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*The sixth Persecution.

AFter the death of Alexander the Emperor, who with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murdered in Germany followed Maximinus, chosen by the will of the soldiers, rather then by the authority of the Senate, about the year of our Lord, 237. who for the hatred he had to the house of Alexander (as Eusebius recordeth) raised up the vi. persecution against the Christians: especially against the teachers and leaders of the Church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains of them were removed out of the way. Whereby I suppose rather y ^e Martyrdom of Urbanus the bishop, and of the rest above specified, to have happened under the tyranny of this Maximinus then under Alexander. In the time of this persecution, Origen wrote his book De Martyrio : which book if it were extant would give us some knowledge, I doubt not, of such as in this persecution did suffer, which now lie in silence unknown. And no doubt but a great number they were, & moe should have been, had not the providēt mercy of God shortened his days, & bridled his tyranny, for he reigned but three years. After whom succeeded Gordianus an 240. a man no less studious for the utility of the commō wealth, as mild and gentle to the Christians. This Gordian after he had governed with much peace and tranquility the Monarchy of Rome the space of vi. years was slain of Philip Emperor after him.

In the days of these Emperors above recited, was Pontianus bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after Urbanus above rehearsed, about the year of our Lord, 236. in the xii. year of Alexander, as Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 28. noteth: declaring him to sit vi. years. Contrary Damasus and Platina write, that he was bishop ix. years and a half. And that in the time of Alexander, he with Philippus his Priest was banished into Sardina, and there died, But it seemeth more credible that he was banished rather under Maximinus, and died in the beginning of the reign of Gordianus. In his Epistles decretal (which seem likewise to be feigned) he appeareth very devout, after the common example of other bishops to uphold the dignity of Priests, and of Clergy men, saying: that God hath them so familiar with him, that by them he accepteth the offerings and oblations of other, and forgiveth their sins, and reconcileth them unto him. Also, that they do make the body of the lord with their own mouth, and give it to other, &c. Which doctrine how it standeth with the Testament of God, & glory of Christ, let the Reader use his own judgment.

Other notable fathers also in the same time were raised up in the church, as Philetus Bishop of Antioch, which succeeded after Asclepiades afore mentioned, an. 220. and after him Zebennus bishop of the same place, an. 231.

To these also may be added Ammonius the schoolemaister of Origen, as Soudas supposeth, also the kinsmen of Porphiry the great enemy of Christ. Notwithstanding, this Ammonius endued w ^t better grace, as he left diverse books in defense of Christ's religion: so he did constantly persevere (as Eusebius reporteth) in y ^e doctrine of Christ, which he had in the beginning received, who was about y ^• days of Alexander.

Julius Aphricanus also about the time of Gordianus aforesaid, is numbered among the old and ancient writers, of whom Nicephorus writeth to be the scholar of Origen, and a great writer of histories of that time.

Unto these Doctors and Confessors may be adjoined the story of Natalius ; mentioned in the fifth book of Eusebius. This Natalius had suffered persecution before like a constant confessor, who being seduced and persuaded by Asclepiodotus and Theodorus (which were the Disciples of Theodorus ) to take upon him to be bishop of their sect, promising to give him every month an hundredth and fifty pieces of silver, and so he joining himself to them, was admonished by vision and reuelatiō from the Lord. For such was the great mercy of God, and of our Lord Christ Jesus, that he would nor his Martyr, which had suffered so much for his name before, now to perish out of his church. For the which cause (saith Eusebius ) God by certain visions did admonish him. But he not taking great heed thereunto, being blinded partly with lucre, partly with honor, was at length all the night long scourged of the Angels: In so much that he being made thereby very fore, and early on the morrow putting on sackcloth, with much weeping and lamentation went to Zephyrinus the bishop above mentioned, where he falling down before him and all the Christian congregation, shown them the stripes of his body, and prayed them for the mercies of Christ, that he might be received into their communion again, from which he had sequestered himself before. And so was admitted according as he desired.

After the decease of Pontianus Bishoppe of Rome afore mentioned, succeeded next in that place Anterius of whom Isuardus writeth that Pontianus departing away, did substitute him his room. But Eusebius writeth that he succeeded immediately after him. Damasus saith, that because he caused the acts and deaths of the Martyrs to be written, therefore he was put to martyrdom himself, by Maximinus the Judge. Concerning the time of this Bishop, our writers do greatly jar. Eusebius and Marianus Scotus affirm that he was Bishop but one month. Sabellicus saith that not to be so. Damasus assigneth to him xii. years & one month. Volateranus, Bergomensis, and Henricus Erford, give to him three years & one month. Nauclerus writeth that he sat one year and one month. All which are so far discrepant one from another, that which of them most agreeth with truth, it lieth in doubt. Next to this Bishop was Fabianus, of whom more is to be said hereafter.

Of Hippolytus, also both Eusebius and Hieronymus maketh mention that he was a bishop, but where, they make no relation. And so likewise doth Theodoretus witness him to be a bishop, and also a Martyr, but namyng no place. Gelasius contra Eutichen saith, he died a Martyr, and that he was bishop of an head City in Arabie. Nicephorus writeth, that he was Bishop of Ostia, a port town near to Rome. Certain it is, he was a great writer, and left many works in the Church, which Eusebius and Jerome do recite: by the supputation of Eusebius, he was about the year of our Lord, 230.

Prudentius in his Peristephanon, making mentiō of great heaps of Martyrs buried by ix. together, speaketh also of Hippolytus, and saith that he was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales and bushes, and describeth thereof a pitiful story.

After the Emperor Gordianus, the Empire fell to Philippus, who with Philip his son, governed the space of vi. years, an. 246. This Philippus with his son and all his family, was christened & converted by Fabianus & Origen, who by letters exhorted him and Seuera his wife to be baptized, being the first of all the Emperors that brought in Christianity into the emperiall seat. Howsoever Pomponius Letus reporteth of him to be a dissembling prince, this is certain, that for his Christianitye, he with his son was slain of Decius one of his Captains. Sabellicus Bergomensis Lib 8. showeth this hatred of Decius against Philippus to be conceived, for that the Emperor Philip both the Father and the son had committed their treasures unto Fabianus then Bishop of Rome.

The seventh Persecution.

THus Philippus being slain, after him Decius invaded the crown about the year of our Lord, 250, by whom was moved a terrible persecution against the Christians, which Orosius noteth to be the vii. persecution. The first occasion of this hatred and persecution of this tyrant conceived against the Christians, was chiefly, as is before touched, because of the treasures of the Emperor which were committed to Fabian the bishop.

This Fabian first being a married man, as Platina writeth, was made Bishop of Rome after Anterius above mentioned by the miraculous appointment of God, which Eusebius doth thus describe in this sixth book: When the brethren (saith he) were together in the Congregation, about the electiō of their Bishop, and had purposed among them selves upon the nominatiō of some noble and worthy personage of Rome, it chanced that Fabianus among other was there present, who of late before was newly come out of the country to inhabit in the City. This Fabian, as is said, thinking nothing less then of any such matter suddenly cometh a Dove fleing from above, and sitteth upon his head. Whereupon all y ^e Congregation being moved, with one mind and one uoyce, did chose him for their Bishop. In the which function he remained the space of xiii. years, as Eusebius writeth. Damasus, Marianus, and Sabellicus say. xiv. Yeares unto y ^e time of Decius. Who, whether for that Philippus had committed to him his treasures, or whether for the hatred he bare to Philippus, in the beginning of his reign caused him to be put to death. Sendyng out moreover his Proclamation into all quarters that all which professed the name of Christ, should be slain.

To this Fabian be ascribed certain ordinances, as of consecrating new oil once every year, and burning the old, of accusations against Bishops, of appealing to the sea Apostolic, of not marrying within the fifth degree, of communicating thrice a year, of offering every Sunday, with such other things moe in his. iii. Epistles decretal, the which Epistles, as by diverse other evidences may be supposed to be untruly named upon him, giving no signification of any matter agreing to that time: so do I find the most part of the iii. Epistle, word for word standing in the Epistle of Sixtus y ^e 3. which followed almost 200. years after him, beside the unseemly doctrine also in the ende of the said Epistles contained, where he contrary to the tenor of the Gospel, applieth remission of sins (only due to the blood of Christ) unto the offerings of bread and wyne by men and women every Sunday in the Church.

To this Fabianus wrote Origin De orthodoxia suae fidei, that is, of the rightnes of his faith. Whereby is to be understood, that he continued to the time of Decius, some say also to the time of Gallus. Of this Origen partly mention is touched before, declaring how bold and feruente he was in the days of Seuerus, in assisting, comforting, exhorting and killing the Martyrs that were imprisoned & suffered for the name of Christ, with such danger of his own life, that had not been the singular protectiō of God, he had been stoned to death many times of the Heathen multitude. Such great concourse of men and women was daily to his house to be catechised & instructed in the Christian faith by him, that soldiers were hired of purpose to defend the place where he taught them. Again, such search sometimes was set for him, that vnneth any shiftyng of place or country could cover him. In those laborious travails and affairs of the Church, in teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding, he continued about the space of 52. years, unto the time of Decius and Gallus. Divers and great persecutions he sustained, but specially under Decius, as testifieth Eusebius in his sixth book, declaring, that for the doctrine of Christ he sustained bands and torments in his body, rackings with bars of iron, dungeons, besides terrible threats of death and burning. All this he suffered in the persecution of Decius, as Eusebius recordeth of him, and maketh no relatiō of any further matter. But Soudas and Nicephorus following the same, saith further concerning him, that the said Origen, after diverse and sundry other torments, which he manfully and constantly suffered for Christ, at length was brought to an altar where a foul filthy Ethiope was appointed to be, and there this option or choice was offered unto him, whether he would sacrifice to the idol, or to have his body polluted with that foul and ouglie Ethiope. Then Origen (saith he) who with a Philosophical mind, ever kept his chastity undefiled, much abhorring y ^• filthy villainy to be done to his body, condescended to their request. Wherupon, the judge putting incense in his hand, caused him to set it to the fire vpō the altar. For the which impiety, he afterward was excommunicated of the Church. Epiphanius writeth that he being urged to sacrifice to Idols, and taking the boughs in his hand, wherewith the Heathen were wont to honor their God's, called upon the Christians to carry them in the honor of Christ. The which fact the church of Alexandria misliking, removed him from their communion. Wherupon Origen driven away with shame and sorrow out of Alexandria, went into Jewry, where being in Jerusalem among the congregation, and there requested of the Priests and Ministers (he being also a Priest) to make some exhortation in the church, refused a great while so to do. At length by importunate petition being constrained thereunto, rose up, and turning the book, as though he would have expounded some place of the Scripture, only read the verse of the 49. Psalm: but God said to the sinner, why doest thou preach my justifications, & why doest thou take my testament in thy mouth, &c. Which very being read, he shut the book, and sat down weeping and wailing, the whole congregation also weeping & lamenting with him, Suid. Niceph. More what became of Origen it is not found in history, but only that Soudas addeth, he died and was buried at Tyrus. Eusebius affirmeth, that he departed under the Emperor Gallus, about the year of our Lord 255. and the 70. year of his age, in great misery (as appeareth) and poverty.

In this Origen diverse blemishes of doctrine be noted whereupon Jerome some times doth inveigh against him. Albeit in some places again he doth extol and commend him for his excellent learning, as in his Apology against Ruff. and in his Epistle to Pammachus and Ocean, where he praiseth Origen, although not for the perfection of his faith and doctrine, nor for an apostle, yet for an excellent interpreter, for his wit, and for a Philosopher. And yet in his Prologue vpō the Homilies of Origen upon Ezekiel, he calleth him another master of the churches, after the Apostles. And in another Preface upon his questions upon Genesis, he wisheth to himself the knowledge of the scriptures, which Origen had, also with the envy of his name. Athanasius moreover calleth him singular, and laborious, and useth also his testimonies against the Arians. Socrates, Lib. 6. cap. 13.

After Origen, the congrue order of history requireth. next to speak of Heraclas his Usher, a man singularly commonded for his knowledge, not only in Philosophy, but also in all such faculties as for a christiā divine doth appertain. This great towardness of wit and learning when Origen perceived in him, he appointed him above all other, to be his Usher or vnderteacher, to help in his school or University of Alexandria, in the reign of Antoninus Caracalla, son of Seuerus. And after in the x. year of Alexander, Origen departing unto Cesarea, he succeeded in his room to govern the school in Alexandria. Further also, in the time of Gordianus, after the decease of Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, this Heraclas succeeded to be Bishop of the said City. Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 29. In the which functiō he ministered the term of xvj. years, Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 35. Of this Heraclas writeth also Origen himself, that he, although being Priest, yet ceased not to read over and peruse y ^e books of the Gentiles, to the intent he might the better out of their own books confute their error. &c.

After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the bishopric of Alexandria, like as he succeeded him in y ^e school before. Which Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas unto Philemon a Priest of Rome, thus saying: Hunc ego canonem & typum a beato Heracla Papa nostro accepi, &c. that is, This Canon and type I received of blessed Heraclas our Pope, &c. This Heraclas was no Martyr which died 3. years before Decius, about the year of our Lord, 250. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria, Dionysius Alexandrinus, who also suffered much under the tyranny of Decius, as hereafter shall be shown (Christ willing) when we come to the time of Valerian.

Nicephorus in his fifth book, and other which write of this persecutiō under Decius, declare the horriblenes thereof to be so great and so innumerable Martyrs to suffer in the same, that he saith it is as easy to number the sandes of the sea, as to recite the particular names of them, whō this persecution did devour. In the which persecutiō the chiefest doers and tormenters under the Emperor, appear in the history of Vincentius to be these: Optimus the under Consul, Secundianus, Verianus, and Marcellianus, &c. Although therefore it be hard here to infer all and singular persons in order that died in this persecution: yet such as remain most notable in stories I will briefly touche, by the grace of him for whose cause they suffered.

In the former tractation of the fifth persecution, mentiō was made before of Alexander bishop of Jerusalem, and of his troubles suffered under Seuerus, and how afterward by the miracle of God he was appointed bishop of Jerusalem, where he continued a very aged man, above the term of 40, years governor of that Church, til the tune of the first year of Decius. At what time he being brought from Jerusalem to Cesarea into the judgment place, after a constant and evident confession of his faith made before the Judge, was committed unto prison, and there finished his lyre, as testifieth Dionysius Alexandrinus in the six • book of Eusebius. After whom succeeded in that seat Mezabanes the xxxvj. Bishop of that City, after James the Apostle.

Mention was made also before of Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch, who succeeded after Serapion, and in the persecution of Seuerus did likewise persevere a constant confessor, and as Vincentius testifieth in his xi. book suffered Martyrdom at last under this Decius. But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree with the truth of time, for as much as by probable writers, as Zonaras, Nicephorus and other, the said Asclepiades after Serapion, entered the bishops seat of Antioch, an. 214. and sat vii. years before the time of Gordianus. After whom succeeded Philetus, an. 221. governing the function xii. years. And after him Zebinus followed, an. 232. and so after him Babylas, which Babylas if he died in this persecution of Decius, then could not Asclepiades also suffer in the same time, who died so long before him, as is declared.

Of this Babylas bishop of Antioch, Eusebus and Zonaras record, that under Decius he died in prison, as did Alexander bishop of Jerusalem above rehearsed.

We read in a certain treatise of Chrysostom, entitled Contra Gentiles, a notable and a long history of one Babylas a martyr, who about these times was put to death for resistyng a certain Emperor, not suffering him to enter into the temple of the Christians, after a cruel murder committed, the story of which murder is this: There was a certain Emperor, who upon conclusiō of peace made with a certain nation, had received for hostage or surety of peace the son of the king being of young and tender age, with conditions upon the same, that neither he should be molested of them, nor that they should ever be vexed of him. Upon this the kings son was delivered not without great care and fear of the father unto the Emperor, whom the cruel Emperor, contrary to promise, caused in short time, without all just cause to be slain. This fact so horrible being committed, the tyrant with all hast would enter into the temple of the Christians: Where Babylas being bishop or minister withstood him that he should not into y ^e place approach. The Emperor therewith not a little incensed, in great rage commanded him forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he could bear, & from thence shortly after to be brought forth to death and execution. Babylas going constantly and boldly to his Martyrdom, desired after his death to be buried with his irons and bands, & so he was. The story proceedeth moreover, and saith, that in continuance of time in the reign of Constantine, Gallus then made the ouersear of the East partes, caused his body to be translated into the suburbs of Antioch called Daphnes, where was a temple of Apollo, famous with devilish Oracles & answers, given by that Idole, or by the devil rather in that place. In the which temple after y ^e bringing of the body of Babylas, the idol ceased to give anymore Oracles, saying, that for the body of Babylas, he could give no moe answers, but complaining that that place was wont to be consecrated unto him, but now it was full of dead men's bodies. And thus the Oracles there ceased for that time, till the coming of Julianus: who inquiring out the cause why the Oracles ceased, caused the bones of the holy Martyr to be removed again from thence by the Christians, whom he then called Galileans. They coming in a great multitude both men, maidens, and children, to the tomb of Babylas, transported his bones according to the commandment of the emperor, singing by the way as they went, the verse of the Psalm in words as followeth: Confounded be all that worship Images and all that glory in Idols, &c. which coming to the Emperors • ares, set him in great rage against the Christians, stirring up persecution against them. Albeit Zonaras declareth the cause something otherwise: saying, that so soon as the body of him and other Martyrs were removed away, incontinēt the temple of the Idole with the Image, in the night was consumed with fire. For the which cause (saith Zonaras ) Julian stirred up with anger, persecuted the Christians, as shall be shown (Christ willing) in his order and place hereafter.

And thus much of Babylas, which whether it was the same Babylas Bishop then of Antioch, or another of the same name, it appeareth not by Chrysostom : which neither maketh mention of the Emperors name, nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop. Agayne the stopping out of the Emperor out of the Church importeth as much as that Emperor to have been a Christian. For otherwise if he had come in as an Heathen and as a persecutor, it was not then the manner of Christian bishops violently to withstand the Emperors or to stop them out. Ouer & beside the testimony of Eusebius, Zonaras doth witness contrary in his vi. book, that this Babylas which was then Bishop of Antioch after Zebinus, was not put to death by the tormentors, but died in prison. Wherefore it is not impossible, but this Babylas, and this Emperor which Chrysostom speaketh off may be another Babylas, then that which suffered under Decius. Nicephorus in his v. book maketh mention of another Babylas beside this that suffered under Decius, which was bishop of Nicomedia.

In the forenamed City of Antioch, Vincentius, Lib. 11. speaketh of 40. virgins Martyrs, which suffered in this persecution of Decius.

In the country of Phrigia, and in the toune of Lampsar, the same Vincentius also speaketh of one Peter, which there was apprehended, and suffered bitter torments for Christ's name, under Optimus the Proconsul. And in Troada likewise of other Martyrs that there suffered, whose names were Andrew, Paul, Nicomachus, and Dionisia a virgin. Lib. 11 cap. 46.

Also in Babylon (saith he) diverse Christian Confessors were found of Decius, which were led away into Spain, there to be executed, Lib. eodem, cap. 43.

In the country of Cappadocea at the City of Cesarea, in like manner of the said author is testified, of Germanus, Theophilus, Cesarius, and Vitalis, to suffer Martyrdom for Christ, eodē cap 52. And in y ^e same Book mention also is made of Polychronius Bishop of Babylon, cap. 89. And in Pamphilia of Nestor there Bishop, y ^t died Martyr, cap. 52.

At Perside in the Toune of Cardala, Olympiades and Maximus. In Tyrus also Anatolia Virgin, and Audax gave their lives likewise to death, for the testimony of Christ's name.

Eusebius moreover in his sixth book, reciteth out of the Epistles of Dionysius Alexandrinus, diverse that suffered diversely at Alexandria, the which places of Dionysius, as they be cited in Eusebius, I thought here good for the auncientnes of the author, to insert and notify in his own words, and in our language, as he wrote them to Fabius bishop of Antioch, as followeth.

This persecution (saith he) began not with the proclamation set forth by the Emperor, but began a whole year before, by the occasion and means of a wicked person, a Soothsayer, and a follower of wicked Arts: who coming to our City here, stirred up the multitude of y ^e Heathen against us, and incited them to maintain their own old superstition and gentilitie of their country, whereby they being set a gog, and obtaining full power to prosecute their wicked purpose so thought & no less declared, all their piety & religiō to consist only in the idolatrous worship of devils, and in our destruction. And first flying upon a certain priest of ours named Metra, apprehended him & brought him forth, to make him speak after their wicked blasphemy, which whē he would not do, they laid upon him with slaves and clubs, and with sharp reeds pricked his face and eyes, and afterward bringing him out into the suburbs, there they stoned him to death. Then they took a faithful woman called Quinta, and brought her to the temple of their Idols, to compel her to worship with them, which whē she refused to do, and abhorred their Idols, they bound her fecte, and drew her through y ^e whole street of the city, upon the hard stones, & so dashyng her against millstones, & scourging her with whips brought her to the same place of the suburbs, as they did the other before, where she likewise ended her life. This done, in a great outrage, & with a multitude running together, they brust into houses of the religious & godly Christians, spoiling, sacking, and carrying away all that they could find of any price. The rest of things, such as were of less value & of wood, they brought into the open market, & set them on fire. In the mean time the brethren voided aside, & withdrew themselves, taking patiently and no less joyfully the spoiling of their goods, then did they of whom S. Paul doth testify. Neither do I know any of them all (one only excepted) apprehended of them, which reuoltyng from his profession, denied the Lord yet to this present day.

Among the rest that were taken, there was a certain virgin well stricken in years, named Apollonia, whom they brought forth, & dashing out all her teeth out of her jaws, made a great fire before the city, threatening to cast her into the same, unless she would blaspheme with them and deny Christ. Whereat she staying a little with herself, as one that would take a pause, suddenly leaped into the midst of the fire, and there was burned.

There was one also Serapion, whom they took in his own house, and after they had assailed him with sundry kinds of torments, and had broken almost all the iointes of his body, they cast him down from an upper lost, & so did he complete his Martirdom. Thus was there no way neither privy nor public, nor corner nor alley left for us, neither by day nor by night to escape, all the people making an outcry against us, that unless we uttered words of blasphemy, we should be drawn to the fire & burned. And this outrageous tumult endured a certain space, but at length as the Lord would, the miserable wretches fell at dissentiō among themselves, which turned the cruelty they exercised against us, upon their own heads. And so had we a little breathyng time for a season, while the fury of the Heathen people by this occasion aswaged.

Shortly then after this, word was brought unto us of the state of the Empire, which before was something favorable to us, to be altered and changed against us, putting us in great fear. And consequently upon the same followed the Edict of the Emperor so terrible & cruel, that according to the forewarning of the lord, the elect if it had been pos • ib • e, might have been thereby subverted. Upon that Edict such fear came over us all, that many there were especially of the richer sort, of whō some for fear came running, some were led by the occasion of time, some were drawn by their neighbors being cited by name, to those impure and idolatrous sacrifices. Other some came trembling & shaking, as men not which should do sacrifice, but which should be sacrificed themselves, the multitude laughyng them to scorn. Some again came boldly to the aultars, declaring themselves never to have been of that professiō, of whom it is said, that hardly they shall be saved. Of the residue, some followed one part, some another, some ran away, some were taken. Of whom certain continued to bands & torments constant. Other again after long imprisonment, before they should come before the Judge, renounced their faith. Some also after they suffered torments, yet after revolted. But other being as strong as blessed, & valiant pillars of the Lord, fortified with constancy agreing to their faith, were made faithful Martyrs of y ^e kingdom of God.

Of whom the first was Julianus, a man diseased with the gout, and not able to go, being carried of two men, of whō the one quickly denied, the other Cronion surnamed Eunus, with the foresaid Julianus, the old man, confessing the Lord with a perfect faith, were laid upon Camels, and there scourged, at length cast into the fire, with great constancy were so consumed.

As these aforesaid were going to their Martyrdom, there was a certain soldier, who in their defense took part against them that railed upon them. For the which cause the people crying out against him, he also was apprehended, and being constant in his professiō, was forthwith beheaded.

Likewise one Macar, a man borne in Libya, being admonished and exhorted of the Judge to deny his faith, and not agreeing to his persuasions was burned alive.

After these suffered Epimachus, and one Alexander, who being long detained in prison and in bands, after innumerable pains & torments with razers & scourges, were also cast into the burning fire with four other women with them, which all there ended their Martyrdom.

Also Ammonarion an holy virgins, whō the cruel judge had long and bitterly tormented, for that she promising the Judge before, that for no punishment she would yield to his request, and constantly performyng the same, suffered likewise Martyrdom, with two other women, of whom there was an aged Matrone, named Mercuria, the other was called Dionysia, being a mother of many fair childrē, whom yet notwithstanding she loved not above the Lord. These after they could nothe overcome by no torments of y ^e cruel judge, but he rather ashamed and confounded to be overcome of seely women, at length they being past feeling of all torments, were slain with the sword, first Ammonarion like a valiant Captain suffering before them.

Heron, Ater, and Isidorus Egyptians, and with them Dioscorus also a child of xv. years, were crowned with y ^e same crown of Martyrdom. And first the judge began with the child, thinking him more easy to be won, with words to entice him, then with torments to constrain him, but he persisted immouable, giving neither place to persuasions nor punishments. The rest after he had grievously tormented being constant in their profession, he committed to the fire. At Dioscorus, the judge greatly meruailing for his wise answers & grave constancy dismissed him, sparing (as he said) his age to a longer respite: which Dioscorus is yet also with us at this present, waiting for a longer trial.

Nemesion being also an Egyptian, first was accused for a companion of thieves, but being purged thereof before the Centurion, was then accused of Christianity, and for that cause being in bands, was brought to the President, who most unrighteously tormenting and scourging him double to all other thieves and felons, at length among the thieves burned him to death, making him a blessed martir.

There were standing before the tribunal seat certain of the warriors or knights, whose names were Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, and with them a certain aged man called Theophilus, who standing by, at what time a certain Christian man was before the judge examined, and there seeing him for fear ready to incline and fall away, did burst almost for sorrow within themselves, making signs to him with their hands, and all iestures of their body, to be constant. This being noted of all the standers by, they were ready to lay hold upon them, but they preventing the matter, preased up of their own accord before to the bench of the judge, professing themselves to be Christians. In so much, that both the President with the benchers were all astonied, the Christians which were judged, more emboldened to suffer, and the Judges thereby terrified. This done, they departed away from the place, glad and rejoicing for the testimony that they had given of their faith. Many other besides were in other cities and tounes rent and torn asunder by the Heathen, among whom, one I will speak off for cause worthy of memory.

Ischirion one that was in service with a certain noble man, was commanded of his master to make sacrifice, who for not obeying, was therefore rebuked: After persisting in the same, was grievously threatened with sharp and manacing words. At last his master when he could not prevail against him, taking a stake or pike in his hands, ran him through into the body and slue him.

What should I speak of the multitude of them which wandering in deserts and mountains, were consumed with hunger, thirst, cold, sickness, thieves, or wild beasts, of whose blessed victory they which be alive, are yet witnesses. In the number of whom, one I will speak off, among diverse other, named Cheremon Bishop of the City called Nile, an aged man, he with his wife flying to the mountain of Arabia, never returned again, nor ever could be seen after. And though they were sought for diligently by their brethren, yet neither they nor their bodies were found. Many other there were which flying to these moūtains of Arabia, were taken of the barbarous Arabians: of whom some with much money could scarce be ransomed, some were never heard off yet to this present day. Thus much out of the Epistle of Dionysius alleged in Euseb. Lib. 6 cap. 41 42. &c.

Moreover, the foresaid Dionysius in another place writing to Germanus, of his own dangers and of other, sustained in this persecution, & before this persecution of Decius, thus inferreth as followeth: I, saith he, behold before the sight of God, I lie not: and he knoweth, I lie not, how that I having no regard of mine own life, and notwithout the motion of God, did fly and avoid the danger of this persecution. Yea and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage against us: Sabinus the same hour sent a Farmer to seek me, at what time I remaining at home waited iii. days for his coming. But he searching narrowly for me by all ways, fields, floods, & corners, where he thought I might best have hid myself, or to have passed by, was stricken with such a blindness, that he could not find mine house, thinking with himself nothing less, then that I would abide at home in such so dangerous persecution. Thus these iii. days being past, upon the fourth day, the Lord God so willing and commanding me to fly, and also maruelously opening to me the way, I with my children and many other brethren went out together. And this not to come of myself, but to be the work of God's providence, the sequel of those things declared, wherein afterward I was not unprofitable peradventure to some, &c.

Again in another place shortly after the foresaid Dionysius proceeding in the narration of himself, thus inferreth: Then I coming to Jerusalem with them which were with me, was brought by soldiers unto Taposixis, where as Timothy (by the providence of God) neither was present, nor yet takē. Who then returning home found his house desert, and officers watching about the same, & us within taken, &c. And again shortly after it followeth: And to see (saith he) the admirable disposing of God his works. As Timothy was thus flying with much hast & great fear, a certain man, as happened, a dweller near by met him by the way, & asked, whether he went so hastily: to whom Timothy answering declared all the matter simply as it was. Which done, the man proceedeth on his journey, whether he was purposed to go, which was to a marriage, the manner of which marriages then was to sit up all the night long feasting and drinking. Thus as he was come, sitting with them at the feast, he telleth his companions what was done, & what he heard by the way. This was no sooner told, but all they forthwith upon a head, as stricken with a sudden fury rushing out together, made toward us as fast as they could, with such crying & noise, as might seem very terrible. At the first hearing whereof, the soldiers that had us in keeping, being afraid, ran away, by reason whereof we were left alone, & found as we were lying upon fourmes & benches. I then, (the Lord knoweth) thinking with myself that they had been thieves, which came to spoil and rob, being in my couch, lay still in my shirt only as I was, the rest of my garments lying by me, I offered to them. They then willed me in all hast to rise and get away, whereby I then perceiving the cause of their coming, cried unto them desiring that they would suffer us so to do: And if they would do any benefit for me for so much as I could not escape the hands of thē which would pursue me and carry me away, I prayed them that they would prevent them, and cut off my head before. And as I was crying thus unto them, casting myself groveling upon the pavement as my companions can testify, who were partakers of all these things, they brust forth violently, taking me by the hands and feet, and carried me out of the doors, and led me away. There followed me Gaius, Faustus, Petrus, Paulus, (who were witnesses of all the same) which brought me also out of the City, and so setting me upon a bare Ass, conveyed me away. Thus much writeth Dionysius of himself, the example of whose Epistle is cited in the Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 40. also Lib. 7. cap. 11.

Nicephorus in his fifth book, cap. 27. maketh mention of one named Christophorus, which also suffered in this persecution of Decius. Of which Christophorus, whether the fable riseth of that mighty Giant set up in Churches, wadyng through the Seas, with Christ on his shoulder, and a tree in his hand for a walking staff, &c. it is uncertain. Georg. Wicelius alledgeth out of Ruggerus Fulden (and mentioneth of one Christophorus, borne of the nation of the Canaanites, which suffered under Decius, being, as he saith of xii. cubits hye. But the rest of the history painted in Churches, the said Wicelius he derideth as fables of Centaurus, or other Poetical fictions.

Bergomensis in his viii. book maketh relation of diverse martyred under Decius, as Meniatus which suffered at Florence, of Agatha an holy virgins of Sicily, who is said to suffer diverse and bitter torments under Quintinianus the Proconsul, with prisonment, with beatinges, with famine, with racking, roled also upon sharp shelles and hot coles, having moreover her breasts cut from her body, as Bergomensis, and the Martyrologe of Ado record. In the which Authors as I deny not, but part of the story may be true, so again concerning the miracles of the aged man appearing to her, and of the young man clothed in a silken vesture, with an hundredth young mē after him, and of the marble table with the inscription, Mentem sanctam, &c. I doubt.

Hard it is to recite all that suffered in this persecution, whē as whole multitudes went into wilderness & mountains, wandering without succor or comfort, some starved with hunger and cold, some with sickness consumed, some devoured of beasts, some with barbarous thieves taken and carried away. Vincentius in his xi. book speaking of Asclepiades, writeth also of xl. virgins and Martyrs, which by sundry kinds of torments were put to death about the same time, in the persecution of this tirant.

Likewise in the said Vincentius, mentiō is made of Tryphon, a man of great holiness, and constant in his suffering, who being brought to the City of Nice, before the President Aquilus, for his constant confession of Christ's name was afflicted with diverse and grievous torments, and at length with the sword put to death.

At what time Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the City of Ephesus, compelling all that were in the City there, to sacrifice to the Idols, seven Christians were found, whose names were Maximianus, Malchus, Martianus, Dionysius, Johannes, Serapion, and Constantine, who refusing the Idolatrous worship, were accused for the same unto the Emperor to be Christians. Which when they constantly professed, and did not deny, notwithstanding, because they were soldiers, retaining to the Emperors service, respite was given them for a certain space to deliberate with themselves, til the return again of the Emperor, which then was going to war. In the mean space, the Emperor being departed, they taking counsel together, went and hid themselves in secret caves of the Mount Caelius. The Emperor returning again, after great inquisitiō made for them, hearing where they were, caused the mouth of the place where they were, to be closed up with heaps of stones, that they not able to get out, should be famished within. And thus were those good men martyred. The story (if it be true) goeth further that they between fear and sorrow fell a sleep, in which sleep they continued the space of certain ages after, till the time of Theodosius the Emperor, before they did awake, as reporteth Vincentius, Nicephorus, Lib. 5. ca. 27. and partly also Henr. Erfordiens • ▪ But of their awakyng, that I refer to them that lift believe it. Certain it is, that at the last day they shall awake in deed without any fable.

Hieronymus in the life of Paulus the Hermit, reciteth a story of a certain soldier, whom the Pretor could not otherwise with torments remove frō his Christianity, he devised another way, which was this: he comaunded the soldier to be laid upon a soft bed in a pleasant garden among the flourishing Lilies and red Roses, which done, all other being removed away, & himself there left alone, a beautiful harlot came to him, who embracing him, & with all other intisements of an harlot, labored to provoke him to her naughtiness. But the godly soldier fearing God more, then obeying flesh, bitte of his tongue with his own teeth, and spit it in the face of the harlot, as she was kissing him, and so got he the victory, by the constant grace of the Lord assisting him.

An other like example of singular chastity is written of the virgin Theodora, and another soldier, by Ambrose Lib. 2. De virginibus. At Antioch, this Theodora refusing to do sacrifice to the Idols, was condemned by the Judge to y ^e stews, which notw ^t standing by the singular providence of god was well delivered. For as there was a great company of wanton young men ready at the door to press into the house where she was, one of the brethren, named Didimus (as Ado saith) moved with faith and motiō of God, putting on a souldioures habit, made himself one of the first that came in, who rounding her in the ear, told her the cause and purpose of his coming, being a christiā as she was: his counsel was that she should put on y ^t soldiers habit, and so slip away. And he putting on her garments would there remain to abide their force. And so did, whereby the virgins escaped unknown. Didimus left unto the rage and wondering of the people being a man instead of a woman, was presented unto the President, unto whom without delay he uttered all the whole matter as it was done, professing him so as he was, to be a christiā, and thereupon was condemned to suffer. Theodora understanding thereof, and thinking to excuse him by accusing her self, offered her self as the party guilty, unto the Judge, claiming and requiring the condemnation to light upon her, the other as innocent to be discharged. But the cruel Judge (crueller then Dionysius, which spared Damon & Pithias ) neither considering the virtue of the persons, nor the innoncency of the cause, unjustly and inhumanely proceeded in execution against thē both, who first having their heads cut off, after were cast in the fire, Ambrose. Ado. Although what time, or in what persecution these did suffer, in the authors of this narration it doth not appear.

Agathon a man of arms in the City of Alexandria, for rebuking certain lewd persons, scornfully deridyng the dead bodies of the Christians, was cried out off and railed on of the people. Afterward accused to the judge, was condemned to loose his head. Erfordiensis

The said Erfordiensis also maketh mention of Paulus, and Andraeas, whom the Proconsul of Troada gave to the people being scourged, and after drawn out of the City, they were trodden to death with the feet of the people. Hen. de Erford.

Among other that suffered under this wicked Decius, Bergomensis also maketh mention of one Justinus a Priest of Rome, and of another Nicostratus a Deacon. To these Vincentius also addeth Portius a Priest of Rome, whom he reporteth to be the conuerter of Phillip the Emperor afore mentioned.

Of Abdon and Sennas we read also in the foresaid Bergomensis and Vincentius, two noble men, who because they had buried the Christians, whom Decius had brought from Babylon to Corduba, and there put them to death, were therefore accused to Decius, & brought to Rome, where they being commanded to sacrifice to dead Idols, would not obey, and for the same were given to the wild beasts to be devoured: but when the wild beasts more gentle then the men would not touch them, they were at length with the sword beheaded. Bergom. Vincent. Lib. 11. cap. 4 Albeit to me it seemeth not impossible nor unlike, this Abdon and Sennas, to be the same, whom in other stories we find, and before have mentioned to be Ammon and Zenon.

One Secundianus was accused to Valerian a Captayne of Decius, to be a Christian, which professiō when he stoutly did maynetayne, was commanded to prison. By the way as the soldiers were leading him to the gaile, Verianus and Marcellianus seeing the matter, cried to the soldiers, asking them whether they drew the innocent. At the which word, when they also confessed them selves to be Christians, they were likewise apprehended, and brought to a City named Centumcellas • where being willed to sacrifice, they did spit upon the Idols, and so after sentence and judgment given, first they were beaten with wasters or trunshons, after that were hanged and tormented vpō the gibbet, having fire set to their sides. Vincentius addeth moreover that the tormentors some of them fall̄ suddenly dead, other some being taken w ^t wicked spirits, the Martyrs w ^t sword at length were beheaded. Vinc. Lib. 11 cap. 31.

To prosecute in length of history, the lives and sufferings of all them, which in this terrible persecution, were Martyred, it were to long, & almost infinite: briefly therefore to rehearse the names of such as we find alleged out of a certain brief treatise of Bede entitled De temporibus, cited by Henricus De Erford, it shall be at this time sufficient. Under Decius suffered Hyppolitus and Concordia, Hiereneus and Abnudus, Victoria a virgins, being noble personages of Antioch Bellias Byshoppe of the City of Apollonia, Leacus, Tyrsus, and Gallinetus, Nazanzo, Tryphon in the City of Egypt called • anais. Phileas Bishop, Philocomus with many other in Perside. Philcronius bishop of Babylon, Thesiphon Bishop of Pamphilia. Nestor Bishop in Corduba. Parmenius Priest with diverse moe. In the Province called Colonia, Circensis, Marianus and Jacobus. In Africa, Nemesianus, Felix, Rogatianus priest. • elicissimus. At Rome Iouinus, Basileus, also Ruffin • , and Secunda Uirgines, Tertullianus, Valerianus, Nemesius, Sempronianus, and Olympius. In Spain Teragone, at Verona Zeno Bishop. At Cesarea, Marinus, and Archemius. In the town of Miliane Priuatus Bishop, Theodorus surnamed Gregorius Bishop of Pontus. Haec Beda.

Vincentius in his xi. book, maketh also mention, citing Ex Hugone, of certain children suffering Martyrdom under the same persecution, in a City of Tuscia called Aretium : whose names I find not, except they be •• rgentius & Laurentius mentioned in Equilinus, Lib. 5. cap. 80.

Now that I have recorded of them sufficiently, which under this tempest of Decius, constantly gave their lives to Martyrdom for the testimony of Christ: it remaineth, that a few words also be spoken of such that for fear or frailty in this persecution did shrink back, & slide from the truth of their confession. In the number of whom first cometh in the remembrance of Serapion an aged old man. Of whom writeth Dionysius Alexandrinus, unto Fabius, declaring: that this Serapion was an old man, which lived amongst them a sincere and upright life of long time, but at length fell. This Serapion oft and many times desired to be received again, but no man listened to him, for he had sacrificed before. After this not long after he fell into sickness where he remained three days dumb, and benumbed of all his sēses. The fourth day following, beginning a little to recover, he called to him his sisters son, & said: how long, how long (my son) do ye hold me here? Make hast I pray you, that I were absolved. Call hither some of the ministers to me, and so saying no more, held his peace, as dumb & speachles. The boy ran, it was then night, unto the minister, who at the same time being sick, could not come with the messenger, but said: for so much as he willed herretofore (as he said) that such as lay a dying, if they covet to be received & reconciled, and especially if they required it earnestly, should be admitted, whereby with the better hope & confidence they may depart hence: therefore he gave to the boy a little of the Eucharist, willing him to crumble it into the cup, & so to drop it into the mouth of the old man. With this the boy returned, bringing w ^t him the holy Eucharist. As he was now nere at hand, before he had entered in, Serapiō the old mā, speaking again, cōmest thou (said he) my son? The Priest, quoth the messenger, is sick & cannot come, but do, as he willeth you, & let me go. And the boy immixed the Eucharist, & dropt it in softly into the mouth of the old mā. Who after he had tasted a little, immediately gave up the Ghost. &c. Haec Dionys. ex Eus.

In the City of Troade, as the Proconsul was grievously tormenting one Nicomachus, he cried out, that he was no Christian, and so was let down again. And when after he had sacrificed, he was taken eftsoons with a wicked spirit, and so thrown down upon the ground, where he biting of his tongue with his teeth, so departed. Henr. de Erfordia.

Dionysius in his Epistles also writing to Fabius, and lamenting the great terror of this persecution declareth, how that many worthy and notable Christians, for fear and horror of the great tyranny thereof, did show themselves feeble and weak men. Of whom some for dread, some of their own accord, other after great torments suffered, yet after revolted from the constancy of their profession. Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis, reciteth with great sorrow, and testifieth, how that a great number at the first threatening of the adversary, neither being compelled nor thrown down with any violence of the enemy, but of their voluntary weakness fell down themselves. Neither (saith he) tarrying while the judge should put incense in their hands, but before any stroke stricken in the field, turned their backs, & played the cowards, not only coming to their sacrifices, but preuētyng the same, and pretending to come without compulsion, bringing moreover their infantes & children either put into their hands, or taking them with them of their own accord, and exhorting moreover other to do the like after their example.

Of this weakness and falling, the said author showeth two causes, either love of their goods and patrimony, or fear of torments. And addeth moreover examples of the punishments of them which so revolted: affirming that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked sprites. And of one man among other which after his voluntary denial, suddenly was stricken dumb. Again, another after his abjuration as he should communicate with other, instead of bread received ashes in his hand. Itē of a certain maiden, who being taken & vexed with a sprite, did tear her own tongue with her teeth, and tormented with pain in her belly and inward partes so deceased.

Among other of this sort, S. Cyprian, Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one Euaristus a Bishop in Africa, who leaving his charge, and making a shipwreck of his faith, went wandering about in other countries, forsakyng his own flock. In like manner he maketh also mention of Nicostratus a Deacon, who forsakyng his Deaconship, and taking the goods of the Church with him, fled away into other countries, &c. Albeit Bergomensis giveth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward died a Martyr. Thus then although some did relent, yet a very great mumber saith he, there was, whom neither fear could remove, nor pain could overthrow to cause them to betray their confession, but that they stood like glorious Martyrs unto the ende, Cyprian.

The same Cyprianus also in another book De mortalitate, reciteth a notable story of one of his own Colleges and fellow Priest: who being oppressed with weakness, and greatly afraid with death drawing at hand, desired leave to depart, and to be discharged. As he was thus entreating, and almost now dying, there appeared by him a young man, of an honorable and of reverend majesty, of a tall stature, and comely behavior, so bright & clear to behold, that scarce man's carnal eyes was able to bear the beholding of him, but that he was able so to do, which was now ready to depart this world. To whom this young man speaking with a certain indignation of mind and voice, thus said: Pati timetis, exire non vultis, quid faciam vobis? To suffer ye dare not, to go out ye will not, what would ye me to do unto you?

Upon the occasion of these and such other, which were a great number, that fell and did renounce, as is aforesaid, in this persecution of Decius, rose up first the quarrel & heresy of Novatus, who in these days made a great disturbance in the church, holding this opinion, that they which once renounced the faith, and for fear of torments had offered incense to the idols, although they repented therefore, yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Novatus being first Priest under Cyprian at Carthage, afterward by stirring up discord and factions, began to disturb the Bishopric of Cyprian, to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus, against the bishops mind or knowledge, also to allure and separate certain of the brethren from the Bishop, all which Cyprian, Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare. After this the said Novatus going to Rome, kept there the like stir with Cornelius (as the same Cornelius in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testify) setting himself up as Bishop of Rome against Cornelius, which was the lawful Bishop of Rome before. The which to bring to pass, he used this practice: first he had allured to him to be his adherents, three or four of good men and holy confessors, which had suffered before great torments for their confession, whose names were Maximus, Urbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus. After this he enticed three simple bishops about the coasts of Italy to repair to Rome, under pretence to make an end of certain controversies then in hand. This done, he caused the same, whether by making them drunk, or by other crafty counsel, to lay their hands upon him, and to make him Bishop, & so did. Wherefore the one of those three Bishops hardly was received to the communion, by the great intercession of his people: the other two by discipline of y ^e church, were displaced from their Byshoprickes, & other possessed with their rooms. Thus then were there two Bishops together in one church of Rome, Novatus and Cornelius, which was unseemly, & contrary to the discipline of the Church. And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S. Cyprian, writing in his Epistles so much of one Bishop, and of the unity to be kept in Ecclesiastical regiment, as appeareth, Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit. praelat. item. Lib. 3. Epist. 11. &c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himself of one Bishop, saying: Ita{que} Vindex ill Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere Episcopū in Catholica Ecclesia. &c. That is, He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholic Church. &c. This by the way, not out of the way I trust, I have touched briefly, to detect or refute the cauiling wrestling of the Papists, which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone, over the whole universal Church of Christ in all places. Whē their meaning is otherwise, how that everyone Catholic Church or diocese ought to have one Bishop over it, not that the whole world ought to be subject to the dominion of him only that is Bishop of Rome. Now to the story again. Novatus being thus Bishop took not a little upon him, going about by all means to defeat Cornelius, and to allure the people from him. Insomuch that (as in the foresaid book of Eusebius appeareth) whē Novatus came to the distributing of the offerings, and should give every man his part, he compelled the simple persons every man to swear, before they should receive of the benediction, & of the collectes or oblations, holding both their hands in his, & holding them so long, speaking these words unto them, (Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt not leave me and go to Cornelius, ) till that they swearing unto him, instead of Amē (to be said at y ^e receiving of the bread, should answer, I will not return to Cornelius, &c. Where note by the way, that the Latin book of Christofersons tan • lation, in this place, craftily leaveth out the name of bread. This story being written in Eusebius, also contained in Nicephorus, although not in the same order of words, yet in effe • t drawn out of him, doth declare in plain words in both the Authors (who so will mark the same) that the sacrament of the body of Christ, is termed with the plain name of bread, after the consecration.

It followeth more in the story, that Maximus, Urbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus before mentioned, perceiving at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy, of Novatus, left him, and with great repentance returned again to the Church, & were reconciled to Cornelius, as they thenselves writing to Cyprian, and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. & Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fab{us} witnesseth the same. In thi • Epistle the said Cornelius moreover writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr, which once being a follower also of Novatus, after perceiving his wickedness forsook him, and did excommunicate him. Of him Cyprian also maketh mention, & calleth him a blessed confessor. Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontifical saith, that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus above mentioned, & was put with them in prison, where he ended his life. And thus much of Novatus (against whom, as Eusebius testifieth) a Synod was hold̄ at Rome of lx. sundry Bishops in the time of Cornelius, and under the reign of Decius an. 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutiō at that time was somewhat calmed.

After Fabianus (or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus ) next succeeded into the bishopric of Rome Cornelius, whō Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Bishop, and for his great virtue & maydenlye continency much commondable, chosen to that room, not so much of his own consent, as of y ^e full greement both of the Clergy men, and also of the people. Jerome addeth also that he was a man of great eloquence, whereby it may appear those two Epistles decretal, which go in his name not to be his, both for the rudeness of the barbarous and gross style, and also for the matter therein contained, nothing tasting of that time, nor of that age nor doings then of the Church. Wherof in the first he writeth to all ministers & brethren of the Church, concerning the lifting up of the bodies & bones of Peter & Paul, De cathecumbis, and transposed to Vaticanum, at the instance of a certain devout woman named Lucina, having no great argument or cause to write thereof unto the churches, but only that he in that letter doth desire thē to pray unto the Lord, that through the intercession of those Apostolical Saints; their sins might be forgiven them. &c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Bishop of the East Church, he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chief Bishop, for any cause, or by any power. Also that no cause of Priests or Ministers ought to be handled in any strange or foreign Court, without his precinct, except only in the Court of Rome by appellation; whereby who seeth not the train of our latter Bishops, going about craftily to advance the dignity of the Court of Rome, under and by the prtenced title of Cornelius, and of such ancient Bishops. If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deed in those so turbulent times of persecution; no doubt but some signification thereof he would have touched in the said his letters, either in ministering consolation to his brethrē, or in requiring consolation and prayers of others. Neither is there any doubt, but he would have givē some touch also of the matter of Novatus, with whom he had so much to do, as in deed he did: for so we find it recorded both in Eusebius, and in Jerome that he wrote unto Fabius Bishop of Antioch, of the decreementes of the counsel of Rome, and another letter of the manner of the Counsel: the third also of the cause of Novatus, and again of the repentance of such as fell, whereof there is no word touched at all in these foresaid Epistles decretal.

What trouble this Cornelius had with Novatus, sufficiently is before signified. In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himself very constantly and faithfully, which sustained great conflicts with the adversaries, as S. Cyprian giveth winesse, Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Jerome testifieth that he remained Bishop after the death of Decius, to the time of Gallus, and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian, which hath these words: Et tyrannum armis & bello postmodum victum, prior sacerdotio suo vicit. But Damasus and Sabellicus, his followers, affirm that he was both exiled & also martyred under the tyrannous reign of Decius. Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story, taken out (as it seemeth) of Damasus, and saith: that Cornelius by the commandment of Decius, was banished a town called Centumcellas, bordering in Hetruria, from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, and Cyprian again to him. This coming to the ears of Decius the Emperor, he sendeth for Cornelius, asking him: how he durst be so bold to show such stubbernes, that he neither caring for the God's, nor fearing the displeasure of his Princes, durst, against the common wealth, give and receive letters from other. To whom Cornelius answering again, thus purged himself, declaring to the Emperor, that letters in deed he had written and received again concerning the praises & honoring of Christ, & of salvation of souls, but nothing as touching any matter of the common wealth. And it followeth in the story: Then Decius moved with anger commanded him to be beaten with plumbattes (which is saith Sabellicus a kind of scourging) and so to be brought to the temple of Mars : either there to do sacrifice, or to suffer the extremitye. But he rather willing to die, then to committee such iniquity, prepared himself to Martyredome, being sure that he should die. And so commending the charge of the Church unto Stephanus his Archdeacon, was brought to the way of Appius, where he ended his life in faithful Martyrdom. Eusebius in one place saith, that he sat ii. years, in another place saith, that he sat three years, and so doth Marianus Scotu., following also the diversity of the said Eusebius. Damasus giveth him only two years.

In this foresaid persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished, but I suppose rather his banishment to be referred to the reign of Gallus next Emperor after Decius, whereof more shall be said, (Christ willing) in this place hereafter. In the mean time the said Cyprian in his second book, Epist. 5. &. 6. maketh mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius, or much about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant young man, who was twice in torments for his confession, which he never denied, but manfully and boldly withstood the adversary, till he was banished, and also after. And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certain brethren, to have him for their lectorer, as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The other was named Mappalicus, who the day before he suffered, declaring to the Proconsul, in the midst of his torments, & saying: Videbis cras agonem: that is, tomorrow you shall see the running for a wager. &c. was brought forth according as he forespake, to Martyrdom, and there with no less constancy then patience did suffer.

And thus much of the tyranny of this wicked Decius against God his Saints, now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him, like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement, not long to continue: so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter, who reigning but two years as saith Eusebius, or three at most, as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbarians with whom he did war, was there slain with his son, like as he had slain Philippus, and his son his predecessors before, so was he with his son slain by the righteous judgment of God himself. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying against the Gotthians, and being by them overcome, sest he should fall into their hands, ran into a whurlepyt, where he was drouned, and his body never found after.

Neither did the just hand of God plague the Emperor only, but also revenged as well the heathen Gentiles and persecutors of his word, throughout all provinces & dominions of the Roman Monarchy, amongst whom the lord immediately after the death of Decius, sent such a plage and pestilence, lastyng for the space of x. years together, that horrible it is to hear, and almost incredible to believe. Of this plague or pestilence, testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt, Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22. Where he declareth the mortality of this plague to be so great in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in y ^e whole City free. And although the greatness of the plague touched also the Christians somewhat, yet it scourged the heathen Idolaters much more: beside that the order of their behavior in the one, and in the other was much diverse. For, as the foresaid Dionysius doth record, the Christians through brotherly love and piety, did not refuse one to visit and comfort another, and to minister to him, what need required. Notwithstanding it was to them great danger: for diverse there were, who in closing up their eyes, in washyng their bodies, & interryng them in the ground, were next themselves which followed them to their graves. Yet all this stayed not them frō doing their duty, and showing mercy one to another. Whereas the Gentiles contrarily, being extremely visited by the hand of God, felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neither yet considered they their neighbor, but every man shifting for himself, neither cared one for another: but such as were infected, some they would cast out of the doors half dead, to be devoured of dogs and wild beasts, some they let die within their houses without all succor, some they suffered to lie unburied, for that no mā durst come near him. And yet notwithstanding, for all their voiding and shiftyng, the pestilence followed them whether soever they went, & miserably consumed them. In so much, that Dionysius bishop y ^e same time of Alexandria, thus reporteth of his own City: that such a great mortality was then among them, that the said City of Alexandria had not in number of all together, both old and young, as it was wont to contayn before of the old men only from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in time past commonly almost in that City. Pomponius Laetus, and other Latin writers also making mention of the said pestilitie, declare how the beginning thereof first came (as they think) out of Ethiope, and from the hot countries, and so invading and wastyng first the South partes, from thence spread into the East, & so further running and increasing into all other quarters of the world, especially, wheresoever the Edicts of the Emperor went against the Christians, it followed after, and consumed the most part of the inhabitauntes, whereby many places became desolate and void of all concourse, and so continued the term of x. years together.

This pestiferous mortality (by the occasion whereof Cyprian took the ground to write his book De mortalitate ) began as is said, immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor, in the beginning of the reign of Vibias Gallus, and Volusianus his son: who succeeded through treason, next unto Decius, about the year of our Lord. 255. and continued their reign but two years.

This Gallus although the first beginning of the reign was something quiet, yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whō rather he should have taken better heed, set forth Edicts in like manner, for y ^e persecution of Christians, albeit in this Edict we find no number of Martyrs to have suffered, but only all this persecution to rest only in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock. Of other sufferings or executions we do not read: for the terrible pestilence following immediately, kept the barbarous heathē otherwise occupied. Unto this time of Gallus, rather then to the time of Decius, I refer the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of Carthage. Of the which banishment, he himself testifieth in diverse of his epistles, declaring the cause thereof to rise upon a commotion or sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himself, lest the sedition should grow greater. Notw • thstāding the said Cyprian, though being absent, yet had no less care of his flock and of the whole church, then if he had been present with them. And therefore never ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call upon them to be constant in their profession, and patient in their afflictions. Amongst diverse other, whom he doth comfort in his banishment, although he was in that case to be comforted himself, writing to certain that were condemned to minyng for metals, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with other bishops, Priests and Deacons, declareth unto them, how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared, but to be rejoiced at, to suffer banishment or other pains for Christ. And confirming them in the same, or rather commending them, signifieth, how worthily they do show themselves to be as valiant captains of virtue, provoking both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suffering of their body, the hearts of the brethren to Christian Martyrdom, whose example was and is, a great confirmation to many, both maids and children to follow the like. As for punishment and suffering, it is (saith he) a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian man's breast, whose hope doth wholly consist in the tree, dreadeth neither batte nor club, wounds and skarres of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame nor dishonesty to the party, but rather preferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the metals be digged there be no beds for Christian men's bodies to take their rest, yet they have their rest in Christ. And though their weary bones lie upon the cold ground, yet it is no pain to lie with Christ. Their feet have been fettered with bands and chains, but happily he is bound of man, whom the Lord Christ doth loose: happily doth he lie tied in the stocks, whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven. Neither can any man tie a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life. They have no garments to save them from cold, but he that putteth on Christ, is sufficiently coated. Doth bread lack to their hungry bodies? But man liveth not only by bread, but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God. Your deformity (saith he) shall be turned to honor, your mourning to joy, your pain to pleasure, and felicity infinite. And if this do grieve you, that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted manner: yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble heart, as when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a glorious sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your travail be great, yet is the reward gre • ter, which is most certain to follow. For God beholding and looking down upon them that confess his name, in their willing mind approveth them, in their striuyng helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in us, which he hath performed, and crowning that which he hath in us perfected. With these and such like comfortable words he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them, that they are now in a joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness a stable light, and brightness greater then all their passions, according to the Apostles saying: These sufferings of this present time be nothing like comparable to the brightness of the glory that shall be revealed in us, &c.

And after the like words of sweet comfort and consolation writing to Seagrius, and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bonds for the testimony of truth, doth encourage them to continue steadfast and patient in the way, wherein they have begun to run, for that they have the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to be with us to the worlds ende: and therefore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortality, in their pain everlasting glory, of the which it is written: Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. Item, although before men they suffered torments, yet their hope is full of immortality, and being vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters. For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire. And writeth moreover, admonishing them, that it is so appointed from the beginning of the world, that righteousness here should suffer in secular conflicts, for so just Abel was slain in the beginning of the world, and after him all just and good men, the Prophets also and the Apostles sent of the Lord himself, unto whom all, the Lord first gave an example in himself, teaching that there is no coming to his kingdom, but by that way which he entered himself, saying by these words: he that loveth his life in this world, shall loose it, &c. And again, fear ye not them, that slay the body, but have no power to slay the soul. And S. Paul likewise admonishing all them, whosoever covet to be partakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord saith: if we suffer together with him, we shall reign toge • her, &c.

Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs, which were in captivity: to persist▪ so likewise 〈1 page duplicate〉 writing to the Priests and Deacons, which were free, exhorteth them to be serviceable and obsequious with all care and love, to cherish and embrase thē that were in bonds. Cypria. Lib. 3. Ep. 6. whereby may appear the fervent zeal & care of this good-Bishop, toward the Church of Christ, although being now in exile, in the time of this Emperor Gallus.

In the same time and under the said Gallus reignyng with his son Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banyshment who next succeeded after Cornelius, in that byshopricke, about the year of our Lord 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue, but returned again home to his Church: as by the Epistle of, S. Cyprian, Lib 3. Epist. 1. may appear. As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitive days certain decretal Epystles with several ordinances be ascribed, bearing their names and titles, as hath been afore declared: so also hath Lucius one Epistle, fathered upon him, in the which Epistle he writing to the brethren of France and of Spain, appointeth such an order and form of the church, as seemeth not to agree with the time then present: For so he declareth in that Epistle that a Bishop in all places, whether soever he goeth, should have two Priests with three deacons waiting vpō him, to be witnesses of all his ways and doings. Which ordinance although I deny not, but it may be and is convenient, yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serve then, for a Bishop to carry such a pomp of Priests & Deacons about him, or to study for any such matter: for so much as Bishops commonly in those days were seldom free to go abroad, went they never so secrete: but either were in houses close and secret, or in prison, or else in banishment. Moreover in the said Epistle how pōpously he writeth to the Church of Rome: This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome (saith he) the mother of all Churches of Christ, which by the grace of God omnipotent, hath never been proved to swerve out of the pathe of Apostolical tradition, neither hath ever fallen, or been depraved with heretical innovations: but even as in the first beginning it received the rule of the Apostolical faith by his first instructors, the Princes of the Apostles, so it continueth ever immaculate and undefiled unto the end.

Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution, that no minister whatsoever, after his ordination, should at any time reenter to the chamber of his own wife, in pain of loosing his Ministry in the Church, &c. Eusebius in his vii. book, making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his Martyrdom, saith that he sat but eight months. But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that he sat three years, & was beheaded the second year of Valerian and Galienus Emperors. And so doth also Marianus Scotus, and Nauclerus, with other that follow Damasus, affirm the same.

After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius : whom Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus, affirm to have sit vii. years fine months, & to die a martir. Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with him, give him but two years, which part cometh most near to the truth, I leave to the readers judgment, of his two Epistles decretal, and of his ordinances out of the same collected, I need not much to tarry, for two respects, either for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously entitled to the names of the fathers of the primitive church, sufficiently hath been said before: or else because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter itself therein contained is such, that although no testimony came against it, yet it easily refelleth it self. As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth, that no Bishop being expulsed out of his seat or deprived of his goods, ought to be accused of any, or is bound to answer for himself, before that by the law regularly he be restored again fully to his former state, and that the Primates and the Synod render to him again all such possessions and fruits, as were taken frō him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the laws Canon & also seculare. First here I would desire y ^e Reader a little to stay, & this to consider to himself, who be these here meant, which either used or might despoile these bishops of their goods, & expulse thē frō their seats for such wrōgfull causes, but only Kings & Emperors, which at this time were not yet Christened nor used any such proceedings against these Bishops, in such sort as either Primates or Synods could restore them again to their places and possessions. Again what private goods or possessions had Bishops then to be taken from them, when as Churches yet neither were endued with patrimonies nor possessions. And if any treasures were committed to the church, it pertained not properly to y ^e Bishop, but went in general to the subuention of the poor in the Church, as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius may appear, alleged in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church, & declaring how there ought to be but one Byshoppe in the same, • nterreth mention of xlvj. Priests, vii. Deacons, with vii. Subdeacons, xlij. Acoluthes, of widows and poor afflicted persons to the •• ber of a 1500, and above, found and nourished in the same Church, by the merciful benignity and providence of god Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon. which thing is forbidden both by the laws Ecclesiastical, & also secular, &c. Now what laws secular were in the time of Stephen, for bishops not to be charged w ^t any accusation before they were restored again to their state, let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen laws that then were, judge, and in judging, I doubt not but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be enough to descry the untruth hereof.

Moreover, by diverse other probable notes and arguments in the said seconde Epistle of Stephanus, it may be easily espied, this Epistle to be famed and •• authored, especial by the fifth Canon of the said Epistle, where he so solemnly entreateth of the difference between Primats, Metropolitans, and Archbishops, which distinction of degres and titles, sauoring more o • ambition, then of persecution, giveth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen, but by • ine other man, either of that name or of some other time when the Church began to be settled in more prosperity, and orders therein to be taken, for every man to know his • eg •• e and limits of his authority according as t • specified by the vi and vii. Canon, of Nicene Council ••• ceeing of the same matter.

The like 〈…〉 of the seventh Canon of the said Epistle, where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided & determined within the precinct of their own proper Province, and not to pass over the bounds theron, unless (saith he) the appea • e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome: which san • reth in my nose, rather of a •• acke of Popery then of the vein of Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible persecution among y ^e Bishops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretal Epistle of Stephanus : although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius, something may be said, as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy ••• timentes, and holy vessels, and other ornaments of the altar, serving to divine worship, and therefore not to be touched nor handled of any mā, saving of Priests alone. Concerning all which implements, my opinion is this, that I think the Church of Rome not to have been in so good state thē, that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him being occupied about other more earnest maters, and scarce able to hide their own heads, had any mind or cogitation to study upon such unnecessary inventions, serving in public Churches. Neither do I see howe the Heathen in those days would have suffered these ornaments to be vnconsumed, which would not suffer the Bishops themselves to live amongst them. Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus judge the contrary. Between this Stephen and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage was a great contention, about rebaptising of heretics, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be said.

Besides these Bishops above specified, diverse other there were also sent into banishment under the forenamed Emperors Gallus & Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermammon on this wise: that Gallus not seeing the evil of Decius, nor foreseeing the occasion of his seductiō and ruin, stumbled himself also at the same stone, lying open before his eyes. For at y ^e first beginning when his Empire went prosperously foreward, and all things went luckely with him, afterward he drave out holy men, which prayed for his peace and safeguard, and so with them rejected also the prayers which they made for him. &c. Eusebius. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloodshed or any Martyrs that in the time of this Emperor were put to death, we do not read.

After the reign of which Emperor Gallus and of his son Volusianus being expired who reigned but ii. years, Emelianus which slew them both by civil sedition, succeeded in their place▪ who reigned but three months, & was also slain. Next to whom Valerianus, & his son Gallienus were advanced to the Empire.

About the changing of these Emperors, the persecution which first began at Decius, & afterward slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague reigning in all places, partly by y ^e change of the Emperors, although it was not very long. For Valerianus in the first entrance of the Empire for the space of iii. or four years, was right courteous and gentle to the people of God, & well accepted to the Senate. Neither was there any of all the Emperors before him, no not of the which openly professed Christ, that shown himself so loving and familiar toward the Christians as he did: in so much that (as Dionysius, writing to Herman doth testify) all his whole court was replenished w ^t holy Saints & servants of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seem to be made a Church of God. But by the malice of Satan, through wicked counsel these quiet days endured not very long. For in process of time this Valerianus being charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a chief ruler of the Heathen Synagogue of the Egyptians, a master of the Charmers or inchaunters, who in deed was troubled, for that he could not do his Magicall feats for the Christians, was so far infatuated and bewitched, that through the detestable provocations of that deuilishe Egyptian, he was wholly turned unto abhominable Idols, and to execrable impiety, in sacrificing young infants and quartering bodies, and deviding the entrails of childrē new borne, and so proceeding in his fury, moved the eight persecution, against the Christians, whom the wicked Egyptian could not abide, as being the hinderers and destroyars of his Magicall enchauntinges, about the year of our Lord. 259.

The eight Persecution.

IN the which persecution the chief administers and executours were Emilianus President of Egypt, Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsuls in Africa, Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus. Uicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius Presidentes. &c.

What was the chief original cause of this persecution, partly is signified before, where mention was made of the wicked Egyptian. But as this was the outward and political cause, so S Cyprian showeth other causes more special, and Ecclesiastical, in his iiii. book. Epist. 4. whose words be these: but we (saith he) must understand and confess, that this turbulent oppression & calamity, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth daily consume, riseth chiefly of our own wickedness & sins: while we walk not in the way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us for our institution. The Lord observed the will of his father in all points: but we observe not the will of the Lord, having all our mind and study set upon lucre & possessions, given to pride, full of emulation and dissention, void of simplicity and faithful dealing, renouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed, every man pleasing himself, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthily. For what stripes and scourges do we not deserve, when the confessors themselves (such as have bid the trial of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doing, do keep no discipline? And therefore because some such there be, proudly puffed up with this swelling and unmannerly bragging of their confession, these torments come: such as do not easily send us to the crown, except by the mercy of God, some being takē away by quickness of death, do prevent the tediousness of punishimēt. These things do we suffer for our sins and deserts, as by the Lord's censure we have been forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my law, and will not walk in my judgments: If they shall profane my institutions, and will not observe my precepts, I will visit their iniquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (saith he) we feel, which neither please God in our good deeds, nor repent in our evil deeds. Wherefore the said Cyprian, adding this exhortation withal, exhorted them to pray and entreat from the bottom of their heart and whole mind, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. &c. Let us ask, and we shall obtain, and though (saith Cyprian) it be with tariance, yet for so much as we have grievously offended, let us continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shall be opened, if our prayers, sighinges, and weepinges knock still at the door with continuance, and if our prayers be joined together with brotherly agreement &c.

Moreover, what vices were then principally raygning among the Christians, he further specifieth in the said Epistle: which chiefly were division and dissention among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these words Petite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtain, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certain persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and condescend altogether of the names and persons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: which thing (saith Cyprian) did greatly displease him, that spake unto them: Pray, and ye shall obtain, for that there was no uniform equality of voice and heart nor one simple and joint concord among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalm. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord. &c. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth unto them in the foresaid Epistle, and moveth them to prayer and mutual agreement. For (saith he) if it be promised in the Gospel, to be granted whatsoever any two consenting together shall ask, what shall then the whole Church do agreeing together? or what if this unanimity were among the whole fraternity, which unanimity (saith Cyprian) if it had been then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these euiles had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had joined together in brotherly unanimity. &c.

After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecutions, the said, S. Cyprian moreover in the forenamed Epistle (worthy to be read of all men) describeth likewise a certain vision, wherein was shown unto them by the Lord, before the persecutiō came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certain aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensive: as one with an indignation sorrowful, holding his hand upon his breast, his countenance heavy and vnchearefull. On the left hand sat another person, having in his hand a net, which he threatened to lay to catch the people that stood about. And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof, it was said unto him: The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand, is sad and sory, that his precepts be not observed. But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry, for that occasion is given him to have power of the aged Father given him to afflict men. And this vision was seen long before this tempest of persecution happened, Wherein is declared the same that before is said, the sins of the people to be the cause, why Satan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with his net of destruction, to rage against the blood of Christian men, and all because (saith Cyprian) we forslacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as we should: wherefore the Lord because he loveth us, correcteth us, correcteth us, to amend us, amendeth us to save us. &c. Cyprian.

Furthermore, the same Cyprian, and in the same Epistle, wrtting of his own revelation or message sent to him, thus saith: And to his least servant both sinful and unworthy (meaning by himself) God of his tender goodness hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him saith he that he be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a little stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proved and tried. &c. And showeth also in y ^e same place of another revelation of his, wherein he was admonished to be spare in his feeding, and sober in his drink, least his mind given to heavenly meditation might be carried away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfeit of meats and drinks, should be less apt or able to prayer and spiritual exercise.

Finally in the latter end of the foresaid Epistle, mention also followeth of other revelations or shewinges, wherein the Lord (saith Cyprian ) doth vouchsafe in many of his servants to foreshow to come the restauring of his Church, the stable quiet of our health and safeguard, after rain fair weather, after darkness light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calm, the fatherly help of his love, the wont & old glory of his divine majesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as have fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall rejoice and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these things to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.

As touching now the crimes and accusations in this persecution laid to the charge of the Christians, this was the principal, first because they refused to do worship to their Idols and to the Emperors: then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and evils that happened in the world, as wars, famine, and pestilence, were only imputed to the Christians. Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his book Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertullian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the objection for not worshipping Idols, he cleareth the Christians both in his book Contra Demeir. & also De vanitate idol. proving those Idols to be no true God's, but Images of certain dead kings, which neither could save themselves from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians do truly worship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of public calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idols, he purgeth the Christians thereof, proving that if there be any defect in increase of things, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now toward her age and latter end. Agayne for that it hath been so foresaid and prophesied, that toward the end of the world should come wars, famine, and pestilence. Moreover if there be any cause thereof more proper then other, it is most like to be imputed to their vain Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Also that such evils be increased by the wickedness of the people, so that to speak in his own words famem maiorem facia • rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by avarice of men, then by drought of the air, but especially the cause thereof to proceed of the cruel shedding of the innocent blood of the Christians &c.

Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mind (Christ wylling) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the full sum, first of his life and bringing up, then of his death, & Martyrdom, as the worthiness of that man deserveth to be remembered. Of this Cyprian therefore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, Jacobus de Voragine, Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentill, altogether given to the study and practice of the Magicall Arts, of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but y ^t he was a worthy Rethorician in Africa. Of whose conversion and baptism he himself in his first book & second Epistle, writeth a flourishing and eloquent History. Which his conversion unto the Christian faith as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary upon Jonah, was through the grace of God and the means of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasion of hearing the history of the Prophet Jonah. The same Jerome moreover testifieth how he immediately upon his conversion distributed among the poor all his substance and after that being ordained a Priest, was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptization, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth uncertain. But this is most true, he himself shined in his office and dignity with such good gifts, and virtues, that as Nazianzenus writeth, he had the government of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.

And to the further setting forth (to the praise of God) of his godly virtues wherewith he was endued appearing as well in his own works, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was courteous and gentle, loving and full of patience, and therwithall sharp & severe in his office, according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first book and third epistle. Furthermore he was most loving and kind toward his brethren, and took much pain in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopric, that with all study and endeavor they should gently entertain and show pleasure unto the Martyrs in his absence, as partly is touched before.

The third Epistle of his first book doth declare of what stomach and godly courage he was, in executing his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with marvelous modesty, whereby he attempted nothing upon his own head and judgment, but with the consent of his fellow bishops and other inferior Ministers, & that chiefly (among others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third book witness. He was of a marvelous liberal disposition towards the poor brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poor men to his fellow officers, and wrote unto them, that of their own proper goods, they would help their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his third book. He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was endued, as touching the visions and heavenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow, and of other matters touching the government of y ^e Church in his first book & third Epistle, and fourth book and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the form or manner of a certain vision, which we have before sufficiently expressed.

He had moreover great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chance, as may be gathered in the vi. Epistle of his fourth book. Also Augustine doth attribute unto him many worthy virtues, which writeth much in setting forth his gifts of humility, in his seconde book of Baptism, the fourth chapter, against the Donatists, and in his vii. book and xi. chap. of his long sufferance and patience. Also of his courtesy and meekness by which virtues he concealed nothing that he understood, but uttered the same meekly and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesiastical peace & concord with those that were of another opinion then he was of: lastly, that he neither circumvented nor did prejudice any man, but followed y ^• thing which seemed good in his judgment, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fifth book, De Baptismo contra Donatistas. Neither is this to be passed with silence, that Jerome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Tertullian, For he saith that he saw a certain old man whose name was Paulus, which told him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian, being then an old man when he him self was but a springal in the City of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont never to let one day pass without some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say unto him: give me any master, meaning thereby Tertullian.

Now a few words touching his exile, and Martyrdom. Of his Epistles which he wrote back to his congregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made above wherein he showeth the virtue beseeming a faithful pastor in that he took no less care, as well of his own church, as of other Bishops being absent, then he did being present. Wherein also he himself doth signify y ^t voluntarily he absented himself, least he should do more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewise declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he writeth unto his brethren, as in his third book and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing seemeth to be done in the reign of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned again but of exile, in the reign of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second time banished of Paternus the Proconsull of Africa, into the City of Thurbin, as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian showeth, or else as Pontius the Deacon saith, into a City named Fur • bilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead, Galienus Maximus succeeded in the room and office of Paternus, who fynding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes, and to be brought before the Idols, to offer sacrifice, which when he would not do, then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words said: Long hast thou lived in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered together men of wicked conspiracy, and hast shown thyself an enemy to the God's of the Romans, and to their holy laws: neither could the sacrete Emperors Valerianus & Galienus revoke thee to the sect of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyrant condemning him to have his head cut of, he patiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lord, Xistus then being Bishop of Rome, as Eusebius noteth, in the year of our Lord. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, being bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.

Now remaineth to speak something likewise of his works and books left behind him, although all peradventure do not remain, that he wrote: whereof some are missing, some again which in the livery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soon be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & gravity of his sentence, vigor of wit, power in persuasion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightlye be imitated but of few. Of the which his books with us extant, as the flourishing eloquence is worthily commended, proceeding out of the school of Rhetoricians, so is the authority thereof no less reputation, not only among us of this age of the Church, but also among the Auncient fathers. Whereof S. Agustine speaking of his commendation saith, Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non vt canonicas habeo, sed ease ex canonisis considero: & quod in eis deuinarum Scripturarum autoritati congruit cum laude eius accipio: quod autem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. &c. By which words it may appear that Agustine, although he did not repute y ^• books and writings of Cyprian, to be equivalent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scriptures he had the same in great admiration.

Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, recyting the names of divers books, bearing the title of Cyprian (moe perchance then be truly his) do collect out of them a certain extract of his most pithy sentences, all which here to repeat were to tedious. To give a taste of the special, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying:

Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis, quod pauperi prodesse potest • i.

Let it not sleep in thy treasures, that may profit the poor.

Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper nouas cogitations machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones proferendo. i.

Two things never wax old in man, the heart ever in imagining new cogitations, the tongue ever in uttering the vain conceptions of the heart.

Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte prodiuina remuneratione distribuendum est .i.

That which a man must needs forgo of necessity, wisdom it is a man to distribute so, that God may everlastingly reward him.

Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malorum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.

Discipline is an ordinate amendment of manners present, and a regular observation of evils past.

Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, vbi qui improbos damnent, desunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.

There can be no integrity, whereas they which should condemn the wicked are ever wanting: and they only which are to be condemned, are ever present.

Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, vt ne alteri possidere liceat.

A covetous man only possesseth his goods for this, because another should not possess them.

Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.

Wemen that advance themselves in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.

Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.

They which color their locks with red and yealow, begin betime to prognosticate, of that color their heads shall be in hell.

Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creauit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.

They which love to paint themselves in this world otherwise then God hath created thē: let them fear, least when the day cometh of resurrection, the creator will not know them.

Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suauitatis odorem sacrificat.

He that giveth an alms to the poor, sacrificeth to God an odour of sweet smell.

Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia futurorum bonorum.

All injury of evils present to be neglected, for the good hope of good things to come.

Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.

To set out virtue in words, and to destroy the same in facts, is nothing worth.

Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.

The mo children and greater household thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde up, but to disperse abroode, for that many sins are to be redeemed many consciences are to be purged.

Moreover, least the Papists here should take an occasion by this text, grounded upon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Almose (saith he) delivereth from all sin and death: to build up the works of satisfactiō, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainly expoundeth both himself, and that place of Scripture, writing in these words: Quia scriptum est, Eleemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non vtique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos salutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberauit, sed ab illa quae per delicta postmodum serpit. &c. That is: Almose doth deliver from all sin and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian ) which the blood of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholesome grace of our Baptism, and of our redeemer hath delivered us, but frō that death which afterward creepeth in by sin. &c. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparent, that Cyprian meaneth this deliverance (which cometh by almose giving) from death and sin, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death everlasting, from which only the blood of Christ doth save us, but for temporal or transitory punishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnaunt, but that temporal virtues may have their temporal rewards in this life, & likewise sins committed may have temporal punishments both of us and in our families, our eternal salvation standing evermore firm in Christ yet notwithstanding.

The foresaid Vincentius moreover speaking of another book of Cyprian (although the said book be not numbered in the Catalogue of his works) maketh mention of xii. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these:

1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good works.
2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.
3. Adolescens sine obedientia. A young man without obedience.
4. Dives sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.
5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameless,
6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without virtue.
7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.
8. Pauper superbus. A poor man proud.
9. Rex iniquus. A king unrighteous.
10. Episcopus negligens. A bishop negligent.
11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.
12. Populus sine lege. Subiectes without law.

As I have hitherto set forth the commendation of Cyprian this blessed Martyr: so must we now take heed again, y ^t we do not here incur the old & common danger, which the Papystes are commonly accustomed to run into, whose fault is always almost to be immoderate and excessive in their proceedings, making to much almost of everything. So in speaking of the holy Sacraments, they make more of them then doth y ^e nature of Sacraments require, not using them, but abusing thē, not referring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking thē in their kind for things godly as they are, but taking thē for God himself, turning religion into superstition, & y ^e creature to the creator, y ^t things signifying to the things them selves signified, &c. To the Church likewise and ceremonies of the church, to general Councils, to the blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceed moreover the bounds of judgment and verity, judging so of the Church, & general councils, as though they could never, or did never err in any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ amongst all women was blessed, and a virgins full of grace, the Scripture & truth doth give, but to say that she was borne without all original sin, or to make of her an advocate, or mother of mercy, there they run further then truth will bear. The ceremonies were first ordained to serve but only for order sake, unto the which they have attributed so much at length, that they have set in them a great part of our Religion yea & also salvation. And what thing is there else almost, wherein the Papists have not exceeded?

Wherefore to avoid this common error of the papists, we must beware in commending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and consideratiō, go with our commendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might have, & had their falls & faults, men I say, & not angels, nor gods, saved by God, not saviors of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet w ^t their learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their books be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equal with the Scriptures. And albeit the said well in most things, yet it is not therefore enough that what they said it must stand for a truth. That preeminence of authority only belongeth to the word of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they never so famous, there is none that is void of his reprehension. In Origen (although in his time the admiratiō of his learning was singular) yet how many things be there, which the Church now holdeth not? but examining him by Scriptures, where he said well, they admit him, where otherwise they leave him. In Polycarpus the church hath corrected and altered that which he did hold in celebrating the Easter day after the Jews. Neither cā holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in all his sayings: as where he maketh the fasting upon y ^e Sunday or the Sabbath day as great an offense, as to kill Christ him self, Ignat Epist. ad Phillip. contrary to this saying of Saint Paul. Let no man judge you in meat & drink. Also where the said Ignatius speaketh De virginitate, and of other things mo. Irenaeus did hold that man was not made perfect in the beginning. He seemeth also to defend free will in man, in those things also that be spiritual. He say • that Christ suffered after he was fifty years old, abusing this place of the Gospel: Quinquaginta annos nondum habes. &c. Tertulianus (whom S. Cyprian never laid out of his hands almost) is noted to be a Chiliaste : also to have been of Mōtanus sect. The same did hold also w ^t Justin, Cyprian, & other, that the Angels fell first for the concupiscence of women, Lib. de habitu mulierum. He defendeth free will of man after y ^e corruption of nature, inclining also to the error of them, which defend the possibility of keeping God his law. Cōcerning Marriage. Vnum matrimonium (inquit) nouimus, sicut vnum Deum. i. We know (saith he) one Marriage, as we know one God condemning the second marriage. Lib, de Monogam. Divers other things of like absurdity in him be noted. Justinus also seemeth to have inclined unto the error of the Chiliastes, of the fall of certain Angels by women, offree will or man, of possibility of keeping the law and such other. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great schooler of Tertullian, utterly exempt from the blot of them, who contrary to the doctrine of the Church, did hold with rebaptising of such, as were before Baptized of heretics, Whereof speaketh S. Agustine, myslyking the same error of Cyprian, in these words contained in his 2. book, Contra Cresconium. Cypriani, inquit, laudem ego consequi non valeo eius multis literis mea scripta non comparo, eius ingenium diligo eius ore delector, eius charitatem miror, eius Martyrium veneror. Non accipio quod de baptisandis haereticis & schismaticis sensit. &c. Uppon the which matter there was a great contention between the said Cyprian, and Stephen Bishop of Rome, as partly afore is note • . Of Agustine himself likewise, of Ambrose, Jerome, Chrysostom, the same may be said, that none of them also clearly passed away, but their peculiar faults and errors went with them, whereof it were to long, and out of our purpose at this present to entreat. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the holy learned Martyr of Christ.

Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of Cyprian that this Cyprian was not he, whom the narration of Nazianzen speaketh of (as is above mentioned) who from Art Magicke was converted to be a Christian, which Cyprian was a Citizen of Antioch, and afterward Bishop of the same City, and was Martyred under Diocletian. Whereas this Cyprian was Bishop of Carthage, and died under Valerianus, as is said, &c. By the decrees of Gratiā. Dist. x. Quoniam. it appeareth moreover that there was also a third Cyprian in the time of Julianus the Emperor Apostate, long after both these aforenamed. For so giveth the title prefixed before the said Distinct. Cyprianus Iuliano Imperatori: the distinction beginning. Quoniam idem mediator Dei & hominum homo Christus Jesus, he actibus proprijs, & dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis vtriusque discernit, &c. Upon the which distinctiō the gloss cometh in with these words saying: y ^t the popedom, and the seat Imperial, have both one beginning of one that is, Christ: who was both Bishoppe, and king of Kings. And that the said dignities be distincted, albeit the Pope notwithstanding hath both the swords in his hand and may exercise them both some time. And therefore although they be distincted, yet in exercise the one standeth lineally under the other, so that the imperial dignity is subject under the Papal dignity, as the inferior is subject under the superior: that as there is one ruler over the whole which is God: so in the Church is one Monarche, that is, the Pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawful right both of the heavenly and terrene dominion. Haec Glosa.

Thus much I thought here to note by the way because this distinction is fathered upon Cyprian, which is false, for this Cyprian was not in the time of Julian, not by 200. years, and so likewise by the other Cyprian, which died Martyr under Diocletian. Of any Cyprian besides these two, we read not. Neither is it credible, that if there were any such Cyprian, he would ever have written of any such matter, of the difference and mutual need of Christiā Emperors and Christian Popes. When as that Emperor being an Apostate, neither regarded Christ, nor cared for any Pope.

About this time, and under the same Emperor Valerianus suffered also Xistus, or Sixtus, the seconde of that name, Bishop of Rome, who being accused of his adversaries, to be a Christiā, was brought with his vi. deacons to the place of execution, where he with Nemesius & other his Deacons were beheaded and suffered Martyrdom. Laurence in the same time being also Deacon followed after complaing to Xistus, as one being grieved, that he might not also suffer with him, but to be secluded as the son frō the father. To whom the Bishop answering again, declared that within three days he should follow after. In the mean time, he willed him to go home, and to distribute his treasures, if he had any unto y ^e poor. The judge belike hearing mentiō to be made of treasures to be given to the poor, and thinking that Laurence had great store of treasure in his custody, commanded him to bring the same unto him, according as the discourse of his story here under written, more fully may appear. Which history, because it is set forth more at large in Prudentius, Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it mo things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader, we have therefore with the more dilygence here inserted the more ample description of y ^e same, to the further admiration of his patience, and God his glory shown in him.

Now then as order requireth, let us enter the story of that most constant and courageous Martyr of Christ S. Laurence, whose words and works deserve to be as fresh and green in Christian harts, as is the flourishing Laurel tree, This thirsty heart longing after the water of life, desirous to pass unto it, through the straight door of bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilaunt Shephearde, Xistus led as an harmless lamb, of harmful tyrants to his death, cried out with open mouth and heart invincible, saying, O dear father, whether goest thou, without the company of thy dear son? Whether hastenest thou, O reverend Priest, without thy Deacon? Never wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister. What crime is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod? Hast thou proved me unnatural? Now try sweet father, whether thou hast chosen a faithful minister or not. Deniest thou unto him the fellowship of thy blood, to whom thou hast committed the destribution of the Lord's blood? See that thy judgment be not misliked, whilst thy fortitude is liked & lauded. The abasing of the scholar, is the disgracing of the Master. What? have we not learned that worthy Masters, have obtained most worthy same, by y ^e worthy acts of their Disciples and Scholers? Finally Abraham sacryficed his only begotten Isaac. Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Pe • er, even so father declare thy manifold virtues by me thy son. Offer thou him that proferreth him self. Grant that the body of thy scholar may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters thou hast beautefied. These words with tears S. Laurence uttered, not becau • e his master should suffer, but for that he might not be suffered to taste of deaths cup, which he thirsted a • ter.

Then Xistus to his son shaped this answer: I forsake thee not, O my son, I give thee to wit, that a sharper conflict remaineth for thee. A feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the rase of a lighter & easier death. But lusty and young thou art, and more lustely, yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph over this tiraunt. Thy time approacheth, cease to weep & lament, three days after thou shalt follow me. Decent is it, that this space of time come between the Priest & the Levite. It may not beseem thee O sweet Pupil, to triumph under thy master, least it be said he wanted an helper. Why crauest thou to be partaker with me in my passion? I bequeath unto thee the whole inheritance. Why requirest thou to enjoy my presence: let weak scholars go before, and the stronger come after, that those without master may get the victory, which have no need by master to be governed. So Helias left behind him his beloved Heliseus. I yield up into thy hands the succession of my virtues. Such was their contention, not unmeet for so godly a priest, so zealous a minister, striving with themselves, who should first suffer for the name of Christ Jesus.

In tragical histories we have it mentioned, y ^t through joy & admiration people claped their hands, whē Pylades named himself Orestes, Orestes, as truth it was, affirmed himself to be Orestes. Pylades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes, not suffering Pylades to loose his life for his sake: But neither of them might escape death, for both these lovers were gilty of blood the one committing the fact the other consenting. But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant, was by no means enforced to make this profer, saving only by his ardent zeal, and fervent spirit, who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome, had it shortly after filled to the hard brymme.

Now let us draw near to the fire of Martyred Laurence, that our cold hearts may be warmed thereby. The mercylesse tyrant, understanding this virtuous Levite, not only to be a minister of the Sacraments, but a distributer also of the Church riches (whereof mention is made before in the words of Xistus ) promised to himself a double pray, by the appresion of one silly soul. First with the rake of Avarice to scrape to himself the treasu • e of poor Christians, then with the firy forke of tyranny so to toss and turmoyle them, that they should wax weary of their Christian profession: With furious face, and cruel countenance, the greedy wolf demanded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substance of the Church. Who craving three days respite, promised to declare where the treasure might he had. In the mean time he caused a good number of poor Christians to be congregated. So when y ^e day of his answer was come, the persecutor straightly charged him to stand to his promise. Then valiant Laurēce stretching out his arms over the poor said: These are the precious treasure of the church: These are the treasure in deed, in whom the faith of Christ reigneth, in whom Jesus Christ hath his mansion place. What more precious Jewel's can Christ have, thē those in whō he hath promised to dwell? For so it is written, I was hungry, & ye gave me to eat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me to drink: I was harborles, and ye lodged me. And again: Look what ye have done to the least of these, the same have ye done to me. What greater riches can christ our master posses, then the poor people, in whō he loveth to be seen? Oh, what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of the tirants heart? Now he stāped, he stared, he rāped, he fared as one out of his wit: his eyes like fire glowed, his mouth like a bore fomed, his teeth like an helhoūd grinded. Now not a reasonable man, but a roaryng lion he might be called. Kindle the fire (he cried) of wood make no spare. Hath this vyllaine deluded the Emperor? away with him, away with him. Whip him with scourges, iercke him with rods: buffet him with fistes, brain him with clubs, iesteth the traitor with the Emperor? Pinche him with fiery tongues gyrde him with burning plates, bring out the strongest chains, and the fireforkes, and the grated bed of iron. On the firewith it, bind the rebel hand and foot, & when the bed is fire hot, on with him: roast him, broyle him, toss him, turn him: On pain of our high displeasure do every man his office, O ye tormentors.

The word was no sooner spoken, but all was done. After many cruel handlings, this meek lamb was laid I will not say on his firye bed of iron, but on his soft bed of down. So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered his element the fire, not a bed of consuming pain, but a pallet of nourishing rest was it unto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the Emperor might seem to be tormented: the one broiling in the flesh, the other burning in the heart. When this triumphant Martyr had been pressed down with firepikes for a great space, in the mighty spirit of God he spake to the vanquished tyrant:

This side is now roasted enough, turn up O tyrant great, Assay, whether roasted or raw, thou thinkest the better meat.

O rare and unaccustomed patience. O faith invincible, that not only not burnest, but by means unspeakable doest recreate, refresh, stablish, & strengthen those that are burned, afflicted and troubled. And why so mightilye comfortest thou the persecuted? Because through thee they believe in gods promises infallible. By thee this glorious Martyr overcometh his torments, vanquisheth this tyrant, confoundeth his enemies, confirmeth the Christians sleepeth in peace, reigneth in glory. The God of might and mercy grant us grace, by the life of Laurence to learn in Christ to live, and by his death to learn for Christ to die. Amen.

Such is the wisdom and providence of God, that the blood of his dear Saints (like good seed) never falleth in vain to the ground, but it bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to work at the Martirdome of this holy Laurence, that by the constant confession of this worthy & valiant Deacon, a certain soldier of Rome being therewith compuncted, and converted to y ^e same faith, desired forthwith to be Baptized of him: for the which he being called for of the judge, was scourged, and afterward beheaded. Henr. de Erford.

Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius bishop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment, with certain other brethren, Of the which he writeth himself, & is alleged in the Ecclesiastical story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the words whereof tend to this effect: Dionysius with three of his Deacons, to wit, Maximus, Faustus, and Cheremon, also with a certain brother of Rome, came to Emilianus then President, who there declared unto them in circumstance of words how he had signified unto them y ^e clemency of his Lord's and Emperors: who had granted them pardon of life, so that they would return to them, & worship the God's and keepers (as he called them) of their Emperie, asking them what answer they would give him there unto: trusting as he said that they would not show themselves ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius answering, said: Al men worship not all God's, but diverse men diverse gods, so as everyone hath in himself a mind or fantasy to worship. But we worship not many nor diverse God's, but only that one God, who is the creator of all things, & hath committed to our Lord's Valerianus and Galienus the government of their Empery, making to him our prayers •• cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance. Then the President said: And what hurt is it, but that you may both worship your God, what God soever he be, and these our God's also? For you are commanded worship such God's, as all men know to be gods. Dionysius answered we worship none other, but as we have said▪ Emilianus the President said: I see you are ingratfull men, and consider not y ^e benignity of the Emperous, wherefor you shall remain no longer in this City, but shall be sent out to the parts of Libya, unto a town called Cephro. For that place by the commandment of the Emperor I have chosen for you. Neither shall it be lawful for you, to cōuent your assemblies, or to resort, as ye are wont to your burial places. And if any of you shall be found out of your places whereunto you are appointed, at your peril be it. And think not contrary, but ye shall be watched well enough. Depart therefore to the place as is commanded you. and it followeth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himself: And as for me (saith he) although I was sick, yet he urged me so straightly to depart, that he would not give me one days respite. And how (saith he writing to Germanus ) could I congregate or not congregate any assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth. And yet neither am I altogether absent from the corporal society of the Lord's flock, but I have collected them together, which were in the Citye, being absent, as though I had been present, absent in body yet present in spirit. And in the same Cephro, a great congregation remained with me, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City, as also of them which were remaining there out of Egypt. And there the Lord opened to me the door of his word, although at the first entrance I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of them fell from their Idols and were converted unto the Lord. And so by us the word was preached to them which before were infidels: which ministry after that we had accomplished there, the lord removed us to another place. For Aemilianus translated us frō thence to more sharp and straighter places of Libya, commanding us to meet altogether at a city Mareota, thinking there to separate us seuerallye into sundry villages, or thinking rather to take and prevent us by the way. After we were come thither, it was assigned to me (saith Dionysius ) to go to Colluthion, which place I never heard of before: which was the more grief to me, yet some solace it was to me, that the brethren told me, it was near to a City named Paraetonium. For as my being at Cephrō got me the acquaintance of many brethren of Egypt, so my hope was that the vicinitie of that place where I should be, to the City, might procure the familiarity and concourse of certain loving brethren, which would resort and assemble with us, and so it came to pass, &c.

Moreover the said Dionysius in his Epistle ad Domi • ium & Dydymū, making mention of them which were afflicted in this persecution of Valerian, recordeth in these words saying: it were superflous (saith he) here to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slain in this persecution, which both were many and to me unknown. But this is certain that there were men, women, young men, maidens, old wives, soldiers, simple innocents, and of all sortes and ages of men. Of whom some with • courginges and fire, some with sword obtained victory, and got the crown. Some continued a great time, and yet have been reserved. In the which number am I reserved hitherto to some other oportune time known unto the Lord, which saith: In the time accepted I have he • rde thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped thee, &c. Now as concerning myself in what state I am, if thou desire to know first howe I and Gaius, and Faustus Petrus, and Paulus, being apprehended by the Centurion, were taken away by certain of the town of Mareote, I have declared to you before. Now I and Gaius, and Petrus alone are left here included, in a west place of Libya, distant the space of three days iou • ney from Paraetonium. &c. And in process farther he addeth: In the City (saith he) were certain privily which visit the brethren: of Priests Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in the world, Faustinus and Aquilla, do wander abroad in Egypt. Of the Deacons besides them whō sickness hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius, & Cheremon, are yet alive. Eusebius hath God raised and stirred up to minister to the confessors lying in bands, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs, not without great peril. Neither doth the President cease yet to this day, cruelly murderyng such as be brought afore him, some tearynge with torments, some imprisoning and keeping in custody commanding that no man should come to them, inquyring also who resorted unto them. Yet notwithstanding God with chearefulnes and dailye resort of the brethren doth comfort the afficted. Haec Dionysius.

Concerning these deacons above recited, here is to be noted, that Eusebius afterward was made Bishop of Laodicia in Syria. Maximus the Priest aforesaid, had the mynistration of the Church of Alexandria after Dionysius▪ Faustus long after continued in great age, unto the latter persecution, where he being a very old man at length was beheaded, and died Martyr.

As touching Dionysius him self, thus the stories report, that he surviving all these troubles and persecutions, by the providence of God, continued after the death of Valerian, unto the xii. year of the reign of Galienus, which was about the year of our Lord. 268. and so departed in peace in great age, after that he had governed the Church of Alexandria the space of xvij. years, & before that, had taught the school of the said City of Alexandria, the term of xvj. years. After whom succeeded Maximus, as is above specified. And thus much touching the full story of Dionysius Alexandrinus, and of other also Martyrs and Confessors of Alexandria.

In Caesaria Palestine, suffered also the same time, Priscus, Malchus, and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the country, and good men, seeing the valiant courage of the Christians, so boldly to venter, & constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecutiō, as men being grieved with them selves, began to repent & accuse their so great sluggishness, and cowardly negligence, to see other so zealous & valiant, & themselves so cold & faint hearted, in laboring for the crown of Christian martyrdom: first consulting and agreing within themselves, came to Cesarea, & there stepping to the Judge, declared thenselves what they were, & obtained the end they came for, being given to the wild beasts. After which like manner also and in the same Citye of Cesarea, a certain woman whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had been before of the sect of Marcion was brought before the President, and likewise obtained the same Martyrdom. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 12.

Neither was the city of Carthage all this while free from the stroke of this persecution, if credit should be givē to the speculative glass of Vincentius, who cyting out of Hugo, recordeth of 300. Martyrs, of which 300. Martyrs the history saith thus, that the President setting before the cools and incense to do sacryfice, by a lyme kilne, which was there near at hand, offered unto them this condition, either to set incense to the coals, for sacrifice to Jupiter, or else to go into the furnace of lyme: whereupon they altogether with a general motion suddenly rushed into the kilne, and there with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered Vincent. Erford.

In Africa also in the City of Tuburba, the said Vincētius out of the Martyrologe inferreth mention of three constant virgins Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who in the persecution of this Valerian and Galienus, first had given for their drink vinager and gaule, then with scourges were tried, after that upon the gibbet were tormented, & rubbed with lime: then were scorched upon y ^e fiery gridirō, at last were cast to the wild beasts, who being not touched of them, finally with the sword were beheaded, Vincent. Erfor.

In Symela a City in Italy, under the Alps, one Pontius being there apprehended, by the commandment of Claudius the President, was hanged first upon the rack, then was cast to the wild beasts, of whom he being nothing hurt, was after committed to the fire. And finally neither touched therewith, (if the story of Vincentius be true) was headed by y ^e rivers side, & his body thrown into the flood, where immediatlye the same hour, the foresaid Claudius with his assistant Anabius, were taken with wicked spirits, by whom they were so miserablye vexed, that they byt of their tongues, and died.

Zenon also Bishop of Verona, is said also in the same persecution to sustain Martyrdom.

Moreover in the same City of Alexandria aforesaid, Bergomensis in his 8. book, writing of the story of Valerianus Emperor, maketh mention of Philippus, bishop of the said sea of Alexandria, who (as he saith) was under the said Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be found in any approved story, nor standeth with the truth of time that any such Philip then was bishop of Alexandria, or any other except only Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who remained xviij. years, and after him Theonas, &c. So that by the ancient records of old writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria, during this time signified by Bergomensis.

Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus Antoninus, and Bergomensis ▪ I find a certain history of one Philippus, President of Alexandria about the same time of Valerian and Galienus, elected by the Emperor and Senate of Rome, to govern those quarters, where he was at length converted to the Christian faith, and after made Priest or Bishop, as they say, of Alexandria, but that not to be so, the testimony of ancient writers doth refell. The history of this Philippus, witnessed in our later Chronicles is this: Philippus, being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came down with his wife Claudia, and his two sons, Auitus, and Sergius, and with his daughter named Eugenia, of the which Eugenia a long history full of strange and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus & other, whereof many things I will cut of, and brieflye touche the effect of the story, leaving to the judgment of the reader the credit of mine authors, as he shall see cause.

Thys Eugenia daughter of Philippus, being of singular beauty, and diligently brought up by her parents in y ^e study of science and learning, was by occasion of hearing Christians, reduced and brought up to Christianitye, with two other Eunuchs her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus: with whom she taking counsel, upon occasion, whether to avoid the danger of persecucion, or refusing to marry with a Pagan, unknown to her parents and fryendes did flee away, and because the more boldlye she might resort to hear the readynges of Helenus then an aged Byshoppe and of others, changed her self into man's apparel, and named her self Eugenius, under the which name she was at length admitted unto a certain Monastery, or a society of Christians in the suburbs of Alexandria although I hardly believe that any Monasterye of Christians was then in the suburbs of Alexandria permitted, where also at the last for the excellencye of learning and virtue, she was made head of the place. Here by the way I omit the miracles of the foresaid Helenus ) Byshoppe as the story saith of Hierapolis (howe he carried burning coals in his lap, & how he aduētured himself to go in the burning fire, to resell wicked Zereas a Pagan, remaining in the same vnburned. Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the answer of the Pythonisse again unto them, that she was taken up to the heaven among y ^e Goddesses. I omit moreover the miracles done by y ^e said Eugenia, in healyng the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her, &c. The story proceedeth thus: Among other which were by this Eugenius cured & restored, there was a certain Matrone of Alexandria named Melancia, who after she had used the help and acquaintaun • of Eugenius supposing her to be a man, fell into an inordi • ate love, seeking by all means how to accomplish the lust of her concupiscence. In so much that in her daily visiting of her, at length she began secretly to break her mind, and to entice her to her ludenes. Eugenius contrary exhorted her to virtue & honesty, showing her the miseries of this life, and the peril of that folly. Melancia seeing that by no means she would be allured, nor by force drawn to her desire, & fearing moreover that she in detecting of her would bring her to shame, beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugenius, declaring howe y ^t she went about corruptly to defloure her, & so presented her accusation before Philippus y ^e President, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that company. This matter being heard, and the woman well known, the crime began to seem suspicious, and so much the more, because it was objected against the Chrystians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her fellow Chrystians was now not only in great hatred, but also in danger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius purging herself & her honesty, although with sufficient probation, yet notwithstanding perceiving that it could take no place, what so ever she said, and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer, for the danger as well of her own self, as specially of her brethren which troubled her more: desired of the Judge place and time to make manifest to him the truth, and so shown her self what she was, and how she was his daughter, the other to be Prothus & Hiacinthus the two Eunuchs, her schoolefelowes, uttering moreover to him and to her brethrē the cause of her departing from them. At the narration whereof Philippus her father, and her two brethren coming to the knowledge of her conceived no little joy, in receiving their Eugenia again whom they thought had been lost. No less gladness was among the people, to see y ^e evidence of the matter so plainly to try out the truth of the one, & the falseness of the other. Wherat y ^e malignant accuser was to double shame confounded, first for her dishonesty falsely cloaked, secondly for the untruth of her accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth moreover, y ^t the said accuser was stricken presently with lightning. Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents & friends, not only was received of them again, but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win thē to Christ. Whereby Philippus the father of her by nature, now by grace was begot̄ of his own daughter to a more perfect life, & whō once he thought to have been lost, not only he found again, but also w ^t her found his own soul, & his own life, which before he had lost indeed. This Phillippus (saith the story) was made afterward Bishop of Alexandria, and there suffered Martyrdom. Concerning whose Martyrdom I deny not but it may be true, but that he was bishop of Alexandria, that cannot be admitted, as is before sufficiently proved, out of Eusebius and other ancient historicians.

Lykewyse it is said, that Eugenia after the Martyrdom of her father, returning to Rome with Prothus, and Hiacinthus, by occasion of conuertyng Basilla (who should have been married to a Pagan husband, and was then beheaded) to the Christian faith, was assailed with sundry kinds of death, first being tied to a great stone & cast into Tiber, where she was carried up from drowning, thē put in the hot bathes, which were extincted, and she preserved: afterward by famishment in prison, where they say she was fed at the hand of our Savior, all which Legendary miracles I leave to the Reader to judge of them, as shall seem good unto him. At last the story saith, she was with the sword beheaded, Antonin. Bergom. Ado.

And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellows noteth to be the bishop of Hierapolis, here is to be understood & observed by the way, y ^t as Philippus in the foresaid history is falsely said to be bishop of Alexandria, so likewise untrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis. For by Eusebius it appeareth, Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Silicia, and had there oversight of that Church from the time of our Lord, 254. to the year. 274.

The vi. year of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis, cited out of Isuardus, of Victor and Victorinus, who lying in prison the space of three years with Claudianus and Bossa his wife, are said to have sustain • great torments, and Martyrdom, for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo.

Aurelius Prudentius in his book entitled Peristephanon, inferreth mention of Fructuosus Bishop of Tarracona in Spain, who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, suffered also Martyrdom being burned after syxe days imprisonment, under y ^e foresaid Emperors in this persecution. The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christ's name. Their Judge and condemner was Emilianus : Their imprisonment endured six days. The kind of death ministered unto them was fire, wherein they being altogether cast with their arms bound behind them, their bands (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolved, their hands untouched with the fire, and their bodies remaining whole. The charge of this Judge unto the Bishop was this, that he would worship the God's, whom the Emperor Galienus worshipped. To whom Fructuosus the bishop answering: nay, (said he) I worship no dumb God of stocks and blocks, whom Galienus doth worship, but I worship the Lord and master of Galienus, the Father and creator of all times, and his only Son, sent down to us of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepherd. At this word Emilianus answering again, Nay, (saith he) say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forthwith commanded them to be committed to the fire, where (as is said) their bands and manicles being loosed, by the fire, they lifted up their hands to heaven, praysyng the living God, to the great admiration of them that stood by, praying also that the element which seemed to flee from them, might work his full force upon them, & speedily dispatche them, which was after their request obtained. In the mean space as they were in the fire, there was a certain Soldier in the house of Emilianus, who did see the heavens above to open, and these foresaid Martyrs to enter in the same, which soldier likewise shown the sight the same time unto the daughter of Emilianus, the president who beholding the same sight with the soldier, was a present witness of the blessedness of them, whom her cruel father had condemned.

As this godly Bishop was preparyng to his death (saith Prudentius ) the brethren approaching to him, brought him drink, desiring him with much weeping to receive & drink with them, but that he refused to do, requiring thē moreover to refrain their tears. With like readiness the brethren also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes & hose, as he was addressing himself to the fire. But neither would he suffer any servants help in that, wherein he was no less willing as able to help himself. And thus this blessed and fruitful bishop Fructuosus with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, being brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ, with the shedding of their blood. Aurel. Prudentius. Ado. Equilinus.

And thus far continued wicked Valerian, in his tyranny against the Saints of Christ. But as all the Tyrauntes before, and oppressors of the Christians had their deserved reward at the just hand of God, which rendereth to every man according to his works: so this cruel Valerian, after he had reigned with his son Galienus, y ^e term of vi. or vii. years, and about two years had afflicted the Church of Christ, felt the just stroke of his hand, whose indignation before he had provoked, whereof we have to witness Eutropius, Pollio, Sabellicus, Volateranus: For making his expedition against the Persians, whether by the fraud and treason of some about him, or whether by his own rashness, it is doubtful: But this is certain, that he fell into the hands of his enemies, being about the age of lxx. years, where he led his wret • hed age in a more wretched captivity. In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians used him (and well worthy) not for his ryding fool, but for his riding block. For whensouer the king should light upon his horse openly in the sight of the people, Valerian Emperor quondam, was brought forth in steed of a block, for the king to tread upon his back, in going to his horseback. And so continued this blockishe butcherly Emperor with shame and sport enough unto his final end, as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor.

And albeit Eusebius in a certain Sermon to the Congregation, declareth a more cruel handling of him, affirming that he was slain, writing in these words: Sed & tu Valeriane, quoniam eandem homicidiorum saeuitiam erga subditos Dei exercuisti, iustum Dei iudicium declarasti, dum captiuus ac vinctus vna cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus, ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus, sale{que} conditus, perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum erexisti. &c. That is and thou Valerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelitie in murdering the subjects of God, therefore hast proved unto us the righteous judgment of God, in that thyself hast been bound in chains, and carried away for a captive slave, with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperial attire, and at length also being commanded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slain and poudred with sault, hast set up unto all men a perpetual monument of thine own wretchedness. &c. Euseb.

The like severity of God his terrible judgment is also to be noted in Claudius, his President, and minister of his persecutions. Of which Claudius, Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth, that he was possessed and vexed of the devil, in such sort, that he biting of his own tongue in many small pieces, so ended his life. Erford.

Neither did Galienus the son of Valerian, after the captivity of his father, utterly escape the righteous hand of God. For beside the miserable captivity of his father whom he could not rescue, such portentes strange, & out of the course of nature, such Earthquakes did happen, also such tumults, commotions, and rebellions did follow, that Trebellio doth reckon up to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time took upon them to be tyrants and Emperors over y ^e Monarchy of Rome, by the means whereof he was not able to succor his father, though he would. Notwithstanding the said Galienus being (as is thought) terrified by the example of his father, did remove: at least did moderate the persecutiō stirred up by the Edicts of Valerian his father, directing forth his imperial Proclamation, the tenor whereof proceedeth after this effect, as is to be seen in Euseb. Lib 7. ca. 13. Emperor and

Caesar, Publius Licinius, Galienus, Pius Fortunatus, Augustus, unto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian and to all other the like Bishops. The bountiful benignity of my gift, I have willed and commanded to be proclaimed through the whole world, to the intent that such which are detained in banishment for discipline sake, may safely return home again, from whence they came. And for the same cause I have here sent to you the example of my rescript for you to peruse & to enjoy, so that no man so hardy to vex or molest you. And this which you may now lawfully enjoy, hath been long since by me granted. And therefore for your more warrant in the same, I have committed the examplar hereof to the custody of Aurelianus Cyrenius my chief Steward, where you may • et the copy to see at your pleasure.

This mandate above prefixed did Galienus sent to Dionysius Alexandrinus, and to other Bishops as is premised. An other rescript also the said Emperor sent to other Christian Bishops, permitting to them full liberty to receive again their wonted places, where they were wont to associate together, called of them Caemiteria▪

By this it may appear that some peace was then granted under this Galienus, to the Church of Christ: albeit not so, but y ^e some there were which suffered. Among whom was one Marinus mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 7. This Marinus being a warrior and a noble man in Cesarea, stood for the dignity of a certain order, which by all order of course, was next to fall upon him by right, had not the envious ambitiō of him y ^t should follow next after him, supplanted him both of office & life. For he accused him to be a Christian, and therefore said that he was not to be admytted unto their offices, which was against their Religion. Wherupon Achaius then being judge examined him of his faith, who finding him to be a Christian indeed, & constantly to stand to his profession, gave him .iii. hours to deliberate & advise with himself. There was the same time in Cesarea a Bishop named Theotechnus, otherwise called Theodistus, who perceiving him to stand in doubtful delyberation and perplexity in himself, took him by the hand & brought him into the house or Church of the Christians, laying before him a sword (which he had under his cloke for the same purpose) and a book of the New Testament & so willed him to take his free choice which of them both he would prefer. The souldior immediately without delay ran to the book of the Gospel, taking that before the sword. And thus he being animated by the bishop, presented himself boldly before the judge, by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a Martyr. Euseb. ibid.

Whose body he being dead, one Asyrius a noble Senator of Rome, and a man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who the same time was there present at his Martyrdom) toke up and bare vpō his own shoulders, wrapping it in a rich & sumptuous weed, & so honourably committed it to the burial. Euseb, Lib. 7. cap 16.

Of which Asyrius the said author writeth, moreover this story, howe that in the foresaid City of Cesarea, the Gentiles used there, of an ancient custom to offer up a certain sacrifice by a fountain side, the which sacrifice by the working of the devil, was wont suddenly to vanish out of their eyes, to the great admiraciō of the inhabiters by. Asyrius seeing this and pitying the miserable error of the simple people, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, made his prayer to almighty God in the name of christ. y ^t the people might not be seduced of the devil any longer: by y ^e virtue of whose prayer the sacrifice was seen to swim in the water of the fountain, & so the strange wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter could be their wrought anymore. Euseb. Lib, 7. cap. 17.

And because mention is made here of Cesarea, there followeth in y ^e next chapter of y ^e same author, a strange miracle if it be true, which he there reporteth, howe y ^t out of the same City was the woman, which in y ^e gospel came to our Savior, and was healed of her bloody issue. Her house being in the Citye of Cesarea, before the door thereof was set up a certain pyller of stone, & upon the pillar, an Image was made of brass, of a woman mekely kneeling on her knes, and holding up her hands, as one that had some suit. Against the which there was another Image also of a man proportioned of the same metal, cunningly engraven, in a short semely vestur • , & stretching forth his hand to the woman. At the foot of which pillar grew up a certain herb of a strange kind, but of a more strange opiration, which growing up to the hem of his vesture, & once touching the same, is said to have such virtue, that it was able to cure all manner of diseases. This picture of the man, (they say) represented the image of Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said, the credit whereof I refer to the Reader, whether he will think it true or false. If he think it false, yet I have shown him mine author: if he think it true, then must he think with all that this miraculous operation of the herb, proceeded neither by the virtue of the picture, nor by the prayer of the other being both dumb pictures, and engraven no doubt at that time by the hand of Infidels, but to be wrought by some secret permission of God his wisdom, either to reduce the Infidels at that time to the belief of the story, or to admonish the Christians to consider with them selves what strength and health was to be looked for only of Christ, and no other advocate, seeing the dumb picture engraven in Brasse, gave his efficacy to a poor herb to cure so many diseases. This picture saith Eusebius remained also to his time which was under Constantine the great.

As touching the line and order of the Romaine Bishops hitherto intermitted, after the martyrdom of Xistus above specified, the government of that church was conmitted next, to one Dionysius, about the year of our Lord, 266. who continued in the same the space of ix, years, as Eusebius saith, as Damasus recordeth but only vi. years, and two months. Of his decretal Epistles because sufficient hath been said before concerning that matter, I omit to speak. After whom succeeded Felix, in the first year of Probus the Emperor, about y ^e year of our Lord, 280. who governed that church v. years, and died as Pla • ina saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both martyrs, as the histories of some do record.

About the time of these bishops, lived Theodorus bishop of Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Mognus, whom also Nicephorus for his miracles, calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Thus Galienus the foresaid Emperor raygned as is declared, with his father Valerian, vii, years, after whose captivity he ruled the Monarchy, alone about ix. years, with some peace and quietness granted to the Church.

The days of this Galien • s being expired, followed Claudius a quiet Emperor, as most stories do record. Although Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mover of persecution against the Christians, & maketh mention of 262. Martyrs, which in his time did suffer, but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius, who would not have omitted some memorial thereof if it had been true, therefore I refer the same to the free judgment of the Reader to find such credit as it may. This Claudius reigned but two years, after whom came Quintilianus, his brother next Emperor, & a quiet Prince, who continued but only xvij. days, and had to his successor Aurelianus, under whom Orosius in his seventh book, doth number the ix. persecution against the Christians.

The ix. Persecution.

HEtherto from the captivity of Ualerian the Church of Christ was in some quietness till the death of Quintilianus, as hath been declared: After whom Aurelianus the next successor possessed the crown, who in the first beginning of his reign (after the common manner of all princes) shown himself a Prince moderate and discrete, much worthy of commendation, if his good beginning had continued in a constant course agreeing to the same. Of nature he was severe & rigorous in correcting, dissolute in manners, in so much that it was said of him in a vulgare proverb, that he was a good physician, saving that he gave to bitter medicines. This Emperor being sick, never sent for Physician, but cured himself with abstinence. And as his beginning was not unfruitful to the common wealth: so neither was he any great disturber of the Christians: whom he did not only tolerate in their religiō but also in their counsel, being the same time assembled at Antioch, seemed not to be against them. Notwithstanding in continuance of time through sinister motion and instigation of certain about him (as commonly such are never absent in all places from the ears of princes (his nature somewhat inclinable to severity, was altered to a plain tyranny, which tyranny first he shown beginning with the death of his own sisters son, as witnesseth Eutropius. After that he proceeded either to move, or at least to purpose persecution against the Christians. Albeit that wicked purpose of the Emperor, the merciful working of God his hand did soon overthrow. For as the edict or proclamation should have been denounced for the persecuting of the Christians, and the emperor now ready to subscribe the edict with his hand, the mighty stroke of the hand of the lord suddenly from above did stop his purpose, binding, as a man might say, the Emperors hands behind him: declaring (as Eusebius saith) to all men, how there is no power to work any violence against the servants of God, unless his permission do suffer them, and give them leave. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 30. Eutropius and Uopiscus affirm, that as the said Aurelianus was purposing to raise persecutiō against us, he was suddenly terrified with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked tyranny. Not long after about the fifth or sixth year of his rain, he was slain between Bizance and Hieraclea, an. 278. Thus Aurelianus rather intended thē moved persecution. Neither is there anymore then this found concerning this persecution in ancient histories and records of the Church. Wherefore I marvel the more, that Vincentius collecting out of the Martyreloges, hath comprehended such a great Cataloge of so many martyrs, which in France and in Italy (saith he) suffered death and torments under this Emperor Aurelianus. Wherunto Orosius also seemeth to agree, in numbering this to be the ninth persecution under the said Aurelian.

Next after Aurelianus the succession of the impery fell to Publius Annius Tacitus, who reigned but vi. months, Him succeeded his brother Florianus, who reigned but lx. days. And after him followed Marcus Aurelius, surnamed Probus. Of whom more hereafter (God willing) shall appear.

In the mean time, within the compass of these Emperors •• lleth in a story recorded, of Eusebius, and not unworthy here to be noted, whereby to understand the faithful diligence of good Ministers, what good it may do in a common wealth.

Mention is made before of Eusebius the Deacon of Dyonisius, whom God stirred up to unite and comfort the saints that were in prison and bands, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs departed, not without great peril of his own life, and after was made bishop (as is said) of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there, it chanced, the said Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria, the city to be besieged of the Romaines, Pyruchius being there captain. In the which siege half of the city did hold with the Romaines, the other half withstood them. In that part which went with the Romaine captain was Eusebius, being also in great favor with the captain for his worthy fidelity and service shown. With the other half that resisted the Romans, was Anatholius, governor or moderator then of the school of Alexandria, who also was bishop after the said Eusebius of Laodicea. This Anatholius perceiving the citizens to be in miserable distress of famine and destruction by reason of penury and lack of sustenance, sendeth to Eusebius beeng then with the Romaines, and certifieth him of the lamentable penury and peril of the city, instructing him moreover, what to do in the matter. Eusebius understanding the case, repaireth to the captain, desiring of him so much favor, that so many as would flee out of the city from their enemies, might be licenced to escape and freely to pass, which was to him eftsoons granted. As Eusebius was thus laboring with the capitaine, on the other side Anatholius for his part labored with the Citizens, moving them to assemble together, and persuading them to give themselves over, in yielding to the force and might of the Romaines. But when the Citizens could not abide the hearing thereof: yet (said Anatholius ) this I trust you will be con • ented, if I shall coūsails you, in this miserable lack of things to avoid out of your city, all such superfluities and unnecessary impedimentes unto you, as old women, young children, aged men, with such other as be feeble and impotent, & not to suffer them here to perish with famine, whose presence can do no stead to you if they dy, & less if they live, for spending the victuals which otherwise might serve thē that be more able to defend the City. The Senate hearing this sentence, & understanding moreover the grant of the captain, promising them their safety, were well consenting thereunto. Then Anatholius, having a special care to them that belonged to the Church of Christ, calleth them together, with the rest of the multitude, and persuading them what they should do, and what had been obtained for thē, caused them to void the city, and not only them, but also a great number of other mo, who persuaded by him, under that pre • ence, changing themselves in women's apparel, or faming some impotency, so escapeh out of the city. At whose coming out Eusebius on the other side was ready to receive them, and refreshed their hungrye and pined bodies, whereby not only they, but the whole Citye of Alexandria was preserved from destruction. Eusebius. lib. 7. cap. 32.

By this little history of Eusebius and Anatholius, described in the vii. book of Eusebius. cap. 32. and briefly here set forth to thee (gentle Reader) thou mayest partly understand the practice of the Prelates what it was in those days in the church, which was then only employed in saving of life, and succouring the common weals wherein they lived, as by these two godly persons Eusebius and Anatholius may well appear. Unto the which practice if we compare the practice of our latter prelates of the church of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appear.

The next Emperor to Florianus (as is said) was Marcus Aurelius Probus, a Prince both wise and virtuous, and no less valiant in martial affairs, as fortunate in the success of the same. During his time we read of no persecution greatly stiring in the church, but much quietness, as well in matters of religion, as also in the common wealth In so much that after his great and many victories, such peace ensued, that his saying was, there needed no more soldiers, seeing there were no moe enemies to the common wealth to fight against. It was his saying also, that his soldiers need not to spend corn and victuale, except they labored to serve the common wealth. And for the same cause he caused his soldiers to be set a work about certain mountains in Syrinia & in Messia to be planted with vines, and not so much as in winter suffered them to be at rest, therefore by them at length he was slain, after he had reigned the space of vi. years, and 4. months, an. 284 Eutrop.

Carus with his two sons Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded next after Probus in the Empire, the reign of which Emperors, continued in all, but iii. years. Of the which three first Carus, warring against the Persians, was slain with lightning. Of Numerianus his son, being with his father in his wars against the Persians, we find much commendation in Eutropius, Vopiscus, and other writers, which testified to him to be a valiant warrior, an eloquent orator, as appeared by his declamatiōs and writings sent to the Senate. Thirdly, to be an excellent Poet. This Numerianus sorrowing & lamenting for the death of his father, through immoderate weeping fell into a great sorenes of his eyes, by reason whereof he keeping close, was slain not long after of his father in law, named Aper who traitorously aspiring to the Empire, dissnnuled his death, with a false excuse to the people, asking for him, saying, for the pain of his eyes he kept in from the wind and weather, til at length by the stench of his body being carried about, his death was uttered.

In the life of this Emperor Carus aforesaid, written by Eutropius in the later edition set forth by Frobenius, I find (which in other editions of Eutropius doth not appear) that Numerianus the son of this Carus was he that slew Babylas the holy Martyr, whose history before we have comprehended. But that seemeth not to be like both by the narration of Chrysostom, and also for that Vrspergensis declaring the same history and in the same words, as it is in Eutropius, saith that it was Cyrillus, whom Numerianus killed, the story whereof is this: what time Carus the Emperor in his journey going toward the Persians, remained at Antioch. Numerianus his son would enter into the church of the Christians, to view and behold their mysteries. But Cyrillus their bishop would in no wise suffer him to enter into the church, saying that it was not lawful for him to see the mysteries of God, who was polluted with sacrifices of Idols. Numerianus full of indignation at the hearing of these words, not suffering that repulse at the hands of Cyrillus, in his fury did slay the godly Martyr. And therefore justly (as it seemed) was he himself slain afterward by the hands of Aper.

Thus Carus with his son Numerianus being slain in the East partes, as is declared, Carinus the other son reigned alone in Italy, where he overcame Sabinus striuyng for the Empire, and reigned there with much wickedness, till they returning home of the army again from the Persians, who then set up Dioclesian to be Emperor, by whom the foresaid Carinus for the wickedness of his life, being forsaken of his host, was overcome, & at length slain with the hand of the Tribune, whose wife before he had deflowered. Thus Carus with his two sons, Numerianus and Carinus ended their lives, whose reign continued not above three years.

All this mean space we read of no great persecution stirring in the Church of Christ, but was in mean quiet state and tranquility, unto the xix. year of the reign of Dioclesian, So that in counting the time from the latter ende of Ualerian, unto this foresaid year of Dioclesian, the peace of the church which God gave to his people, seemeth to continue above 44. years. During the which time of peace and tranquility, the church of the Lord did mightily increase and flourish, so that the more bodies it lost by persecution, the more honor and reverence it wan daily among the Gentiles in all quarters, both Greeks and barbarous, in so much that (as Eusebius in his vii. book describeth) amongst the Emperors themselves, diverse there were which not only bare singular good will and favor to them of our profession, but also did commit unto them offices & regiments over countries and nations, so well were they affected to our doctrine, that they priuileged the same with liberty and indemnity. What needeth to speak of them which not only lived under the Emperors in liberty but also were familiar in the court with the Princes themselves, entertained with great honor and special favor beyond the other seruitures of the court, as was Dorotheus with his wife, children and whole family, highly accepted & advanced in the palace of the Emperor: Also Gorgonius in like manner with diverse other mo, who for their doctrine & learning which they professed, were with their Princes in great estimation. In like reverence also were the bishops of cities and Diocese, with the Presidentes and rulers where they lived: who not only suffered thē to live in peace, but also had them in great price and regard, so long as they kept themselves upright, and continued in God his favor. Who is able to number at that time the mighty and innumerable multitudes and congregations assembling together in every city, and the notable cōcurses of such as daily • locked to the common Oratoures to pray▪ For the which cause they being not able to be contained in their old houses, had large and great churches, new built from the foundation, for them to frequent together. In such increasement (saith Eusebius ) by process of time did the church of christ grow and shout up daily more and more, profiting and spreading through all quarters, which neith

Acts and Monuments Volume 1

*The sixth Persecution.

The seventh Persecution.

The eight Persecution.

The ix. Persecution.