I find in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia, his name to be Hayabalus. Who being (as he recordeth) a Fry or Minorite, began first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an. 1345. to preach and affirm openly that he was by God's reuelatiō charged and commanded to preach: that though Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon, and the Pope with his Cardinals to be very Antichrist. And that pope Benedict & the other before him his predecessors were damned, with other such like words, tending much against the Popes tirannical majesty. And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Popes face, constauntly did stand in the same, saying: that he was commanded by God's reuelatiō so to say, and also y ^t he would preach the same, if he might. To whom it was then objected that he had some heretical books, and so was committed to prison in Auiniō. In the time of his accusation it happened, that a certain priest coming before the Pope, cast the Popes Bull down before his feet, saying, Lo here, take your Bull unto you, for it doth me no good at all. I have labored now these 3. years withal, and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right. The Pope hearing this, commanded the poor Priest to be scourged, and after to be laid in prison with the foresaid Friar. What became of them afterward, the foresaid writer Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention. But I may probably conjecture this Priest, and this Friar Rochetayladus, or rather Hayabalus were the two, whom mine author Thom. Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Avigno, about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of this Roichtaylada, I thought good here to infer the testimony and mention of John Froysayd, written of him in his first volum, chap. 211 in these words.

There was (saith Froysard) a Frier Minor full of great Clergy in the Citty of Avigno, called Frier John of Rochetaylada, the which Frier pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castell of Baignour for showing of many meruails after to come, pricipally he shown many things to fall unto the Prelates of the Church for the great superfluity and pride, that was then used among them. And also he speak many things to fall of the realm of France and of the great Lord's of Christendom, for the oppressions y ^t they did to the poor common people. This Friar said he would prove all his sayings by the authority of the Apocalypse, & by other books of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by y ^t grace of the holy ghost: he shown many things hard to believe, & many things fell after as he said. He said thē not as a prophet but he shown them by authority of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost, who gave him understanding to declare the ancient prophets, & to show to all Christian people the years and times whē such things should fall, he made diverse books founded on great sciences and Clergy, whereof one was made the year of our Lord. 1346. wherein was written such meruailes that it were hard to believe them howbeit many things, according there to fell after. And when he was demanded of the wars of France he said that all that had been seen, was not like that should be seen after. For he said that the wars in France should not be ended till the Realm were utterly wasted & exiled in every part. The which saying was well seen after, for y ^e noble realm of France was sore wasted and exiled: & specially in the term that the said Friar had set. The which was in the years of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. & 59. He said in those years the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realm should not for fear show themselves against the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captain, and they should do as they list in the Realm of France, the which fell after as ye have heard, how the companions assembled them together, and by reason of their robbery and pillage waxed rich & became great captains.

About the same time happened in France a certain contention between the French Prelates, and y ^e Friars of Paris, testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis, the brief effect of which story is this. The Prelates of France conventing and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselves: caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes, masters & Bachelers of every faculty, with the chief heads also of all the Religious houses and Friers in the university of Paris, who being all there congregated together in the bishop of paris his house, where there were present 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops: first stood up the Bishop of Biturecense, who there making his Sermon, took for his theme the place of S. Paul to the Ephesians, Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo, latitudo, altitudo, & profunditas charitatis &c. and concluded thereupon, first that true charity would compel them to see and provide for their flocks. Secondly, that the vigore of charity would arm them, to withstand errors. Thirdly he concluded, that by duty of charity, they were bound to give their lives for the souls of their flock committed to their charge. Fourthly, that by the same charity every man to hold himself content with that which was his own, and not to intevineddle or busy himself further then to him appertained, or belonged to his office: For there (saith he) all order ecclesiastical is dissolved, where as men not concerning themselves in their own precincts; presume in othermes charges where they have nothing to do. But this charity (saith he) now a days waxeth cold, and all Ecclesiastical order is confounded and utterly out of order. For many there be, which now a days presume to thrust in themselves where they have nothing to do, so that now the Church may seem a monster. For as in a natural body appeareth a monster, where one menber doth the office of another: so in y ^e spiritual body, which is the church, may be thought likewise. As whē our learned and prudent brethren, to wit, the Friers maiors and minors, do take upon them to usurp and occupy the office to us specially appertaining: namely, where as the scripture warneth us all, none to take vpō him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Wherefore we have heretofore oftentimes caused the said Friers, both by the king himself in his own person, & also by other nobles to be spoken to, and desired: to furcease from doing and intermeddling in our office, & yet they would not, but have preached against our willes through all our diocesses, & have heard confessions, saying that they have the Popes privilege to bear them out therein. For the which cause we come to you, and not we here present only, but also we have the handwriting and the full consent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the kingdom of France, to compla • ne to you of this so great insolency and presumptiō of the Friers. For that as we are, you shall be. Neither do I think to be any of us prelates here now, which have not sometime been taken out of this university of yours. We have desired moreover, and caused to be desired the foresaid Friers, to send their priuilegies to the Apostolic see, to be interpreted and expounded more plainly by the Lord Pope: which they refused also to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the better understand and see what their privileges be, and how far they do extend: we have appointed the said privilege here openly to be read unto you.

Then stood up another in the public place, and there read the privileges of both the orders: and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5, of the decretals, and beginneth: Omnis vtriusque sexus. &c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresaid priuilegies, as he there manifestly proved, declaring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution.

This done, then rose up the Bishop Ambianensis, a great Lawyer: who discoursing frō article to article, there proved by good law, that the said constitution stood in his full force and vigore, and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part. And therefore by the virtue of that constitution, that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselves in hearing confessions, in enjoining of penance, and in preaching in Churches and Dioceses without special license of the Bishop of the Dioces, & curate of the parish: unto whose words, never a Frier at that time replied again. And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion, desired the university to assist them in that case wherein they were all determined (saith he) to stand firmly to the shedding of their blood, in resisting that misorder and injuries of the Friers. This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas.

The next day being Sunday, one of the order of the minorites or Franciscans, went to the Church of the maiorites or preaching Friers: where he made a sermon (which was never seen before, the one order to come and resort with the other) beginning in the forsayd matter to reply, & to expound in order through every article as well as he could: adding moreover and saying, that they went not so far in their priuilegies, as they lawfully might. And said moreover, that what time the said privileges were in obtaining in Rome: the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himself, resisting the same with all his power, yea all the Prelates also of France sent and wrote up to the Court against the same, and yet did not prevail. For whē the Friers there presently declared & opened to the Pope in what manner and how far they had used privileges: the Pope the same time said, Placet : That is, agreed unto the same. And now (saith he) the Prelates require & demand of us to send up our privileges to the Court, which were great folly in us: For in so doing, what should we else but give place & occasiō, to revoke again the authority which is given in our hands already. Furthermore, our ward̄ and master is now lately dead, and the master here of the Dominike Friers, is not now present. Wherefore, we dare not determine in such a weighty cause (touching the privileges of our order) without the presence of them. And there fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to hold us therein excused, and not to be so lightly stirred against us, for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity. &c.

The next day being the 8. day of the same month, whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Lady, upon which day it was determined likewise: that one of the dominicke Friers, should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers, and so he did: tending to the same end, as the other frier in the other church had done before. Whereby it may seem the proverb well answered unto, whereof we read in the Gospel: Facti sunt amici Herodes & Pilatus in ipsa die.

It was not long after, that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle followed, in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity again, were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time. Which being done, and the assembly meeting together, another Sermō was made by a Divine of the Uniuersity, whose theme was: Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate. &c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued against them, that would not be obedient unto their Prelates. &c. The sermon being ended then rose up again the Bishop Ambianensis, who prosecuting the rest of the Theame, and coming to the word in veritate : divided it in three parts, according to the common gloss of the decretals.

Showing and declaring by many authorities both of canonical scriptures and out of the law, and by evident demonstratiō of experience: that the Friers first had no verity of life, because they were full of hypocrisy: neither had they verity of doctrine, because in their heart they bare gall, and in their tongue honey: neither verity of justice, because they usurped other men's offices. And thus concluding w ^t the same, caused again to be read the said privileges, with y ^e constitution above specified. And so expounding place by place, did argue and prove that the said constitution, in no part was euacuat or infringed by y ^t priuilegies aforesaid. Which thing being declared he added moreover, that where as the Friers say (said he) that I should be present in the obtaining of the privileges, I grant it to be true, & when word came to me thrice thereof, I went to the Pope reclayming & requiring the said privileges to be renoked. But the next day after, it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad upon weighty affairs, so that then the matter had no end. After that, we sent also other messengers with our letters, for the same cause unto the Court of Rome, whom the Friers say not to have prevailed, but they lie therein. For the said messengers again brought us letters, from the chief of the court of Rome, sealed w ^t their seals which letters, we have diverse times presented to our king & will shortly show them unto you all. In the which letters, the Lord Pope hath promised the said privileges, either to be utterly abrogate, or else to be mitigated with some more plainly interpretation, of the which we trust shortly to have the public Bulle or writ from the Pope.

At last, the said Bishop required & desired of all there of what Dioces, or country so ever they were: that they would copy out the foresaid privileges, and send them abroad into their countries, that all men might see what they were, and how far they did extēd. In fine, the matter coming into open disputation, it was concluded by M. Giles one of the Augustine Friers (who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers, in this wise) that after his sentence, the Prelates were in the truer part. &c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis.

Concerning this wrangling contention between the Uniuersity and Friers of France heretofore mentioned, whereof partly the original cause there may be understand by that which hath been said to rise upon certain priuilegies granted by popes to the Friers, to intermeddle in matters of Parish churches: As to hear confessions, to preach and teach, with power there to annexed to gather for their labor, to bury within their houses, and to receive impropriations, &c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances thereof, also because the said contention did endure a long time not only in fraūce but also came over to englād: The whole discourse thereof more ample (Christ willing) shall be declared in the beginning of the next book following, when we come to the story of Armachanus.

About what time & yere, this brawl was in the Uniniuersity of Paris between the Friers and Prelates there, as hath been declared: the like contention happened also in the university of Oxford in the year above prefixed. 1354. save only that the strife among the masters of Paris as it rose upon Frierly ceremonies, so it went no farther, then brawling words and matter of excommunication: but this tumult rising of a drunken cause, proceeded further unto bloody stripes. The first original whereof began in a tauerne, between a scholar & the good man of the house. Who falling together in altercatiō, grew to such heat of words, that the student ( contra ius hospitij ) poured the wine upon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion given, estsoones parts began to be taken between towns men & the scholars. In so much that a grievous sedition & conflict followed vpō the same: wherein many of the towns men were wounded, & to the number of 20. slain. Divers also of the scolers grievously hurt. The space of 2. days this hurly burly continued. Upon the second day, certain religious and devout persons ordained a solemn processiō general, to pray for peace. Yet notwithstanding, all y ^t procession as holy as it was, it would not bring peace. In the which procession (the skirmish still waxing hot) one of the students being hardly pursued by the townesmen, for succor in his flight, came running to the Priest or Frier, which carried about (as the manner was) the pyx: thinking to find refuge at the presence of the transubstātiated God of the alter there carried & inboxed. Notwithstanding, the God there not present, or else not seeing him, or else peradventure being a sleep: the scholar found there small help. For the townesmen in the heat of the chase, forgetting belike the virtue of the popes transubstantiation, followed him so hard, that in the presence of the pyx they brake his head, & wounded him grievously. This done, at length some peace or truce for that day was taken. The next morrow following, other townesmē in the villagies about, joining with the townesmē of Oxford: confederated together in great force and power to set upon the studētes there, and so did, having a black flag borne before thē, and so invaded the Vniuersity men. Wherupō, the scholars being overmatched & compelled to flee into their haules and hostles, were so pursued by their enemies, that 20. of the doors of their haules and chambers were broke open, & many of them wounded, and (as it is said) slain and thrown into priuies: their books with knives and bills cut all in pieces, and much of their goods carried away. And thus the students of that Vniuersity being conquered by the townesmen of Oxford, and of the country about, departed & left the university. So that for a time, the schools there, and all school acts did utterly cease from all exercise of study, except only Mertō College haule, with a few other remaining behind.

This being done the 12. day of February, the Queen at the same time being at woodstock, was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sunday in Lent with great solēnity of Iusting: About which time, the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocesan hearing of this excessive outrage, sendeth his inhibition to all Parsons and Priests, forbidding thē throughout all Oxford, none to celebrate Mass or any divine service in the presence of any lay persō within the said Town of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole Town. Which interdiction endured the space of a whole yere and more.

The king also sent thither his Justices to examine and inquire of the matter. Before whom diverse lay men & of the clergy were indicted. And four of y ^e chief burgeses of the said town were indicted, & by the kings commandment sent to the tower of London, were there imprisoned. At length through much labor of the nobles, the king so took up the matter, that sending his writings unto all Sheriffs in England, offered pardō to all & singular students of that Vniuersity, (wheresoouer dispersed) for that transgression, whereby the Vniuersity in short time was replenished again as before. Moreover was granted to the Vice chauncellor or Commissary (as they term him) of the town and Vniuersity of Oxford, to have the a • ise of bread, ale, wine, and all other victuals, the Major of the said town being excluded. Also was granted and decreed, that y ^e commons of Oxford should give to the university of Oxford 200. pound sterling in part of satisfaction for their excesses: reserved notwithstanding to everyone of the students his several action against any several person of y ^t townesmen. &c.

About the year of our Lord. 1354. The king with the consent of his counsel, revoked home again out of flauders the staple of wolle, with all things thereunto appertaining, & stablished the same in sundry places within the realm, namely in Westminster. Canterbury, Chichester, Bristow, Lincoln, and in Hulle. Which Staple after an. 1362. was translated over into Calais.

Of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterb. mentioned a little before, pag. 363. I read in the said author above specified, that he by his letters patent directed to all parsons & vicars within his province: straitly charged them & their Parishioners under pain of excommunication, not to abstain frō bodily labor, vpō certain Saints days, which before were wont to be hallowed & consecrated to unthrifty idleness. Item, that to Priests should be given no more for their yearly stipend, but 3. pound 6.5.8. pence, which made diverse of them to rob and steal. &c. an. 1362. The next year following, which was 1363. the foresaid Kyng Edward kept his Parliament at London in the month of October: wherein was prohibited, no gold nor silver to be worn in knives, girdles, brooches, ringes, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might dispend 10, pound by year. Itē, that none should wear either silks or costly furs, except such as might dispēd 100 pound by year. Also that Marchaunt venterers should not export over any marchaūdise out of the realm, or seek for wines in other country: whereby other nations should be constrained rather to seek to us. &c. But none of this did take any great effect.

After this Simon Islip as is above recorded, followed Simon Langham, then W. Wittelesey, after whom next in the place succeeded Simon Sudbury.

Much about the same time, the Nuns of S. Bridgits order began first. About which time also was built the Queens College in Oxford, by Queen Philippe of England, wife to king Edward the third Circa annum domini. 1360.

Moreover in the time of this Pope Innocent, Friar John Lyle Bishop of Eli, moved with certain injuries (as he thought) done to him by the Lady Blanche, made his complaint to the Pope. Who sending down his curse to the Bishop of Lincoln, and other Prelates to be executed upon the adversaries of the Bishoppe of Eli: commanded them, that if they did know any of the said adversaries dead and buried (that notwithstanding) they should cause the same to be taken up: which also they performed accordingly, of whom some had been of the Kings counsel. Wherefore the king being displeased and not unworthily, did trouble and molest again the said Prelates. This coming to the Popes hearing, certain were directed down from the court of Rome, in the behalf of the foresaid Bishop of Eli: who meeting, with the Bishop of Rochester the kings treasurer, delivered unto him being armed, letters from the Bishop of Rome, the tenor whereof was not known. Which done, they incontinent avoided away. But certain of the kings servants pursuing, did overtake them: of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the iustices, and so were condemned to be hanged. Wherein may appear what reverence the Popes letters in this kings days had in this realm of England. Ex Chro. Walsing. This Pope Innocēt ordained the feast of the holy spear, and of the holy nails.

And here to make an end of this fourth book, now remayueth after our order and custom before begun, to prosecute the race of the Archbishops of Canterbury, in this foresaid fourth book contained, beginning where before we left, pag. 170. at Lancfrancus.

A Table of the Archbishoppes of Canterbury, in this fourth Book contained.

34. Lanf • ancus. 19.	Polyd. Virg. lib. 9. numbereth this Lanfrancus to be the 33. Archbish. But by the count of other authors (namely by y t chronicle of the Monk of Dover) seemeth to be deceived as he was in the 28. years of Dunstane, which in deed did sit but 19. or 20. at y t most. This error of Pol. seemeth to come by leaving out either Elsius, which was the 23. or by leaving out Elfricus, which was the 26. as in some authors I find.
Moreover here is to be noted, that although the said Elfricus were left out, yet Lanfrancus cannot be. 33.
Note also, that in the table of the 3. Book before, after Siricius to put in Sanctus Aluredus. which in the order of Archbishops I left out in the end of the 3. book. pag. 170.
This Lanffancus was an Italian, and a stout Champion of the Pope. After his stubborn dissention with Thomas Archbishop of York, he wrote against Berengarius, intitulyng his Book Opus Scintillarum. pag. 172.
Also the same Lancfranke built the new Church at Canterbury, and plucked down the old. By him was built the Church of S. Gregory. At length he was expulsed by king Will. Rufus.
35. Anselmus. 20.	Of this Anselmus, and the strife between him and the king, look in the pag. 184.
36. Radulphus. 8.	Under Rad. the order of Cisternians began.
37. Guilielmus Curboil. 13.	By this W. the new work of the Church of S. Martines at Dover was built.
38. Theobaldus. 24.	By this Theobald, Monks were first brought into y t church of Dover. He was expulsed by king Stephen. In his time the church of S. Gregory was burned at Cant.
39. Tho. Becket. 9.	Of the life and death of this Becket, see the pag. 205.
39. Tho. Becket. 9.	Ex Crikeladensi. Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt, ne quis martyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret, interminantes minas mortis seu maximarum poenarum omnibus consitentibus eum fuisse martyrem, & miracula eius praedicantibus. &c.
40. Richardus. 10.	This Richard was a Monk: in his time Christ's Church at Canterbury was burned.
41. Baldwinus. 7.	Between this Baldwine & the Monks was great discord. He suspended the Prior from his Priorship, and 22. Monks from all service. He caused the Subprior with all his adherēts to be excommunicate through all Kent.
42. Hubertus. 14.	In the time of this Hubert the Chapel of Lamheth was plucked down. Also the Church of Dover was burned.
43. Stephanus Langhton. 22.	This Stephen with the Monks of Canterbury, were expulsed by king John.
This Stephen intending to give orders in the Chapel of Lamheth, was stopped by the Monks of Cant. through their appeal and prohibition. Wherefore he required Eustace Bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paul.
In his time fell great variance between the Monks of Rochester and the Monks of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monks of Cant. would not admit, before the Rochester Monks had presented the Bishops staff in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome.
44. Richardus Magnus. 4.	At the consecration of this Richard, contention rose between the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him.
Item, between the said Richard and the Monks of Canterbury fell a greuons discord about certain liberties belonging to the Archb.
The said Archbishop for certain quarrels against the king, went up to Rome, who died in Tuscia.
After this Richard, the election of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome: of Rodulphus de noua villa, of John Prior of Cant. John Blund.
45. Edmund of Abenden. 7.	This Edmund was called S. Edmund. At whose election the Prior of Dover thinking to be present, as at the marriage of his Mother, was not permitted by the Monks of Canterbury. For the which injury he appealed and went to Rome to complain, not against the elect, but against the election: where he obtained of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Dover, to have full interest in the election of the Archbi. besides other priuiledgies which he obtained, percase not without some good store of money. Afterward y • Monks of Cant. accused him to the Archbishop as though he stood against the person of the elect, & so obtained of the Archbi. being angry with him, to have brought him under the chapter of Canter. there to be punished. Whereupon the Prior seeing him so destitute of all help of Lawyers, was constrained in the foresaid chapter to cry peccaui. Then being suspended from his Priorship was at length sent home to Dover, being compelled first to set his hand to a certain composition between him & the foresaid Monks.
The said Edmund Archb. also having some quarrel against the king, went up to Rome, and died before his coming home.
46. Boniface. 25.	In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly granted to king Henry 3. (for the getting of the kingdom of Sicily which belonged not to him to give, nor to the other to take,) tenths of goods temporal and spiritual, for five years, Item, all the first years fruits of churches that should be vacant for 5. years. Item, half of all the goods of beneficed men not resident at their benefices. Item, all Legaces not distinctly given. And yet the kingdom of Sicily never came to his hands which belonged to Manfredus, son of Frederick Emperor. Strife between this Boniface, and the prior of Cant. Item, between him and bishop of Ross. Item, between him & the Chapter of Lincoln, all which was after agreed. Chro. Douerens. fol. 20. pag. 2.
Strife in Winchester, about choosing the bishop after y • death of Ayonarus y t kings Brother.
Strife in the Conuocation which Boniface did hold at Lambeth. In the which council were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new statutes made: Agaynst which, I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplain with other moe, and prince Edward on the Kynges behalf did appeal. Chro. Dover. fol. 21.
Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge & Hadlo first came under the custody of the Archb. of Cant.
Master John of Exeter bought the Bishopric of Winchester for 6000. marks: which being known he was fain to pay the same sum again to the Pope, and so was sent home.
Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Sebaudia. an. 1262, fell another alteration between the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and the Prior and Chapter of Dover on the other part. Which two houses almost were never in quiet, and all about certain liberties and Priuilegies: as for making the subprior, for receiving in of monks, and for visitations of the Church of Dover.
An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the City of London, because in the same City the Archb. of York did hold up his Cross, the Archbishop of Cant. being there present, the king holding then his Parliament at Westminster.
This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia.
	John Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monks against the kings mind, but by the Pope refused.
	Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his electiō to the Pope.
47. Robert Kilwarby. Frier. 6.	In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeal was taken against the Chapter of Canterbury by the Bishop of Winchester, of Worcester, and Exceter: for the which cause the said Bishops went up to Rome to prosecute the appeal. The matter was because they did not their obedience to the Monks of Canterbury, the see being empty.
Walter Gissard Archb. of York, going toward the general counsel, bare up his cross through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert Archbishop of Canterbury. an. 1272.
By Pope Gregory 10. in the general Council at Lions, all the orders of Friars were put down 4. orders only except, that is Dominicks, Franciscans, Carmilites, and Augustine's.
This Robert Kilwarby by the commandment of Pope Nicholas was made Cardinal of Rome, Bishop of Poruensis.
Where is to be noted an untruth in Polid Virgil, which saith that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be.
48. John Pecknam. 13	Robert Burnell Bishop of Bathe was elected, but by the Pope refused: For whom John Peckham a gray frier, was placed by Pope Nicho.
In the first year of this Frier Peckeham, Will. Wikewane Archb. of York coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bare up his Cross thorough the midst of Kent, whereat was no little ado.
Robert Gernemine Archdeacon of Cant. went to law to Rome for the liberties & possessions of his Archdeaconship 2. years and there died.
In his time also another wrāgling fell between y e Monks of Cant. & the Monks of Dover, in y e time of this I. Peckhā; for admitting certain Novices of Dover into orders. Ex chr. Monach. Dover. fol. 42.
This Peckham holding a councēll at Lambeth ordained diverse statutes, and caused the ordinances of the council of Lions, and of Boniface Archb. of Cant. and his predecessor to be observed.
Great strife and hatred was between this Pecham and Thomas Bishop of Hereford. Who being excommunicated by Peckham, appealed to Rome, & went to the Pope.
The Prior & convent of Cant. made their appeal against this archb. Peckham, that he should not consecrate Walter le Schamell new elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other place, except only in the church of Cant. but by their leave and license first obtained. Notwithstanding the archb. nothing regarding their appeal, proceeded in the consecration of the said bishop nere to the town of Reading, whereupon the Prior and Convent ceased not to prosecute their appeal against the Archbishop.
Betwene Richard Ferringes archdeacō of Cāt. of the one party, and the Barons of Dover of y e other party, the same year fell another like wrāgling, for that the Archdeacon claimed to visit the Church of Dover, contrary the barons affirmed, that none had nor should have to do there to order or dispose in spiritual matters but only the archb. & the Prior and convent of S. Martin. Ex eod. chron. fol. 46.
After the death of William Wicwane Archb. of York, John de Roma succeeded after him and coming from his consecratiō at Rome to Dover, bare his cross through the middle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of John Peckham.
48. Rob. Winchelsey. 19	This Rob. which was archb. in the latter time of K. Edward the 1. for certain displeasure of y e K. conceived against him, departed y e realm, & in his banishment remained 2. or 3. years. And about the beginning of the reign of K. Edwa. the 2. was restored again. an. 1309. Ex chro. Rich. 2. Thus few Archb. of Cant. we find, with whom kings have not had some quarrel or other. The cause between the K. and him (saith mine author) was this: that the K. accused him to Pope Clement to disturb his Realm, and to take part with rebels. &c. Ex chro. S. Albani.
This Robert also excommunicated Walter Bishop of Convent. for holding with the King and Peter Gaueston against the ordinances of the Barons wherefore the said Bishop appealed to the Pope, against whom the Archb. sent Adam Mirimouth.
In the time of this Robert Archbishop, the order of Templaries were abolished by Pope Clement 5. in the council of Vienna with this seittence diffinitiue. Quanquam de iure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.
50. Gwalther Reynald. 15	Ai • ct the decease of Robert Winchelsey, who departed. an. 1312. Thomas Cobham a learned man was elected by full consent of the Monks: who came to Avigno, to have his election confirmed. But the Pope reserving the vacant seat to his own hands put in Walter Reynald B. of Worcester Chancellor of England, who governed the seat 15. years.
The chronicler of S. Albans, recordeth also how in the days of this Archb. an. 1319. certain Lepers conspiring with the Turks and Jews went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendom, by inueneming their fountains, lakes, pits, barels, and such other places. Of the which crime diverse of thē being convict, were worthily burned in France. About the which year, the said author maketh also relation, how in y e realm of England much morain fell among the beas • es: in so much, that the dogs eating upon their flesh (infected belike by the waters and fountains) fell down dead incontinent. Neither dur •• men for that cause almost taste of any biefe. an. 1318. 1319. Ex Chron. Alban.
This Walter Archb. taking part with the Queen Isabell against K. Edward her husband, died the same yere in which he was deposed. an. 1237. Ex chr. S. Albani.
After Walter the Archb. as affirmeth the chron. of S, Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham. Of whom I marnell that Polydor, maketh no word mention: belike he sat not long after followed I. Stratford.
51. John Stratford. 29.	In the story of Adam Mirimouth is recorded that this I. Stratforde intending to visit the diocese of Northfolk, was not received by the Bishop, the chapter and clergy there, alleging that he obserned not the ordinarye Canon therein. To whom the Archb. said again, he had the Popes letters and shown the same. But the other answered, that those letters were falsely obtained and tended to the suppression of the Clergy, & therefore they would not obey: wherefor the Archb. excommunicated the Bishop, and suspended the Prior, & interdicted the convent. au, 1343.
52. John. Offord. 10. months.	M. John Offord Chancellor of England was elected and confirmed Archb. of Canter. but not consecrated, and sat but 10. months, about the year of our Lord 1350. Postilentia in Anglia.
53. Tho. Braidwarden. 1.	This Tho. Braidwarden following after I. Stratford sat not long but died within 10 months of the plague, as they say. Which was called then the first great plague in England, raging so fore in all quarters, that it was thought scarce the tenth part of men to be left alive.
54. Simō Islepe. 17.	In the time of Simō Islepe which followed after Bradwarden: K. Edward. an. 1362. is reported after the blind superstition of those days, to offer in the church of Westminster the vestimentes wherein S. Peter did celebrate mass. Which belike wer well kept from moths, to last so long. Ex Chron. Alban.
The same Simon Islepe, among other constitutious ordained through all Churches & Chappelles under pain of excommunication: that no man should abstain from bodily labors upon certain Saints days, as is before touched. Which fact of his is not a little noted in our monkish histories.
This Simon built Canterbury College in Oxford.