Acts and Monuments Volume 1
Thus was Romanus brought forth again to new stripes and punishments, to be renewed and received upon his old sores, in so much the bare bones appeared, the flesh all torn away: wherein no pity was shown, but the raging tyrant puffing out of his blasphemous mouth, like a mad man these words, cried out to the tormentors, saying:
Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbear, but needs he must draw nearer to the sentence of death: is it painful to thee (said he) to tarry so long alive? a flaming fire doubt thou not shall be prepared for thee, by and by, wherein thou and that boy, thy fellow of rebellion shall be consumed into ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of execution. As they laid hands on Romanus, he looked back saying: I appeal from this thy tyranny, O judge unjust, to the righteous throne of Christ that upright judge: not because I fear thy cruel torments and merciless handlings, but that thy judgments may be known to be cruel and bloody. Now when they were come to the place, the tormentor required the child of the mother, for she had taken it up in her arms: And she only kissing it, delivered the babe. Farewell she said my sweet child, and as the hangman applied his sword to the babes neck, she sang on this manner.
The innocents head being cut off, the mother wrapped it up in her garment, and laid it to her breast. On the other side a mighty fire was made, whereinto Romanus was cast: who said, y t he should not burn: wherewith a great storm arose (if it be true) and quenched the fire. The Capitaine gave in commandment that his tongue should be cut out, out was it plucked by the hard roots and cut of: Nevertheless, he spake▪ saying: he that speaketh Christ shall never want a tongue, think not that the voice that uttereth Christ, hath need of the tongue to be the minister. The Capitaine at this, half out of his wit, bare in hand that the hangman deceived the sight of the people by some subtle sleight and crafty conveyance. Not so (quoth the hangman) if ye suspect my deed, open his mouth and diligently search the roots of his tongue. The Captain at length being confounded with the fortitude and courage of the Martyr, straightly commandeth him to be brought back into the prison, and there to be strangled. Where his sorrowful life and pains being ended, he now enjoyeth quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetual hope of his miserable body to be restored again with his soul into a better life: where no tyrant shall have any power: Prudentius in hymnis de coronis Martyrum.
Gordius was a citizen of Caesaria, a worthy soldier, and Captain of an hundredth men. He in the time of extreme persecution, refusing any longer to execute his charge did choose of his own accord willing exile, and lived in the desert many years a religious and solitary life. But upon a certain day when a solemn feast of Mars was celebrated, in the city of Cesarea, and much people were assembled in the Theatre to behold the games: he left the desert, and got him up into the chief place of the Theatre, and with a loud voice uttered this saying of the Apostle: Behold I am found of them which sought me not, and to those which asked not for me, have I openly appeared. By which words he let it to be understood, that of his own accord he came unto those games. At this noise, the multitude little regarding the sights, looked about to see who it was y t made such exclamation. As soon as it was known to be Gordius, and that the crier had commanded silence, he was brought unto the shiri • e, which at that instant was present, and ordained the games. Whē he was asked the question who he was, from whence, and for what occasion he came thither, he telleth the truth of everything as it was. I am come, saith he, to publish, that I set nothing by your decrees against the Christian religion: but that I profess Jesus Christ to be my hope and safety. And when I understood with what cruelty ye handle other men: I took this as a fit time to accomplish my desire. The Shirife with these words was greatly moved, and revengeth all his displeasure upon poor Gordius, commanding the executioners to be brought out with scourges, while gibbet, & whatsoever torments else might be devised. Whereunto Gordius answered, saying, that it should be to him an hindrance and damage if he could not suffer and endure diverse torments and punishments for Christ his cause. The shirife being more offended with this his boldness, commanded him to feel as many kind of torments as there were, with all which Gordius notwithstanding, could not be mastered or overcome: but lifting up his eyes unto heaven singeth this saying out of the Psalms. The Lord is my helper, I will not fear the thing that man can do to me: and also this saying, I will fear none evil, because thou Lord art with me.
After this, he against him self provoketh the extremity of the tormentors, & blameth them if they favor him anything at all. When the Shrife saw, that hereby he could win but little, he goeth about by gentleness and enticing words, to turn the stout and valiant mind of Gordius. He promiseth to him great and large offers if he will deny Christ: as to make him a Captain of as many men as any other is, to give him richesse, treasure, & what other thing so ever he desireth. But in vain as the Proverb is, pipeth the minstrel to him that hath no ears to hear, for he deriding the foolish madness of the Magistrate saith, that it lieth not in him to place any in authority, which he worthy to have a place in heaven. The Magistrate with these words thoroughly angered and vexed, prepareth him self to his condemnation. Whom after that he had condemned, he caused to be had out of the City to be brent. There runneth out of the City great multitudes by heaps to see him put to execution, some take him in their arms, & lovingly kiss him, persuading him to take a better way and save himself, and that with weeping tears. To whom Gordius answered, weep not I pray you for me, but rather for the enemies of God which always make war against the Christians: weep I say for them which prepare for us a fire, purchasing hell fire for themselves in the day of vengeance: And cease of further, I pray you, to molest and disquiet my settled mind. Truly (saith he) I am ready for the name of Jesus Christ, to suffer and endure a thousand deaths if need were. Some other came unto him which persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, & to keep his conscience to himself. My tongue (saith he) which by the goodness of God I have, cannot be brought to deny the author and giver of the same: for with the heart we believe unto righteousness, and with the tongue we confess unto salvation. Many moe such like words he spake: but especially uttering to them such matter, whereby he might persuade the beholders to death, and to the desire of Martyrdom. After all which, with a merry and glad countenance, never changing so much as his color, he willingly gave himself to be brent. Basilius in Sermon in Gordium militem Caesariensem.
Not much unlike to the story of Gordius is the story also of Menas an Egyptian, who being likewise a soldier by his profession, in this persecution of Dioclesian forsook all, & went into the desert, where a long time he gave him self to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the Scriptures. At length returning again to y e City Cotys, there in the open threatre, as y e people were occupied upon their spectacles or pastimes, he with a loud voice openly proclaimed himself to be a Christian, and upon the same was brought to Pyrrhus the President: of whom, he being demanded of his faith, made this answer: Conuenyent it is that I should (saith he) confess God in whom is light and no darkness, for so much as Paul doth teache that with heart we believe to righteousness, with mouth confession is given to salvation. After this the innocent Martyr was most painfully pinched and cruciate with sundry punishments. In all which, notwithstanding he declared a constant heart, and faith invincible, having these words in his mouth being in the midst of his torments. There is nothing in my mind that can be compared to the kingdom of heaven. Neither is all the world, if it were weighed in balance able to be conferred with the price of one soul. And said, who is able to separate us from the love of Jesus Christ our Lord: shall afflictiō or anguish? And moreover (said he) I have thus learned of my Lord & my king, not to fear them which kill the body and have no power to kill y e soul, but to fear him rather, who hath power to destroy both body and soul in hell fire. To make the story short, after manifold torments borne of him, and suffered, when the last sentence of death was upon him pronounced which was to be beheaded: Menas being then had to the place of execution said: I give thee thanks my Lord god, which hast so excepted me to be found a partaker of thy precious death, & hast not given me to be devoured of my fierce enemies, but hast made me to remain constant in thy pure faith unto this my later end: And so this blessed soldier fighting valiantly under the baner of Christ, lost his head, & wan his soul. Simeon Metaphrast. tom. 5. In the which autor there followeth a long narration of the miracles of this holy man, which here for prolixity I do omit,
Basilius in a certain Sermon of 40. Martyrs rehearseth this story not unworthy to be noted. There came (saith he) into a certain place (which place he maketh no mention of) the Emperors Marshall or officer, with the edict which the Emperor had set out against the Christians, that whosoever confessed Christ, should after many torments suffer death. And first they did privily suborn certain which should detect & acuse the Christians whom they had found out, or had laid wait for: upon this the sword, the gibbet, the wheel, & the whips were brought forth: At the terrible sight whereof, the harts of all the beholders did shake & tremble. Some for fear did flee, some did stand in doubt what to do: Certain were so terrified at the beholding of these engines & tormenting instruments that they denied their faith. Some other began the game, and for a time did abide the conflict and agony of Martydome, but vanquished at length, by the intolerable pain of their torments, made shipwreck of their consciences, & lost the glory of their confession. Amōg other xl. there were at that time young gentlemen all soldiers, which after the Marshall had shown the Emperors Edict, and required of all men the obedience of the same, freely & boldly of their own accord confessed themselves to be Christians & declared to him their names. The Marshall somewhat amazed at this their boldness of speech, standeth in doubt, what was best to do. Yet forthwith he goeth about to win them with fair words, advertising them to consider their youth, neither that they should change a cruel and untimely death, • or a sweet and pleasant life: After that he promiseth them money, and honorable offices in the Emperors name. But they little esteming all these things break forth into a long and bold Oration, affirming that they did neither desire life, dignity, nor money, but only the celestial kingdom of Christ, saying further that they are ready for the love and faith they have in god, to endure the afflictiō of the wheel, the cross, and the fire. The rude Marshall being herewith offended, deviseth a new kind of punishment. He spied out in the middle of the city a certain great pond, which layfull, upon the cold Northern wind, for it was in the winter time, wherein he caused them to be put all that night, but they being merry & comforting one another, received this their appointed punishment, and said, as they were putting of their clothes: we put off (said they) now not our clothes, but we put of y e old mā, corrupt with the deceit of concupiscence. We give thee thanks (O Lord) that with this our apparel we may also put of by thy grace, the sinful man: for by means of the Serpent we once put him on, and by the means of Jesus Christ we now put him of. When they had thus said: they were brought naked into y • place where they felt moste vehement cold: in so much that all the partes of their bodies were stark & stiff therewith. Assone as it was day, they yet having breath, were brought into the fire, wherein they were consumed, and their ashes thrown into the flud. By chance there was on of the company more lively, and not so near dead as the rest, of whom y e executioners taking pity, said unto his mother standing by, that they would save his life. But she with her own hands taking her son brought him to the pile of wood where y e residue of his fellows (crooked for cold) did lie ready to be brent, admonished him to accomplish the blessed journey he had taken in hand with his companions. Basil.
A like history of 40. Martyrs, which were married men, we read of in Niceph. & Zozomenus. Lib. 9. cap. 2. which were killed likewise in a lake or pond at Sebastia, a town of Armenia, under Licinius, if the story be not the same with this, Niceph. Zozom.
In this fellowship and company of martyrs cannot be left out and forgotte the story of Cyrus: This Cyrus was a Physician borne in Alexandria, which fleing into Egypt, in the persecution of Dioclesianus, and Maximianus, led a solitary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his learning and miracles, unto whose company after a certain time did Johannes, borne in the City of Edessa, beyond the river Euphrates, join himself, leaving the soldiers life which before that time he had exercised. But whilst as yet the same persecution raged in a city in Egypt called Canope, there was cast into prison for the confession of their faith, a certain godly Christian woman, called Athanasia, and her three daughters, Theoctiste, Theodota, and Eudoxia : with whom Cyrus was well acquainted. At whose inf • rmities he much fearing accompanied with his brother John, came and visited them for their better confirmation: at which time Lyrianus was chief captain and Lieutenaunt of Egypt, of whose wickedness and cruelty, especially against women and maidens: Athanasus maketh mention in his Apologies, and in his Epistle to those that lead a solitarye life. Thys Cyrus therefore and Johannes, being accused and apprehended of the Heathen men, as by whose persuasions, the maidens and daughters of Athanasia contumelyously, despised the God's and the Emperors religion, & could by no means be brought to do sacrifice, were after the publication of their constant confession put to death by the sword. Athanasia also and her three daughters being condemned to death. This history writeth Simeon Metaphrastes ▪
Sebastian being borne in the part of France called Gaul Narbonensis was a Christian, and was Lieutenaunte general of the vawward of Dioclesian the Emperor, who also encouraged many martyrs of Christ by his exhortations, unto constancy, and kept them in the faith. He being therefore accused to the Emperor, was commanded to be apprehended, and that he should be brought into the open field, where of his own soldiers he was thrust through the body with innumerable arrows, and after that his body was thrown into a iaques or sink. Ambrosius maketh mention of this Sebastian the martir in his Cōmentary upon the 118. Psalm. & Simeon Metaphrastes amongst oher Martyrs that suffered with Sebastian numbereth also these following: Nicostratus with Zoe his wife, Tranquillinus with Martia his wife: Traglinus Claudius, Castor, Tiburtius, Castullus, Marcus, and Marcellinus with other moe.
Basilius in another Sermon also maketh mention of one Barlaam being a noble and famous Martyr, which abode all the torments of the executioners even to the point of death, which thing when the tormentors saw, they brought him and laid him upon the altar, where they did use to offer sacrifices to their idols, and put fire & frankensence into his right hand wherein he had yet some strength, thinking that the same his right hand, by the heat & force of the fire, would have scattered the burning incense upon the alter and so have sacrificed. But of that their hope, the pestiferous tormentors were disappointed: for the flame eat round about his hand, and the same endured even as though it had been covered with hot embers, when Barlaam, recited out of the Psalms this saying: Blessed is the Lord my God which teacheth my hands to fight.
To this narration of Basilius touching the Martyrdom of Barlaam, we will anexe consequently another story of Ambrose : He making a certain exhortation to certain virgins, in the same Oration commendeth the martirdomes of Agricola & Vitalis, who suffered also in the same persecution under Dioclesian and Maximinian (as they so affirm) at Bononie. This Vitalis was servant to Agricola, who both together between themselves had made a compact to give their lives with other Martyrs for the name of Christ. Wherupon Vitalis, being sent before of his master to offer himself to Martirdome, fe • l first into the hands of persecutors, who labored about him by all manner of means to cause him to deny Christ. Which when he would in no case do▪ but stoutly persisted in the confessiō of his faith, they began to exercise him with all kinds of torments: So unmercifully that there was no whole skin left in all his body. So Vitalis in the midst of the agony, & painful torments, after he had in a short prayer, commended him self to God, gave up his life. After him the tormentors set upon Agricola his Master, whose virtuous manners & gentle conditions, because they were singularly well liked and known to the enemies, his suffering therefore was the longer deferred. But Agricola not abiding the long delay and driving of, and provoking moreover y e adversaries to quicker speed, at length was fastened unto the cross and so finished his martyrdom, which he so long desired, Ambrose in Exhortatione ad Virgines.
No less worthy of commemoration is the lamentable Martyrdom of Vincentius, whose history here followeth. This Vincentius was a Spaniard, and a Levite most godly and virtuous, who at this time suffered Martyrdom at Valence, under Dacianus the President, as we may gather by Prudentius in his hymn. Bergomensis in his supplement reciteth these words concerning his martyrdom, out of a certain sermon of S. Augustine: Our heart conceived not a vain and fruitless sight (as it were in beholding of lamentable tragedies) but a great sight & marue • lous, certainly, and there with singular pleasure received it, when the painful passion of Victorius Vincentius was read unto us. Is there any so heavy hearted, that will not be moved in the contemplation of this immooueable Martyr so manly, or rather so godly fighting against the craft and subtlety of that Serpent, against the tyranny of Dacianus, against the horrors of death, & by the mighty spirit of his God conquering all: But let us in few words rehearse the degrees of his torments though the pains thereof in many words cannot be expressed. First Dacianus caused the Martyr to be laid upon the torture, and all the joints of his body to be distended and racked out, until they cracked again. This being done in most extreme and cruel manner all the members of his painful and pitiful body were grievously indented with deadly wounds. Thirdly (that his dolors & griefs might be augmented) they miserably vexed his flesh with iron combes sharply filed. And to y e end the tormentors might vomit out all their vengeance on the meek & mild martyrs flesh, the tormentors themselves also were vily scourged at the Presidentes commandment. And lest his passion through want of pains might seem imperfect or else to easy, they laid his body being all out of joint, on a grate of iron, which body when they had opened with iron hooks, they seared it with fiery plates, with hot burning salt sprinkling the same. Last of all into a vile dongeon was this mighty Martyr drawn, the flour whereof first was thick spredde with the sharpest shells that might be gotten, his fete then being fast locked in the stocks, there was he left alone without all worldly comfort: but the Lord his God was with him, the holy spirit of God (whose office is to comfort the godly afflicted) fulfilled his heart with joy & gladness. Hast thou prepared a terrible rack (O cruel tyrant, O devouring Lion) for the Martyrs bed: the Lord shall make that bed soft and sweet unto him. Rackest thou his bones and joints all a sunder, His bones, his joints, his hears are all numbered. Tormentest thou his flesh with mortal wounds: the Lord shall pour abūdantly into all his sores of his oil of gladness. Thy scraping combes, thy sharp fleshookes, thine hot searing irons, thy parched salt, thy stinking prison, thy cutting shelles, thy pinching stocks shall turn to this patient Martyr to the best. Altogether shall work contrary to thine expectation, great plenty of joy shall he reap into the barn of his soul, out of this mighty harvest of pains that thou hast brought him into. Yea thou shalt prove him Vincentius indeed: that is, a vanquisher, a tryumpher, a conqueror subduing thy madness, by his mekenes, thy tyranny by his pat • ence, thy manifold means of tortures, by the manifold graces of God, wherewith he is plentifully enriched.
In this cataloge or company of such holy martyrs, as suffered in this foresaid tenth persecutiō, many mo and almost innumerable there be expressed in authors, beside thē whom we have hitherto comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble birth, & great possessions in Alexandria, who being persuaded by his friends to favor himself, to respect his wife, to consider his children and family did not only reject the counsels of them, but also neglected the threats and torments of the Judge, to keep the confessiō of Christ inuiolate unto the death, & losing of his head. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 9. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 9. of whom Euseb. beareth witness that he was there present himself.
Of like estate and dignity was also Procopius in Palestine, who after his conversion brake his images of silver, and gold, and distributed the same to the poor and after all kind of torments, of racking, of cording, of tearing his flesh, of goring and stabbing in, of fiering, at length had his head also smitten of, as witnesseth. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 15.
To this may be joined also Georgius, a young man of Capadocia, who stoutly inueighing against the impyous idolatry of the Emperors, was apprehended, and cast in prison, then torn with hooked irons, burnt with hot lyme, stretched with cords, after that his hands and feet with other members of his body being cut of, at last with a sword had his head cut of. Niceph. ibid.
With these aforenamed add also Sergius, and Bacchius, Panthaleon, a physician in Nicomedia, mentioned in Supplem. Lib. 8. Theodorus of the City Amasia in Hellesp. mentioned of Vincentius. Lib. 3. Faustus a martyr of Egypt, mentioned of Niceph. Lib. 8. cap. 5. Gereon with 318. fellow martyrs which suffered about Colour. Petr. de nat. Lib, 9. cap. 49. Hermogenes the President of Athens, who being converted by the constancy of one Menas, and Eugraphus in their torments, suffered also for the like faith. Item Samonas, Gurias and Abibus, mentioned in Simeon Metaphrast. Hieron also w t certain of his confessors, under Maximinus, mentioned in Metaphrastes. Jude’s, and Domuas, who suffered with many other Martyrs above mentioned, at Nicomedia, as recordeth Metaphrastes. Euelasius, Maximinus the Emperors officers, whom Fausta the virgin in her torments converted. Also Thyrsus, Lucius, Callinicus, Appollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, with Arrianus president of Thebaide, Cyprianus, likewise a Citizen of Antioch, who after he had continued a long time a filthy Magician, or sorcerer, at length was converted, & made a Deacon then a Priest, and at last the Bishop of Antioch, Vincent lib. 12. cap. 120. of whom partly we touched somewhat before. Pag. 72. This Cyprian w t Iustina a virgin suffered among the martyrs, Item, Glycerius at Nicomedia, Felix a minister, Fortunatus, Achilleus, Deacons in the city of Valent. Arthemius of Rome, Cyriacus Deacon to Marcellus the bishop. Carpophorus Priest at Thuscia, with Abundus his deacō. Item, Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, which suffered with Marcellinus the Bishop Sabell Enead. 7. Lib. 8. Cucusatus, in the city Barcinona. Felix Bishop of Apulia, with Adauctus & Ianuarius his priests, Fortunatus & Septimus his readers, who suffered in the City Venusina under Dioclesian. Bergom. Lib. 8.
It were to long a travel or trouble to recite all and singular names of them particularly, whom this persecutiō of Dioclesian did consume. The number of whom being almost infinite is not to be collected or expressed: One story yet ramayneth, not to be forgotten of Cassianus, whose pitiful story being described of Prudentius we have here inserted, rendering metre for metre as followeth.
No less admirable then wonderful was the constancy also of women and maidens, who in the same persecution gave their bodies to the torments & their lives for the testimony of Christ, with no less boldness of spirit, thē did the men themselves above specified, to whom howe much more inferior they were in bodily strength, so much more worthy of praise they be, for their constant standing. Of whom some examples here we mind (Christ willing) to infer, such as in our stories and Chronicles seem most notable, first beginning with Eulalia, whose story we have taken out of the foresaid Prudentius as followeth.
In the West part of Spain called Portingall, is a City great and pop • lous, named Emerita, wherein dwelt and was brought up a virgins borne of noble parentage, whose name was Eulalia, which Emerita although for the apt situation thereof, was both rich & famous, yet more adourned and famous was the renown thereof, by y e martyrdom, blood, and sepulture of this blessed virgins Eulalia. Twelue years of age was she and not much above, when she refused great and honorable offers in marriage, as one not skillful, nor yet delighting in courtly daliaunce, neither yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous apparel, or else in precious balms, or costly ornaments and iuels: But forsaking and despising all these and such like pompeous allurements, then shown she herself most busy in preparing her journey to her hoped inheritance, and heavenly patronage. Which Eulalia as she was modest and descrete in behavior, sage and sober in conditions, so was she also witty and sharp in answering her enemies. But when the 〈◊〉 rage of persecution enforced her to join herself amongst God's Children in the household of faith, and when the Christians were commanded to offer incense and sacrifice to devils or dead God's: Then began the blessed spirit of Eulalia to kindle, and being of a pro • tipped & ready wit thought forthwith (as a courageous captain) to give a charge upon this so great, and disordered a battle: and so she, silly woman, pouring out the bowels of her innocent heart before God, more provoketh thereby the • orce and rage of her enemies against her. But the godly care of her parents, fearing least the willing mind of the Damsel, so ready to die for Christ's cause, might make her gilty of her own death, hid her and kept her close at their house in the country, being a great way out of the Citty. She yet misliking that quiet life, as also detesting, to make such delay, softly stealeth out of the doors (no man knowing thereof) in the night and in great hast leaving the common way, openeth the hedge gappes, and with werye feet (god knoweth) passed through y e thorny & bryery places, accompanied yet w t spiritual garde: & although dark & dreadful was the silent night, yet had she with her the Lord & guider of light. And as the children of Israel coming out of Egypt, had by the mighty power of God, a cloudy pillar for their guide in y e day, & a flame of fire in the night, so had this godly virgins, traueling in this dark night, when she fleing & forsaking the place where all filthy idolatry abounded, & hastened her heavenly journey, was not oppressed with the dreadful darkness of the night, But yet she before the day appeared in this her speedy journey, with her self considered & mused on a thousand matters, & more. In the morning betime with a bold courage she goeth unto the tribunal or judgment seat, & in the midst of them all with a loud voice, crying out said: I pray you what a shame is it for you thus rashly, and without advisement to destroy and kill men's souls, and to throw their bodies alive against the rocks, and cause them to deny the omnipotent god? Would you know (O you unfortunate) who I am? behold, I am one of the Christians: an enemy to your devilish sacrifices, I spurn your idols under my feet: I confess God omnipotent with my heart and mouth. Isis, Apollo, and Uenus, what are they? Maximinus himself, what is he? The one a thing of naught, for that they be y e works of men's hands, y e other but a cast away because he worshippeth the same work. Therefore frivolous are they both, and both not worthy to be set by. Maximinus is a Lord of substance, and yet he himself falleth down before a stone, and voweth the honor of his dignity unto those that are much inferior to his vassals. Why then doth he oppress so tirannically, more worthy stomachs and courages then himself? He must neds be a good guid, and an upright judge, which fedeth upon innocent blood: and breathing in the bodies of godly men doth rent and tear their bowels, and that more is, hath his delight in destroying and subuerting the faith.
Go to therefore thou hangman, burn, cut and mangle thou these earthly menbers. It is an easy matter to break a britle substance, but the inward mind shalt not thou hurt for anything thou canst do. The pretor thē or judge with these words of hers, set in a great rage, saith, hangmā take her and pull her out by the hear of her head & torment her to the uttermost. Let her feel the power of our country gods, and let her know what the Imperial government of a Prince is. But yet, O thou sturdy girl, fain would I have thee (if it were possible) before thou die, to revoke this thy wickedness. Behold what pleasures thou mayest enjoy by the honorable house thou camest of. Thy fallen house and progeny followeth thee to death with lamentable tears, & the heavy nobility of thy kindred maketh dolfull lamētation for thee. What meanest thou, wilt thou kill thyself so young a flower, & so near these honorable marriages and great dowries that thou mayest enjoy? Doth not the glistering and golden pomp of the bried bed move thee? Doth not the reverend piety of thine Auncitours prick thee? whom is it not, but that this thy rashness and weakness sorroweth? behold here the furniture ready prepared for thy terrible death. Either shalt thou be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild beasts shalt thou be pulled in pieces, or else y u being cast into the fiery flames shall be (although lamentably bewailed of thy friends and kinsfolks) consumed to ashes. What great matter is it for thee I pray thee, to escape all this? If thou wilt but take & put with thy fingers a little salt & incense into the censers, thou shalt be delivered from all these punishments. To this Eulalia made no answer, but being in a great fury she spitteth in the tirauntes face, she throweth down the Idols, and spurneth abroad with her feet the heap of incense prepared to the censers: then without further delay, the hangmen with both their strengths took her, & pulled one ioynte from another, and with the talantes of wild beasts, scotched her sides to the hard bodes: she all this while singing and praising God in this wise. Behold, O Lord I will not forget thee: what a pleasure is it for them O Christ that remember thy triumphant victoryes, to attain unto these high dignities, and still calleth upon that holy name, all stained and embrued with her own blood. This sang she with a bold stomach, neither lamentyngly nor yet wepingly, but being glad and merry, abandonyng from her mind all heaviness and grief, when as out of a warm fountain her mangled members with fresh blood bathed her white and fair skin. Then proceed they to the last and final torment, which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the iron grat, & hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her flesh, but burned, on every side with flaming torches her tormented breasts, and sides: her hear hanging about her shoulders in two parts divided (wherewith her shamefast chastity and virginity was covered) reached down to the ground: but when the cracking flame fleeth about her face, kindled by her hear, and reacheth the crown of her head: thē she desiring swift death, opened her mouth and swallowed the flame, and so rested she in peace.
The said Prudentius and Ado, also Equilinus add moreover, writing of a white dove issuing out of her mouth at her departing, and of the fire quenched about her body, also of her body, covered miraculously with snow, with other things more, whereof let every reader use his own judgment.
As ye have heard now the Christian life and constant death of Eulalia, much worthy of praise & commendation: So no less commendation is worthily to be given to blessed Agnes, that constant Damsel and martir of God, who as she was in Rome of honorable parents begotten, so lieth she there as honorably intombed & buried. Which Agnes for her unspotted & undefiled virginity, deserveth no greater praise and commendation, then for her willing death and martyrdom. Some writers make of her a long discourse, more in my judgment then necessary, reciting diverse & sundry strange miracles by her done in the process of her history, which partly for tediousness, partly for the doubtfulness of the author, (whom some father upon Ambrose ) and partly for the straungenes and incredibilitie thereof I omit, being satisfied with that which Prudentius, brefly writeth of her, as followeth: She was (saith he) young & not mariageable, when first she being dedicated to Christ, boldly resisted the wicked Edicts of the Emperor: least that through idolatry she might have denied and forsaken the holy faith: but yet first proved by diverse and sundry policies to induce her to the same (as now with y e flattering and enticing words of the Judge, now with the threatenings of the storming executioner) stood notwithstanding, steadfast in all courageous strength: and willingly offered her body to hard & painful torments, not refusing as she said, to suffer whatsoever it should be, yea though it were death it self. Then said the cruel tyrant: if to suffer pain & torment, be so easy a matter and lightly regarded of thee & that thou accomptest thy life nothing worth: yet y e shame of thy dedicated or vowed virginity is a thing more regarded I know, and esteemed of thee. Wherefore this is determined, that unless thou wilt make obeisaunce to the alter of Minerva, and ask forgiveness of her for thy arrogancy, thou shalt be sent or abandoned to the common stews or brothelhouse. Agnes y e virgins, with more spirit and vehemency inneieth against both Minerva & her verginitie: the youth in sculs flock and run together, and crave that they may have Agnes their ludibrious pray: thē saith Agnes, Christ is not so forgetful of those that be his, that he will suffer violently to be taken frō them their golden and pure chastity, neither will he leave them so destitute of help: he is always at hand and ready to fight for such as are shamfast and chaste virgins, neither suffereth he his gifts of holy integrity or chastity to be polluted. Thou shalt saith she, willingly bathe thy sword in my blood if thou wilt, but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust for anything thou canst do. She had no sooner spoken these words, but he commanded that she should be set naked at the corner of some street, (which place at that time, such as were strumpets commonly used, the greater part of the multitude both sorrowing and shaming to see so shameless a sight, went their ways, some turninge their heads, some hiding their faces. But one amongst y e rest, with uncircumcised eyes, beholding the Damsel, and that in such opprobrious wise: behold a flame of fire like unto a flash of lightning, falleth vpō him, striketh his eyes out of his head, whereupon he for dead falling to the ground, sprauleth in the channel dirt, whose companions taking him up, & carrying him away, bewailed him as a dead man. But the virgin for this her miraculous delivery from the danger and shame of that place, singeth praises unto God and Christ.
There be (saith Prudentius ) that report how that she being desired to pray unto Christ for the party, that a little before with fire frō heaven for his incōtinency was stricken was restored by their prayer, both unto his perfect health & sight. But blessed Agnes after that she had climbed this her first grief and step unto the heavenly palace, forthwith began to clime another: for fury ingendring now, y e mortal wrath of her bloody enemy, wringing his hands crieth out saying, I am undone: O y t the executioner draw out thy sword, and do thine office that y e Emperor hath appointed thee. And when Agnes saw a sturdy and cruel fellow (to behold) stand behind her, or approaching near unto her with a naked sword in his hand: I am now gladder saith she, & rejoice, y t such a one as thou, being a stout, fierce, strong and sturdy soldier art come, then one more feable, weak, & faint should come, or else any other young man sweetly enbalmed, and wearing gaye apparel that might destroy me with funeral shame. This, even this is he I now confess, y t I do love. I will make hast to meet him and will no longer protract my longing desire: I will willingly receive into my papes the length of his sword, and into my breast will draw the force thereof evē unto the hilts: That thus I being married unto Christ my spouse, may surmount and escape all the darkness of this world, that reacheth even unto y e skies. O eternal governor, vouchsafe to opē the gates of heaven once shut up against all the inhabitants of the earth, and receive (oh Christ) my soul that seeketh thee. Thus speaking and kneeling upon her knees, she prayeth unto Christ above in heaven, that her neck might be the redyer for the sword, now hanging over the same. The executioner then with his bloody hand, finished her hope, & at one stroke cutteth off her head, & by such short & swift death doth he preuente her of y e pain thereof.
I have oftentimes before complained that the stories of Saints have been poudered and sawsed with diverse untrue additions and fabulous inventions of men, who either of a superstitious devotion, or of a subtle practice, have so mingle mangled their stories and lives, that almost nothing remaineth in them simple and uncorrupt, as in the usual Portues wont to be read for daily service, is manifest and evident to be seen, wherein, few Legendes there be, able to abide y e touch of history, if they were truly tried. This I write upon the occasiō specially of good Katherine, whom now I have in hand. In whom although I nothing doubt, but in her life was great holiness, in her knowledge excellency, in her death constancy: yet that all things be true that be storyed of her, neither dare I affirm, neither am I bound so to think: So many strange fictions of her be feigned diversely of diverse writers, whereof some seem incredible, some also impudent. As where Petrus de Natalibus, writing of her conversion declareth, how that Katherine sleeping before a certain picture or table of the Crucifix, Christ with his mother Mary appeared unto her: And when Mary had offered her to Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackenes. The next time, she being baptized, Mary appearing again, offered her to mary with Christ, who then being liked, was espoused to him and married, having a golden ring the same time put on her finger in her sleep. &c. Bergomensis writeth thus, that because she in y e sight of the people openly resisted the Emperor Maxentius to his face and rebuked him for his cruelty, therefore she was commanded and committed upon the same to prison, which seemeth hitherto not much to digress from truth. It followeth moreover, that the same night an angel came to her, comforting and exhorting her to be strong and constant unto the Martyrdom, for that she was a maid accepted in the sight of God, and that the Lord would be with her, for whose honor she did fight, and that he would give her a mouth and wisdom, which her enemies should not withstand: with many other things mo, which I here omit. As this also I omit concerning y e 50. Philosophers, whom she in disputation convicted, and converted unto our religion, and died martyrs for y e same. Item, of the converting of Porphyrius kinsmā to Maxentius and Faustina the Emperors wife. At length (saith the story) after she proved the rack, and the four sharp cutting wheels, having at last her head cut off with the sword, so she finished her martyrdom, about the year of our Lord (as Antoninus affirmeth) 310 Simeon Metaphrastes, writing of her, discourseth the same more at large, to whom they may resort, which covet more therein to be satisfied.
Among the works of Basel a certain Oration is extant concerning Iulitta the martyr, who came to her martyrdom (as he witnesseth) by this occasion. A certain auaricious and greedy person, of great authority, and as it may appear, the Emperor his deputy, or other like officer, (who abused the decrees and laws of the Emperor against the Christians, to his own lucre and gain) violently took from this Iulitta all her goods, lands, cattle, and servants, contrary to all equity and right. She made her pitiful complaint to the Judges, a day was appointed, when the cause should be heard. The spoiled woman, and the spoiling extorcioner stood forth together, y e woman lamentably declareth her case, y e man frowningly beholdeth her face. When she had proved that of good right the goods were her own & that wrongfully he had dealed with her: the wicked & bloudthirsty wretch, preferring vile worldly substance, before the precious substance of a Christian body, affirmed her action to be of no force, for that she was as an outlaw in not serving the Emperors God's, since her Christian faith hath been first abjured. His allegation was allowed as good and reasonable. Whereupon incense & fire were prepared for her to worship the God's, which unless she would do, neither the Emperors protectiō, nor laws, nor judgment, nor life, should she enjoy in that common weal. When this handmaid of the Lord heard these words, she said, farewell life, welcome death: farewell riches welcome poverty. All that I have if it were a thousand times more, would I rather loose, then to speak one wicked & blasphemous word against God my creator. I yield thee thanks most hearty, O my God, for this gift of grace, that I can contemn & despise this frail and transitory world, esteming Christian profession above all treasures. Hence forth whē any question was demanded, her answer was: I am the servant of Jesus Christ. Her kindred & acquaintance flocking to her, advertised her to change her mind. But that vehemently she refused, with detestation of their Idolatry. Forthwith the Judge, with the sharp sword of sentence not only cutteth of all her goods & possessions, but judgeth her also to the fire most cruelly. The joyful Martyr embraceth the sentence as a thing most sweet and delectable. She addresseth her self to the flames, in countenance, iesture, and words, declaring the joy of her heart, coupled with singular constancy. To the women beholding her, sententiouslye she spake: Sticke not, O sisters, to labor and travel after true piety and godliness. Cease to accuse the fragility of feminine nature. What? are not we created of the same matter, that mē are? Yea, after God's Image and similitude are we made, as lively as they. Not flesh only God used in the creation of the woman, in sign and tokē of her infirmity, & weakness, but bone of bones is she, in token that she must be strong in the true and living God, all false God's forsaken. Constant in faith all infidelity renounced patient in adversity, all worldly ease refused. Wax weary, (my dere sisters) of your lives lead in darkness, & be in love with my christ, my God, my redeemer, my comforter which is the true light of the world. Perswade yourselves, or rather the spirit of the living God persuade you, that there is a world to come, wherein the worshippers of idols and devils shall be tormented, perpetually, the servants of the high god shall be crowned eternally. With these words she embraced the fire, and swetely slept in the Lord.
There have been moreover beside these above recited diverse godly women and faithful Martyrs, as Barbara a noble woman in Thuscia, who after miserable prisonmēt sharp cords, & burning flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Also Fausta the virgin, which suffered under Maximinus by whom Euelasius a ruler of the Emperors palace, and Maximinus the President were both converted and also suffered martyrdom, as witnesseth Metaphrastes. Item Iuliana a virgins of singular beauty in Nicomedia, who after diverse agonies suffered likewise under, Maximinus. Item, Anysia a maid of Thessalonica, who under the said Maximinus suffered. Metaphr. ibid. Iustina which suffered with Cyprianus bishop of Antioch, not to omit also Tecla although most writers do accord that she suffered under Nero. Platina in vita Caij, maketh also mentiō of Lucia, & Agatha. All which holy maids and virgins glorified the Lord Christ with their constant martyrdom in this tenth & last persecution of Dioclesian.
During the time of which persecution these bishops of Rome succeeded on after another▪ Gaius who succeeded next after Xist{us} mentioned. pag. 71. Marcellinus Marcellus (of whō, Eusebius in his story maketh no mention) Eusebius, & then Miltiades : all which, died martyrs in the tempest of this persecution. First Marcellinus after the Martirdome of Gaius was ordained Bishoppe, he being brought by Dioclesian, to the Idols, first yielded to their Idolatry & was seen to sacrifice, wherefor being excommunicated by the Christians, fell in such repentance, that he returned again to Dioclesian, where he standing to his former confession, and publicly condemning the idolatry of the heathen, recovered the crown of martyrdom: suffering with Claudius, Cyrinus, and Antoninus.
Marcellus likewise was urged of Maxentius to renounce his bishopric & religion, & to sacrifice with them to idols. which when he constantly refused, was beaten with cudgels, and so expelled the city. Then he entering into y e house of Lucina a widow, assembled there the congregation, which when it came to the ears of Maxentius the tiraunt, he turned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Marcellus the keeper of the beasts, and so with the stench thereof and miserable handling was put to death. Eusebius late bishop of Rome, as Euseb. in Chron. saith. 7. months: Marianus Scotus saith 8. months. Damasus affirmeth 6. years, Sabellicus alledgeth certain authors that say, that he was slain by Maximinianus : but correcteth that himself, affirming that Maximinianus died before him.
Miltiades by the testimony of Platina, and other that follow him sat 3. years, & 7. months, & suffered under Maximinianus. But that seemeth not to be true, as both Sabellicus doth rightly note, affirming that the same cannot stand by the supputation of time: Forasmuch as the said Galerius Maximinus reigned but 2. years, and died before Miltiades. Also Eusebius manifestly expresseth the example of a letter of Constantine written to this Miltiades Bishop of Rome, plainly conuicting that to be false, which Platina affirmeth.
In the book collected of general councils among the decretal epistles, there is a long tractation about y e judgment and condemnation of Marcellinus: whereof the Maysters & Patrones of popery, in these our days, take great hold to prove the supremacy of the pope to be above all general councils, and that he ought not to be subject to the condemnation of any person or persons, for that there is written: Nemo vnquam iudicauit Pontificem, nec Praesul sacerdotem suum, quoniam prima sedes non iudicabitur a quoquā. &c. Although this sentence of Miltiades seemeth apparently to be patched in, rather by some Heldibrandus, then by Miltiades : both for that it hangeth with little order of sense, upon that which goeth before: & again because that prima sedes here mentioned, was not yet ordained nor attributed to the sea of Rome before the council of Nice, where the order and placing of bishops was first established. But to let this sentence pass, yet notwithstanding the circumstance & proceeding of this judgment, if it be rightly weighed, maketh very little to the purpose of these men. Neither is it true that the bishops of this council of Sinuesse, did not condemn Marcellinus: for the words of the council be plain. Subscripserunt igitur in eius damnationem & damnauerunt eum extra ciuitatem. That is: They subscribed therefore to his comdemnation, and condemned him to be expelled out of the city. Moreover by y e said council were brought in, the 42. witnesses against Marcellinus. In the said council the verdit of the same witnesses was demanded and also received. Furthermore, Quirinus there, one of the Bishops openly protested, that he would not depart y e council, before the malice of the bishops were revealed: what doth all this declare, but that the bishop of Rome was called there, and did appear before the judgment seat of the Council, and there stood subject to their sentence & authority, by the which he was expelled out of the City? As for the words of the council, whereupon our Papists stand so much. Non enim nostro, sed tuo ipsius iudicio cōdemnaberis, &c. Item: Tuo ore iudica causam tuā. &c. These words import not here the authority of the Roman bishop to be above the council, neither do they declare what the council could not do, but what they would and wished rather to be done, that is, that he should rather acknowledge his crime before God & them, with a voluntary yielding of his heart, then that the confession of such an heinous fact should be extorted from him through their condemnatiō: for that they saw to be expedient for his souls health. Otherwise their cōdamnation should serve him to small purpose. And so it came to pass. For he being urged of thē to condemn himself, so did: prostrating himself and weeping before them. Wherupon immediately they proceeded to the sentence against him, condemning & pronouncing him to be expelled the city. Now whether by this may be gathered, that y e Bishop of Rome ought not to be cited, accused, and condemned by any person or persons, let the indifferent Reader judge simply.
As touching y e decretal epistles, which be entitled under the name of these foresaid bishops: who so well adviseth them, and with judgment will examine the style, the time, the argument the hanging together of the matter, & the constitutions in them contained (little serving to any purpose, and nothing serving for those troublous days then present) may easily discern them: either in no part to be theirs, or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other, which lived in other times: specially seeing all the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting up and to exalt the sea of Rome above all other, Bishops and churches, and to reduce all cames & appeals to the said sea of Rome. So the epistle of Gaius beginning with the commendation of the authority of his sea, endeth after the same tenor, willing and commanding all difficult questions in all provinces whatsoever emerging, to be referred to the sea Apostolical. Moreover, the greatest part of the said epistle from this place. Quicunque illi sunt ita obcaecati. &c. to the ende of this periode: Quoniam sicut ait. B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis. &c. is contained in the epistle of Leo, unto Leo the Emperor: & so rightly agreeth in all points with the style of Leo, that evident it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo, out of the epistle of Gaius, or to be patched into the epistle of Gaius taken out of Leo.
Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authority with y e reader, is admixed with a great part of S. Paul's epistle to the ephesians, word, for word. And howe is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. year of Dioclesian could write of consubstantialitie of the divine persons, when that controversy and term of Consubstantialitie, was not heard of in the Church, before Nicene council, which was 23. years after him? But especially the two epistles of Marcellus bewray themselves, so that for the confuting thereof needeth no other probation, more then only the reading of the same. Such a glorious style of ambition therein doth appear, as it is easy to be understood, not to proceed either frō such an humble Martyr, or to savor anything of the misery of such a time. His words of his first epistle written to the brethren of Antioch, and alleged in the popes decrees by Gratianus are these:
We desire you brethren that ye do not teach nor conceive any other thing, but as ye have received of the blessed Apostle S. Peter, and of other Apostles & fathers. For of him ye were first of all instructed. wherefore you must not forsake your own father and follow others. For he is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord said: Thou art Peter and upon this rock I will build my church. &c. whose seat was first with you in Antioch: which afterward by the commandment of the Lord was translated frō thence to Rome, of the which church of Rome I am this day placed (by the grace of god) to be the governor. Frō the which church of Rome, neither ought you to separate yourselves, seeing to the same church all manner causes ecclesiastical, being of any importance (God's grace so disposing) are commonded to be referred: by the same to be ordered regularly, from whence they took their first beginning. &c. And followeth consequently upon the same. And if your Church of Antioch, which was once the 1. will now yield herself unto the sea of Rome, there is no other Church else, which will not subject it self to our dominion: to whom all other Bishops, who so ever listeth, and as they must needs do (according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors) ought to flee unto, as to their head, and must appeal to the same, there to have their redress, and their protection from whence they took their first instruction and consecration. &c.
Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr, in those so dreadful days, I say no more, but only desire thee (gentle reader) to judge.
In his second Epistle moreover, the said Marcellus, writing to Maxentius, the bloody tyrant, first reprehendeth him for his cruelty, sharply admonishing him howe & what to do: to learn and seek the true religion of God, to maintain his Church, to honor and reverence the Priests of God, and specially exhorteth him to charity, and that he would cease from persecution. &c. All this is possible, and like to be true: but now mark (good reader) what blanched stuff here followed withal: as where he alleging the statutes and sanctions of his predecessors, declareth and discusseth that no bishop nor minister ought to be persecuted, or deprived of his goods. And if they be, then ought the to have their possessions and places again restored (by the law) before they were bound (by the law) to answer to their accusations laid in against thē. And so after that, in convenient time, to be called to a council. The which council notwithstanding, without the authority of the holy sea, cannot proceed regularly (albeit it remain in his power to assemble certain Bishops together.) Neither can he regularly condemn any Bishop, appealing to this his Apostolical sea, before the sentence diffinite do proceed from the foresaid sea. &c. And it followeth after: and therefore (saith he) let no Bishop of what crime soever he be attached, come to his accusation or be heard, but in his own ordinary Synod at his convenient time: the regular and Apostolicalll authority being joined withal. Moreover in the said Epistle writing to Maxentius, he decreeth that no lay men, or any suspected Bishop, ought to accuse Prelates of the Church:
The like discussion & examination I might also make of the other epistles that follow of Eusebius and Miltiades, which all tend to the same scope, that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answer (or ad litem cōtestatam, as the words of their writing do term it) before they be orderly & fully restored again to their possessions. Who moreover in y e said their epistles still harp upon this key of y e scripture: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, Declaring more over that this privilege of judging all mē and to be judge of no man, but only to be left to y e judgment of the Lord: was given to this foresaid holy sea of Rome, from time of the Apostles, & chiefly left w t Peter the holy key keeper: so that although the election of the Apostles was equal, yet this was chiefly granted to Saint Peter; to have preheminenes above the rest. Concluding in the ende hereby. Quod semper maiores causae, sicut sunt episcoporum, & potiorum curae negotiorum, ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent: That is: that always all greater causes, as be the matters of Bishops, and such other cares of weighty importance, should be brought to the sea of S. Peter, the blessed prince of the Apostles. &c. These be the words of Miltiades and Eusebius, whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose, what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters, upon these ancient holy martyrs.
This I cannot but marvel at, in the third Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome, that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before, in his own time and remembrance did fall so horribly, and was condemned for the same justly to be expulsed the City by the counsel of 300. Bishops: yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alleging y e place of Tu es Petrus, bringeth in for a proof of the same and saith: Quia in seed Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio. &c. That is, for in the Apostolical sea, always the Catholic Religion hath been preserved without any spot or blemish.
But howsoever the forgers of these decretal Epistles have forgottē themselves, most certain it is that these holy bishops, upon whom they were and are ascribed: lived perfect good men, and died blessed martyrs. Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishops of Rome here in the west Church of Europe, that ever was in danger of persecution to be Martired, yet to this present day.
And thus have ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saints, which suffered in the time of persecution, from the xix. year of Dioclesian, to the vii. and last year of Maxentius with the deaths also & plagues described upon these tormentors, and cruel tiraunts, which were the captains of the same persecutiō. And here cometh in (blessed be Christ) the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of blessed Constantine did chiefly extend.
Yet notwithstanding in Asia all persecution as yet ceased not for the space of four years, as above is mentioned by the means of wicked Licinius. Under whom diverse there were holy and constant martyrs, that suffered grievous torments: as Hermylus a Deacon, and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison, which both, after their punishments sustained, were strangled in the flood Ister. Metasth. Also Theodorus y e Captain, who being sent for of Licinius, because he would not come, and because he brake his God's in pieces, and gave them to the pore, therefore was fastened to the cross, and after being pearsed with sharp pricks or bodkins, in the secret parts of his body, was at last beheaded. Add to this also Milles, who first being a Soldier, afterward was made bishop of a certain City in Persia, where he seeing himself could do no good to convert them, after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē, cursed the City and departed. Which city shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroyed.
In the same country of Persia, about this time suffered under Sapores the king (as recordeth Simeon Metasthenes ) diverse valiant & constant martyrs, as Acindymus, Pegasius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, also Simeon Archbishop of Seleucia, with Ctesiphon another bishop in Persia, with other ministers & religious men of that region, to y e number of 128. Of this Simeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magicians in Persia, taking counsel together against y e Christians, accused Simeon & Ctesiphō, to Sapores y e king, for y t they were grateful & accepted unto y e Roman Emperor & bewrayed to him, such things as were done in y e land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moved, toke great displeasure against y e Christians, oppressing them with taxes & tributes unto their utter impoverishing, killing also their Priests with the sword: After that calleth for Simeon the Archbyshop, who there before the king declared himself a worthy & a valiant captain, of Christ's church. For when Sapores had commanded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shronk for any fear, nor shown any great humble suit of submission for any pardon: whereat the king partly marueiling, partly offended, asked why he did not knele down, as he was wont before to do. Simeon to this answered, for that saith he, before this time I was not brought unto you in bonds to betray the true God, as I am now, so long I refused not to accomplish that which the order & custom of the Realm of me required: but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defense of our Religion and true doctrine. When Simeon thus had answered, the king persisting in his purpose, offereth unto him y e choice, either to worship with him after his manner (promising to him many great gifts, if he would so do) or if he would not, threateneth to him and to all the other Christians within his land, destruction. But Simeon neither allured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatenings, continued constant in his doctrine professed, so that neither he could be induced to Idolatrous worship, nor yet to betray the truth of his religion. For the which cause he was committed into hands, and there commanded to be kept to the kings pleasure further known.
It befell in the way as he was going to y e prison, there was sitting at the kings gate a certain Eunuche, an old Tutor or schoolmaster of y e kings, named Vsthazares, who had been once a Christian, and afterward falling from his profession, fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatry. This Vsthazares sitting at the door of the kings palace, and seeing Simeon passing by led to the prison, rose up and reverenced the Bishop. Simeon again with sharp words (as the time would suffer) rebuked him & in great anger cried out against him: which being once a Christian, would so cowardly revolt from his profession, & return again to the Heathenish Idolatry. At the hearing of these words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in tears, laying away his courtly apparel, which was sumptuous & costly & putting upon him a black and mourning weed, sitteth before the court gates weeping and bewailing, thus saying with himself: woe is me, with what hope, with what face, shall I look hereafter for my God, which have denied my god: whē as this Simeon my familiar acquaintance, thus passing by me, so much disdaineth me, that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me?
These things being brought to the • ares of the King (as such tale cariers never lack in Princes courts) procured against him no little indignation. whereupon Sapores the king sending for him, first with gentle words & courtly promises began to speak him fair, asking him what cause he had so to mourn, & whether there was anything in his house, which was denied him, or which he had not at his own will and asking. Whereunto Vsthazares answering again said: That there was nothing in that earthly house, which was to him lacking, or wherūto his desire stod. Yea would god (said he) O king any other grief or calamity in all the world, whatsoever it were, had happened unto me, rather thē this for y e which I do most justly mourn and sorrow. For this sorroweth me that I am this day alive, who should rather have died long since, & that I see this son, which against my heart and mind, for your pleasure dissēblingly I appeared to worship, for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death. First, for y t I have denied Christ. Secondly, because I did dissemble with you. And incontinent upon these words, swearing by him that made both heaven & earth, affirmed most certainly, that although he had played y e fool before, he would never be so mad again, as in steed of the creator and maker of all things, to worship the creatures which he had made and created. Sapores the king being astonied at the so sudden alteration of this man, and doubting with him self, whether to be angry with those inchaunters, or with him, whether to entreat him with gentleness, or with rygour, at length in this mood commanded the said Vsthazares his old ancient servant, and first Tutor & brynger up of his youth, to be had away, and to be beheaded: as he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the executioners, a little to stay, while he might send a message unto the king, which was this (sent in by certain of the kings most trusty Eunuchs) desiring him that for all the old and faithful service he had done to his Father, & to him, he would now requite him w t this one office again, to cause to be cried openly by a public crier in these words following: that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any treachery or crime committed against the king or the Realm, but only for that he was a Christyan, and would not at the Kings pleasure deny his God. And so according to his request it was performed and granted. For this cause did Vsthazares so much desire the cause of his death to be published: because that as his shrynking back from Christ, was a great occasion to many Christians to do the like: so now the same hearing y t Vsthazares died for no other cause but only for y e religion of Christ, should learn likewise by his example to be feruente and constant in that which they profess. And thus this blessed Eunuch did consummate his Martyrdom. Of the which his Martyrdom, Simeon hearing being in prison was very joyful, and gave god thanks. Who in the next day following, being brought forth before the Kyng, and constantly refusyng to condescende to the Kynges request, to worship visible creatures, was likewise by the commandment of the Kyng beheaded, with a great number mo, whithe the same day also did suffer, to the number as is said of an hundredth and more. All which were put to death before Simeon, he standing by, and exhorting them, with comfortable words: admonishing them to stand fyrme and steadfast in the Lord, Preachyng and teaching them concerning death, resurrection, and true pietye, and proved by the Scryptures y t to be true which he had said. Declaryng moreover that to be true life in deed, so to die: and that to be death in deed, to deny or to betray God for fear of punishment. And added further, that there was no man alive, but needs once must die. For so much as to all men is appointed necessarelye, here to have an ende. But those things which after this life follow hereafter, to be eternal, which neither shall come to all men after one sort. But as the condition and trade of life in divers men doth dyffer, and is not in all men like: so the time shall come, when all men in a moment shall render and receive according to their dooynges in this present life immortal rewards: such as have here done well, of life and glory, such as have done contrary, of perpetual punishment: As touching therefore our well doing, here is no doubt but of all other our holy actions and virtuous deeds, there is no hyer or greater deed, then if a man here loose his life, for his Lord God. Wyth these words of comfortable exhortation, the holy Martyrs being prepared, willingly yielded up their lives to death. After whom at last followed Simeon, with two other Priests or Mynisters of his Church, Abedecalaas, and Ananias, which also with him were partakers of the same Martyrdom. At the suffering of those above mentioned, it happened that Pusices one of the Kynges officers, and overseer of his Artificers, was there present: who seeing Ananias being an aged old Father, somewhat to shake and tremble at the sight of them that suffered: O Father (said he) a little moment shut thine eyes, and be strong, and shortly thou shalt see the sight of God. Upon these words thus spoken, Pusices immediately was apprehended & brought to the King. Who there confessing himself constantly to be a Chrystian, and for that he was very bold and hardy before the king in the cause of Christ's faith, was extremely and most cruelly handled in the execution of his Martyrdom. For in the upper part of his neck they made a hole to thrust in their hand, and plucked out his tongue out of his mouth, and so he was put to death. At y e which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly virgins, by the malicious accusation of the wicked, was apprehended & put to death.
The next year following, upon the same day, when the Christians did celebrate the remembrance of y e Lord's passion, which we call good Frydaye before Easter (as witnesseth the said Zozomenus. ) Sapores the king directed out a cruel and sharp Edict throughout all his land, condemning to death all them, whosoever confessed themselves to be Christians. By reason whereof an innumeble multitude of Christians, through the wicked procuring of the malignant Magicians suffered the same time by the sword, both in City and in Town: some being sought for, some offering themselves willingly, least they should seem by their silence to deny Christ. Thus all the Christians that could be found, without pity were slain and diverse also of the kings own court and household. Amonge whom was also Azades an Eunuche, and whom the Kyng did entirely love and favor. Which Asades after that the King understood to be put to death, being greatly moved with the sorrow thereof commanded after that, no Christians to be slain, but them only which were the Doctors and teachers of Chrystian Religion.
In the same time it happened that the Queen fell into a certain disease: upon the occasion whereof the cruel Jews with the wicked Magicians, falsely and malicyously accused Trabula, the sister of Simeon, the Martyr, a godly Virgin, with another sister also of hers: that they had wrought pryuie charms to hurt the Queen, for the revenging of the death of Simeon. This accusation being received and believed: innocent Trabula, with the other were condemned, and with a saw cut in sunder by the middle. Whose quarters were then hanged upon stakes: the Queen going between them, thinking thereby to be delivered of her sickness. This Trabula, was a maid of a right comelye beauty, and very amiable, to whom one of the Magicians cast great love, much desiring and laboring by gifts and rewards sent into the prison to wynne her to his pleasure: promising that if she would apply to his request she should be delivered and set at lybertye. But she utterly refusing to consent unto him, or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt did choose rather to die, then to betray either the Religion of her mind or the virginity of her body. Zozom.
Now forsomuch as the king had commanded that no Christians should be put to death, but only such as were the teachers and leaders of the flock: the Magicians and Archmagitians, left no diligence untried, to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and persecutions was among the Bishops and teachers of the Church, which in all places, went to slaunghter, especially in the country of Diabenor, for that part of Persia above all other was most Christian. Where Acepsimas y e Bishop with a great number of his flock and clergy, were apprehended and taken: upon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfy y e kings commandment, dismissed all the rest, only depriving them of their living and goods. Only Acepsimas the bishop they retained, with whom one Jacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also joined: not of any compulsion, but only as himself so desired and obtained of those Magicians, y t he might follow him, & be coupled in y e same bonds to serve the aged bishop, and to relieve (so much as he might) his calamities, and heal his wounds. For he had been sore scourged before of the Magians, after they had apprehended him, and brought him to worship the sun, which thing because he would not do, they cast him into prison again, where this Jacobus was waiting vpō him. At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Minister, also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were imprysoned, and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lord Jesus. After this the Archimagus espying his time, complaineth to the king of them, having authority and commission given him (unless they would worship the sun) to punish them as he pleased. This commandment received of the king, the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison. But they answered again plainly, that they would never be either betraiers of Christ, or worshippers of the sun. whereupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments. Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ, endureth to death. The other being no less rent & wounded with scourges, yet continued marvelously alive. And because they would in no case turn from their constant sentence, were turned again into prison. Of whom Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawn & racked with pulling, that both his arms being loosed out of the joints, hanged down from his body: which he so carried about without use of any hand to feed himself, but as he was fed of other.
Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters under the reign of this Sapores, of Bishops, Ministers, Deacons, religious men holy virgins, and other ecclesiastical persons such as did then cleave to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution, is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this order following, Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, Johannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Jacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Johannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas Bicor. also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his Churches under him, to the number of 250. persons, which were the same time apprehended of the Persians. &c. Briefly to comprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution, the manner of their apprehension, the cruelnes of their torments, how and where they suffered, & in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg. Neither are y e Persians them selves (as Zozomenus recordeth) able to recyte them. In sum, the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name, cometh to the sum of xvj. thousand men and women.
The rumor and noise of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdom of Persia, coming to the ears of Constantine the Emperor, put him in great heaviness, studing and reuoluing with himself, howe to help the matter, which in deed was very hard for him to do. It so befell the same time, that certain Ambassadors were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia, to whom Constantine did easily grant, and consent, satisfying all their requests, and demands, thinking thereby to obtain the more friendship at the kings hands, that at his request, he would be good to the Christians to whom he writeth his Epistle in their behalf, and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus:
Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior. Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco. Per ea igitur, quibus illa res agēdas confirmat, sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd • , & hunc m • cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor. &c. Eusebius. de vita. Constantine. lib. 4. The contents whereof, briefly do tend to this effect. Declaring unto him how he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would show some quiet and rest to the Christians. In whose religion there was nothing which he could justly blame. For so much as in their sacrifices they use to kill nothing, nor to shed no blood, but only to offer up unbloody sacrifices, to make their prayers unto God, who delighteth not in blood shedding, but only in the soul that loveth virtue, and followeth such doctrine and knowledge, which is agreeing to true piety. And therefore such men as do lead him and learn so to believe, and to worship God, are more to be commended. Moreover he assureth him to find God more merciful to him, if he would embrace the godly pietye and truth of the Christians. And for example thereof, bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus, who so long as they were favorers of the Christians did prosper and flourish. But as soon as they moved any persecution against them, it happened to them, as it did to all other Emperors before them, that all went backward with them, as especially might appere by Valerianus, who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians, was eftsoons overcome of the Persians, the revenging hand of God falling upon him, where he led ever after a miserable life, in wretched captivity. Farther also for the more euidece of the same, inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time, whom he vanquished & subdued only by his faith in Christ, for the which faith, God was his helper, and gave him the victory in many battles, and triumph over great tyraunts, whereby he hath also enlarged the dominiō of the Roman monarchy from the west Ocean, to the uttermost parts well near of all the East. To the doing and working whereof, he neither called to him the help of any charmer, or divination of southsayer, nor used the killing of any sacrifice: but only the following of the cross, and prayer made to almighty God, without any other bloody sacrifice, was the armor wherewith he overcame, &c. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What joy (saith he) what gladness would it be to my heart, to hear the state also of the Persians to flourish, as I wish it to do, by embracing this sort of men, the Christians I mean? so that both you with them, and they with you in long prosperite may enjoy much felicity together as your harts would desire, & in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you have God, which is the author and creator of all this universal world, to be merciful and gracious to you. These men therefore I commend unto you upon your kingly honor, And upon your clemency and piety, wherewith you are endued, I commit them unto you, desiring you to embrace & receive them according to your humanity and benignity, agreing and convenient to your estate: who in so doing shall now both procure to yourself grace through your faith, and also shall declare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks.
This Epistle wrote Constantine to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that believed in Christ not only in his own Monarchy, but also in all places of the world: neither is it to be doubted but this intercessiō of the Emperor did something mitigate the heat of the Persians persecution. Although thereof we read no certain thing in our histories.
Of other troubles and persecutions we read of, which happened afterward in the said country of Persia, under Isdigerdes the king, but these followed long after about the time of the Emperor Theodosius. At which time suffered Andas their bishop, and Hormisda a great noble man's sonne, and of great reputation among the Persians: whom whē the king understood to be a Christian, and to deny to turn from his religion, condemned him to keep his Elephants naked. In process of time the king looking out, and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sun, commanded him to have a shirt put on, & to be brought before him. Whome then the king asked, if he would deny Christ. Hormisda hearing this, tare of his shirt from his body, and cast it frō him saying: If ye think that I will deny my faith to Christ for a shirt, have here your gift againce &c. And so was upon that expelled the country. Theodor. lib. 5.
An other there was that same time, named Suenes, which had under him an hundredth servants. The king taking displeasure with him, for that he would not alter from his religion and godly truth, asked who was the worst of all his servants. And him the king made ruler of all y e rest, and coupling him with his masters wife, brought also Suenes under his subjection, thinking thereby to subdue also the faith of Suenes, but it was built upon a sure foundation.
Of Benjamin the Deacon thus writeth the said Theoret, in his fifth book, that after two years of his imprisonment, at the request of the Romaine Legate he was delivered, who afterward contrary to the kings commandment he preached and taught the Gospel of Christ, was most miserable excarnificate, having xx. sharp pricks of reeds thrust under his nails, but when he did laugh at y t , then in his priuye yarde had a sharp reed thrust in with horrible pain. After that a certain long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part, was forced into him with the horriblenes of the pain, whereof the valiant and invincible soldier of the Lord gave over his life. Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the martyrs and persecutions among the Persians, although these persecutions belong not of this time, which came (as it is said) long after the days of Constantine, about the year of our Lord. 425.
Likewise under Julianus the wicked Apostate, certain there were which constanly suffered Martyrdom by the Heathen Idolaters, as Emilyanus, who was burned in Thracia, and Domitius, which was slain in his cave. Theodorus also for singing of a Psalm at the removing of the body of Babylas (whereof mention is made of before pag 60.) being apprehended, was so examined with exquisite torments, and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noon, that hardly he scaped with life. Who being asked afterward of his friends, howe he could abide so sharp torments, said that at the first beginning he felt some pain but afterward there stood by him a young man, who as he was sweating, wiped of his sweat, and refreshed him w t cold water, oft times: wherewith he was so delited, that when he was let down from the engine, it grieved him, more then before. Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. cap. 10.
Artemius also the captain of the Egyptian soldiers the same time lost his head for his religiō indeed: although other causes were pretended against him. Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11.
Add to these moreover, Eusebius and Nestabus two brethren, with Nestor also, which for their christianity were dragged through the streets, and murdered of the idolatrous people of Gaza. Sozo. Lib. eod. cap. 11.
But especially the cruelty of the Arethusians, a people of Syria, exceeded against the Christian virgins, whom they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned, after that being shaven, they covered them with swil and draff wont to be given to their hogs, & so caused their bowels and flesh to be devoured of the hungry swine. This rage & fury of the wicked Arethusians, Zozomenus supposeth to come of this, because that Constantine before had broken them from their country manner, of setting forth and exposing their virgins, filthely to whom soever lusted, and destroyed the temple of Venus in Heliopolis, restraining the people there from their filthiness and vile whoredom. Sozom. Lib. 5 cap. 10.
Of the lamentable story or rather Tragedy of Marcus Arethusius, their Bishop, thus writeth the said Sozomenus, and also Theodoretus in his third book, in these words as follow.
This Tragedye (saith he) of Marcus Arethusius, doth require the eloquence and worthiness of Aeschilus, and Sophocles, which may, as the matter deserveth, set forth, and beautify his great afflictions. This man at the commandment of Constantine, pulled down a certain temple dedicated to Idols, and in the stead thereof built up a church where the Christians might congregate. The Arthusians remembering the little good will that Julianus bare unto him accused him as a traitor and enemy to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth he prepared him self to flee. But when he perceived that there were certain of his kinsmen or frynds apprehended in his steed, returning again of his own accord he offered himself to those that thirsted for his blood. whom when they had gotten as men neither pytiyng his old age & worn years, nor abashed at his virtuous conversation, being a man so adourned both with doctrine & manners, first strypt him naked, & pitifully beat him, then within a while after, they cast him into a foul filthy sink, & from thence being brought, they caused boys to thrust him in with sharpened sticks, made for the nonce to provoke his pain the more. Lastly, they put him into a basket, and being anointed with honey, & broth, they hung him abroad in the heat of the sun as meat for wasps and flies to feed upon. And all this extremity they shown unto him, for that they would enforce him to do one of these things (y t is either to build up-again y e temple, which he had destroyed, or else to give so much money as should pay for the building of y e same: but even as he purposed with him self to suffer & abide their grievous torments, so refused he to do that they demanded of him. At the length they taking him to be but a poor man, and not able to pay such a sum of money, promised to forgive him the one half, so that he would be contented to pay the other half. But he hanging in the basket wounded pitifully with the sharpened sticks of boies & children, and all to be bitten with wasps & flies, did not only conceal his pain & grief, but also derided those wicked ones and called them, base, low, and terrene people, and he himself to be exalted and set on high. At length they demanding of him but a small some of money, he answered thus, it is a great wickedness to confer one half penye in case of impiety, as if a man should bestow the whole. Thus they being not able to prevail against him, let him down. And leaving him went their way, so that every man might learn at his mouth the example of true piety and faithfulness.
Although the tractation of these foresaid stories & persecutions of Persia, above premised, do stray somewhat out of the order & course of time and place, as which came neither in the time of Constantine, nor be pertinent to the monarchy of Rome: yet because in this present history we are in hand with the holy martyrs and Saints of Christ, for as much as these also gave such a faithful testimony of the Lord Jesus with their blood, I thought therefore not to pass them over with some testimony in this our Catalogue of holy Martyrs. And here an end of these persecutions of the primitive church.
It may peradventure be marveled of some, reading the history of these so terrible persecutions above specified, why God the almighty director of all things, would suffer his own people and faithful servants, believing in his own and only begotien son Jesus, so cruelly to be handled, so wrongfully to be vexed, so extreemly to be tormented and put to death, & that the space of so many years together, as in these foresaid persecutions may appear. To the which admiration I have nothing to answer, but to say with the words of Jerome: Non debemus super hac rerum iniquitate, perturbare videntes, &c. We ought not to be moved with this iniquity of things, to see the wicked to prevail against the godly: for so much as in the beginning of the world we see Abel the just to be killed of wicked Cain. And afterward Jacob being thrust out, Esau to reign in his fathers house. In like case the Egyptians with brick and tyle, afflicted the sons of Israel. Yea and the Lord himself, was he not crucified of the Jews, Barabbas the thief being let go? Time would not suffice me, to recite, & reckon up how the godly in this world go to wrack, the wicked flourishing and prevailing. Hiero. Briefly, howsoever the cause hereof proceedeth, whetherfor our sins here in this life, or how else, soever, yet this is to us, & may be to all men a sufficient stay, that we are sure these afflictions and persecutions of God his people in this world, not to come by any chance, or blind fortune, but by the prouydent appointment, and forewarning of God. For so in the old law by the affliction of the children of Israel, he hath prefigured these persecutions of his Christians. So by the words of Christ's own mouth in the Gospel, he did forwarne his church of these troubles to come. Again neither did he suffer these so great afflictions to fall upon his servants, before that he had premonished them sufficiently by special Revelation in the Apocalypse of John his servant, in the which Apocalypse he declared unto his church before, not only what troubles were coming at hand toward them, where, and by whom, they should come, but also in plain number, if the words of the prophecy be well understood assygneth the true time, howe longe the said persecutions should continue, and when they should cease. For as there is no doubt, but by the beast with seven heads, bearing the whore of Babylon, drunken with the blood of Saints, is signified the City of Rome: So in my judgment, the power of making forty two months (in the thirteen of the Apocalypse) is to be expounded, taking every Moneth for a Sabbath of years, that is, reckonyng for seven years a month: so that forty and two such Sabbots of years, being gathered together make up the years just, between the time of Christ's death, to the last year of the persecution of Maxentius, when Constantine fyghting under the banner of Christ, overcame him, and made an ende of all persecution, within the Monarchye of Rome. The number of which years, by plain computation come to 294. to the which 294. years, if ye add the other six years, under the persecution of Licinius in Asia, then it fylleth up full the three hundredth years. And so long continued the persecution of Christ's people, under the heathen tirants and Emperors of the Monarchy of Rome, according to the number of the fortye two months which the beast had power to make, specified in the thirteenth of the Apocalypse. For the better explication whereof, because the matter, being of no small importance greatly appertaineth to the public utility of the Church, & least any should misdoubt me herein to follow any private interpretation of mine own, I thought good to communicate to the Reader, that, as hath been imparted to me, in opening these mis • ycall numbers in the foresaid book of Revelation contained, by occasion as followeth.
As I was in hand with these histories, and therein considered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the intolerable torments of the blessed Saints, so cruelly racked, rent, torn, and plucked in pieces, with all kind of tortures pains and punishments that could be devised, more bitter then any death it self, I could not without great sorrow & passiō of mind, behold their sorrowful afflictions, or write of their bloody passions. Wherein much like it happened to me, as did to T. Liuius, who writing of the wars of Carthage, was so moved in the writing thereof: Ac si in parte aliqua laboris ac periculi ipse pariter fuisset. Further I proceeded in the story, & the hoater the persecutions grew, the more my grief with them, & for thē increased, not only pitiyng their woeful case, but also almost reasoning with God, thus thinking like a fool with myself, why God of his goodness would suffer his children and servants, so vehemently to be cruciated and afflicted. If mortal things were governed by heavenly providence (as must needs be granted) why did y e wicked so rage & flourish, & the godly so to go to wrack? If sins deserved punishment, yet neither were they sinners alone, & why was their death above all other so sharp and bitter? At least why would the Lord suffer the vehemency of these so horrible persecutions to endure so long time against his poor Church, showing to thē no certain determined end of their tribulations, whereby they knowing the appointed determinatiō of almighty God, with more consolatiō might endure out the same. As the Israelites in the captivity of Babylon had 70. years limited unto them. And under Pharaoh they were promised a deliverance out. Also under the Syrian tyrants. 62. Weekes were abriged unto them. Only in these persecutions, I could find no end determined, nor limitation set for their deliverance. Wherevpō much marueiling w t myself, I searched the book of Reuelatiō, to see whether anything there might be found. Where although I well perceived, the beast there described to signify the Empire of Rome, which had power to overcome the Saints: yet concerning the time & continuance of these persecutions under the beast, I found nothing to satisfy my doubt. For albeit I read there of. 42. months, of a time, times and half a time, of 1260. days, yet all this by computation coming but to 3. years & a half, came nothing near the long continuance of these persecutions, which lasted. 300. years. Thus being vexed and turmoiled in spirit, about the reckoning, of these numbers and years, it so happened upon a Sunday in the morning lying in my bed, & musing about these nūbers, suddenly it was answered to my mind, as with a majesty, thus inwardly saying within me: thou fool count these months by Sabbots, as the Weekes of Daniel are counted by Sabbots. The Lord I take to witness thus it was. Wherupon thus being admonished, I began to reckon the 42. months by Sabbats, first of months, that would not serve, thē by Sabbots of years wherein I began to feel some probable understanding. Yet not satisfied herewith, to have the matter more sure, eftsoons repaired to certain Merchaūts, of mine acquaintance. Of whom one is departed a true faithful servant of the Lord, the other two be yet alive, and witness hereof. To whom the number of these foresaid 42. months, being propounded and examined by Sabbots of years, the whole sum was found to surmount to 294. years, containing the full and just time of these foresaid persecutions neither more nor less.
Now this one clasp being opened, the other numbers that follow, are plain and manifest to the intelligent reader to be understood. For where mention is made of three years and a half: of one time, two times, & half a time, also of 1260. days, all these come to one reckoning, & signify 42. months, by which months, as is said, is signified the whole time of these primitive persecutions, as here in order may appear.
-
The mystical numbers in the Apocalypse opened.
- FIrst, where mention is made, Apocal. chap. 11. that the two Prophets shall prophesy 1260. days. And also that the woman fleing into the desert shall there be fed. 1260. days: who knoweth not, that. 1260. days make three years & a half: that is, months
- 42
- Secondly, where we read, chap. 11. the bodies of the two foresaid Prophets shall lie in the streets of the great city unburied, the space of iii. days & a half, and after the said iii. days & a half they shall revive again, &c. let the hours of these iii. days and a half (which be 42.) be reckoned every day for a Sabbath of years, or else every day for a month, and they come to months
- 42
- Thirdly, where as in the same book is expressed that the woman had ii. wings given her to fly unto the desert for a time, times, and half a time, give for one time, one yere, or one day: for ii. times ii. years, or ii. days: for half a time, half a yere, or half a day. And so it is manifest, that those three years & a half, mounteth to months
- 42
- Fourthly, account these 42. months aforesaid (which the beast had power to make. Apoc. 11.) by Sabbots of years, that is, vii years for a month: or every month for seven years, & it amounteth to the sum of years
- 294
And so have ye the just years, days, times, & months of these foresaid persecutions under the beast, neither shorter nor longer, reckoning from the death of John the Baptist under Herod the Romain king to the ende of Maxentius, and of Licinius, ii. last great persecutors, the one in the West the other in the East, who were both vanquished by godly Constantine. And so peace was given to the Church, albeit not in such ample wise, but that diverse tumults and troubles afterward ensued, but they lasted not long: & the chief brunt, to speak of these Romain persecutions, which the holy ghost especially considered above all other, in this his Reuelatiō thus ended, in the time of this Constantine. Then was the great Dragon the devil, to wit, the fierce rage & power of his malicious persecuting, tied short for a thousand years after this, so that he could not prevail in any such sort, but that the power and glory of the gospel by little and little increasing and spreading with great joy and liberty, so prevailed that at length it got the upper hand, & replenished the whole earth, rightly verifiyng therein, the water of Ezekiel, which issuing out of the right side of the altar, the farther it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole Ocean Sea, & healed all the fishes therein. No otherwise the course of the Gospel proceeding of small & hard beginnings kept still his stream, the more it was stopped, the swifter it ran: by blood it seeded, by death it quickened: by cutting it multiplied, through violence it sprong, till at last out of thralldom and oppressiō it brast forth into perfect liberty, & flourished in all prosperity, had it so been, that the Christians wisely & moderately could have used this rest & liberty, & not abused the same, forgetting their former estate to their own pride, pomp & worldly ease, as it came afterward to pass, whereof more is to be seen & said (the Lord willing) in place & time convenient.
And thus much touching the prophetical numbers in the Apocalypse. Wherein is to be noted and magnified the eternal wisdom, and hie providence of almighty God, so disposing and governing his church, that no adversity or perturbation happeneth at any time unto it, which his provident wisdom doth not foresee before & preordain, neither doth he preordain or determine anything, which he doth not most truly perform, both foreseing the beginning of such persecutions, and limiting the end thereof how long to continue and when to cease. In much like sort we read in the books of Genesis, how the stock of Israel, was. 400. years in the lande of Egypt. During the space of which 400. years, after the death of Joseph, (who beareth a plain figure of Christ) they were hardly entreated and cruelly afflicted of the Egyptians, about the space of. 300. years, reckoning from after the death of Joseph, to their deliverance out of the bondage of Egypt, semblably as these Christians, after Christ's time suffered the like bondage under the Roman tyrants.
Thus much by the way I thought to insinuate, least any should •• se, or take any offense in himself, to see or read of the Church, so long & so many years to be under so miserable & extreme afflictions. Wherein neither chance nor fortune, nor dispositiō of man, hath had any place: but only the forecounsaile & determination of the Lord so governed and desposed the same. Who not only did suffer thē to fall, and foresee those persecutions before they fell: but also appointed the times and years how long they should last & when to have an ende. As by the foresaid. 42. months in the 13. and 11. chap. of S. John's Apocalypse have been declared. Which months containing. 294. years, if they be rightly gathered, make the full time between the first year of the persecution of Christ under the Jews & Herod, till the last year of persecution under Licinius, which was from the nativity of Christ, an. 324. from the first persecution of Christ, an. 294. as is aforesaid. After the which year, according to the preordinate counsel of God, when his severity had been sufficiently declared upon his own house, it pleased him to show mercy again, & to bind up Satan the old serpent, according to the xx. chap. of the Revelation for the space of a thousand years, that is, frō this time of Licinius, to the time of John Wycliffe, and John Hus. During all which time, albeit certain conflicts and tumults have been among Christian bishops themselves in the church, yet no universal murdering persecutiō was stirring, before the preaching of John Wycliffe, of Hus, and such other, as in the further process of this history (Christ willing and aiding us) shall more appear hereafter.
Thus having at large discoursed these horrible persecutions past, and heavy afflictions of Christian Martyrs, now by the grace of God, coming out of this red sea of bloody persecution, leaving Pharaoh and his host behind: let us sing gloriously to the worthy name of our god, who through the blood of the lamb, after long & tedious afflictions at length, hath visited his people with comfort, hath tide up Satan short, hath sent his meek Moses (gentle Constantine I mean) by whom it hath so pleased the Lord to work deliverance to his captive people, to see his servants at liberty, to turn their morning into joy, to magnify the church of his son, to destroy the Idols of all the world, to grant life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) unto them which before were the abiectes of all the world: and all by the means of godly Constantine, the meek and most Christian Emperor of whose divine victories against so many tyraunts and Emperors persecutors of Christ's people, and lastly against Licinius, an. 324. of whose other noble acts & prowesses of whose blessed virtues and his happy birth and progeny, part we have comprehended before, part now remaineth (Christ willing) to be declared.
This Constantine was the son of Constantius the Emperor, a good and virtuous child, of a good and virtuous father, borne in Britain, as saith Eutropius whose Moother was named Helena, daughter, in deed of King Coilus, although Ambrosius in his funeral Oration of the death of Theodosius, saith was an Inhoulders daughter. He was a most bountiful and gracious Prince, having a desire to nourish learning and good arts, and did oftentimes use to read, write, and study himself. He had marvelous good success & prosperous achieving of all things he took in hand, which then was (and truly) supposed to proceed of this, for that he was so great a favorer of the Christian faith. Which faith when he had once embraced, he did ever after most devoutly and religiously reverence: and commanded by especial commission and proclamations, that every man should profess the same Religion throughout all y e Romaine Monarchy. The worshipping of Idols, whereunto he was addict, by the allurement of Fausta his wife: in so much that he did sacrifice unto them: after the discomfite of Maxentius in battle, he utterly abjured. But Baptism he deferred even unto his old age, because he had determined a iourneye into Persia, and thought in Jordan to have been baptized. Eusebius. lib. 4. de vita Constantini.
As touching his natural disposition and wit, he was very eloquent, a good philosopher, & in disputation sharp and ingenious. He was accustomed to say, that an Emperor ought to refuse no labor, for the utility of the common weal: yea, & that to adventure the mangling of his body for the remedy thereof, but if otherways it may be holpen to cherish the same. This Aurelius, Victor, Pomponius, Letus, & Ignatius write of him. And Aelius Lampridus saith writing upon the life of Heliogabalus, that Constantine was wont to say, that an Empire was given by the determinate purpose of God, that he to whom it was given should so employ his diligence, as he might be thought worthy of the same at the hands of the gyuer. Which same saiing also Augustine noteth in his 3. book against Cresconius. epist. 49. and 50.
He first entered into the Empire, by the mercifulnes of God minding after long waves of doleful persecution to restore unto his church peace and tranquility, an. 311. as Eusebius accounteth in his Chronicle. His reign continued, as Eutropius affirmeth, 30. years, Letus saith 32. years lacking, 2. months. Great peace and tranquility enjoyed the Church under the reign of this good Emperor, which took great pain and travel for the preservation thereof. First, yea and that before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edictes for the restitution of the goods of the church, for the revoking of the Christians out of exile, for taking away the dissension of the Doctors out of the Church, for the setting of them free from public charges, and such like, even as the copies of his constitutions here under declare, which Eusebius in his 10. book, and 5. chapter, repeateth in this wise.
The copy of an Epistle of Constantine, sent to his subjects inhabiting in the East.
The thing it self, which in the sure and most firm law of nature is contained, doth give unto all men (even as God hath ordained the same) sufficient perseueraunce and understanding, both of such things as man ought to foresee, as also what things presently he ought to meditate. Neither is there anything therein to be doubted, of such as have their minds directed to the scope or mark of perfect understanding: so that the perfect comprehending of sound reason, and the perseverance thereof, be compared with the knowledge of God, being the true and perfect virtue. Wherefore let no wise man be troubled, although he see diverse men of diverse dispositions. For wisdom which springeth of virtue cannot abide, or acquaint her self with fond ideotes, unless, that (on the other side) the malice of perverse lithernes prolong her days, and cause the same Ideocie to suruiue. Wherefore assuredly the crown and price of virtue lieth open unto all men, & the moste mighty God ordereth the judgment of the same. I undoubted as manyfestly as possible is, will endeavor myself to testify and confess unto you all, the hope which is in me. I think verily that the Emperors which before this time have latelye been, even for their tyranny had the Empire taken from them: & my father only exercising and using all meekness and lenity in his affairs, calling upon God the father, with great devotion & humility, hath been exalted to the same. And all the rest, as men wanting their wits, and in comparison as savage beasts, rather did give themselves to like cruelty, then unto any lenity & gentleness towards their subjects: in which tyranny everyone for his time being nooseled, utterly subverted the true and infallible doctrine. And so great malice was their kindled in their breasts, that when all things were in peaceable tranquility, they made and raised most cruel and bloody intestine or civil wars. It is credibly informed us, that in those days, Apollo gave answers but not by any man's mouth, but out of a certain cave & dark place (saying) that he was much disquieted by those that were the just men and livers upon the earth, so that he could or would not for them, declare a truth of such things as others demanded: & hereby it came to pass that such false deuinations were given from the golden tables in Apollos temple. And this thing did his prophetical priest complain of, when he took up again the hear of his head, that other had cōtemptuously cast down, & that the neglecting of his divination was the cause of so many evils, amongst men. But let us see what was the ende hereof: we now boldly & without all fear invocate & worship the omnipotent God▪ when I was a child I heard, that he which then was chief Emperor of Rome, unhappy, yea, most unhappy man being seduced, and brought into error, by his soldiers, curiously inquired who were those just men vpō the earth that Apollo meant: and one of his priests which was nere about him, made answer that they were the Christians. This answer hereupon unto him being as delectable, as honey unto the mouth, drew the sword given unto him to be a revenger upon evil doers and malefactors against the professors of the irreprehensible sanctimony and religion. And straight way he gave forth a commission (to bloody homicides as I may well cal them) & gave commandment to all the Judges, that they should endeavor themselves with all the cunning they had to the devising of more greeuouser, & sharper punishments against the poor Christians. Then, then I say, a man might have seen, how greatly the honest professors of that religion, were molested with cruelty, and daily suffered no small injuries and contumelies, and that also they suffered and sustained the same with such tēperancy as though they had had no injuries done unto them at all. Which temperancie and patience of theirs was the cause why the furious citizens were the more madder & raging against them. What fires, what tortures, what kind of torments were there, but they without respect either of age, or sex were enforced to feel?
Then did the earth without doubt, herself bewail her children and the round world which containeth all things, being sprinkled and imbrued with their blood made doleful lamentation for them, and the day it self provoked for to mourn, was made amazed for them. But what is this to purpose. Now the very barbarous nations rejoice for their sakes which received and harboured them, when they were afraid and fled from us: keeping them as it were in most loving & amiable captivity. And they saved not only their lives, but also were a defense for their religion. And now also the Romaine nation remembereth and hath before there eyes this blame and spot, which the Christians that were of that time, worthily gave unto them when they by them were banished (as unfit members of their common wealth) amongst the barbarous people. What needeth to make further rehearsal of the mourning lamentation, which the heathen people themselves throughout all the world, made for the pitiful murder and slaughter of them? After this it came to pass that they which were authors of all these mischiefs died also, and were committed for there reward to the most filthy & horrible dungeon of hell. They being so entangled with intestine and civil wars, left alive neither name nor kinsmen of their own: which thing undoubtedly had not chaūsed unless the wicked deuinatiōs of Apollos oracles had deceived & bewitched thē. To thee therefore now I pray, oh most mighty God, that thou wilt vouchsafe to be merciful, and pardon all the east parts and inhabitaunts of the same, being oppressed with present calamity: and that by me thy servant thou wilt of thy goodness help and relieve the same. And these things rashly crave I not at thy hands: oh Lord, most mighty and holiest God of all. For I being persuaded by the only oracles have both begone and also finished wholesome and profitable things, and further by the bearing and showing of thine ensign, have overcome a mighty and strong host, and when any necessity of the common weal (to my charge committed) requireth thereunto, (following those signs & tokens of thy virtues) I boldly go forth and fight against mine enemies: and for this cause have I sacrificed my soul unto thee, purified and cleansed both with thy love and fear. Yea truly, thy name do I sincerely love, and thy power do I reverence, which by many tokens and wonders hast shown and confirmed thereby my belief & faith. Therefore will I do my endeavor, and bend myself thereunto, that I may redifie thy most holy house, which those wicked & ungodly Emperors have with so great ruin laid wast, thy people do I desire to bring & stablish, in firm peace & trāquilitie, & that for the public utility of all the inhabitants of the earth. Those which yet err & are out of the way, enjoy the benefit of peace and quietness, with, and amongst the number of the faithful sort: for I trust the restitution of the like society, and participation may be a means to bring them also that err into the perfect way of verity. Let no man therefore be grievous one unto another but what every man thinketh best that let him do. For such as are wi • e ought thoroughly to be persuaded, that the only mean to live holily and as they should do, whom the spirit of God moveth, to take their delight and recreation in reading his holy will. And if others willfully will go out of the way, cleaving to the Synagogues of false doctrine, they may at their own peril: as for us we have the most worthy house or congregation of God's verity, which he according to his own goodness & nature hath given us. And this also we wish unto the, that with like participation & common consent, they may fele with us the same delectation of mind. For this our religiō is neither new nor newly invented, but is as old as we believe the creation of the world to be: and which God hath commanded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him. But all living men are lie • s, and are deceived with diverse and sundry illusions. Thou O God for Christ thy sons sake, suffer not this wickedness again to take root: thou hast set up a clear burning light, that thereby as many as thou hast chosen may come unto thee. These thy miracles approve the same. It is thy power that keepeth us in innocencye and fydelitye. The Sun and the Moon run their appointed course: neither yet in ranging wi • e, wander the stars to what place of the world they list themselves. The days, years, months, and times, keep their appointed turns The earth abideth firm and unremoveable at thy word, and the wind at the time (by thee directed) stormeth & bloweth. The streaming watery floods, ebb in time according as they flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limites And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out her self in equal length and breadth with the whole earth: this must needs be wrought with some marvelous workmanship of thine own hand: which thing unless it were at thy will made and disposed, without all doubt, so great difference and partition between, would or this time have brought utter ruin & destructiō, both to the life of man, as to all that belongeth to man beside. Which for that they have such great and huge conflicts amongst themselves, as also the invisible spirits have: we give thee thanks, O Lord most mighty God of all God's, that all mankind hath not been destroyed thereby. Surely, even as greatly as thy benignity and gentleness, is manifested by diverse & sundry benefits bestowed upon us: so much also is the same set forth and declared in the discipline of thy eternal word, to those that be heavenly wise, & apply themselves to the attainment of sincere & true virtue. But if any such there be, that little regard or have but small respect unto the consideration thereof▪ let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same. For that Physic whereby health is obtained, is manifestly offered unto all men: now therefore let no man go about to subvert that, which experience it self doth show (of necessity) to be pure and good. Let us therefore altogether use the participation of this benefit bestowed upon us, that is to say, the benefit of peace and tranquility, setting a part all controversy. And let no man hurt or be prejudicial to his fellow for that thing, wherein he thinketh him self to have done well. If by that, which any man knoweth and hath experience of, he thinketh he may profit his neighbor, let him do the same, if not, let him give over, and remit it til on other time. For there is a great diversity betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion, and that whē a man is thereunto enforced and coacted. Of these things have I made a more larger discourse, then in deed, the scope of mediocrity requireth: especially because I would not have my faith (touching the verity) to be hid. For that I hear there be some, which complain the old accustomed haunting of their temples, & that the power of such darkness is cut of and taken away: which thing surely I would take in better part, were it not that the violent rebellion of flagitious error, were so fixed in many men's hearts, whereby they thirst after the utter subversion of the common weal and Empire.
Such was the goodness of this Emperor Constantine, or rather such was the providence of almighty God toward his Church, in stirring him up: that all his care and study of mind was set upon nothing else, but only howe to benefit & enlarge the commodities of the same. Neither was it to him enough to deliver the Church and people of God, from outward vexation of foreign tyrants and persecutors. No les beneficial was his godly care also in quieting the inward dissensions and disturbance within the Church among the Christian bishops themselves, according as we read of Moses the deliverer of y e Israelites, in agreing the brethren together, when he saw them at variance. Exod. 2. No less also did his vigilant study extend in erecting, restoring, & enriching the Churches of God in all Cities, and in providing for the ministers of the same. And therefore writing to Anilinus his chief captain, declareth his will & mind to him in letters, concerning the goods which did appertain to the Churches of the Christians: that he should procure vigilantly for the same: that all such goods, houses, and gardens, belonging before to the right of Churches, should again be restored in all speedy wise: and that he therein might be certified with speed. &c.
Moreover, he writing to the said Anilinus in another letter, signifieth unto him in this effect: that for so much as the contempt of God his reverent religion, is & hath been ever the greatest decay to the name & people of Rome, as contrary the maintaining and reverencing the same, hath ever brought prosperity to all common weals: Therefore he in consideration thereof, hath taken that order, & giveth to him in charge, that through y e province, where he hath to do, which was in Africa where Cecilianus was Bishop, he should there see & provide, that all such ministers and Clerks, whose vocation was to serve in the Church, should be freed and exempted from all public duties and burdens: whereby they being so priuileged, and all impediments removed, which should hinder their divine ministration: thereby the common utility of the people might the better flourish, &c.
Furthermore, the said Constantine in another letter writing to Miltiades, Bishop of Rome, and to Marcus, declareth in his letters to them, howe Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage, hath ben accused unto him by diverse of his colleages and fellow bishops. Wherefore his will is, that the said Cecilianus, with x. bishops his accusers, with x. other his defendants should repair up to him at Rome, where in the present assistance of the foresaid Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of other their fellow Colleages, the cause of Cecilianus might be hard, and rightly examined, so that all schism and division might be cut of from among them: wherein the fervent desire of Constantine to peace and unity, may well appear.
Upon the like cause and argument also, he writeth to Chrestus Bishop of Syracusa, so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offereth to him with his under Ministers and three servants, his free caryage to come up to him unto the Council of other bishops, for the agreeing of certain matters belonging to the Church.
He writeth also another letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage.
To the provinces likewise of Palestine & those partes about, he directeth his Edict in the behalf of the Christians: for the releasing of such as were in captivity: and for the restoring again of them, which had sustained any loss in the former persecution before, & for the refreshing of such as heretofore had been oppressed with any ignominy, or molestation, for their confession sake: declaring in the said Edict, howe that his whole body, life and soul, and whatsoever is in him, he oweth to God, and to the service of him, &c.
Moreover another leter he writeth to Eusebius, for the edifying of new Christian Churches, & restoring of them which had been wasted before by foreign enemies. And after he had collected the Synod of Nice, for the study of peace and unity of the Church, he writeth upon the same to Alexander and Arius. In which his letters he most lamentably uttered the great grief of his hear • , to see and hear of their contention and division: whereby the peace and common harmony of the Church was broken, the Synod provoked & resisted, the holy people of the Lord divided into partes and tumults, contrary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duty were rather to nourish concord and to seek tranquility. And though in some small points and light trifles they did disagree from other: yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them, who although in some part of a sentence or piece of a question, some might dissent from other: yet in the unity of their profession, they did all join as fellows together. In like case were it their duty in such fruitless questions (or rather pieces of questions) to keep them in the conceptions of their minds, in silence unto themselves, and not to bring them forth into public Synods, to break therefore from the communion of the reverent Council. Declaring moreover in the said Epistle, the first origin and occasion of this their contentious dissention to rise upon vain & trifling terms, vile causes, and light questions, and pieces rather of questions: about such matters as neither are to be moved, nor to be answered unto, being moved, more curious to be searched, and perilous to be expressed, then necessary to be inquired, magisque puerilibus ineptijs, quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia, as he there doth term them. Wherefore by all manner means he doth labor them, doth entreat them, and persuade them, not only with reasons, but also with tears and sighing sobbes, that they would restore again peace unto the Church, and quietness to the rest of his life (which otherwise would not be sweet unto him) and that they would return again to the communion of the reverent Council. Who in so doing should open his way and purposed journey into the East partes, which otherwise hearing of their discord and dissention, would be sorry to see with his eyes, that which grieveth him now to hear with his ears: with much more in the same Epistle contained, but this is the effect of the whole. Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehend, whereby the divine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meek & religious Constantine might more notoriously appear to all Princes: for them to learn by his example, what zeal and care they ought to bear toward the Church of Christ, & how gently to govern, and how to be beneficial to the same.
Many other Edicts & Epistles written to other places and parties, be expressed at large in the seconde book of Euseb De vita Constantini: wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperor toward the Church of Christ may appear. Wherof in a brief recapitulation such specialities we have collected as here followeth, and is to be seen in Zozo. Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9.
First he commanded all them to be set free, who soever for the confession of Christ, had been condemned to banishment, or to the mines of metal, or to any public or private labor to them inflicted. Such as were put to any infamy or open shame among the multitude, he willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominy. Soldiers which before were deprived either of their place, or put out of their wages: were put to their liberty, either to serve again in their place, or quietly to live at home. Whatsoever honor, place, or dignity had been taken away frō any man, should be restored to them again. The goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, howsoever they were alienated, should return to their heirs, or next of kin: or for lack of them should be given to the Church. He commanded moreover that only Christians should bear office. The other he charged and restrained, that neither they should sacrifice, nor exercise anymore diuinations and ceremonies of the Gentiles, nor set up any Images, nor to keep any feasts of the heathen Idolaters. He corrected moreover and abolished all such unlawful manners and dishonest usages in Cities, as might be hurtful any ways to the Church, as the custom that the Egyptians had in the flowing of Nile, at what time the people used to run together like brute beasts, both men & women, and with all kind of filthiness and Sodomitry to pollute their Cities, in celebrating the increase of that river. This abomination Constantine extinguished, causing that wicked order called Androgynae, to be killed. By reason whereof the River afterward (through the benefit of God) yielded more increase in his flowing, to the greater fertility of the ground, then it did before.
Among the Romans was an old law, that such as were barren having no fruit of children, should be amerced of half their goods. Also, that such as being above the years of xxv. unmarried, should not be numbered in the same privileges with them that were married, neither should be heirs to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kind. These laws because they seemed unreasonable, to punish the defect of nature, or gift of virginity, by mans law, he abrogated and took away. An other order was among the Romans, that they which made their willes being sick, had certain prescribed and conceived words appointed to thē to use, which unless they followed, their willes stood in none effect. This law also Constantine repealed, permitting to every man in making his testament to use what words, or what witnesses he would. Likewise among the Romaines he restrained and took away the cruel and bloody spectacles & sights, where men were wont with swords one to kill another. Of the barbarous and filthy fashion of the Arethusians in Phoenicia, I have mentioned before, pag. 104. where they used to expose and set forth their virgins to open fornication, before they should be married, which custom also Constantine removed away. Where no Churches were, there he commanded new to be made: where any were decayed, he commanded them to be repaired: where any were to little, he caused them to be enlarged, giving to the same great gifts and revenues: not only of such tributes and taxes coming to him from certain sundry Cities, which he transferred unto the Churches, but also out of his own treasures. When any Bishops required any Council to be had, he satisfied their petitions: And what in their Councils and Synods they established, being godly & honest, he was ready to confirm the same.
The armor of his soldiers, which were newly come from Gentilitie, he garnished with the arms of the cross, whereby they might learn the sooner to forget their old superstitious idolatry. Moreover like a worthy Emperor he prescribed a certain form of prayer in stead of a Catechism for every man to have, & to learn how to pray and to invocate God. The which form of prayer is recited in the fourth book of Eusebius De vita Constantini, in words as followeth.
We knowledge thee only to be our God, we confess thee only to be our king, we invocate and call upon thee our only helper, by thee we obtain our victories, by thee we vāquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoever present commodities we enjoy, & by thee we hope for good things to come, unto thee we direct all our suit & petitions: most humbly beseeching thee to conserve Constantine our Emperor, and his noble childrē in long life to continue, and to give them victory over all their enemies, through Christ our Lord. Amen.
In his own palace, he set up an house peculiar for prayer and doctrine, using also to pray and sing with his people. Also in his wars he went not without his tabernacle appointed for the same. The Sunday he commanded to be kept holy of all men, and free from all iudiciarie causes, from markets, martes, fairs, & all other manual labors, only husbandry excepted: especially charging that no Images or Monuments of Idolatry should be set up.
Men of the Clergy and of the ministry in all places he endued with special privileges and immunities, so that if any were brought before the civil Magistrate, and listed to appeal to the sentence of his Bishop, it should be lawful for him so to do: and that the sentence of the Bishop should stand in as great force as if the Magistrate or the Emperor himself had pronounced it.
But here is to be observed & noted by the way, that y e Clerks & ministers thē newly creeping out of persecutiō, were in those days, neither in mumber so great nor in order of life, of y e like dispositiō to these in our days now living.
No less care and provision the said Constantine also had to the maintenance of schools pertaining to y e Church and to the nourishing of good arts and liberal sciences, especially of Divinity: not only with stipends and subsidies furnishing them, but also with large priuilegies and exemptiōs defending y e same, as by the words of his own law is to be seen: and read as followeth: Medicos, Gramaticos, & alios professores literarum & doctores legum, cum vxoribus & liberis. &c. In English: Physicians, Gramarians, and all other prefessors of liberal arts, and Doctors of the law, with their wives and childrē, and all other their possessions, which they have in Cities: we command to be freed from all civil charges and functions, neither to receive foreign strangers in provinces, nor to be burdened with any public administration, nor to be cited up to civil judgment, nor to be drawn out, or oppressed with any injury. And if any man shall vex them, he shall incur such punishment, as the Judge at his discretion shall awarde him. Their stipendes moreover and solaries, we command truly to be paid them, whereby they may more freely instruct other in arts and sciences. &c.
Ouer and besides this, so far did his godly zeal and princely care and provision extend to the Church of Christ, that he commanded and provided books and volumes of the Scripture, diligently and plainly to be written and copied out, to remain in bublique Churches to the use of posterity, Whereupon writing to Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia in a special letter (recorded in the 4. book of Eusebius, De vita Constant. ) he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and cōpacted: wherein he should cause to be written out of the scripture in a fair legeable hand, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church. And alloweth him for that business two bublique Ministers. Also writeth concerning the same, to the general of his army, to support and further him with such necessaries, as thereunto should appertain. &c.
In vewing, perusing, and writing this story, and in considering the Christian zeal of this Emperor, I wish that either this our Printing and plenty of books had been in his days: or that this so heroycal heart toward Christ's Religion, as was in this so excellent Monarche, might something appear in inferior Princes reigning in these our Printing days. &c.
The liberal hand of this Emperor, borne to do all men good, was no less also open and ready toward the needy poverty of such, which either by loss of parents, or other occasions were not able to help them selves: to whom he commanded and provided dew subuention both of corn and raiment to be ministered out of his own coffers, to the necessary relief of the poor men, women, children, orphans, and widows, Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4.
Finally, among all the other monuments of his singular clemency and munificence, this is not to be pretermitted: that through all the Empire of Rome and provinces belonging to the same, not only he diminished such taxes, revenues, and impostes, as publicly were coming to him, but also clearly remitted and released to the contributers, the fourth part of the same.
This present place would require something to be said of the donation of Constantine whereupon as upon their chiefest anchor hold, the Bishops of Rome do ground their supreme dominion and right, over all the political government of the West partes, & the spiritual government of all the other Seas and partes of the world. Which donation to be falsely feigned and forged, and not to proceed from Constantine, many arguments might here be inferred, if laisure from other matters would suffer me.
1. First, for that no ancient history, nor yet Doctor maketh any mention thereof.
2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the history of Isidorus: but in the old copies of Isidorus no such thing is to be found.
3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees, reciteth that decree, [unspec 3] not upon any ancient authority, but only under the title of Palea.
[unspec 4] 4. Gelasius is said to give some testimony thereof, in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana, but that clause of the said distinction touching that matter, in the old ancient books is not extant.
[unspec 5] 5 Otho Phrisingensis, who was about the time of Gracian, after he hath declared the opinion of the favorers of the Papacie: affirming this donation to be given of Constantine, to Sylvester the Pope: induceth consequently, the opinion of them that favor the Empire, affirming the contrary.
[unspec 6] 6. How doth this agree, that Constantine did yield up to Sylvester all the political dominion over the West, when as the said Constantine at his death, deviding the Empire to his three sons, gave the West part of the Empire to one, the East part to the second, the middle part to the third?
[unspec 7] 7. How is it like that Theodosius after them, being a just and a religious Prince, would or could have occupied the City of Rome, if it had not been his right, but had belonged to the pope, & so did many other Emperors after him?
[unspec 8] 8. The phrase of this decree being conferred w t the phrase and style of Constantine, in his other Edicts and letters above specified doth nothing agree.
[unspec 9] 9. Seeing the papists themselves confess that the decree of this donation was writ̄ in Greek, how agreeth that with truth: when as both it was written not to the Gretians, but to the Romans, and also Constantine himself for lack of the Greek tongue, was fain to use the Latin tongue in the Council of Nice?
[unspec 10] 10. The contents of this donation (who soever was the forger thereof) doeth bewray it self. For if it be true which there is confessed, that he was Baptized at Rome of Sylvester, & the iv. day after his baptism this patrimony was given (which was before his battle against Maximinus or Licinius, An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth) howe then accordeth this with that which followeth in the donation, for him to have jurisdiction given over the other iv. principal seas of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople and Jerusalem? when as the City of Constantinople was not yet begun, before the death of Maximinus or Licinius, and was not finished, before the xxviij. yere of the reign of Constantine, an. 339. or if it be true, as Jerome counteth, it was finished the xxiij. yere of his reign, which was the yere of our Lord 334. long after this donation by their own account.
[unspec 11] 11. Furthermore, where in the said constitution is said that Constantine was baptized at Rome of Sylvester, & thereby was purged of Leprosy: the fable thereof agreeth not with the truth of history: for so much as Eusebius, lib. 4. De vita Constantini, Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 11. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib 2. cap. 34. do altogether consent that he was Baptized not at Rome, but at Nicomedia: and that moreover, as by their testimony doth appear, not of Sylvester but of Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, not before his battle against Maximinus, or Licinius, but in the xxxj. year of his reign, a little before his death.
[unspec 12] 12. Again, where as Constantine in this donation appointed him to have the principality over the other iv. Patriarchal Seas: that maketh Constantine contrary to himself. Who in the Council of Nice afterward agreed with other bishops, that all the iv. patriarchal seas should have equal jurisdiction, everyone over his own territory and precinct.
[unspec 13] 13. In sum, briefly to conclude: who so desireth more abundantly to be satisfied touching this matter, let him read the books of Marsilius Patauinus, entitled: defensor pacis, An 1324. of Laurētius Valla, An. 1440. of Antoninus archbishop of Florence, who in his history, plainly denieth the tenor of this donation to be found in the old books of the decrees. Of Cusanus Cardinalis. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. writing to the Council of Basil, Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Sylvius in Dialogo, of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus, An. 1496. of Raphael Volateranus, An. 1500. of Lutherus, An. 1537. &c. all which by many and evident probations, dispute and prove this donation taken out of a book De gestis Syluestri, and translated (as they fain) by one Bartholomeus Picernus, out of Greke into Latin: not to proceed from Constantine, but to be a thing untruly pretensed, or rather a fable imagined, or else to be the deed of Pipinus or Charles, or some such other, if it were ever the deed of any.
And thus hast thou (beloved Reader) briefly collected the narration of the noble acts and heavenly virtues of this most famous Emperor Constantine the great: a singular spectacle for all Christian Princes to behold and imitate, and worthy of perpetual memory in all congregations of Christian Saints. Whose fervent zeal & piety in general, to all congregations, and to all the servants of Christ was notable: but especially the affection and reverence of his heart toward them was admirable, which had suffered any thing for the confession of Christ, in the persecutions before, them had he principally in price and veneration, in so much that he embraced and kissed their wounds and stripes, and their eyes, being put out. And if any such Bishops or any other Ministers brought to him any complaints one against another, (as many times they did) he would take their bills of complaint, and burn them before their faces: so studious and zealous was his mind to have them agree, whose discord was to him more grief, then it was to themselves. All the virtuous acts and memorable doings of this divine & renowned Emperor to comprehend or commit to history: it were the matter alone of a great volume: wherefor contented with these above premised, because nothing of him can be said enough, I cease to discourse of him any further.
One thing yet remaineth not to be omited, wherein (as by the way of a note) I thought good to admonish the learned Reader, such as love to be conversant in reading of ancient authors: that in the Ecclesiastical history of Eusebius, where in the latter ende of the book, is added a certain Oration, Ad cōuentum Sanctorum, under the name of Eusebius Pamphilus, here is to be understand, that the said Oration is wrongly entitled upon the name of Eusebius, which in very truth is the Oration of Constantine himself. For the probation whereof, beside the style and matter therein contained, and tractation heroycall) lively declaring the religious vain of Constantine ) I allege the very testimony of Eusebius himself in his fourth book De vita Constantini, where he in express words not only declareth that Constantine wrote such an Oration entitled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum, but also promiseth in the end of his book, to annex the same: declaring moreover what difficulty the interpretors had, to translate the same from the Romaine speech, to their Grecian tongue. Eusebius de vita Constantini. Lib. 4 pag. 211.
And here an end of these lamentable & doleful persecutions of the primitive Church, during the space of the 300. years frō the passion of our Savior Christ, til the coming of this Constantine, by whom, as by the elect instrument of God, it hath so pleased his almighty majesty, by his determinat purpose to give rest after long trouble to his church, according to that S. Cyprian declareth before, pag. 68. to be revealed of God unto his Church: that after darkness and stormy tempest should come peaceable calm, & stable quietness to his church, meaning this time of Constantine now present. At which time it so pleased the almighty, that the murdering malice of Satan should at length be restrained, and he him self to be tied up for a thousand years, through his great mercy in Christ, to whom therefore • e thanks and praise now and forever. AMEN.
*The first Persecution.
THe first of these x. persecutions, was stirred up by Nero Domitius, the vi. Emperor before mentioned, about the year of our Lord, 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperor, was so fierce against the Christians (as Eusebius recordeth) Vs{que} adeo vt videres repletas humanis corporibus ciuitates, iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes: foemi. narúm{que} abs{que} vlla sexus reuerentia nudata in publico, reiectá{que} starent cadauera. That is, In so much that a man might then see cities lie full of men's bodies, the old there lying together with the young, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked, without all reverence of that sex in the opē streets. &c. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero, saith, that he was the first which in Rome did raise up persecution against the Christians, and not only in Rome, but also through all the provinces thereof, thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places, &c. Whereunto accordeth moreover the testimony of Jerome upon Daniel, saying: thàt many there were of the Christians in those days, which seeing the filthy abominations, and intolerable cruelty of Nero, thought that he should be Antichrist, &c.
In this persecution, among many other Saints the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death, and crucified as some do write, at Rome, albeit othersome, and not without cause do doubt thereof, concerning whose life and history, because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospel, and in the Acts of S. Luke. chap. 4.5. 12. I need not here to make any great repetytion thereof. As touching the cause and manner of his death, diverse there be, which make relation, as Jerome, Egesippus, Eusebius, Abdias, and other: although they do not all precisely agree in the time. The words of Jerome be these: Simon Peter the son of Jonah, of the province of Galilee, and of the Town of Bethsaida, the brother of Andrew. &c. After he had been Bishop of the Church of Antioch, and had preached to the dispersion of them that believed, of the Circumcision in Pontus, Galacia, Capadocia, Asia, and Bithinia in the second year of Claudius, the Emperor, (which was about the year of our Lord. 44.) came to Rome, to withstand Simon Magus, and there kept the priestly chair, the space of 25. years, until the last year of the foresaid Nero, which was the 14. year of his reign, of whom he was crucified, his head being down, and his feet upward, himself so requiring, because he was (he said) unworthy to be crucified after the same form and manner, as the Lord was. &c. Egesippus, prosecuting this matter something more at large, and Abdias, also, (if any authority is to be given to his book, who following not only the sense, but also the very form of words of Egesippus in this History, seemeth to be extracted out of him, and of other authors) saith, that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero, and his president and keeper, of his life, was required upon a time to be present at the raising up of a certain noble young man in Rome, of Nero's kindred, lately departed. Whereas Peter also was desired to come to the reviving of the said personage. But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not do it: Then Peter calling upon the name of the Lord Jesus, did raise him up, and restored him to his mother, whereby the estimation of Simon Magus, began greatly to decay, and to be detested in Rome. Not long after the said Magus threatened the Romans, that he would leave the City and in their light fly away from them into heaven. So the day being appointed Magus taking his wings in the Mounte Capitolinus, began to fly in the air. But Peter by the power of the Lord Jesus brought him down with his wings headlong to the ground, by the which fall his legs and joints were broken, and he thereupon died. Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him, sought matter against Peter to put him to death. Which when the people perceived, they entreated Peter with much a do, that he would fly the City. Peter through their importunity at length persuaded, prepared himself to avoid. But coming to the gate he saw the Lord Christ come to meet him, to whom he worshipping said: Lord whether doest thou go? To whom he answered and said, I come again to be crucified. By this Peter perceiving his suffering to be understanded, returned back into the Citty again. And so was he crucified, in manner as is before declared. And this out of Egesippus.
Eusebius moreover, writing of the death not only of Peter, but also of his wife, affirmeth, that Peter seeing his wife going to her Martyrdom (belike as he was yet hanging upon the cross) was greatly joyous and glad thereof, who crying unto her with a loud voice, and calling her by her name, bade her remember the Lord Jesus. Such was then (saith Eusebius ) the blessed bond of Marriage among the Saints of God. And thus much of Peter.
Paul the Apostle, which before was called Saul, after his great travail and unspeakable labors in promooting the Gospel of Christ, suffered also in this first persecution under Nero, and was beheaded. Of whom thus writeth Jerome in his Book De viris illustr. Paul, otherwise called Saul, one of the Apostles, yet out of the number of xii. was of the tribe of Benjamin, and of a town of Jewry called Gisealis : which town being taken of the Romans, he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Silicia. Afterward was sent up by his parents to Hierusalē, and there brought up in the knowledge of the law, at the feet of Gamaliel, and was at the death of Stephen a doer. And when he had received letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians, by the way going to Damascus, was stricken down of the Lord's glory, and of a persecutor, was made a professor, an Apostle, a Martyr, a witness of the Gospel, and a vessel of election.
Among his other manifold labors & trauails in spreading the doctrine of Christ, he wan Sergius Paulus, the Proconsul of Cyprus, to the faith of Christ, whereupon he took his name as some suppose, turned from Saulus to Paulus. After he had passed through diverse places and countries in his laborious peregrinations, he took to him Barnabas, and went up to Jerusalem, to Peter, James, and John, where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach unto the Gentiles.
And because it is in the Acts of the Apostles sufficiently comprehended, concerning the admirable conversion, & conversation of this most worthy Apostle, that which remaineth of the rest of his history, I will here add, how the said Apostle Paul, the 25. yere after the passion of the lord, in the second year of Nero, what time Festus ruled in Jewry, was sent up in bonds to Rome, where he remaining in his free hosterie two years together, disputed daily against the Jews, proving Christ to be come. And here is to be noted, that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome, the Emperor Nero, not yet fully confirmed in his Empire, & yet not bursting out into those mischiefs, which histories report of him, he was at that time by Nero discharged, and dismissed to preach the Gospel in the West partes and about the coasts of Italy, as he himself writing unto Timothy, afterward in his second apprehension, in his second Epistle witnesseth, saying: In my first purgation, no man stood with me, but did all forsake me, the Lord lay it not to their charge. But the Lord stood with me, & did comfort me, that the preaching of his word might proceed by me, & that all the Gentiles might hear and be taught, and I was delivered out of the Lions mouth, &c. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith: I was delivered from the mouth of the Lion, &c. And again, the Lord hath delivered me out from all evil works, and hath saved me unto his heavenly kingdom, &c. speaking this, because he perceived thē the time of his Martyrdom to be nere at hand. For in the same Epistle before. he saith: I am now offered up, and the time of my dissolution draweth on.
Thus then, this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord, in the 14. year of Nero, and the same day in which Peter was crucified (although not in the same year as some write, but in the next year following) was beheaded at Rome for the testimony of Christ, and was buried in the way of Ostia. The year after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix. Epistles to seven Churches: to the Romans one, to the Corinthians two, to the Galathiās one, to the Ephesians one, to the Philippians one, to the Colossians one, to the Thessalonians two. Moreover, he wrote to his Disciples, to Timothy two, to Titus one, to Philemon one.
The Epistle which beareth the title to the Hebrews, is not thought to be his, for the difference of the style & phrase, but either judged to be written of Timothy, as Tertullian supposeth, or of S. Luke as other do think: or else of Clement afterward Bishop of Rome, who as they say, was adjoined with Paul, and compiling together his sayings and sentences, did phrase them in his style and manner. Or else, as some do judge, because S. Paul wrote unto the Hebrews, for the odiousnes of his name among that people, therefore he dissimuled, and confessed his name in the first entre of his salutation, contrary to his accustomed condition. And as he wrote to the Hebrews he being an Hebrew, so he wrote in Hebrew, y t is, in his own tongue more eloquently. And that is thought to be the cause why it differeth from his other Epistles, and is after a more eloquent manner translated into the Greek, then his other Epistles be. Some also read the Epistle written to Laodicea, but that is explosed of all men. Thus much Jerome.
As touching the time and order of the death and Martyrdom of S. Paul, as Eusebius, Jerome, Maximus and other authors do but briefly pass over: So Abdias (if his book be of any substātial authority) speaking more largely of the same doth say: that after the crucifying of Peter, & the ruin of Simon Magus, Paul yet remaining in free custody, was dimissed and delivered at that time from Martyrdom by God's permission, that all the Gentiles might be replenished with preaching of the Gospel by him.
And the same Abdias proceeding in his story, declareth moreover, that as Paul was thus occupied at Rome, he was accused to the Emperor, not only for teaching new doctrine, but also for stirring up sedition against the Empire. For this he being called before Nero, and demanded to show the order and manner of his doctrine, there declared what his doctrine was, to teach all men peace and charity how to love one another, how to prevent one another in honor, rich mē not to be puffed in pride, nor to put their trust in their treasures, but in the living God. Mean men to be contented with food and raiment, and with their present state. Poor mē to rejoice in their poverty with hope. Fathers to bring up their children in the fear of God. Children to obey their parents. Husbandes to love their wives. Wives to be subject unto their husbands. Citizens and subjects to give their tribute unto Caesar and to be subject to their magistrates. Masters to be courteous not currish to their servants. Servants to deal faithfully with their masters. And this to be the sum of his teaching, which his doctrine he received not of men nor by men, but by Jesus Christ, and the father of glory, which spake to him from heaven, the Lord Jesus saying to him, that he should go and preach in his name, and that he would be with him, and would be the spirit of life to all that believed in him, and that whatsoever he did or said, he would justify it, &c. After that Paul had thus declared unto the Emperor, shortly after sentence of death was pronounced against him, that he should be headed. Unto whose execut • ō then Nero sent two of his Esquiers Ferega, and Parthemius to bring him word of his death. They coming to Paul, instructing then the people, desired him to pray for them that they might believe. Who told them that shortly after they should believe, and be baptized at his Sepulcher (as Abdias writeth. ) This done, the soldiers came and led him out of the City to the place of execution, where he after his prayers made, gave his neck to the sword. Abdias reporteth, that as his head was strokē off, instead of blood issued out white milk, and that at laying down his head he signed himself with the sign of a cross in his forehead, but this being found in no other history, Abdias seemeth either to add of his own, or else to borrow out of the Legend as he doth many other things beside, whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Although the same miracle of milk flowing out of his neck, is referred also unto Ambrose, who in his sermon 68. (if it be not counterfaited) seemeth to affirm the same. Of the time and year when these blessed Apostles did suffer, histories do not all agree. They that follow the commō opinion, and the Popes decrees say, that both Peter and Paul suffered both in one day and in one year, which opinion seemeth to be taken out of Dionysius bishop of Corinth. Jerome in his book De viris illustr. affirmeth that they suffered both in one day, but he expresseth not the year. So doth Isodorus and Eusebius. Simon Metaphrastes bringeth in the opinion of some, which think that Paul suffered not with Peter, but after Peter. Prudentius in his Peristephanō, noteth that they both were put to death upon the same day, but not in the same yere, and saith that Paul followed Peter a year after.
Abdias above mentioned, recordeth that Paul suffered two years after Peter. Moreover, if it be true which Abdias saith, that after the crucifiyng of Peter, Paul remained in his fyare custody at Rome, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, which was as Jerome witnesseth the 3. or 4. yere of Nero, then must it be x. year betwixt the Martyrdom of Peter and of Paul, for as much as it is by all writers confessed, that Paul suffered the 14. year, which was the last year of Nero. And so Abdias seemeth neither to agree with other authors, nor with himself. And thus much of the first persecution.
The second Persecution.
THe first Romaine persecution beginning under Nero, as is aforesaid, ceased under Vespasianus who gave some rest to the poor Christians. After whose reign was moved not long after the second persecution, by the Emperor Domitian brother of Titus. Of whom Eusebius and Orosius so write, that he first beginning mildly, afterward did so far outrage in pride intolerable, that he commanded himself to be worshipped as God, and that images of gold and silver in his honor should be set up in Capitolio. The chiefest nobles of the Senators, either upon envy, or for their goods, he caused to be put to death, some openly, and some he sent into banishment, there causing them to be slain privily.
And as his tyranny was immeasurable, so the intemperance of his life was no less. He put to death all the nephews of Judah, called the Lord's brother, and caused to be sought out, and to be slain all that could be found of the stock of David (as Vespasian also did before him) for fear least he were yet to come of the house of David, which should enjoy the kingdom. In the time of this persecutor, Simeon Bishop of Jerusalem, after other torments, was crucified to death, whom Iustus afterward succeeded in that Bishopprike.
In this persecution John the Apostle and Evangelist was exiled by the said Domitianus into Patmos. Of whō diverse and sundry memorable acts, be reported in sundry Chronicles. As first how he was put in a vessel of boiling Oile, by the Proconsul of Ephesus. The Legend and Perionius say, it was done at Rome. Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few words, declareth that he turned certain pieces of wood into gold, and stones by the seaside into Margarites, to satisfy the desire of two, whom he had before persuaded to renounce their riches: And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure, they had lost heaven, for their sakes again he changed the same into their former substance. Also, how he raised up a widow and a certain young man from death to life. How he drunk poison, and it hurt him not, raising also to life two which had drunk the same before. These and such other miracles, although they may be true, & are found in Isidorus & other writers mo, yet because they are no articles of our Christian belief, I let them pass, and only content myself with that which I read in Eusebius, declaring of him in this wise: That in the 14. year after Nero, in the second persecution, in the days of Domitian, John was banished into Patmos for the testimony of the word, an. 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slain, & his acts repealed by the Senate, John was again released under Pertinax the Emperor, & came to Ephesus, an. 100. Where he continued until the time of Traianus, & there governed the Churches in Asia, where also he wrote his Gospel, and so lived till the year after the Passion of our Lord, 68. which was the year of his age. 99.
Moreover, in the foresaid Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, we read that John the Apostle and Evangelist, whō the Lord did love, was in Asia, where he being returned out of Patmos, after the death of Domitian, governed the Churches and congregations. Irenaeus in his second book thus writeth: And of him all the Elders do witness, which were with John the Disciple of the Lord in Asia, that he spake and wrote these things, &c. for there he continued with them unto the time of Traianus, &c. Also the said Irenaeus, Lib. 3. Hypothes. in like words declareth, saying: The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul, afterward being confirmed of John, (who continued in the same City unto the time of Traianus the Emperor) is a true witness of this Apostolical tradition, &c. Clemens Alexandrinus moreover noteth, both the time of this holy Apostle, and also addeth to the same a certain history of him, not unworthy to be remembered of such which delight in things honest and profitable. Of the which history Sozomenus also in his Commentaries maketh mention. The words of the author setting forth this history, be these: Hear a fable, and not a fable, but a true report which is told us of John the Apostle, delivered and commended to our remembrance. After the death of the tyrant, whē John was returned to Ephesus, from the I will of Patmos: he was desired to resort to the places bordering near unto him, partly to constitute bishops, partly to dispose the causes and matters of the church, partly to ordain and set such, of the Clergy in office, whom the holy ghost should elect. Wherupon, when he was come to a certain city not far of, the name of which also, many do yet remember, and had among other things comforted the brethren, he looking more earnestly upon him which was the chief bishop among them, beheld a young man mighty in body, and of a beautiful countenance, and of a fervent mind. I commend this man (saith he) to thee with great diligence, in the witness here of Christ and of the Church.
When the Bishop had received of him this charge, and had promised his faithful diligence therein. Agayne the second time John spake unto him and desired him in like manner and contestatiō as before. This done, John returneth again to Ephesus. The Bishop receiving the young man, commonded & commicteth to his charge, brought him home, kept him and nourished him, and at length also did illuminate, (that is) he baptized him. And in short time through his diligence, brought him into such order and towardness, that he committed unto him the oversight of a certain cure in the Lord's behalf. The young man thus having more his liberty, it chanced that certain of his companions & old familiars being idle, dissolute, & accustomed of old time to wickedness, did join in company with him. Who first brought him to sumptuous & riotous banquets. Then enticed him forth with them in the night to rob and steal. After that, he was allured by thē unto greater mischief and wickedness. Wherein by custom of time by little and little, he being more practiced, and being of a good wit, and a stout courage, like unto a wild or an vnbrokē horse, leaving the right way & running at large without bridle, was carried headlong to the profundity of all misorder and outrage. And thus being past all hope of grace, utterly forgetting and rejecting the wholesome doctrine of saluatiō, which he had learned before, began to set his mind upon no small matters. And forasmuch as he was entered so far in the way of perdition, he cared not how further he proceeded in the same. And so associating unto him the company of his companions, and fellow thieves, took upon him to be as head and captain among them, in committing all kind of murder and felony.
In the mean time it chanced, that of necessity John was sent for to those quarters again, and came. The causes being decided, and his business ended, for the which he came, by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified, requireth of him the pledge, which in the witness of Christ and of the congregation then present, he left in his hands to keep. The bishop something amazed at the words of John, supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody, which he had not received, and yet durst not mistrust John, nor contrary his words could not tell what to answer. Then John perceiving his doubting, and uttering his mind more plainly: The young man (saith he) and the soul of our brother committed to your custody, I do require. Then the bishop with a loud voice, sorrowing and weeping, said, he is dead: to whom John said, how? And by what death? The other said, he is dead to God: for he is become an evil man, and pernicious, to be brief, a thief: & now he doth frequent this mountain with a company of villains and thieves, like unto himself against the Church. But the Apostle renting his garments, and with great lamentation, said, I have lett a good keeper of my brothers soul. Get me a horse, and let me have a guide with me, which being done, his horse and man procured, hasted from the Church as much as he could, and coming to the same place, was taken of thieves y t watched. But he neither flying, nor refusing said: I came for this same cause hither, lead me (said he) to your captain. So he being brought, the captain all armed, fiercely begā to look upon him. And eftsoons coming to the knowledge of him, was stricken with confusion and shame, and began to fly. But the old man followed him as much as he might, forgetting his age and crying: My son, why doest thou fly from thy father? an armed man, from one naked, a young man, from an old man. Have pity on me my son, and fear not, for there is yet hope of salvation, I will make an answer for thee unto Christ, I will die for thee if need be, as Christ hath died for us. I will give my life for thee, believe me, Christ hath sent me. He hearing these things, first as in a mase stood still, and therewith his courage was abated. After that he cast down his weapons, by and by he trembled, yea and wept bitterly: and coming to the old man, embraced him, and spake unto him with weeping (as well as he could) being even then baptized a fresh with tears, only his right hand being hid and covered. Then the Apostle, after that he had promised and firmly ascertained him that he should obtain remission of our Savior, and also prayed falling down upon his knees, & kissed his murdering right hand, which for shame he durst not show before: as now purged through repentance, brought him to the congregation, and when he had prayed for him with continual prayer and daily fastings, and had comforted and confirmed his mind with many sentences, went not from him (as the author reporteth) before he had restored him to the congregation again, and made him a great example and trial of regeneration, and a token of the visible resurrection.
Moreover, the foresaid Irenaeus in Lib. 3. cap. 3. and Eusebius, Lib. 3. cap 28. and Lib. 4. cap. 14. prosecuting the history of John, declare in these words, saying, that there were certain which heard Polycarpus say; that John the disciple of our Lord, going into Ephesus to be washed, seeing Corinthus within, he leaped out of the bathe vnbathed, because he feared the bathe should have fallen, seeing that Cerinthus an enemy to the truth, was within. Such fear had the Apostles (saith Irenaeus ) that they would not communicate a word with them that adulterate the truth.
And forasmuch as we are here in hand with the story of John the blessed Evangelist, cometh in matter and occasion, not givē by him, but takē of other, of a great doubt and difficulty, such as hath occupied all the Catholic, subtle, illuminate, and seraphicall Doctors of the Popes Catholic Church, these 500. years. The difficulty is this: that for so much as auricular confession hath been, & is yet received in the Popes Catholic Church for an holy and necessary Sacrament, extending universally to all & singular creatures Christian. Here then riseth a question, who was our Ladies confessor, or ghostly father? But that is decreed and confessed with full consent of all the Catholics to be S. John. Whosoever denieth or doubteth of this, is straight ways ipso facto an heretic. This then so determined, ariseth another question or doubt, that seeing our Lady was without all original sin, and also actual or mortal: what need then had she of any Confessor? or what should she confess unto him? For if she had confessed any sin, when she had none: then had she made herself a liar, & so had sinned in deed. Here therefore gentle Reader, in this perplexity, these our illuminate Doctors stand in need of thine aid, to help at a pinch. Magnus Albertus y e great divine, denieth not, but that she in deed, although most pure, yet was confessed to her ghostly father, to keep the observances of the law, appointed for such as had that need, which she had not. And therefore (saith he) necessary it was that she should confess with mouth. But then here is to be asked, what did she say in her confession, when she had nothing to confess? To this Albertus answereth again, and telleth us plainly what she said in her confessiō which was this: that she had received that great grace, not ex condigno, that is, not of any dignity of her own, but yet notwithstanding of congruity. And this was it (saith Albert ) that she said in her confession. Albert cap. 74. super Euang. Missus est, &c.
Moreover, to help this case out of all doubt, cometh in famous Thomas of Watring, & thus looseth the knot, much after like effect, saying: that as Christ, although he did owe nothing to the law, yet notwithstanding received he Circumcision, to give to other example of humility and obedience: In like manner would our Lady show her self obedient to the obseruaunce of the law, albeit there was no cause, why she had any need thereof. And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) this doubtful questiō moved and soluted, to the intent I would reveal to thee some part of the deep divinity of our Catholic Masters, that have ruled and governed the Church in these their late Popish days.
But breaking of this matter, to return again where we left, that is, to this foresaid 2. persecutiō under Domitianus. In which persecution besides these afore mentioned, and many other innumerable godly Martyrs, suffering for the like testimony of y e Lord Jesus, was Flauia y e daughter of Flauius Clemens, one of the Romaine Consuls, which Flauia with many other was banished out of Rome into the Isle Pontia, for the testimony of the Lord Jesus by the Emperor, Domitianus, Euseb. Lib. 3.
This Domitianus feared the coming of Christ as Herod did, & therefore commanded them to be killed which were of the stock of David in Jewry. There were remaining alive at that time certain of the Lord's kindred, which were the nephews of Jude, that was called the Lord's brother after the flesh. These when the Lieuetenāt of Jewry had brought up to Domitian to be slain: the Emperor demanded of thē, whether they were of the stock of David: which when they had granted, he asked again, what possessions, and what substance they had. They answered, y t they both had no more between them in all, but xxxix. acres of ground, & how they gat their living & sustained their families with the hard labors of their hands showing forth their hands unto the Emperor, being hard and roughworne with labors, to witness that to be true which they had spoken. Then the Emperor inquiring of them concerning the kingdom of Christ, what manner of kingdom it was, how and when it should appear: they answered that his kingdom was no worldly nor terren thing, but an heavenly and Aungelicall kingdom, & that it should appear in the consummation & end of the world what time he coming in glory, should judge the quick and the dead, and render to everyone according to his deseruinges. Domitian, the Emperor hearing this (as the saying is) did not condemn them, but despising them as vile persons, let them go, & also staid the persecution then moved against the Christians. They being thus discharged and dismissed, afterward had the government of Churches, being taken for Martyrs, and as of the Lord's stock, and so consumed in good peace till the time of Traianus. Haec Egesip. & Euseb Lib. 3. cap. 20.
By this story here recited may appear, what were the causes why the Emperors of the Romaine Monarchy did so persecute the Christians: which causes were chiefly these: fear, and hatred: 1. fear, for that the Emperors and Senate of blind ignorance, not knowing the manner of Christ's kingdom, feared and misdoubted least the same would subvert their Emperie. Like as the Pope thinkeeh now that this Gospel will overthrow his kingdom of majesty. And therefore sought they all means possible, how by death and all kinds of torments utterly to extinguish the name and memory of the Christians. And thereupon seemeth to spring the old law of the Romaine Senate: Non debere dimitti Christianos qui semel ad tribunal venissent, nisi propositum mutent. i. That the Christians should not be let go, which were once brought to the judgment seat, except they changed their purpose, &c. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21.2. Hatred, partly for that this world of his own natural condition hath ever hated and maliced the people of god, from the first beginning of the world. Partly again, for that the Christians being of a contrary nature and Religion, serving only the true living God, despised their false gods, spake against their idolatrous worshippings, and many times stopped the power of Satan, working in their Idols. And therefore Satan the Prince of this world, stirred up the Romaine Princes & blind Idolaters to bear the more hatred and spite against them.
Upon these causes and such like, rose up these malicious slanders, false surmises, infamous lies & slanderous accusations, of the Heathen idolaters against the Christian servants of God, which incited the Princes of this world the more to persecute them: for what crimes so ever malice could invent, or rash suspicion could minister, that was imputed to the Christians, as that they were a people incestuous, that in the night in their concourses, putting out their candles, they ran together in all filthy manner, that they killed their own children, that they used to eat man's flesh, that they were seditious and rebellious, that they would not swear by the fortune & prosperity of Caesar, that they would not adore the Image of Caesar in the market place, that they were pernicious to the Emperie of Rome. Briefly, whatsoever mishappened to the City or Provinces of Rome, either famine, pestilence, earthquake, wars, wonders, unseasonableness of weather, or what other evils soever happened, it was imputed to the Christians, as Justinus recordeth. Ouer and beside all these, a great occasion that stirred up the Emperors against the Christians came by one Publius Tarquinius the chief Prelate of the idolatrous sacrifices, and Mamertinus the chief governor of the City, in the time of Traianus, who partly with money, partly with sinister and pestilent counsa •• e, partly with infamous accusations (as witnesseth Nauclerus ) incensed the mind of the Emperor so much against God's people.
Also among these other causes abovesaid, crept in some piece of covetousness withal (as in all other things it doth) in that the wicked promooters and accusers for sucre sake, to have the possessions of the Christians, were the more ready to accuse them to have the spoil of their goods.
Thus hast thou (Christian reader) first the causes declared of these persecutions. 2. The cruel law of their condemnation. 3. Now hear more what was the form of inquisition, which was (as is witnessed in the second Apology of Justinus ) to this effect: that they should swear to declare the truth, whether they were in very deed Christians or not: and if they confessed then by the law the sentence of death proceeded. Just. Apol. 2.
Neither yet were these tyrants and organs of Sathā thus contented with death only, to bereave the life from the body. The kinds of death were diverse, and no less horrible then diverse. Whatsoever the cruelnesse of man's invention could devise for the punishment of man's body, was practiced against the Christians (as partly I have mentioned before, and more appeareth by the Epistle sent from the brethren of France, hereafter following. Craftie trains, outcries of enemies, imprisonments, stripes and scourgings, drawings, tearings, stonings, plates of iron laid to them burning hot, deep dungeons, racks, strangling in prisons, the teeth of wild beasts, gridirons, gibbets and gallows, tossing upon the horns of Bulls: Moreover, whē they were thus killed, their bodies laid in heaps, and dogs there left to keep them, that no man might come to bury them, neither would any prayer obtain them to be interred and buried. Ex Epistola fratrum Viennensium ac Lugdunensium. &c.
And yet notwithstanding for all these continual persecutions, and horrible punishments, the church of the Christians daily increased, deeply rooted in the doctrine of the Apostles, and of men Apostolical, and watered plenteously with the blood of Saints, as saith Nicephorus. Tib. 3.
Whereof let us hear the worthy testimony of Justinus Martyr in his Dialogue with Tripheus : And that none (saith he) can terrify or remove us which believe in Jesus, by this it daily appeareth: for when we are slain, crucified, cast to wild beasts, into the fire, or given to other torments, yet we go not from our confession: but contrary, the more cruelty and slaughter is wrought against us, the mo they be that come to piety and faith by the name of Jesus: no otherwise then if a man cut the vine tree, the better the branches grow. For the vine tree planted by God and Christ our Savior, is his people. Haec Just.
To comprehend the names and number of all the Martyrs that suffered in all these ten persecutions (which are innumerable) as it is impossible, so it is hard in such variety and diversity of matter, to keep such a perfect order and course of years and times, that either some be not left out, or that everyone be reduced into his right place, especially seeing the Authors themselves, whom in this present work we follow, do diversely disagree, both in the times, in the names, and also in the kind of Martyrdom of them that suffered. As for example, where the common reading and opinion of the Church, and the Epistles Decretal do take Anacletus to succeed after Clement, next before Euaristus. Contrary Eusebius, Lib. 3. & Lib. 5. cap 6. making no mention of Cletus, but of Anacletus, saith that Euaristus succeeded next to Clement. Likewise Ruffinus and Epiphanius, speaking nothing of Anacletus, make mention of Linus and of Cletus, next before Clement, but say nothing of Anacletus, whereby it may appear that Cletus and Anacletus were both one. Sabellicus Aenead. 7. Lib. 2. speaketh of Linus and of Cletus, and saith that they were ordained helpers under Peter, while he labored in his Apostleship abroad, and so saith also Marianus Scotus. Contrary Irenaeus Lib. 3. contra Haeres. speaketh of Anacletus, making no mention of Cletus. Whereby it may appear by the way, what credit is to be given to the Decretal Epistles whom all the latter histories of the Popes Church do follow in this behalf, &c. Moreover, where Antoninus, Vincentius, Jacobus in Supplemento, Symoneta, Aloysius, with other, declare of Linus, Cletus, Clemens, Anacletus, Euaristus, Alexander, bishops of Rome, that they died Martyrs. Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical history writing of them, maketh thereof no mention.
And first as touching Clement (whom Marianus Scotus calleth the first Bishop of Rome after Peter) they say that he was sent out in banishment of Traianus, beyond Ponticus, with 2000. Christians, where he opened to them a wellspring, which in the wilderness were condemned to the Mines. Afterward being accused to the Emperor, he was thrown into the sea with a Milstone fastened about his neck, and that not long after his body was cast up & buried (as Platina saith) at the place where the well was made. Some say it was found first in the days of Pope Nicholas the first, Fascicul. tempor. But forasmuch as I find of his Martyrdom no firm relation in the ancient authors, but only in such new writers of latter times, which are wont to painte out the lives and histories of good men, with feigned additions offorged miracles, therefore I count the same of less credit, as I do also certain Decretal Epistles, untruly (as may seem) ascribed and entitled to his name. Eusebius in his third book, writing of Clemens, giveth no more of him, but thus: After he had governed the Church of Rome ix. years, the said Clement left y e succession thereof to Euaristus.
Of which Euaristus next Bishop of Rome, thus we find in Irenaeus, Lib 3. cap. 3. Peter and Paul (saith he) committed the charge of that church to Linus. After whom came Anacletus, then succeeded Clemens, next to Clemens followed Euaristus, after whom came Alexander, and then Sixtus the vi. Bishop of Rome after the Apostles. After Sixtus sat Telesphorus, then Higinus, then Pius, then Ani • etus. And when Soter took the place after him, then the xii. Bishop of Rome was Eleutherius. Thus after Clement followed (as is said) Euaristus in the second or third year of Traianus as saith Eusebius, or as Nicephorus saith, the fourth year of the said Emperor. But howsoever the count of the years stand, little or nothing remaineth of the Acts and Monuments either of this, or of other Bishops of Rome in those days. Whereby it may appear that no great accompt was then made of Romain Bishops in those dais, whose acts and deeds were then either so lightly reputed, or so slenderly committed to history. Notwithstanding certain Decretal Epistles are remaining, or rather thrust upon us in their names, containing in them little substance of any doctrine, but all together stuffed with laws, injunctions, and stately decrees, little to the purpose, and less sauoring of the nature of that time then present. Amongest whō also are numbered the two epistles of this Euaristus. And when he had given these orders, & had made vi. Priests, two Deacons, and five Bishops, for sundry places (saith the story,) he suffered Martyrdom, but what kind of death, for what cause he suffered, what constancy he shown what was the order or conversation of his life, is nothing touched, and seemeth therefore the more to be doubted that which our new histories do say: because the old ancient writers have no remembrance thereof, which otherwise would not have passed such things over in silence, if they had been true. Agayne, neither do the authors fully agree in the time of his martyrdom, which Nauclerus witnesseth to be in the last yere of Traianus : but Platina thinketh rather that he suffered under. Hadrianus: Fascicul temporum, referreth it to the third year of Hadrian, Volateranus, to the beginning of the reign of Hadrian, Contrary, Eusebius, coming near to the simple truth (as seemeth) doth affirm that Euaristus succeeded Clement in the third year of Traianus, and so giving to him .ix. years, it should follow thereby that Euaristus deceased the xii. year of Trianus.
After whom succeeded next Alexander, in the governance of that Church, of whose time & death the like discrepance is among the writers, Marianus Scotus, saith, he was the fourth Bishop from Peter, but that could not be. Some say he was the sixth & some the vii. but they likewise were deceived. For the most part all do grant Sixtus to be the vi. Damasus affirmeth that he was in the reign of Traiane. And how can that be, when the said Damasus affirmed before that Euaristus his predecessor suffered in the last year of Traiane, and then the Byshopricke stood at least a month void, except he mean that the said Alexander succeeded Euaristus in the last year of Traianus ? But then how can that stand with Bede and Marianus Scotus, which say, that he suffered under Traianus, or with Otto Frisingensis, which saith he suffered the fourth year of Hadrian, whē he had been Bishop ten years, by the general consent of most writers?
They which write of the deeds and doings of this blessed Bishop, as Bergomensis, Antoninus, Equelinus and such as follow them, declare that he had converted a great part of the Senators to the faith of Christ, amongst whom was Hermes a great man in Rome, whose son being dead, Alexander raised again to life, and likewise restored sight to his maid being blind. Hadrian the Emperor then absent hearing this, sent word to Aurelianus governor of Rome, to apprehend Alexander, with Euentius and Theodulus, otherwise called Theodorus, as Platina saith, his two Deacons, and Hermes, and to commit them to ward with