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Acts and Monuments Volume 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 2,808,142 words · 12481 min

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Project Note

This is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.

The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.

This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.

Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.

However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.

This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.

Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org

ACTS and Monuments of matters most special and memorable, happenyng in the Church, with an Universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true Martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by Heathen Emperors, as now lately practiced by Romish Prelates, especially in this Realm of England and Scotland.

Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious Reader, by the Author (through the help of Christ our Lord) JOHN FOXE, which desireth thee good Reader to help him with thy Prayer.


APOC. VII.

Salus sedenti super thronum & agno.

An. 1583. Men's. Octobr.




The Calendar.

January hath 31. days. The Moon xxx. Days of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
3 A 1 Circumcision.
b 2 John Wycliffe Preacher, Martyr. 1387
11 c 3 I. Aston confess. 1382
d 4 William Sawtry priest Martyr. 1400
19 e 5 Swinderby a priest, martyr.
8 f 6 Epiphany.
g 7 Sir Rog. Acton knight, Martyr. 1401
16 A 8 John Brown Gentlemā Martyr. 1413
5 b 9 John Beuerley preacher Martyr. 1413
c 10 Richard Silbecke martyr. 14 1413
13 d 11 John Castellaue Doctor, Martyr. 12 1521
2 e 12 Tho. Whittle Minister, Martyr. 27 1525
f 13 Bartlet Green Gentleman, Martyr. 27 1556
10 g 14 John Tudson, Martyr. 27 1556
A 15 Thomas Went, Martyr. 27 1556
18 b 16 Thomas Brown, martyr. 27 1556
Isabel Foster, Martyr. 27 1556
7 c 17 Joan Warne, alias Lashford, Martyr. 27 1556
d 18 John Lomas, Martyr. 31 1556
15 e 19 Anne Albright, alias Champnes, Martyr. 31 1556
4 f 20 Joan Catmer, Martyr. 31 1556
Agnes Snoth, Martyr. 31 1556
g 21 Joan Sole, Martyr. 31 1556
12 A 22 William Waterer, martyr. 15 1556
Conuer. of Paul. 15
1 b 23 Stephen Kempe, Martyr. 15 1557
William Hay, Martyr. 15 1557
c 24 Thomas Hudson, Martyr. 15 1557
9 d 25 William Lowicke, martyr. 15 1557
e 26 William Prouting martyr. 1557
17 f 27 Nicholas Final, Martyr. 1557
6 g 28 Math. Bradbrige Martyr. 16
A 29
14 b 30 John Philpot, Martyr. 1557
3 c 31 Thomas Stevens, martyr.

February hath 28. days. The Moon xxix. Daies of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
d 1 William Thorpe priest, confessor. 1407
11 e 2 Purification of our Lady.
19 f 3 John Claidon, Martyr. 1413
8 g 4 Richard Turmine, martyr. 1413
A 5 Zizka a confessor. 1416
16 b 6 Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, Martyr. 1418
5 c 7 Richard Houeden, martyr. 1430
d 8 Thomas Bagley priest, Martyr. 1431
Paul Crawes, Martyr. 1431
13 e 9 Thomas Rhedon. Martyr. 1436
2 f 10 Reynold Pecocke bishop, confessor. 1457
g 11 Sir Roger Onley knight Martyr. 1441
10 A 12 Elenor Cobham gentlewoman, confessor.
b 13 Mother of the lady Yong Martyr. 1490
18 c 14 Thomas Norice, Martyr. 1507
7 d 15 Thomas Eckles Martyr. 1510
e 16 Thomas Bungay Martyr. 1511
15 f 17 D. Martin Luther, confessor. 18 1546
4 g 18 Pope of Eay, Martyr. 1512
A 19 Peake, Martyr. 1512
12 b 20 George Carpenter, martyr. 8 1527
1 c 21 John Rogers Preacher, Martyr. 4 1555
d 22 Laurence Sanders Preacher, Martyr. 8 1555
9 e 23 John Hooper Bishoppe, Martyr. 9 1555
f 24 Mathias Apostle.
17 g 25 Rowland Tailor Doctor Martyr. 9 1555
6 A 26 Robert Farrar Bishoppe, Martyr. 22 1555
b 27 Agnes Potten, Martyr. 19 1556
14 c 28 Trunchfields wife, martyr. 19 1556

March hath 31. days. The Moon xxx. Days of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
3 d 1 William Taylor Martyr. 2 1422
e 2 John Weselianus a doctor, Martyr. 1479
11 f 3 Doctor Ueselus, alias Basilius, confessor. 1490
g 4 Henry Sudphen, Martyr. 1524
19 A 5 John Hougley, Martyr. 1526
8 b 6 Petrus Flestedius, martyr. 1528
c 7 Adolphus Clabachus, Martyr. 1528
16 d 8 Patrick Hamelton martyr. 1528
5 e 9 Thomas Hitton, Martyr. 1530
f 10 Thomas Bilney, Martyr. 1531
13 g 11 Dany Foster, Mar. 1531
2 A 12 Edward Freese, confessor. 1531
b 13 Ualentine Freese and his wife, Mar.
10 c 14 Father Bate, confess. 1531
d 15 Rawlin White, Mar. 5 1555
18 e 16 Thom. Tomkins, Martyr. 15 1555
7 f 17 Thomas Higbed gentleman, Mar. 25 1555
g 18 Thomas Cawson Gentleman, Mar. 25 1555
15 A 19 William Hunter, Martyr. 25 1555
4 b 20 William Pigot, Martyr. 28 1555
c 21 Stephen Knight, Martyr. 28 1555
12 d 22 John Laurence Minister Martyr. 29 1555
1 e 23 Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Martyr. 21 1556
f 24 Robert Spicer, Martyr. 24 1356
9 g 25 Annuntiation of our Lady.
A 26 Williā Coberley, Martyr. 24 1556
17 b 27 Maundrell, Mar. 24 1556
6 c 28 Rich. Crashfield, Martyr. 15 1557
d 29 Cuthbert Simpsō, martyr. 28 1558
14 e 30 Hugh Fox, Mar. 28 1558
3 f 31 John Deuennish, Martyr. 28 1558

April hath 30. days. The Moon xxix. Daies of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
g 1 Robert Hatches Martyr.
Archer Martyr. 4 1519
Hawkins Martyr.
11 A 2 Thomas Bound, Martyr. 4 1519
b 3 Wrigsham Martyr. 4 1519
19 c 4 Lansdale Martyr. 4 1519
8 d 5 Maystres Smith Widow Martyr. 4 1519
16 e 6 James Baynham Gentleman Martyr. 30 1532
5 f 7 John Awcocke Confessor. 2 1555
g 8 George Marsh Preacher Martyr. 24 1555
13 A 9 William Flower Minister Martyr. 24 1555
2 b 10 Robert Drakes Minister, Martyr. 24 1556
c 11 Thomas Tyms Martyr: 24 1556
10 d 12 Richard Spurge Martyr. 24 1556
e 13 Thomas Spurge Martyr.
18 f 14 John Cauell Martyr. 24 1556
7 g 15 George Ambrose Martyr. 24 1556
A 16 I. Harpole Martyr. Joan Bech Martyr. 1 1556
15 b 17 John Hullier Minister, Martyr. 2 1556
4 c 18 Christopher Lister Minister, Martyr. 28 1556
d 19 John Mace Martyr. 28 1556
12 e 20 John Spencer Martyr. 28 1556
Simon Join Martyr. 28 1556
1 f 21 Richard Nicholl Martyr. 28 1556
g 22 John Hamond Martyr. 28 1556
9 A 23 S. George Martyr.
b 24 Thomas Loseby Martyr. 12 1556
17 c 25 Mark Evangelist.
6 d 26 Henry Ramsey Martyr. 12 1557
e 27 Thomas Thyrtle Martyr. 12 1557
4 f 28 Margaret Hyde Martyr. 12 1557
g 29 Agnes Stanley Martyr. 12 1557
A 30 William Nicholl Martyr. 1558

May hath 31. days. The Moon xxx. Days of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
11 b 1 Phillip and Jacob Apostles.
c 2 John Hus, Martyr. 1415
19 d 3 Hieronymus Sauonarola, Martyr. 23 1499
8 e 4 Dominike, Martyr. 23 1499
f 5 Sylvester, Martyr. 23 1499
16 g 6 Frier Roy, Mar. 1531
Rob. Kyng, mar. 1532
5 A 7 Robert Debnam, Martyr. 1532
b 8 Nicholas Marsh, Martyr. 1532
13 c 9 〈◊〉 Cardmaker, alias Taylor, Preacher Martyr. 31 1555
2 d 10
e 11 John Warne, mar. 31 1555
10 f 12 Margaret Ellis, confessor. 13 1556
g 13 Hugh La erocke, Martyr. 15 1556
18 A 14 John Apprice, mar. 15 1556
7 b 15 Katherine Hut Widow, Martyr. 16 1556
c 16 Elizab. Thackuell, martyr. 16 1556
15 d 17 Ione Horns, mar. 16 1556
4 e 18 A blind boy and another with him, mar. 5 1556
f 19 Thomas Spycer, Martyr. 21 1556
12 g 20 John Denny, mar. 21 1556
1 A 21 William Poole, Martyr. 21 1556
John Slesh, confessor. 30 1556
b 22 William Norant, Martyr. 29 1557
9 c 23
d 24 Stephen Gratwike, martyr. 29 1557
17 e 25 John Thurstone, confessor. 1557
6 f 26 William Seaman, martyr. 19 1558
g 27 Thomas Carman, martyr. 19 558
14 A 28 Thomas Hudson, Martyr. 19 1558
3 b 29 William Harries, Martyr. 26 1558
c 30 Rich. Day, mar. 26 1558
11 d 31 Christian George, Martyr. 26 1558

June hath 30. days. The Moon xxix. Days of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
e 1 〈…〉 , martyr. 1 1416
19 f 2 Anne Askew, Martyr. John. Lassels, gent. Mar. Nich. Belman, Mar. 1546
8 g 3 Tho. Hawkes, Mar. Tho. Wa tes, Mar. •• 1555
16 A 4 John Simplon, Mar. John Ardl y, Mar. Nic. Chamberlain, mar. 14 1555
5 b 5 Tho. Hosmond, mar. W. Bramford, Mar. Tho. Harland, Mar. 15 1555
c 6 John Osward, Mar. Tho. Read, Mar. 6 1556
13 d 7 Tho. Abington, Mar. Tho. Wood, minist. Mar. Tho. Milles, Mar. 20 1556
2 e 8 Will. Adherall Minister, confessor. 23 1556
John Clement, confess. 25 1556
f 9 A merchants servant, Martyr. 26
10 g 10 H. Adlington, mar. Lau. P •• nam, mar. Hen. Wic, mar. 27 1556
A 11 W. Halliwell, mar. 27 1556
Th. Bowyer, mar. George Serle, mar. 27
18 b 12 Edm. Hurst, mar. 27 1556
Lion Cawch, mar. Rafe Jackson, mar. 27
7 c 13 John. Derifall, mar. John Roth. mar. 1556
d 14 Eliz. Pepper, mar. 27
Agnes George, mar. Tho. Parret, confess. 27 1556
15 e 15 Hunt & Ambrose, confess. John. Morice, confess. 28 1556
4 f 16 Rog. Bernard, mar. 29 1556
Adam Foster, mar. Rob. Lawson, mar. 30 1556
g 17 Walter Apleby & Petronill his wife, mar. 18 1557
12 A 18 Edm. Allen, and Katharine his wife, mar. Io. Bradbrige, mar.
1 b 19 I. Manning, mar. Eliz. a blind maid, mar. Tho. Moore, mar. 18 1557
c 20 Nich. White, mar. Nich. Pard •• e, mar. 19 1557
9 d 21 I. Fishcocke, mar. Barbara Final, mar. Bradbriges wid. Mar.
e 22 Bendens wife, and Wilsons wife, Mar. 19 1557
17 f 23 Rich. Woodman, mar.
Nat. of S. John Bap.
6 g 24 G. Stephens, W. Mainard, Alexander Hosmans man, Martyrs. 22 1557
A 25 Tomasin a Woods maid, Margery Morice, I am. 22 1557
14 b 26 Morice son, Dennis Burgess, Asdowns wife, Groues wife, Martyrs.
3 c 27 Henry Pond, mar. R. Estland, mar. 27 1558
d 28 Ro. Southam, mar. Mat. Ricarby, mar.
Pete and Paul.
11 e 29 John Lloyd, mar. 27 1558
f 30 John Holyday, mar. Rog. Holland, mar.

July hath 31. days. The Moon xxx. Days of their death Yeare of our Lord.
19 g 1 Henry Uoz, Mar. John Esch, mar. 1522
8 A 2 〈…〉 Martyr. 4 1523
b 3 Andrew Hewet, Martyr.
16 c 4 Anthony Person, Martyr.
5 d 5 Robert Testwood, Martyr. H. Finnemore, mar. 18 1543
e 6 John Bradford preacher, Martyr. 1 1555
13 f 7
2 g 8 John Leafe, mar. John Polley, Mar.
A 9 Will. Ming Minister, Mar. Richard Hooke, Mar. 2 1555
10 b 10 John Blande Preacher, Mar. 12 1555
c 11 John Franke, mar. Humfrey Middleton, Mar. 12 1555
18 d 12 Nich. Shetterden, Martyr. 12 1555
7 e 13 William Dighel, Martyr.
f 14 Dirike Carver, mar. John Launder, mar. 2 1555
15 g 15 Thomas Iueson, Martyr. 3 1555
4 A 16 Nich. Hall, Mar.
b 17 John Alewoorth, confessor.
John Carelesse confessor. John Gwin, mar. 1 1556
12 c 18 Julius Palmer a school-master, and Askine, Martyrs. 6 1556
1 d 19 Katharine Cauches, and Parati e Massy, with her child not one hour old, and Guillemine Gilbert, Mar. 17 1556
e 20
9 f 21 Thomas Dungate, mar.
g 22 John Foreman, Martyr. 18 1556
17 A 23 Simon Miller, Mar. Elizabeth Cooper, Martyr. 13 1556
6 b 24 Mary Magdalene.
c 25 Richard Yeoman, Minister, mar. 10 1558
14 d 26 William Pikes, Mar. 14 1558
3 e 27 James Apostle.
f 28 Stephen Cotton, Martyr. 14 1558
John Slade, mar. 4 1558
11 g 29 Stephen Wight, Mar. Rob. Milles, mar. 14 1558
A 30 Rob. Dines, mar. 14 1558
19 b 31 Tho. Benbricke Gentleman, mar. 19 1558

August hath 31. days. The Moon xxx. Daies of their death. 〈…〉 our Lord.
8 c 1 Leonard Keyfer, Martyr. 16 1527
16 d 2 James Abbes, mar. 2 1555
5 e 3 John Demy Gentleman mar. 8 1555
f 4 John Newman, Martyr. 8 ibid.
13 g 5 Patrick Patingham, mar. 28 ibid.
2 A 6 Will. Coker, mar. 23 ibid.
Will. Hopper▪ mar. 23 ibid.
b 7 Henry Laurence, Martyr. 23 ibid.
10 c 8 Richard Collier, Martyr. 23 ibid.
d 9 William Steere, Martyr. 23 ibid.
18 e 10 Richard Wright, Martyr. 23 ibid.
7 f 11 Elizabeth Warne, martyr.
g 12 George Tankerfield, mart. 26 ibid.
15 A 13 Richard Smith, Martyr. 8 ibid.
4 b 14 8 ibid.
c 15 Stephen Horwood, martyr. 30 ibid.
Thomas Fusse. mar. 30 ibid.
12 d 16 William Hail, Martyr. 31 ibid.
e 17 Robert Samuel Preacher, mar. 31 1555
f 18 Joan Waste, Mar. 1556
9 g 19 William Bongeor, martyr. 2 1557
A 20 Robert Purtas, mar. 2 1557
17 b 21 Thomas Bennold, martyr. 2 1557
6 c 22 Agnes Siluerside, alias Smith, mar. 2 1557
d 23 Bartholomew Apostle.
14 e 24 Ellin Ewring, mar. 2 1557
3 f 25 Elizabeth Folkes maid, Martyr. 2 1557
g 26 William Munt, Martyr. 2 1557
11 A 27 Alice Munt, mar. 2 1557
19 b 28 Rose Allin, maid, Martyr. 2 1557
c 29 John Johnson, mar. George Egles, mar. 2 1557
8 d 30 One Frier and the said George Egles sister, Martyrs. 2 1557
e 31

September hath 30. dais The Moon xxix. Days of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
16 f 1 Father Abraham, Marsor. 1428
5 g 2 Williā Wright Priest, Martyr. 1428
A 3 John Waddon Priest, Martyr. 1428
1 b 4 Williā Gardener, Martyr. 1552
W. Allen, Mar. Tho. Cob, Martyr. 1556
2 c 5 Tho. Coo. Mar.
d 6 Will. Androw, confessor. 1555
•• e 7 Thomas King, confessor. ibid.
f 8 Thomas Leis, confessor. 5 ibid.
George Catmer, Martyr. 6 ibid.
•• g 9 Robert S rcate , Martyr.
A 10 Anthony Burward, martyr. ibid.
b 11 George Bradbrige, martyr. James Tutty, Mar. 6 ibid.
15 c 12 Thom. Hayward, Martyr. ibid.
4 d 13 I. Goreway, Mar. Rob. Glover, Mar. 20 ibid.
e 14 Cornelius Bungay, martyr.
12 f 15 Edw. Sharpe, mar. John Hart, mar. 8 1556
g 16 Tho. Rauensdale a sho maker, or a Currier, mar. 24 1556
A 17 John Horne and another woman, mar. 25 1556
b 18 John Kurd, mar. Cicelie Ormes, mar. 20 1556
Ioyce Lewys, mar. 23 1557
c 19 Rafe Allerton, mar. 10 1557
17 d 20 Richard Roth, mar. 17 1557
Matthew Apostle.
6 e 21 James Ansco and Margery his wife, mar. 17 1557
f 22 Agnes Bongeor, Martyr. 17 1557
g 23 Mar. Thurstone, Martyr. 1557
24 John Warren, mar.
b 25 Christi. Grouer, Martyr.
c 26 Thomas Athoth, Martyr. 1557
d 27 John Ashdone, Martyr. Thomas Spurdaunce, Mar. 1557
e 28
8 f 29 Michael Archangel.
g 30 John Fortune, Martyr. 1557

October hath 31. days The Moon xxx. their death Days of 〈1 paragraph〉
6 A 1 Bartholer Mi •• on, martyr. 1534
b 2 John de Burge a riche merchant, Mar. 1534
3 c 3 The receiver of Naunts Mar. 1534
d 4 Henry Poile, Mar. Catelle a schoolemaistres Martyr. 1534
15 4
e 5 Stephen de la Foarge, a merchant, Mar. 1134
10 f 6 1536
g 7 William Tyndale, Mar tyr.
18 A 8 William Leyton, Martyr. 1537
Puttedew, Mar. 1537
7 b 9 John. Lambert, alias Nicolson, Mar. 1538
c 10 Collins, Mar. Cowbrige, Mar. 1538
Peter a Germane, Martyr. 1539
15 d 11 1539
4 e 12 Launcellot, Mar. John a Painter, Mar. 1539
f 13 Giles German, Martyr. 1539
Robert Barns, Mar. 1539
12 g 14 Thomas Garrard, martyr. 1541
A 15 William Jerome, martyr.
b 16 William Wolsey, Martyr. 4 1555
9 c 17 Rob. Pigot, Mar. 4 1555
d 18 Luke Evangelist.
17 e 19 Nicholas Ridley Bishop▪ Martyr. 6 1555
6 f 20 Hugh Latimer Bishop, Martyr.
g 21 I. Web, gent. mar. George Roper, mar. 31 1555
14 A 22 Gregory Park, Martyr.
3 b 23 Adam Walls, mar. Mark Burgess, mar. 2 1551
c 24 William Hooker, Martyr. 1560
11 d 25 Simsō Priest, Beuerech Frier, Keyler black Frier. Dauy Strattō, gentleman, Norman Gorley Uicar of Dolor, a black Canon, with 4. other, martyrs
19 e 26
f 27
8 g 28 Simon and Jude.
A 29 Three died in prison at Cicester, confess. 18 1556
16 b 30 Mother Seaman, confessor. 1556
5 c 31 Mother Bennet, confessor. 1556

November hath 30. dais. The Moon xxix. Days of their death Yeare of our Lord.
d 1 The feast of all Saints.
e 2 Richard Mekings, martyr. 1541
2 f 3 Richard Spenser, Martyr. 1541
g 4 Andrew Hewet, Martyr. 1541
10 A 5 John Porter, confess. 1542
b 6 Thomas Bernard, martyr. 1542
18 c 7 James Morton, Martyr. 1542
7 d 8 George Wizard Gentleman, Mar. 1146
e 9 John Kirby, Mar. 1546
5 f 10 Roger Clarke, Mar. 1546
4 g 11 Richard Barfield, alias Somersam, Mar. 20 1531
A 12 John Clarke, confess. 1556
12 b 13 Dimstane Chittenden, confess. 1556
c 14 William Foster, Martyr. 1556
d 15 Alice Potkins, confessor. 1556
9 e 16 John Archer, confess. 1556
f 17 Hooke, Mar. 1556
17 g 18 John Hallingdale, Martyr. 18 1557
6 A 19 William Sparow, martyr. 18 1557
b 20 Richard Gybson Gentleman, Mar. 18 1557
14 c 21 Saunder Gouch, Martyr. 4 1558
3 d 22 Elizabeth Driuer, martyr. 4 1558
Phillip Humfrey, Martyr. 5 1558
e 23 John Dauy, Mar. 5 1558
11 f 24 Henry Dauy, Mar. 5 1558
19 g 25 John Corneforth, Martyr. 10 1558
A 26 Christopher Brown, Martyr. 10 1558
8 b 27 John Herst, Mar. 10 1558
c 28 Alice Snoth, Mar. 10 1558
16 d 29 Katharme knight, Martyr.
5 e 30 Andrew Apostle.

December hath 31. days The Moon xxx. Daies of their death. Yeare of our Lord.
f 1 Williā Tracy Esquire, confess. 1534
13 g 2 Peter Sapience, Martyr. 1545
28 A 3 George Buck alias Adam Damlip Martyr. 1531
10 b 4 An old man of Buckingham shire, Mar. 1381
c 5 Two gray Friers, Martyrs. 1513
18 d 6 John Hilton, confessor. John Coignes, confessor. 1517
7 e 7 Robert Warde, confessor. 1517
f 8 A scholar of Abbeuile, Martyr. 1522
1528
15 g 9 A Jew, Martyr. Richard Hunne, Martyr. 4 1515
4 A 10
John Tewkesbery, martyr. 20 1531
b 11 James Gore, confess. 7 1555
12 c 12 William Wiseman confessor. 13 1555
1 d 13 John Philpot Preacher, Martyr. 8 1557
e 14 John Rough, Preacher, Martyr. 22 1557
9 f 15 Margaret Mering, martyr. 22 1558
g 16 Thomas Tyler, confessor. 1558
17 A 17 Matthew Withers, confessor. Dale, confess. 1558
6 b 18 Thomas Apostle. 1550
c 19 Will. Plain.
14 d 20 Elizabeth Lawson, confessor. 1550
John. Glover, confess.
3 e 21 Nicholas Burton, martyr. 22 1562
f 22 Nat▪ of our Lord. Stephen, Mar.
11 g 23 John Evangelist. Childermasse.
19 A 24 Thomas Rhedonenfis, an Earl, mar. 1436
b 25 Picus Mirandula, confessor. 1497
8 c 26 Erasmus Roterodamus, confessor. 1513
d 27 Mart. Bucer, confe . 1549
16 e 28 Paulus Phagius, confessor. 1551
1559
5 f 29 Phillip Melanchthon, confessor. 1562
g 30 Peter Martyr, confess. 1553
13 A 31 King Edward the sixth, confessor.




Ad Dominum Iesum Christum Seruatorem clementissimum, Eucharisticon. John. Foxi.

C ONFECTO NVNC OPERE, QVOD TVIS PRIMVM AVSPIcijs ac voluntate aggressus (sum & adorande Jesus, idem{que} Seruator clementissime) inchoaui, quod{que} tuo demum beneficio ao fauore exegi atque absolui, praeter omnem certam opinionem & vires meas: superest itaque pro officio meo, vt animula haec, ceu pro votiua tabula, gratias, si non quantas debeat (vtinam enim id posset) at quantas queat maxim, munificentissimae tuae persoluat maiestati: quae tam miserum homuncionem, vel syphar potius hominis, in laboribus tot tantísque istis, qui vel asellum quemuis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 possent conficere, tumultuantem, benigno successu ac solatio tam clementer suffulcerit. Quanquam autem de operis difficultate nihil hic causari attinet, quae vix aestimari à multis poterit: tua tamen non ignorat omnipotence maiestas, huius, qualecunque sit, negoti confectio quibus quan{que} non ferendis curis, vigili s, molestijs constitit: Quibus nullo modo pares futuri essemus, nisi fauentis gratiae tuae numen affulsisset, ac sese quodam modo admiscuisset operi. Quid ni enim fatear ac tester ingenue, quod re ipsa experti sumus. Persensimus enim, peneque oculis ipsis conspeximus, singularem excelsae dexterae tuae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , non modo in successu negotij prouehendo, sed in vita etiam spiritú{que} inter labores, conseruando. Tui igitur muneris est (clementissime Jesus) quod opus tuis susceptum auspicijs huc vsque prouectum sit. Nos vicissim quod nostri sit officij, gratias clementiae tuae, cum nostro priuatim, tum publico quodammodo ecclesiae tuae nomine, agimus. Vel hinc enim cernimus quanti causam Martyrum tuorum aestimes, quando eorum illustrando nomini tanta faueas propensione. Quanquam vero si nulla hic extaret eorum recordatio, non possent non omnibus modis esse illustrissimi, quorum sint nomina vitae tuae libro inscripta. Et tamen voluit hoc modo tua declarare maiestas, nobis{que} innotescere hominibus, quàm honorificum sit pro tui nominis gloria fortiter dimicātes occumbere, quorum tu vitam à cinere ac rogo sic vindicas, sic causam tueris, sic dignitatem illustras, vt eandem multo cum gloriae foenore abs te recipiat clariorē, quam si ipsi nunquam alioqui perdidissent. Habet siquidem peculiare hoc sibi militiae tuae ratio, longe à mūdo hoc diuersum, quod in castris tuis militantes sieve viuant, tibi viuant, sieve moriantur, multo clarescant a funere foelicius, quàm si vixissent maxim.

Sic Cranmerum videmus, Ridleum, Latimerum, Iohannem Hooperum, Bradfordum, caeteros{que} eiusdem decuriae pugiles, quanto maiore occubuisse cum gloria in acie tua depugnantes, quàm si relicta station, in qua erant collocati, saluti ipsi suae causam tuam postposuissent. Quae enim gens, quae lingua, quae natio, quae temporum vetustas, quae hominum posteritas eorum non cantabit laudes, non virtutem agnoscet, non magnitudinem admirabitur? Quis Wicleuum vnquam, aut Cobhamum natum fuisse existimasset, nisi tua in causa tam egissent strenue? Quanto honori illud Hussio Bohemensi, nostro{que} Tindallo fuit, quod vitam in Euangelij tui causa perditam, magis abs te recipere, quam ipsi retinere maluerint? Spectemus e diuersa parte aduersarios tuos, quorum tam multas esse constat caedes, iniurias, crudelitates aduersus tuos, multá{que} item occulte & sceleste ab ijsdem perpetrata, quae nūquam sperabant fore palam: Et tamen quid vnquam in angulis & tenebris ab illis est designatum tam occulte aduersus Ecclesiam, quod non in apricum tua produxit producet{que} prouidentia? atque ita produxit, vt vnde ipsi laudis sibi conceperunt animo opinionem, inde summum sibi ipsis dedecus pepererint & contumeliam, quam nec vita effugere, nec morte vnquam finire poterint. Quis Guisios, Boneros, Storios, Gardineros, tanquam execranda hominum nomina nunc non nouit? non exhorret, quis eorum facinora obliterabit dies, aut sepeliet memoria? Et quid hos in tanta multitudine hostium tuorum recenseo? Cui vnquam prosper cessit tuo rebellare numini, aut hostem se ecclesiae tuae profiteri? Papae nomen quàm erat aliquando in his terris celebre & gloriosum? Nunc quid putidius, quid probrosius? Cardinalitium fastigium coeperunt primo admirari homines, multáque prosequi reuerentia: Sic Monachorum & Nonnarum collegia suum quondam habebant plausum apud plebem simplicem & credulam: At postquam spreta veritate tua caeperunt grassari contra te, tuorum{que} homicidae fieri eo tandem sunt prolapsi (exceptis paucis quos tua exemit gratia) vt reliqua fex nihil aliud iam esse praeter vocabula quaedam ad ignominiam relicta videatur.

Haec nimirum (sanctissime domine ac deus noster) iustissimi iudicij tuisunt praeludia, ex quo haud difficile aestimare sit, quidnam in altero illo expectaturi sint, quos in hoc ipso seculo, hoc est in suo ipsorū regno, tanta accumules infamia & dedecore. Sed omissis his, ad sanctos tuos redeamus Martyrs, quorum nomine, merito à nobis perenne velut sacrificium laudis & gratiarum tuae debetur, simul & habetur, bonitati. Primum quod in ecclesiae tuae causa dimicantibus tam fortem & alacrem spiritum [unspec 1] omnibus{que} tormentis maiorem aduersus parricidas Papistas subministrasti. Deinde quod & nobis [unspec 2] [unspec 3] in illorum desudantibus historia propitius adeo clementiae tuae favor affuerit. Debetur & hoc priuatim meo quoque nomine singulari tuae pietati, quod vitam toties alioqui nutantem, in hac tanta, [unspec 4] quantam tu solus nouisti, laboris immensitate conseruatam tuo volueris beneficio. Verum illud inprimis omnes debemus pariter effusissimo tuo in nos amori, quod beatorum Martyrum tuorum, quos mundi huius ad flammas & cineres adegerit peruersitas, causam & innocentiam velut e cinere recollectam, in lucem denuo notitiam{que} ecclesiae tuae reuocare at patefacere dignatus sis. Etsi enim dubium non est, quin in supremo illo iudicio tuo, quum virtutes coelorum mouebuntur, omnis eorum ad amussim excutietur causa ante tribunal tuum, est tamen aliquid hîc quo{que} in ecclesia tua causam ipsorum, facta, vitae{que} virtutes caeteras non ignorari. Tunc autem ad illos vberior gloria, ad nos interea major redundabit fructus, quando ex ipsorum recte factis, integritate, innocentia, fide ac patientia constar poterit, non quid ipsi solum fecerint, sed quid & nobis eorum sit exemplo faciendum.

Sed hic rursus (dulcissime Jesus) opus est benigno fauoris tui praesidio. Nos enim qui filij Martyrum tuorum sumus, quosque maxim maiores nostros imitari conueniebat, nunc nihil sere parentum tenemus, praeter vitae solam hanc, quam suo partam sanguine reliquerunt, libertatem: qua etiam ipsa nimium abutimur intemperanter, vtiam periculum sit, ne non filij modo Martyrum, sed ne fratres quidem ipsorum haberi mereamur. Quantum enim intersit discriminis, quam{que} prorsus disconuenit ordine toto nostra consuetudo ab illorum vestigijs & disciplina, pudet profecto refer. Sed quid ego tibi referam, cuius nihil non perspicit maiestas ac intuetur? Quanto illis studio ac curae fuit amore tui, caetera quae{que}, adeo{que} seipsos ad vitae etiam contemptum abdicare, mundum cum omnibus desideri s floccifacere, voluptates tanquam nugas spernere? Nec sinebant pericula vndi{que} imminentia opibus congerendis multo{que} minus honoribus cumulandis vacare. Contra vero nostra nunc vita, studium, omnis{que} adeo contentio, quid nisi mundum spirat, quid aliud quàm perpetuum quoddam fluxarum rerum, opum, ac honorum aucupium videtur & ambitus? At illi quam praeclare secum actum putassent, si vel viuere modo licuisset. Ideo{que} multi fuere eorū qui Mariae Reginae facultates & possessiones omnes adus{que} extremum assem obtulerūt, dumm do solam ipsis remitteret conscientiam. Et quae nos tanta haec habendi intemperies exagitat, quibus nec vnus nec mediocris victus possit esse satis? Sine modo, sine fine opibus, sacerdotijs, censui{que} dilatando inhiamus. Quanto ambitu amicos fatigamus & inimicos, non vt viuamus solum, verum vt sublimes viuamus & honorati? De fide, de mansuetudine eorum, tolerantia, simplicitate, ac patientia incredibili, quid dici satis potest? Quanta constantia, qua animi alacritate perpessi sunt quicquid infligebatur, vindictam omnem deo remittentes, cui & causam commendabant? Nulla vis eos aduersariorum deijcere, nec minae frangere, non ludibria mouere, non pericula, non tormenta vlla consternere, nec delinire blanditiae potuerunt.

Componamus nunc nostram cum his mollitiem. Sed pudor prohibit, Nam quae tam leuis nos tentationis aura afflare possit, quae non illico praecipites ac transuersos rapiat in auaritiam, in fastum, voluptates, turpitudinem, vindictam, & in quid non malorum? Quae tam leuis obijci poterit iniuriola, pro qua non coelum terrae miscemus, mariá{que} turbamus ab imo? Ex quo in promptu est colligere, quantum ab eo absumus, vt mortem simus vnquam, tua causa subituri, siquando res Martyrium flagitet, quum nec affectus quidem istos tuo amputare iussu velimus. Quapropter vt Martyrum quidem illorum causa gratias agimus nomini tuo sancto: ita nostra vicissim causa deprecamur, vt qui largitus sis ipsis vincendi facultatem, nobis itidem pia eorundem exempla imitandi foelicitatem aspires: sicque ecclesiae tuae affulgeat tua gratia, necubi seducti huius mundi illecebris, secordiores ipsi in retinenda Euangelij tui victoria, quàm illi in comparanda strenui, videamur. Postremo quoniam historiam hanc tuo nutu ac voluntate aggressi, in ea re operam studium{que} posuimus, quo facta gestaque sanctorum tuorum (sanctissime Jesus) ad nominis tui gloriam, & in commodum ecclesiae publicum emergerent, add nunc labori fructum, simul{que} historiae tutelam in te recipias magnopere petimus, cui & opus ipsum, totum{que} meipsum, quem tot modis tuae misericordiae debeo, toto corpore & anima, totis{que} viribus commendo, dedico, consecroque, cui omne cadat genu, omnisque vox & lingua confessionis gloriam per omnes ecclesias tribuat personetque. Amen.




To the Right Virtuous, most Excellent and Noble Princesse, Queen ELIZABETH, our dread Lady, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, Defender of Christ's Faith and Gospel, and principal Governor both of the Realm, and also over the said Church of England and Ireland, under Christ the Supreme head of the same▪ &c. John Fox her humble subject wisheth daily increase of God's holy spirit and Grace, with long reign, perfect health, and joyful peace, to govern his flock committed to her charge, to the example of all good Princes, the comfort of his Church, and glory of his blessed name.

C HRIST the Prince of all Princes, who hath placed you in your throne of Majesty, under him to govern the Church and Realm of England, give your royal highness long to sit, and many years to reign over us, in all flourishing felicity, to his gracious pleasure, and long lasting joy of all your subjects. Amen.

When I first presented these ACTS and MONVMENTES unto your Majesty (most dear Sovereign Queen ELIZABETH, our peaceable SALOME ) which your Majesty's rare clemency received in such gentle part: I well hoped that these my travails in this kind of writing had been well at an ende, whereby I might have returned my studies again to other purposes after mine own desire, more fit then to write histories, especially in the English tongue. But certain evil disposed persons, of intemperant tongues, adversaries to good proceedings, would not suffer me so to rest, fuming and fretting, and raising up such miserable exclamations at the first appearing of the book, as was wonderful to hear. A man would have thought Christ to have been new borne again, and that Herod with all the City of Jerusalem had been in an uproar. Such blustering and stirring was then against that poor book thorough all quarters of England, even to the gates of Louaine: so that no English Papist almost in all the Realm thoght himself a perfect Catholic, unless he had cast out some word or other to give that book a blow.

Whereupon, considering with myself what should move them thus to rage, first I began with more circumspect diligence to overlook again that I had done. In searching whereof, I found the fault both what it was, and where it lay: which was in deed, not so much in the Book it self (to say the truth) as in another certain privy mystery and working of some: of whom Johannes Auentinus shall tell us in his own words, & show us who they be: Quibus, inquit, audiendi quae fecerint, pudor est: nullus faciendi, quae audire erubescunt. Illic vbi opus nihil verentur: hic vbi nihil opus est, ibi verentur. &c. Who being ashamed belike to hear their worthy stratagemes like to come to light, sought by what means they might, the stopping of the same. And because they could not work it per brachium seculare, by public authority (the Lord of heaven long preserve your noble Majesty) they renewed again an old wonted practice of theirs: doing in like sort herein as they did sometimes with the holy Bible in the days of your renowned father of famous memory king Henry the viii. who when they neither by manifest reason could gainstand the matter contained in the book, nor yet abide the coming out thereof, then sought they by a subtle devised train to deprave the translation, notes and Prologues thereof, bearing the king in hand and all the people, that there was in it a thousand lies, and I cannot tell how many mo: Not that there were such lies in it in very deed: but because the coming of that book should not bewray their lying falsehood, therefore they thought best to begin first to make exceptions themselves against it: playing in their stage like as Phormio did in the old Comedy, who being in all the fault himself, began first to quarrel with Demipho, when Demipho rather had good right to lay Phormio by the heels.

With like facing brags these Catholic Phormiones think now to dash out all good books, and amongst others also, these Monuments of Martyrs. Which godly Martyrs as they could not abide being alive, so neither can they now suffer their memories to live after their death, least the acts of them being known, might bring perhaps their wicked acts and cruel murders to detestation: and therefore spurn they so vehemently against this book of histories, with all kind of contumelies and uproars, railing and wondering upon it, much like as I have heard of a company of thieves, who in robbing a certain true man by the high ways side, when they had found a piece of gold or two about him more then he would be acknown of, they cried out of the falsehood of the world, meruailing and complaining what little truth was to be found in men.

Even so these men deal also with me: for when they themselves altogether delight in untruths, and have replenished the whole Church of Christ with feigned fables, lying miracles, false visions, miserable errors contained in their Missals and Portuses, Breuiars, and Summaries, and almost no true tale in all their Saints lives and Festiuals, as now also no great truths in our Louanian books, &c. Yet notwithstanding, as though they were a people of much truth, and that the world did not perceive them, they pretend a face and zeal of great verity: And as though there were no histories else in all the world corrupted, but only this history of Acts and Monumentes, with tragical voices they exclaim and wonder upon it, sparing no cost of Hyperbolicall phrases, to make it appear as full of lies as lines. &c. much after the like sort of impudency as Sophisters use sometimes in their Sophismes to do (and sometimes is used also in Rhetoric) that when an Argument cometh against them which they cannot well resolve in deed, they have a rule to shift of the matter with stout words and tragical admiration, whereby to dash the Opponent out of countenance, bearing the hearers in hand, the same to be the weakest & slenderest argument that ever was heard not worthy to be answered, but utterly to be hissed out of the Schools.

With like sophistication these also fare with me, who when they neither can abide to hear their own doings declared, nor yet deny the same, which they hear to be true for three or four escapes in the book committed (and yet some of them in the said Book amended) they neither reading the whole, nor rightly understanding that they read, inveigh and malign so perversely the setting out thereof, as though neither any word in all that story were true, nor any other story false in all the world besides. And yet in accusing these my accusers, I do not so excuse myself, nor defend my book, as though nothing in it were to be sponged or amended. Therefore I have taken these pains, & reiterated my labors in travailing out the story again, doing herein as Penelope did with her web, vntwisting that she had done before: Or as builders do sometimes, which build and take down again, either to transpose the fashion, or to make the foundation larger. So in recognising this history I have employed a little more labor, partly to enlarge the argument which I took in hand: partly also to assay, whether by any pains taking I might pacify the stomachs, or satisfy y e judgments of these importune quarellers: which nevertheless I fear I shall not do, when I have done all I can. For well I know that all the heads of this hissing Hidra will never be cut of, though I were as strong as Hercules. And if Apelles the skillful Painter, when he had bestowed all his cunning upon a piece of work, which no good artificer would or could greatly reprove, yet was not without some controlling Sutor, which took upon him Vltra crepidam, much more may I look for the like in these controlling days.

Nevertheless committing the success thereof unto the Lord, I have adventured again upon this story of the Church, and have spent not only my pains, but also almost my health therein, to bring it to this. Which now being finished, like as before I did: so again I exhibit and present the same unto your Princely Majesty, blessing my Lord my God with all my heart: first for this liberty of peace and time, which through your peaceable government he hath lent unto us for the gathering both of this and other like books, tractations and monuments requisite to the behoove of his Church, which hitherto by iniquity of time could not be contrived in any Kings reign since the Conquest, before these Alcion days of yours.

Secondly, as we are all bound with public voices to magnify our God for this happy preservation of your royal estate: so privately for mine own part, I also acknowledge myself bound to my God and to my Savior, who so graciously in such weak health, hath lent me time, both to finish this work, and also to offer the second dedication thereof to your Majesty: desiring the same to accept in worth t •• donation thereof, if not for the worthiness of the thing given, yet as a testification of the bounden service and good will of one, which by this he here presenteth, declareth what he would, if he had better to give.

And though the story being written in the popular tongue, serveth not so greatly for your own peculiar reading, nor for such as be learned: yet I shall desire both you and them, to consider in it the necessity of the ignorant flock of Christ committed to your government in this Realm of England. Who, as they have been long led in ignorance, and wrapped in blindness for lack specially of God's word, and partly also for wanting the light of history, pity I thought but that such should be helped, their ignorance relieved, and simplicity instructed. I considered they were the flock of Christ, and your subjects, belonging to your account and charge, bought with the same price and having as dear souls to the Lord as other. And though they be but simple and unlearned, yet not unapt to be taught if they were applied. Furthermore what inconvenience groweth of ignorance, where knowledge lacketh, both I considered: and experience daily teacheth.

And therefore hearing of the virtuous inclination of your Majesty, what a provident care, & Zeal full of solicitude you have, minding (speedily I trust) to furnish all quarters & countries of this your realm with the voice of Christ's Gospel, & faithful preaching of his word, I thought also not unprofitable to adjoin unto this your godly proceedings, and to the office of the ministry, the knowledge also of Ecclesiastical history, which in my mind ought not to be separate from the same: that like as by the one the people may learn the rules and precepts of doctrine so by the other they may have examples of God's mighty working in his Church, to the confirmation of their faith, and the edification of Christian life. For as we see what light and profit cometh to the Church by histories in old times set forth of the Judges, Kings, Maccabees, & the Acts of the Apostles after Christ's time: so likewise may it redound to no small use in the Church, to know the Acts of Christ's Martyrs now since the time of the Apostles.

Besides other manifold examples and experimentes of God's great mercies and judgments in preserving his Church, in overthrowing tyrants, in confounding pride, in altering states & kingdoms, in conseruing Religion against errors and dissensions, in relieving the godly, in bridling the wicked, in losing and tying up again of Satan the disturber of common weals, in punishing transgressions as well against the first table as the second: wherein is to be seen Idolatry punished, blasphemy plagued, contempt of God's holy name and religion revenged, murder with murder rewarded, Adulterers & Wedlockbreakers destroyed, perjuries, extortions, covetous, oppressions, and fraudulent councils come to naught, with other excellent works of the Lord: the observing and noting whereof in histories, minister to the readers thereof wholesome admonitions of life: with experience and wisdom both to know God in his works, and to work the thing that is godly: especially to seek unto the son of God for their salvation, & in his faith only to find that they seek for, and in no other means. The continuance and constancy of which faith, the Lord of his grace and goodness grant to your noble Majesty, and to his whole beloved Church, and all the members of the same, to everlasting life. Amen.




Ad doctum Lectorem John. Foxus.

C Ogitanti mihi, versantique mecum in animo quàm peri ulosa res aleae sit, emittere nunc aliquid in publicum, quod in man s oculósque multorū subeat, his praesertim tam exulceratis moribus temporibús{que}, vbi tot hominum dissidijs, tot studijs partium, tot morosis capitibus, tam rigidis censuris, & Criticorum sannis fervent fere omnia, vt difficillimum sit quicquā tam circumspecte scribere, quod non in aliquam calumniandi materiam rapiatur: perbeati profecto foelicesque videnturij, quibus eum vitae cursū tenere liceat, vt in otio viuentes cum dignitate, sic alienis frui queant laboribus, velut in theatro ociosi sedentes spectatores, vt nullum interim ipsis uel ex action taedium, vel ex labor periculum metuendum sit. Me vero nescio quo pacto longe diuersa quidem hactenus exercuit vitae ratio, quippe cui nec fortunae illam foelicitatem, in cuius complexibus tam multos suauiter foueri video, nec otij amoenitatem experiri, vix etiam per omnem vitam degustare in continuo laborum ac negotiorum feruore ac contentione contigerit. Quanquam de fortuna parum queror, quam semper contempsi, quin neque de laboribus multum dicturus, si modo lobores ii, tantum vel prodesse vel placere caeteris possent hominibus, quantum me priuatim atterunt incommodántque. Nuncad meae infoelicitatis cumulum accedit in super, quod in eo argumenti genere laborandum fuit, quod praeter lugubrem rerum ipsarum materiam, praeter linguae inamoenitatem, praeter tractandi difficultatem, quae vix nitorem recipiat orationis, eo porro autorem ipsum redigit angustiae, vt neque falsa narrare sine iniuria historiae, nec verum dicere sine magna sua inuidia odi que multorum liceat. Nam cum in eo historiae argumento mihi versandum fuit, quod non ad superiorum modo temporū res gestas alteque repetitas pertineat, sed hanc ipsam aetatem nostram, nostraeque gentis nunc homines etiamnum praesentes, viuôsque sic attingat, sic perfricet, sic designet, quemadmodum in hoc materiae genere necessario faciundum fuit: quaeso quid hîc mihi aliud expectandum sit, nisi postquā frustrà me defatigando, valetudinem attriuerim, oculos perdiderim, senium acciuerim, corpus exhauserim, demum vt post haec omnia multorum me hominum odijs, sibilis, inuidiae ac calumniae exponam. In tot istis asperitatibus cum nihil me tutum praestare poterit, non Caesar, non Monarchae, non Rex, non Regina, non vlla huius mundi praesidia, preter solam diuini numinis potentem deteram: principio igitur atque ante omnia huc ceu ad tutissimum asylum me recepi, huic me librúmque commendaui & commendo. Tum vero insuper in eodem domino tuum illum candorem (docte pieque Lector) eāque tuam humanitatem appellare vol i, qua ex humanioribus literis studijsque te scio praeditum, quo nostris his fudoribus tuae approbation ••• cedat calculus, aut si approbationem non mereamur, saltem ne fauoris desit benignitas: cui si appro atum iri hanc historiae nostrae farraginem senserimus, caeterorum iudicia obtrectatorum leuius feremus.

Nam alioquì non defuturos sat scio qui varijs modis nobis facessent molestiam. Habebit hic momus suos morsus, sycophanta suos sibilos, nec deerit Calumniatori sua lingua & aculeus, quem infigat. Hic fidem detrahet historiae. Ille artificium in tractando, alter diligentiam, vel in excutiendis rebus iudicium desiderabit. Illi forsan operis displicebit moles, vel minus disposita seruatâque temporum ratio. Et si nihil horum fuerit, attamen in tanta religions pugna, in tanta iudiciorum, capitum, sēsuum varietate, vbi suae quisque fauet ac blanditur factioni, quid tam affabre aut circumspecte enarra i potest, quod placeat vniuersis? Quin & iam nunc mussitari etiam audio a nonnullis, qui longa sese teneri dicant expectatione, quoad haec tandem ( Legenda nostra vt appellant Aurea ) euulganda sit: qui si nostram primùm in eo tarditatem repraehensam velint, nae ego suaues istos homines vicissim rogatos velim, vt ipsi prius in edendis suis se praebeant expeditiores, quam alienam incessant lentitudinem.

Deinde si tardius exeat ipsorum opinione volumen, meminerint prouerbiali praecepto, lentam esse festinationem oportere. Et bos dicitur lassus fortius pedem figere. Egimus in hac quidem re pro virili nostra, egimus spero & pro officio, si non satis pro temporis modo expedite, at egimus certe pro valetudine, addam porro, egimus supra valetudinem. Quin & illud ipsorum venia adijcere liceat, egisse nos maturius quam ipsis forsan expediet, qui in hunc nugantur modū: certe maturatius egimus, quam tanti momenti & magnitudinis negotio conueniebat, quod accuratiorem in digerendis rebus moram curam{que} postulabat, cùm a nobis vix integros datos esse menses octodecim praeparandae materiae, comportandis componendis{que} rebus, conferendis exemplaribus, lectitandis codicibus, rescribendis his quae scripto mandata erant, castigandis formulis, concinnandae historiae, & in ordinē redigendae. &c, noueruntij qui testes adfuerint, & temporis conscij; & laboris socij. Quod si autem Legendae suae aureae titulum huc eo accomodant, quod illius exemplo hanc similiter fabulosam putent historiam, hinc que odioso vocabulo eius preiudicent veritati, quid his respondeam aliud quam quod ingen ie suam ipsi prodant calumniam, quam ne ad editionem quidem libri differ queant, prius de rebus dijudicantes quam nouerint. At{que} interim quidem illud been habet quod ipsis tandem aliquando Aureae suae legendae pudeat tam fabulosae. Et tamen fabellis illis non puduit mundum tam diu ludificare, periculum etiam intentantes his, si qui Legendae illi, hoc est, menda cissimis illorum nugis auderent detrahere. Quare cum nihil magis esse possit impium quam sacrosanctam ecclesiae fidem fabulamentis huiusmodi confictisque praeter omnem veri fidem delirijs commaculare, tamen ineptissimi isti nugatores ex suo ingenio caeteros quósque scriptores metientes, nec ipsi verum adferre satagunt, nec afferentibus alijs fidem habendam putāt, cuncta videlicet suis aureis somnijs similia existimantes. Quin apage cum Aureatua legenda, nugator impudens, quem ego librum, cum omnes cum scimus, nec ipse ignoras prodigiosis mendaciorum portentis & vanissimis vndique commentis scatere, ne cū Homeri quidē fabulis confer velim: tantum abest vt cū vere serijs grauib us{que} ecclesiae historijs quicquam commune habeat. Quid? an quia Papistis illis tuis & impuris monachis sic libuit in ridiculis miraculorum suorum portentis ineptire, tu protinus nullam grauem historiae authoritatem putas in ecclesia admittendam? Quin eadem lege & de Eusebij ecclesiastica, & tripartita Sozomeni & Socratis caeterorúmque historijs iudicemus. Sunt praeter haec & alia quaedam de Sanctis & Diuis conscripta miracula, quae proprius ad Legendam hanc accedunt, & tamen nequa{que} eo loco apud nos habentur, vt Legendae illi Papisticae annumerentur, etiam quae suspectissimae sunt fidei. Quan{que} de scriptoribus caeteris mea nihil interest censuram ferre. Quod ad hanc vero nostram 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 attinet, testatum id velim vniuersis, datam esse a nobis operam fedulo ne quid vsquam inesset operi fabulosum, aut eiusmodi, quod vel a nobis fictum, vel quod Legendae illi aureae (magis dicam plumbeae) non vndique foret dissimillimum. Id quod res ipsa & natiua historiae facies testari poterit, cuius tota textura ex ipsis Episcoporum Archiuis atque Registris, partímque ex proprijs martyrum ipsorum literis hausta ac cōflata videri poterit. In qua historia etsi neque id exigam vt singula hic {pro}oraculis habeantur, at dedimus tamen pro virili operam vt si non plene assequeremur, accederemus tamen quam proxime ad veterē illam historiae legem, vt duas res, prae cipuas historiae pestes vitaremus, timorem uidelicet & assentationem: quarum altera saepe minus dicit, altera semper plus addit quàm par est, narrationi. Sed huius rei fidem ex ipso magis opere, quam ex mea commendatione astrui honestius est. Habet enim veritas ipsa simplicem suam & natiuam faciem, quam non erit deficile non muccosis naribus lectori, ex ipso vel orationis habitu, aut rerum aspectu, sieve alijs circumstantiarum notis deprehendere. Sed vereor ne hîc quoque, quemadmodum caeteris in rebus locum habeat veteris prouerbij experientia: faciunt quippe mendaces vt ne vera etiam dicenti fides habeatur. Cum hactenus in Martyrologicis sanctorum Legendis vitísque describendis mendacia, ac nugacissimae somniorum fictiones pro veris legantur narrationibus, sit vt & caeterae eiusdem argumenti materiae eandem pariter suspicionem subeant, vt vix iam quic{que} legi dicíue in ecclesia cum fide queat. Verùm huic malo cùm mederi nequeamus, satis erit quod nostrarum erat virium id nos praestitisse. Quod superest, diuinae curandum prouidentiae relinquamus. Atque de certitudine veritatesque historiae haec hactenus: quae vtinam ne tam vera quidem certaque esset, quàm isti videri volunt, at falsâ potius, consimilísque huic quam dicunt, Aureae ipsorum Legendae, aut Vitis patrum, aut Festiual , aut Dormi secure, caeterísque Papisticis istis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 foret. Nunc vero martyrum horum non a nobis ficta, sed inflicta à vobis supplicia, atroxque caedes veriorem hanc comprobant historiam, plures{que} suae veritatis testes habent quàm vellemus ipsi qui historiam scripsimus. Venio iam ad alteram criminationis partem, quae de Calendario fortassis obijcietur. Audio enim & hic mihi obstrepere non tacitas modo sententias, sed apertas papistarum quorūdam voces, quibus inique a me factum videbitur, quod antiquatis atque ex Calendario explosis veteris ecclesiae Diuis, Martyribus, Confessoribus, Virginibús{que}, nouos eorum loco Martyrs at Confessores infultiam. Primùm nulli ego veterum Diuorum hoc facto praeiudicatum velim. Neque vero ideo inter Diuos a me referuntur isti, quod inseruntur in Calendarium. Hanc ego apotheosin mihi nun{que} sumpsi, quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus. Porro neque eo spectat hoc Calendarium, vt nouam aliquam festorum dierum legem praescribam ecclesiae, Tum multo minus cultum sancti alicuius instituo. Festorum dierum iam plus satis erat in mundo. Vtinam dominicum solum sabbatum digne, atque vt par est, transigeremus. Habeant per me suum papistae Calendarium. Habeat & ecclesia suos sanctos, tum recētes tum veteranos, modo probatos, modo interim idē ne colantur, modo quàm sint vetusti, tàm vere etiam sancti sint.

Verum enimuero cum non dubitauit sua etiam aetate Hieronimus multos existimare eorum gehennae ignibus cruciari, quos multi passim pro sanctis haberent in ecclesia: quid hîc tum diceret Hieronimus, si modo superstes papisticam hanc sanctorum colluuiem & Calendaria, tot Papis, tot Episcopis, & Abbatibus oblita cerneret?

Quanquam à me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, ad priuatum Lectoris seruiret vsum. Et tamen si in templis etiam fas sit singulorum mensium dies proprijs sanctorum nomenclaturis consignare: quî minus liceat id mihi in veris istis facere Martyribus, quod ipsi in suis pseudomartyribus tanta sibi licentia, ne dicam impudentia, permiserunt? Si non poena, sed causa Martyrem faceat, cur non vnum Cranmerum sexcentis Becketis Cantuariensibus non conferam, sed praetulerim? Quid in Nicholao Ridleo videtur cum quouis Diuo Nicholao non conferendum? Qua in re Latimerus, Hoperus, Marsheus, Simpsonus, caeterí{que} christia i martyrij Candidati, inferiores summis maximísque illis papistici Calendarij Diuis, imo multis etiam nominibus non praeponendi videantur? Interim nullius ego boni sanctí que viri (modo qui vere sanctus sit) causam laedo, nec memoriam extinguo, nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium, memineret non in templis collocari, sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari.

Sed missis hisce aduersatiorum calumnijs, ad te, docte candideque Lector (quoniam haec ad te instituta est epistola) tempus est vt recurrat oratio, cuius in his rebus iudicium vt pluris aestimo, ita egeo magis hîc quoque patrocinio. Scio enim in vasta hac congerie reperies nonnulla, ad quae merito corruges frontem. Neque vero fieri facile potuit, praesertim in tanta operis praecipitatione, vt cun, cta ad amussim atque ad vnguem perfect adeo elimarētur, quin alicubi vel ex lassitudine dormitaret scriptor, vel per incuriam excideret authori aliquid, vel ex festinatione eueniret, quod cani solet in prouerbijs nimium prae studio properanti, caecos nimirum producenti catulos. In quibus quidem excutiendis rebus magis nobis venia tua quam censura imploranda est. Quamobrem paucis haec apud te, docte simul & humanissime Lector, ante operis ingressum libuit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vt si quid inter euoluendum occurrerit, non omnibus perfectum numeris, non ad Cleantis lucernam elucubratum, non ad exquisitum Theologorum acumen expressum aut minus alioqui acutissimis tuis dignum naribus, cogites haec non tuis auribus data esse, sed meae hoc est crassioris turbae hominibus, a quibus facilius leguntur libri quam iudicantur. Aut si ne id quidem grauissimae tuae sententiae fecerit satis, liceat illa mihi vti lege, qua semper permissum est opere in magno scriptori obrepere somnum. Quod si vero tuam hac in re facilitatem impetrauero, minus laborabo quid caeteri obstrepant, graeci memor prouerbij, cuius & ipsos commeminissi velim: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .




To the true and faithful Congregation of Christ's Universal Church, with all and singular the members thereof, wheresoever congregated or dispersed through the Realm of England, a Protestation or Petition of the Author, wishing to the same abundance of all peace and tranquility, with the speedy coming of Christ the Spouse, to make an ende of all mortal myserye.

S Alomon the peaceable Prince of Israel, as we read in the third of Kynges, after he had finished the building of the Lord's Temple (which he had vii. years in hand) made his petition to the Lord for all that should pray in the said Temple, or turn their face toward it. And his request was granted, the Lord answering him, as we read in the said book. cap. 6. I have heard (saith he) thy prayer and have sanctified this place. &c. Albeit the infinite Majesty of God is not to be compassed in any material walls, yet it so pleased his goodness to respect this prayer of the king, that not only he promised to hear thē which there prayed, but also replenished the same with his own glory. For so we read again in the book aforesaid: Et non poterant ministrare propter nebulā, quia repleuit gloria domini, domū domini. 3. Re. 7.

Upon like trust in God's gracious goodness, if I sinful wretch, not comparing with the building of that Temple, but following the zeal of the builder might either be so bold to ask, or so happy to speed, after my vii. years travail about this Ecclesiastical History, most humbly would crave of almighty God to bestow his blessing upon the same, that as the prayers of them, which prayed in the outward Temple were heard: so all true disposed minds which shall resort to the reading of this present History containing the Acts of God's holy Martyrs, and monuments of his Church, may by example of their life, faith, & doctrine, receive some such spiritual fruit to their souls through the operation of his grace, that it may be to the advancement of his Glory, and profit of his Church, through Christ Jesus our Lord. Amen.

But as it happened in that Temple of Solomon, that all which came thither, came not to pray, but many to prate, some to gaze and see news, other to talk and walk, some to buy and sell, some to carpe and find fault, and finally some also at the last to destroy and pluck down, as they did in deed. For what is in this world so strong, but it will be impugned? what so perfect, but it will be abused? so true, that will not be contraryed? or so circumspectly done, wherein wrangling Theon will not set in his tooth? Even so neither do I look for any other in this present History: but that amongst many well disposed Readers, some Wasps nest or other will be stirred up to busze about mine ears. Such a dangerous thing it is now a days to write or do any good, but either by flattering a man must offend the Godly, or by true speaking procure hatred with the wicked. Of such stinging Wasps and buszing Drones I had sufficient trial in my former edition before, who if they had found in my book any just cause to carpe, or upon any true zeal of truth had proceeded against the untruths of my story and had brought just proofs for the same, I could have right well abide it. For God forbid, but that faults, wheresoever they be, should be detected and accused. And therefore Accusers in a Common wealth after my mind do serve to no small stead.

But then such Accusers must beware they play not the dog, of whom Cicero in his Oration speaketh, which being set in Capitolio to fray away Thieves by night, left the Thieves and fell to barcke at true men walking in the day. Where true faults be, there to bay & barcke is not amiss. But to carpe where no cause is, to spy in other staws, and to leap over their own blocks: to swallow Camels, and to strayne gnattes: to oppress truth with lies, and to set up lies for truth, to blaspheme the dear Martyrs of Christ and to Canonize for Saints, whom Scripture would scarce allow for good Subiectes, that is intolerable. Such barcking Curres, if they were well served, would be made a while to stoop. But with these brauling spirits I intend not at this time much to wrestle.

Wherefore to leave them a while, till further leisure serve me to attend upon them, thus much I thought in the mean season, by way of Protestation or petition, to write unto you both in general & particular the true members and faithful Congregation of Christ's Church, wheresoever either cōgregated together, or dispersed through the whole Realm of England, that forsomuch as all the seeking of these Aduersaryes is to do what they can, by discrediting of this History with slanders & sinister surmises, how to withdraw the Readers frō it: This therefore shall be in few words to premonish and desire of all and singular of you (all well minded lovers and partakers of Christ's Gospel) not to suffer yourselves to be deceived with the big brags, and hyperbolical speeches of those flaundering tongues, whatsoever they have or shall hereafter exclame against the same. But indifferently staying your judgment till truth be tried, you will first peruse, & then refuse measuring the untruths of this History, not by the scoaring up of their hundreds and thousands of lies which they give out, but wisely weighing the purpose of their doings, according as you find, and so to judge of the matter.

To read my books I allure neither one nor other. Every man as he seeth cause to like as he list. If any shall think his labor to much in reading this history, his choice is free either to read this, or any other which he more mindeth. But if the fruit thereof shall recompense the Readers travel, then would I wish no man so light eared, to be carried away for any sinister clamour of Aduersaryes, who many times deprave good doings, not for the faults they find, but therefore find faults because they would deprave. As for me and my history, as my will was to profit all and displease none: so if skill in any part wanted to will, yet hath my purpose been simple, and certes the cause no less urgent also, which moved me to take this enterprise in hand.

For first to see the simple flock of Christ, especially the unlearned sort, so miserably abused, and all for ignorance of history, not knowing the course of times, and true descent of the Church, it pitied me, that part of diligence so long to have been vnsupplyed in this my country Church of England. Agayne considering the multitude of Chronicles and story writers, both in England, and out of England, of whom the most part have been either Monks or Clientes to the sea of Rome, it grieved me to behold how partially they handled their stories. Whose painful travel albeit I cannot but commend, in committing diverse things to writing, not unfruitful to be known, or unpleasant to be read: yet it lamented me to see in their Monumentes the principal points, which chiefly concerned the state of Christ's Church, and were most necessary of all christen people to be known, either altogether pretermitted, or if any mention thereof were inserted, yet were all things drawn to the honor specially of the Church of Rome, or else to the favor of their own sect of Religion. Whereby the vulgare ort, hearing and reading in their writings no other church mentioned or magnified but only that Church which here flourished in this world in riches and jollity, were drawn also to the same persuasion, to think no other Church to have stand in all the earth, but only the Church of Rome.

In the number of this sort of writers, besides our Monks of England (for every Monastery almost had his Chronicler) I might also recite both Italian, and other country authors, as Platina, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, Martinus, Antoninus, Vincētius, Onuphrius, Laziardus, Georgius Lilius, Pollid▪ Virgilius, with many more, who taking upon thē to intermeddle with matters of the church, although in part they express some truth in matters concerning the Bishops and sea of Rome: yet in suppressing another part, they play with us, as Ananias and Sapphira did with their money, or as Apelles did in Pliny, who painting the one half of Venus coming out of the sea, left the other half imperfect. So these writers while they show us one half of the B. of Rome, the other half of him they leave imperfect, & utterly vntold. For as they paint him out on the one part glistering in wealth and glory, in showing what succession the Popes had from the chair of S. Peter, when they first began, and how long they sat, what Churches and what famous buildings they erected, how far their possessions reached, what laws they made, what councils they called, what honor they received of Kynges and Emperors, what Princes and Countries they brought under their authority, with other like stratagemes, of great pomp and royalty: so on the other side what vices these Popes brought with them to their seat, what abominations they practiced, what superstition they maintained, what Idolatry they procured, what wicked doctrine they defended contrary to the express word of God, to what heresies they fell, into what division of sects they cut the unity of Christian Religion, how some practiced by Simony, some by Necromancy and Sorcery, some by poisoning, some indenting with the Devil to come by their Papacy, what hypocrisy was in their lives, what corruptiō in their doctrine, what wars they raised, what bloodshed they caused, what treachery they traversed against their Lord's and Emperors, imprisoning some, betraying some to the Templaryes and Saracēs, in bringing other under their feet, also in beheading some, as they did with Fredericus and Conradinus, the heirs and offspring of the house of Fredericus Barbarossa. an. 1269. furthermore how mightily almighty God hath stand against them, how their wars never prospered against the Turk, how the judgments of the godly learned frō time to time have ever repugned against their errors▪ &c. of these and a thousand other mo, not one word hath been touched, but all kept as under Benedicite in Auriculer confession.

This partial dealing and corrupt handling of Historyes, when I considered, I thought with myself nothing more lacking in the church, then a full & a complete history, which being faithfully collected out of all our Monastical writers & writ̄ Monuments, should contain neither every vain written fable for that would be to much, nor yet leave out anything necessary, for that would be to little: but with a moderate discretion taking the best of everyone, should both ease the labor of the reader from turning over such a number of writers: and also should open the plain truth of times lying long hid in obscure darkness of antiquity. Whereby all studious Readers, beholding as in a glass the state, course, and alteration of Religion, decay of doctrine, and the controversies of the church, might discern the better between antiquity and novelty. For if the things which be first (after the rule of Tertullian) are to be preferred before those that be latter, then is the reading of histories much necessary in the church, to know what went before, and what followed after. And therefore not without cause Historia, in old authors is called the witness of times, the light of verity, the life of memory, teacher of life, & shewer of antiquity. &c. Without the knowledge whereof man's life is blind, and soon may fall into any kind of error, as by manifest experience we have to see, in these desolate latter times of the Church, when as the Bishops of Rome under color of antiquity have turned truth into heresy and brought such new found devises of strange doctrine and Religiō as in the former age of the church were never heard of before, and all through the ignorance of times, and for lack of true history.

For to say the truth, if times had been well searched, or if they which wrote Hystories had without partiality gone upright between God and Baal, halting on neither side, it might well have been found the most part of all this catholic corruptiō intruded into the church by the bishops of Rome, as Transubstantiation, leuation, and adoration of the sacrament, auriculer confession, forced vows of Priests not to mary, veneration of Images, private and satisfactory Masses, the order of Gregory's Mass now used, the usurped authority, & Summa potestas of the sea of Rome, with all the route of their ceremonies and wiedes of superstition ouergrowing now the Church, all these (I say) to be new nothinges lately coined in the minte of Rome without any stamp of antiquity, as by reading of this present history shall sufficiently, I trust, appear. Which history therefore I have here taken in hand, that as other story writers heretofore have employed their travail to magnify the Church of Rome, so in this history might appear to all Christian readers the Image of both Churches, as well of the one as of the other: especially of the poor oppressed and persecuted Church of Christ. Which persecuted Church though it hath been of long season trodden under foot by enemies, neglected in the world, nor regarded in histories, and almost scarce visible or known to worldly eyes, yet hath it been the true Church only of God, wherein he hath mightily wrought hitherto in preserving the same in all extreme distresses, continually stirring up frō time to time faithful ministers, by whō always hath been kept some sparks of his true doctrine and Religion.

Now for as much as the true Church of God goeth not lightly alone, but is accompanied with some other Church or Chapel of the devil to deface and malign the same, necessary it is therefore the difference between them to be seen, and the descent of the right Church to be described from the Apostles time. Which hitherto in most part of histories hath been lacking, partly for fear, that men durst not: partly for ignorance that men could not discern rightly between the one and the other. Who beholding the Church of Rome to be so visible and glorious in the eyes of the world, so shining in outward beauty, to bear such a porte, to carry such a trayne and multitude, and to stand in such hye authority, upposed the same to be only the right Catholic mother. The other because it was not so visibly known in the world, they thought therefore it could not be the true church of Christ. Wherein they were far deceived. For although the right church of God be not so invisible in the world, that none can see it, yet neither is it so visible again that every worldly eye may perceive it. For like as is the nature of truth▪ so is the proper condition of the true Church, that commonly none seeth it, but such only, as be the members and partakers thereof. And therefore they which require that God's holy Church should be evident and visible to the whole world seem to define the great synagogue of the world rather then the true spiritual Church of God.

In Christ's time who would have thought, but the congregations and Councelles of the Pharisees had ben the right church: and yet had Christ another Church in earth besides that, which albeit it was not so manifest in the sight of the world, yet was it the only true Church in the sight of God. Of this Church meant Christ speaking of the Temple, which he would raise again the third day. And yet after that the Lord was risen, he shown not himself to the world, but only to his elect which were but few. The same Church after that increased and multiplied mightily among the Jews, yet had not the Jews eyes to see God's Church, but did persecute it till at length all their whole nation was destroyed.

After the Jews, then came the heathen Emperors of Rome, who having the whole power of the world in their hands, did what the world could do, to extinguish the name and church of christ. Whose violence continued the space of 3. hundredth years. All which while the true church of christ was not greatly in sight of the world, but rather was abhorred everywhere, and yet notwithstanding the same small elly flock so despised in the world, the Lord highly regarded and mightily preserved. For although many then of the Christians did suffer death: yet was their death neither loss to them, nor detriment to the Church: but the more they suffered, the more of their blood increased.

In the time of these Emperors, God raised up then in this Realm of Britain diverse worthy teachers and witnesses, as Elnanus, meduinus, Meltiuianus, Amphibolus, Albanus, Aaron, Julius and other moe In whose time the doctrine of faith without men's traditions was sincerely preached. After their death and Martyrdom, it pleased the Lord to provide a general quietness to his Church, whereby the number of his flock began more to increase.

In this age then followed here in the said land of Britain Fastidius, Niuianus, Patricius, Bacchiarius, Dubricius, Congellus, Kentigernus, Helmotus, David, Daniel, Sampson, Elnodugue, Asaphus, Cildas, Heulanus Elbodus, Dinothus, Samuel, Niuius, and a great sort moe, which governed the Church of Britain by Christian doctrine a long season, albeit the civil governors for the time, were then dissolute & careless, as Gildas very sharply doth lay to their charge, and so at length were subdued by the Saxons.

All this while about the space of four hundred years, Religion remained in Britain uncorrupt and the word of Christ truly preached, till about the coming of Agustine and of his companions from Rome, many of the said Britain preachers were slain by the Saxons. After that began Christian faith to enter & spring among the Saxons, after a certain romish sort, yet notwithstanding some what more tolerable, thē were the times, which after followed, through the diligent industry of some godly teachers, which then lived amongst them: as Aidanus, Finianus, Coleman Archbishop of York Beda, John of Beuerlay, Alcuinus, Noetus, Hucharius, Serlo, Achardus, Ealredus, Alexander Neckam, Negellus, Fenallus, Alfricus, Sygeferthus & such other: who though they erred in some few things, yet neither so grossly, nor so greatly to be complained of in respect of the abuses that followed. For as yet, all this while, the error of Transubstantiation and leuation, with auriculer confession was not crept in for a public doctrine in Christ's Church, as by their own Saxon Sermon, made by Aelfricus, & set out in the second Volume of this present history may appear pag. 1114. During the which mean time although the Bishops of Rome wer had here in some reverence with the Clergy: yet had they nothing as yet to do in setting laws touching matters of the Church of England: but that only appertained to the kings and governors of the land as is in this story to be seen. pag. 754.

And thus the Church of Rome albeit it began then to decline a pace frō God, yet during all this while it remained hitherto in some reasonable order, till at length after that the said Bishops began to shout up in the world through the liberality of good Princes, and especially by Mathilda a noble Duches of Italy. Who at her death made the Pope heir of all her lands, and endued his sea, with great revenues. Then riches begot ambition. Ambition destroyed Religion, so that all came to ruin. Out of this corruption sprang forth here in England (as did in other places more) another romish kind of Monkery, worse then the other before, being much more drowned in superstition and ceremonies, which was about the year of our Lord. 980. Of this swarm was Egbertus Aigelbert▪ Egwine, Boniface, Wilfrede Agathon, James, Roman, Cedda, Dunstane, Oswold, Athelwold, Athelwine Duke of Eastangles, Lanfrancke, Anselm and such other.

And yet in this time also through God's providence, the Church lacked not some of better knowledge and judgment, to weigh with the darkness of those days. For although king Edgar, with Edward his base son being seduced by Dunstane, Oswold and other Monkish Clerks, was thē a great author and fautor of much superstition, erecting as many Monasteries, as were Sondayes in the year: yet notwithstanding this continued not long. For eftsoons after the death of Edgar came king Ethelrede and Queen Elfthred his mother, with Alferus Duke of merceland, and other peers and nobles of the Realm, who displaced the Monks again, and restored the married Priests to their old possessions and livings. Moreover after that followed also the Danes which overthrew those Monkish foundations, as fast as king Edgar had set them up before.

And thus hitherto stood the condition of the true Church of Christ, albeit not without some repugnance and difficulty, yet in some mean state of the truth & verity, till time of pope Hildebrand called Gregory 7. which was nere about the year. 1080. And of Pope Innocentius 3. in the year 1215. By whom altogether was turned upside down, all order broken, dissipline dissolved, true doctrine defaced. Christian faith extinguished. Instead whereof was set up preaching of men's decrees dreams, and idle traditions. And whereas before truth was free to be disputed amongst learned men, now liberty was turned into law, Argument into Authority. Whatsoever the Byshoppe of Rome denounced, that stood for an oracle, of all men to be received without opposition or contradiction: whatsoever was contrary, ibso facto it was heresy, to be punished with fagot and flaming fire. Then began the sincere faith of this English Church, which held out so long, to quayle. Then was the clerre sun shine of God's word overshadowed, with mists and darkness, appearing like sack-cloth to the people, which neither could understand that they read, nor yet permitted to read that they could understand. In these miserable days, as the true visible Church began now to shrink and keep in for fear: so upstart a new sort of players to furnish the stage, as school Doctors, Canonistes, and four orders of Friers. Besides other Monastical sects and fraternities of infinite variety. Which ever since have kept such a stir in the Church, that none for them almost durst rout, neither Caesar, king, nor subject. What they defined, stood. What they approved, was Catholic: What they condemned, was heresy: whom soever they accused, none almost could save. And thus have these hitherto continued or reigned rather in the Church, the space now of four hundredth years and odd. During which space, the true Church of Christ, although it durst not openly appear in the face of the world, oppressed by tyranny: yet neither was it so invisible or unknown: but by the providence of the Lord, some remnaunt always remained from time to time, which not only shown secret good affection to sincere doctrine, but also stood in open defense of truth against the disordered Church of Rome.

In which Catalogue, first to pretermit Barthramus and Barengarius, which were before Pope Innocent 3. a learned multitude of sufficient witnesses here might be produced, whose names neither are obscure nor doctrine unknown: as Joachim Abbot of Calabria, Almericus a learned Bishop, who was judged an heretic for holding against Images, in the time of the said Innocentius. Besides the Martyrs of Alsatia, of whom we read an hundred to be burned by the said Innocentius in one day, as writeth Hermanus Mutius. Add likewise to these Waldenses or Albigenses, which to a great number segregated themselves from the Church of Rome. To this number also belonged Reymundus Earl of Tholose, Marsilius, Patiuius, Gulielmus de S. Amore, Simon Tornacensis Arnoldus de noua villa, Johannes Semeca, besides diverse other preachers in Sueuia standing against the Pope. Anno. 1240. Ex Cranz. Laurentius Anglicus a Mayster of Parris. anno. 1260. Petrus Ioannis a Minorite, who was burned after his death. anno. 1290. Robertus Gallas a Dominic Frier, anno. 1291. Robert Grosthead Byshoppe of Lincoln which was called Malleus Romanorum. anno. 1250. Lord Peter de Cugnerijs. anno. 1329. To these we may add more our Gulielmus Ockam, Bongratius Bergomensis, Luitpoldus Andraeas Laudensis. Vlricus Hangenor Treasurer to the Emperor, Johannes de Ganduno. anno. 1330. mentioned in the Extrauagantes, Andraeas de Castro, Buridianus, Euda, Duke of Burgundy, who counseled the french king, not to receive the new found constitutions, and extrauagantes of the Pope into his realm, Dantes Alligerius, an Italian, who wrote against the Pope, Monks and Friars, and against the donation of Constantine. anno. 1330. Taulerus a Germayne preacher, Conradus Hager imprisoned for preaching against the Mass an. 1339. The author of the book called, Poenitentiarius Asini, compiled about the year 1343. Michael Cesenas a gray Friar, Petrus de Corbaria, with Johannes de Poliaco, mentioned in the Extrauantes and condemned by the Pope, Johannes de Castilione. with Franciscus de Arcatara, who were burned about the year of our Lord. 1322. Ioannas Rochtaylada, otherwise called Haybalus, with an other Frier martyred about the year. 1346. Franciscus Petrarcha, , who called Rome the whore of Babylon. &c. an. 1350. Georgius Ariminensis, an. 1350 Johannes de Rupe Scissa, emprisoned for certain prophesies against the Pope. an. 1340. Gerhardus Ridder, who also wrote against Monks and Friers a book called Lacryma Ecclesiae. an. 1350. Godfridus de Fontanis, Gulielmus de Landuno, Johannes Monachus Cardini. Armachanus, Nicholaus Orem preacher. an. 1364. Militzius a Bohemian, which then preached that Antichrist was come, and was excommunicate for the same, an. 1366. Jacobus Misnensis, Mathias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne, and a writer against the Pope, an. 1370. Johannes Mountziger, Rector of the University of Vlme, anno. 1384. Nile Arch. of Thessalonica. Henricus de ota, Henricus de Hassia. &c.

I do but recite the principal writers and preachers in those days: Howe many thousands there were which never bowed their knees to Baal, that is known to God alone. Of whom we find in the writings of one Brushius that xxxvi. Citizens of Maguntia were burned, an. 1390. Who following the doctrine of the Waldenses, affirmed the Pope to be the great Antichrist. Also Massaeus recordeth of one hundred and forty, which in the province of Narbon were put to the fire, for not receiving the decretalles of Rome: besides them that suffered at Paris to the number of xxiiij. at one time, anno. 1210. and the next year after were four hundred brent under the names of Heretics. Besides also a certain good Heremite, an Englishman, of whom mention is made in John Bacon. Dist. 2. Quest. 1. who was committed for disputing in Paul's Church, against certain Sacraments of the Church of Rome. an. 1306.

To descend now somewhat lower in drawing out the descent of the Church. What a multitude here cometh of faithful witnesses in the time of John Wycliffe, as Ocliffe, Wycliffe. an. 1376. W. Thorp White, Puruey, Patshall, Payne, Gower, Chaucer, Gascoyne, Williā Swinderby, Walter Brute, Roger Dexter, William Sautry about the year. 1400. John Badby, an. 1410. Nicholaus Tailor, Rich. Wagstaffe, Mich. Scrivener, William Smith John Henry, W. Parchmenar, Roger Goldsmith, with an Ancresse called Mathilde in the City of Leicester, Lord Cobham, Syr Roger Acton knight, John Beuerley preacher, John Hus, Jerome of Prague Scholemaister, with a number of faithful Bohemians and Thaborites not to be told with whō I might also adjoin Laurentius Valla and Johannes Picus, the learned Earl of Mirandula. But what do I stand upon recital of names, which almost are infinite.

Wherefore if any be so far beguiled in his opinion to think the doctrine of the church of Rome (as it now standeth) to be of such antiquity, & that the same was never impugned before the time of Luther and Zwingli now of late, let him read these histories: or if he think the said history not to be of sufficient credit to alter his persuasion let him peruse the Acts and Statutes of Parliamentes, passed in this realm of ancient time and therein consider and confer the course of times; where he may find and read. An. 5. Regis Richardi. 2. in the year of our Lord. 1380. of a great mumber (which there be called evil persons) going about from town to town in freeze gowns preaching unto the people &c. which preachers although the words of the Statute do term there to be dissembling persons, preaching divers Sermons containing heresies & notorious errors, to the emblemishment of Christian faith, & of holy Church &c. as the words do there pretend: yet notwithstanding every true Christian reader may conceive of those Preachers to teache no other doctrine, then now they hear their own Preachers in Pulpits Preache, against the Bishoppe of Rome and the corrupt heresies of his Church.

Furthermore he shall find likewise in Statut. An. 2. Henr. 4. Cap. 15. in the year of our Lord. 1402. another like company of good Preachers and faithful defenders of true doctrine against blind heresy and error. Whom albeit the words of the Statute there, through corruption of that time, do falsely term, to be false and perverse Preachers, under dissembled holiness, teaching in those days openly and privily new doctrines and heretical opinions contrary to the faith and determination of holy Church. &c. yet notwithstanding whosoever readeth histories and conferreth the order and descent of times, shall understand these to be no false teachers, but saythfull witnesses of the truth, not teaching any new doctrines contrary to the determination of holy Church: But rather shall find that Church to be unholy, which they Preached against, teaching rather it self heretical opinions contrary both to antiquity, and verity of Christ's true Catholic Church.

Of the like number also, or greater, of like true faithful favorers and followers of God's holy word, we find in the year of our Lord. 14 2. specified in a letter sent from Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury, to Pope Martin 5. in the fifth year of his Popedom, where mention is made of so many here in Engand infected: (as he said) with the heresies of Wycliffe and Hus, that without force of any army they could not be suppressed. &c. Whereupon the Pope sent two Cardinals to the Archbishop to cause a tenth to be gathered of all spiritual and Religious men, and the money to be laid in the chamber Apostolic, and if that were not sufficient, the residue to be made up of Chalices, Candlesticks, and other implementes of the Church &c.

What shall need then anymore witness to prove this matter, when you see so many years ago, whole armyes and multitudes, thus standing against the Pope? who though they be termed here for heretics and schismatics, yet in that, which they call heresy, served they the living Lord, within the Ark of his true spiritual and visible Church.

And where is then the frivolous brag of the Papists, which make so much of there painted sheath, & would needs bear us down, that this gournment of the Church of Rome which nowis, hath been of such an old standing, time out of mind, even from the primitive Antiquity, & that never was any other church demonstrable here in earth for men to follow, besides the said only Catholic mother church of Rome? whē as we have sufficiently proved before by the continual descēt of the Church till this present time, that the said Church, after the doctrine which is now reformed, is no new begun matter, but even the old continued Church, by the providence and promise of Christ, still standing, which albeit it hath been of late years repressed by the tyranny of Roman Bishops, more then before: yet notwithstanding it was never so oppressed but God hath ever maintained in it the truth of his Gospel, against heresies and errors of the Church of Rome, as in this history more at full is to be seen.

Let us now proceed farther as we began, deducing this descent, of the Church unto the 1501. year. In which year the Lord began to show in the partes of Germany wonderful tokens, and blody marks of his Passion, as the bloody Cross, his nails, spear, and Crown of thorns, which fell from heaven upon the garments and cappes of men, and rocks of woman, as you may further read in this book pag. 816. By the which tokens almighty God (no doubt) presignified what grievous afflictions and bloody persecutions should then begin to ensue upon his Church for his Gospels sake, according as in this history is described, wherein is to be seen what Christian blood hath been spilled, what persecutions raised, what tyranny exercised, what torments devised, what treachery used against the poor flock and Church of Christ, in such sort as since Christ's time greater hath not been seen.

And now by reuolution of years we are come from the time of .1501. to that year now present 1570. In which the full seventy years of the Babilonicall captivity draweth now well to an ende, if we count from the first appearing of these bloody marks above mentioned. Or if we reckon from the beginning of Luther, and his persecution, then lacketh yet xvi. years. Now what the Lord will do with this wicked world, or what rest he will give to his Church after these long sorrows, he is our father in heaven, his will be done in earth, as seemeth best to his divine majesty.

In the mean time let us for our partes with all patient obedience wait upon his gracious leisure and glorify his holy name, and edify one another with all humility. And if there cannot be an end of our disputing, and contending one against another: yet let there be a moderation in our affections. And for as much as it is the good will of our God, that Satan thus should be let lose amongst us for a short time: yet let us strive in the mean while what we can to amende the malice of the time with mutual humanity. They that be in error, let them not disdain to learn. They which have greater talentes of knowledge committed, instruct in simplicity them that be simple. No man liveth in that common wealth where nothing is amiss. But yet because God hath so placed us Englishmen here in one common wealth, also in one Church as in one ship together: let us not mangle or devide the ship, which being divided perisheth: but every man serve in his order with diligence, wherein he is called. They that sit at the helm, keep well the point of the needle, to know how the ship goeth, and whether it should. Whatsoever weather betydeth, the needle well touched with the stone of God's word will never fail. Such as labor at the oars, start for no tempest, but do what they can to keep from the rocks. Likewise they which be inferior rooms, take heed they move no sedition, nor disturbance against the rowers and mariners. No storm so dangerous to a ship on the sea, as is discord and disorder in a weal public. What countries and nations, what kingdoms and Empyres, what Cities, towns, and houses discord hath dissolved, in stories is manifest: I need not spend time in rehearsing examples. The Lord of peace, who hath power both of land and Sea, reach forth his merciful hand to help them up that sink, to keep them up that stand, to still these winds and sourging seas of discord and contention among us: that we professing one Christ, may in one unity of doctrine gather our selves into one Ark of the true Church together, where we continuing steadfast in faith may at the last luckely be conducted to the joyful porte of our desired landing place by his heavenly grace. To whom both in heaven and in earth be all power and glory, with his father and the holy spirit forever. Amen.




The utility of this Story.

S Eyng the world is replenished with such an infinite multitude of books of all kind of matters, I may seem (perhaps) to take a matter in hand superfluous and needles, at this present to set out such Uolumes, especially of histories, considering now a days the world is so greatly pestered, not only with superfluous plenty thereof, but of all other treatises, so that books now seem rather to lack Readers, then Readers to lack books: In which multitude of books I doubt not, but many do both perceive, and inwardly bewail this insatiable boldness of many now a days both in writing and printing, which to say the truth, for my part I do as much lament as any man else beside: and would therefore no man should think that unadvisedly or with rashness I have attempted this enterprise, as one being not only doubtful, but also both bashful and fearful within myself for setting the same abroad. And why? first I perceived howe learned this age of ours is in reading of books, neither could I tell what the secret judgments of readers would conceive, to see so weak a thing, to set upon such a weighty enterprise, not sufficiently furnished with such ornaments able to satisfy the perfection of so great a story, or sufficient to serve the utility of the studious: and the delight of the learned. Which ability the more I perceived to be wanting in me, the less I durst be bold to become a writer.

But again on the other side, when I weighed with myself what memorable Acts and famous doings this latter age of the Church hath ministered unto us by the patient suffringes of the worthy martyrs: I thought it not to be neglected, that so precious Monumentes of so many matters, meet to be recorded and regestred in books, should lie buried by my default under darkness of oblivion. Me thought somewhat was to be said of them for their well deserving, and something again of our partes for benefits by them received. But above all other things nothing did so much stir me forward hereunto, as the diligent consideration and special regard of the common utility which every man plentifully may receive by the reading of these Monuments or Martyrologe which history as I have taken in hand chiefly for the use of the English Church: so have I framed it in that tongue which the simple people could best understand.

Now if men commonly delight so much in other Chronicles which entreat only upon matters of pollicye, and rejoice to behold therein the variable euentes of worldly affairs, the Stratagemes of valiant captaynes, the terror of foughten fields, the sacking of Cities, the hurlye burlies of Realms and people. And if men think it such a gaye thing in a common wealth to committee to history such old antiquities of things profane and bestow all their ornaments of wit and eloquence in garnishing the same: how much more then is it meet for Christians to conserve in remembrance the lives: Acts and doings, not of bloody warriors, but of mild and constant Martyrs of Christ, which serve not so much to delight the ear, as to garnish the life, to frame it with examples of great profit, and to encourage men to all kind of Christian godliness? As first by reading thereof we may learn a lively testimony of God's mighty working in the life of man, contrary to the opinion of Atheists, and all the whole nest of Epicures. For like as one said of Harpalus in times past, that his doings gave a lively testimony against God, because he being so wicked a man escaped so long unpunished: so contrariwise in these mē we have a much more assured and plain witness of God both in whose lives and deaths appeared such manifest declarations of God's divine working, whiles in such sharpness of torments we behold in them strength, so constant above man's reach, such readiness to answer, such patience in imprisonment, such godliness in forgeuing, cherefulnes so courageous in suffering, besides the manifold sense and feeling of the holy ghost which they in their lives so plentifully tasted in their afflictions, as in reading of their letters evidently we may understand. Ouer and besides this, the mild deaths of the saints do not a little avail to the stablishing of a good conscience: to learn the contempt of the world, and to come to the fear of God. Moreover, they confirm faith, increase godliness, abate pride in prosperity, and in adversity do open an hope of heavenly comfort. For what man reading the misery of these godly persons, may not therein as in a glass behold his own case, whether he be godly or godless. For if God give adversity unto good men, what may either the better sort promise themselves, or the evil not fear? And whereas by reading of profane stories we are made perhaps more skillful in warlike affairs: so by reading of this we are made better in our livings, and besides are better prepared unto like conflicts, if by God's permission they shall happen hereafter more wiser by their doctrine, and more steadfast by their example.

To be short, they declare to the world what true Christian fortitude is, and what is the right way to conquer which standeth not in the power of man, but in hope of the resurrection to come, and is now I trust at hand. In consideration whereof, me thinks I have good cause to wish, that like as other subjects: even so also Kings and Princes, which commonly delight in heroical stories, would diligently peruse such Monumentes of martyrs, and lay them always in sight, not alonely to read, but to follow, and would paint them upon their walls, cups, ringes and gates. For doubtless such as these: are more worthy of honor thē an hundredth Alexanders, Hectors, Scipions and warlike Iulies. And though the world judgeth prosperously of things, yet with God the true judge, certes such are to be reputed in deed, not that kill one another with a weapon, but they which being rather killed in God's cause, do retain an invincible constancy against the threats of tyrants and violence of tormentors. Such as these, are the true Conqueroures of the world, by whom we learn true manhood, so many as fight under Christ, and not under the world. With this valiantness did that most mild Lamb and invincible Lyon of of the tribe of Judah first of all go before us, of whose unspeakable fortitude we hear this prophetical admiration: who is this (saith he) which walketh so in the multitude of his strength ? Forsooth the high son of the high God, once conquered of the world, and yet conquering the world after the same manner he was conquered.

The like dance did all his other Martyrs follow, to whom the ancient antiquity of the Church did attribute so great honor, as never king or Emperor could purchase in this world with all their images, pillars hie spires, triumphs, temples, and all their solemn feasts. In probation whereof we see with what admiration, and almost superstition, not only the memory, but also the relics of those good Martyr's were received & kept amongst the ancient Christians. We have also for witness the learned Hymns and Songes of Prudentius and Nazienzene, wherewith Pindarus did never so much set out his triumphs of Olympia and Nemea. I need not here rehearse the learned Orations of eloquent Cyprian, Chrysostom, Ambrose. and Jerome, who never shown their eloquence more, then when they fell into the commendations of the Godly Martyrs?

Whereby it is manifest, what estimation in times past was attributed to Martyrs: with what gratulation, rejoice, mirth, and common joy the afflictions of those godly, dying in Christ's quarrel, were sometime received and solemnised, and that not without good reasonable cause. For the Church did well consider howe much she was beholding to their benefits, by whose death she understood her treasures to increase. Now then if Martyrs are to be compared with Martyrs, I see no cause why the Martyrs of our time deserve any less commendation, then the other in the primative Church, which assuredly are inferior unto them in no point of praise: whether we view the number of them that suffered, or greatness of their formentes, or their constancy in dying, or also consider the fruit that they brought to the amendment of posterity, and increase of the Gospel. They did water the truth with their blood, that was newly springing up: so these by their deaths restored it again, being sore decayed and fallen down. They standing in the forewarde of the battle, did receive the first encounter and violence of their enemies, and taught us by that means to overcome such tyranny. These with like courage again like old beaten soldiers did win the field in the rearward of the battle. They like famous husbandmen of the world did sow the fields of the Church, that first lay vnmanured and wast: these with fatness of their blood did cause it to battle and fructify. Would to God the fruit might be speedily gathered into the arne, which only remaineth behind to come.

Now, if we ascribe such reputation to Godly preachers (and worthily) which diligently preach the Gospel of Christ, when they live notwithstanding by the benefit of time, without all fear of persecution: howe much more reasonable cause have we to praise and extol such men as stoutly spend their lives for the defense of the same? All these premisses duly of our partes considered and marked, seeing we have found so famous Martyrs in this our age, let us not fail then in publishing and setting forth their doings, lest in that point we seem more unkind to them, then the writers of y e primitive Church were unto theirs. And though we repute not their ashes chains, and swerdes in the stead of relics▪ yet let us yield thus much unto their commemoration, to glory the Lord in his Saints, and imitate their death (as much as we may) with like constancy, or their lives at y e least with like innocence. They offered their bodies willing, to the rough handling of the tormentors. And is it so great a matter then for our part, to mortify our flesh, with all the members thereof? They neglected not only the riches and glory of the world for the love of Christ, but also their lives: and shall we then keep so great a stir one against another, for the transitory trifles of this world? They continued in patient suffering, when they had most wrong done unto them, and when their very hearts blood gushed out of their bodies: and yet will not we forgive our poor brother, be the injury never so small, but are ready for every trifling offense to seek his destruction, and cut his throat. They wishing well to all men, did of their own accord forgive their persecutors: & therefore ought we, which are now the posterity and Children of Martyrs, not to degenerate from their former steps, but being admonished by their examples, if we cannot express their charity toward all men, yet at lest to imitate the same to our power and strength. Let us give no cause of offense to any. And if any be given to us, let us overcome it with patience, forgeuing and not revenging the same. And let us not only keep our hands from shedding of blood, but our tongues also from hurting the same of others. Besides, let us not shrink if case so require, martyrdom or loss of life, according to their example, to yield up the same in the defense of the Lord's flock. Which thing if men would do, much less contention and business would be in the world hen now is. And thus much touching the utility and fruit to be taken of this history.




To all the professed friends and followers of the Popes proceedings, four Questions propounded.

T O you all and singular, which profess the doctrine and Rel gion of the Pope your holy Father, and of your mother Church of Rome, pretending the name of Catholics▪ commonly termed Papists, wheresoever abiding in the Realm of England, these four Questions or Problemes hereunder following I would move, desiring you all either to muse upon thē, or to answer thē at your leisure.

*The first Question.

FIrst, forsomuch as Mount Zion (which God calleth by the Prophet Iesai, the hill of his holiness) beareth in the scripture an undoubted type of the spiritual church of Christ: & for so much as the said Iesai. ca. 11. & 65. prophesying of the said Mount Zion, saith in these words: Non nocebunt ne{que} affligent in omni monte sancto meo, dicit Dominus. &c. 1. They shall not kill nor hurt, in all my holy hill, saith the Lord. &c. And again in the same chap. thus we read: Habitabit Lupus cum agno, & Pardus cū haedo accubabit: Vitulus, & Leo & ouis vna commorabuntur, & puellus paruulus ducet eos. &c. i. The wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, & the Leopard with the Kid: the Calf, the Lion & the sheep shall feed together, & a young child shall rule thē. The Cow also & the Bear shall abide together w t their young ones, & the Lion shall eat chaff & fodder like y e Ox. &c.

Upon these premises now followeth my question, how the church of Rome can be answerable to this hill of Siō: seeing in the said church of Rome is, and hath been now so many years such killing and slaying, such cruelty and tyranny shown, such burning & spoiling of christen blood, such malice & mischief wrought, as in reading these histories may to all the world appear.

To this if they answer, & expound these words of the Prophet, as pertaining to the church triumphant thereunto I reply again: that by the words in the same place & in the same sentence expressed that sense cannot stand, for as much as the Prophet in the very same place, where he prophesieth of this peaceable dwelling in God's holy mountain without hurting or killing, meaneth plainly of the earth, & showeth also the cause of that godly peace. Because (saith he) the earth is replenished with knowledge & science of the Lord. &c. ibid. And furthermore the Prophet speaking of the same day when this shall be, addeth saying: In that day the root of Jesse shall stand for a sign to the people, for the Gentiles to be converted, and to seek unto him▪ &c. Which day in no wise can be applied to the church in heaven triumphant, but only here militant in earth.

Touching which place of Iesai, further here is to be noted by the way, that by this peaceable Moūt Zion (which comprehendeth both the states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal) is not restrained the public penalty of good laws needful to be executed upon public malefactors, but here is restrained the fierceness, revenge, cruelty, & violence of men's affections. To which affections men being commonly subject by nature, through grace & working of the gospel are altered, reformed, & changed to another disposition: frō stoutness to softness: frō violence to sufferance: from fierceness to forbearing: frō pride to humility, frō cruelty to compassion, from wilynes to simplicity, frō solemn singularity to humanity and meekness. Which virtues, if they had been in the church of Rome (according to the rule of S. Paul, which willeth men that be stronger, to bear with the infirmities of the weaker, and that in the spirit of meekness. &c. Rom. 15. Gal. 6.) I should not have needed now at this time to write such a long history as this of the suffering of so many Martyrs.

The second Question.

MY second question is this: to demand of you catholic professors of the popes sect, which so deadly malign and persecute the protestants professing the gospel of Christ, what just or reasonable cause have you to allege for this your extreme hatred ye bear unto the, y neither you yourselves can abide to live w t them, nor yet will suffer y e other to live amongst you? If they were Jews, Turks or Infidels, or in their doctrine were any Idolatrous impitie or detestable iniquity in their lives: if they went about any deadly destruction, or privy conspiracies to oppress your lives, or by fraudulent dealing to circūuent you, then had you some cause to cōplain, and also to revenge. Now seeing in their doctrine ye have neither blasphemy, idolatry, superstition nor misbelief to object unto them: seeing they are baptized in the same belief, and believe the same articles of the Crede, as ye do: having the same God, y e same Christ & savior, the same baptism, & and are ready s con err with you in all kind of Christian doctrine, neither do refuse to be tried by any place of the scripture, how then riseth this mortal malice of you against them? If you think them to be her tickes, then bring forth if ye can, any one sentence which they arrogantly hold, contrary to the mind of holy scripture: expounded by the censure of most ancient Doctors? Or what is there in all y scripture to be required, but they acknowledge & confess the same? See & try the order of their lives & doings, what great fault find you. They serve God, they walk under his fear, they obey his law, as men may do: and though they be transgressors toward him, as other men are, yet toward you what have they done, what have they committed or deserved why you should be so bitter against them?

What offended the poor habitants of Merindal & Cabriers when the bishop of Aix, the Cardinal of Turon, and other Bishops of France wrasting from Francis the French king a commission, sent Men rius w t his Captayne John de Gay to destroy their country, an. 1530. who driving y e poor people there into a barn full of straw, set y e barn on fire, & burned up men, women, and children: And likewise in a church, exercised the like cruelty upon them, where were murdered the same time to the number of a thousand young and old, women, children, and young infants, besides vii. whole towns, with the most part of the dwellers thering, being murdered & burnt in y e said country of Provēce.

Also before that, what offended the Citizens of Toulouse and Avigno when Pope Gregory the ix. set Louis the French king to war against them and against Raymundus their Earl, without cause, where also the said king died at the siege.

Or to speak of later years, what hurt or harm did the poor Protestants in the town of Uassy, who peaceably being at a Sermon, were miserably slain and cut▪ men, women, and children, by the Duke of Guyes and his armed soldiers? besides other infinite examples almost not to be numbered of like cruelty, in Calabria, Apulia, Bohemia, France, and now of late in Flaunders, and in other countries moe.

But to let other countries pass, let us turn now to the peaceable government in this realm of England, under this our so mild & gracious Queen now presently reigning. Under whom you see howe gently you are suffered, what mercy is shown unto you: how quietly ye live. What lack you, that you would have, having almost the best rooms and offices in all the realm, not only without any loss of life▪ but also without any fear of death. And though a few of your Arch lerkes be in custody: yet in that custody so shrewdly are they hurt, that many a good Protestant in the realm would be glad with all their hearts to change rooms and diet with them if they might. And albeit some other for their pleasure have slipped over the seas, if their courage to see countries abroad did so allure them, who could let them, yet this is certain, no dread there was of death that drave them. For what papist have you seen in all this land to lose either life or limb for papistry during all these xii. years hitherto since this Queens reign? And yet all this notwithstanding, having no cause to complain, so many causes to give God thanks ye are not yet content, ye fret and fume, ye grudge and mutter, and are not pleased with peace, nor satisfied with safety but hope for a day, and fain would have a change. And to prevent your desired day, ye have conspired, and rise up in open rebellion against your Prince, whom the Lord hath set up to be your governor.

And as you have since that, now of late disturbed the quiet and peaceable state of Scotland, in murdering most traitorously the gentle and godly Regent of Scotland (who in sparing the Queens life there when he had her in his hands, hath now therefore lost his own) so with like fury, as by your rebellion appeareth, would disturb the golden quiet and tranquility of this Realm of England, if ye might have your willes▪ Which the merciful grace of almighty, for Christ his sons sake our Lord, forfend and utterly disapoynt. Amen.

Wherefore these premises considered, my question is to ask of you & know, what just or reasonable cause ye have of these your unreasonable doings, of this your so mortal and deadly hatred, fury and malice you bear against these your euenchristened, of these your tumults, coniurations, gaping and hoping, rebellions, mutteringes, & murders, wherewith you trouble and disquiet the whole world. Of all which mischiefs, if the true cause were well known, the truth would be found doubtless to be none other but only the private cause of the Bishop of Rome, that he is not received, and the dignity of his Church exalted.

Touching which cause how unreasonable and unjust it is, more shall be said (the Lord willing) in reply, according as I shall see their answer, if it shall so please thē, or any of thē to answer this question. In the mean time this for a brief note shall suffice: that it standeth not with the scripture, but contrary to the scripture that the Bishop of Rome should so revenge his own private cause. If his title & plantatiō be good & of God, why doth he not refer it unto god? And no doubt, but if it be so, God will maintain it, though the whole world said no. If it be otherwise, it will fall & be rooted out, though all the world said yea, yea the greatest argument to prove this plantation of the Popes supremacy not to be of God, is, that the Pope fighting in his own private cause, by outward & worldly force seeketh his own glory▪ Christ our savior being here refused himself, yet neither revenged his cause, nor sought his own glory, but only the glory & will of his father, thus speaking of himself: Si ego glorifico meipsū, gloria mea nihil est, pater meus est, qui glorificat me▪ &c. John. 8. i. If I glorify myself, my glory is nothing, my father is he that glorifyeth me. &c. Even so I say with scripture, that if the Popes proc edings were planted of God, he would not so wrestle for his glory, as e doth. But forsomuch as he seeketh by such cruelty and bloodshed to exalt himself, we may well argue his proceedings not to be of God, and that he shall be brought low. &c. Luke. 18.

The third Question.

MY third question I take of the 13. chap. of the book of Revelation. Which book as it containeth a Prophetical history of the Church: so likewise it requireth by histories to be opened. In this chapter mention is made first of a certain beast coming out of the Sea, having vii. heads & x. horns, with x. diademes of blasphemy. Unto y e which beast the dragon, the devil, gave his strength, and great power to fight against the Saints▪ & to overcome them, & to make xlij. months: of the which beast, one of his heads was wounded at length to death, &c.

After this immediately in the same chap. mentiō followeth of another beast, rising out of the land, having 2. horns like a lamb, & spake like a dragon, & did all the power of the former beast before his face, and caused all dwellers of the earth to worship the beast: whose head was wounded, and lived. Who also had power to give spirit & life to the said former beast, to make the Image of the beast to speak, & to cause all men frō the highest to the lowest, to take the mark of the beast in their hands and foreheads, & whosoever worshipped not the Image of the beast should be killed. &c.

Upon this description of these two beasts riseth my question, wherein I desire all papists, from the highest to the lowest, either to answer or to consider with thenselves, what the spirit of the prophesy meaneth by the said 2. beasts. Neither is the mistery of this prophesy so obscure, but being historical, by histories it may be explained & easily expounded. Writing therefore to the Papists, as men expert in histories, my question is this: that seeing the prophesy of these 2. beasts must needs prefigure some people or dominiō in the world, of some high estate & power: they will now declare unto us, what people or domination this should be. Which if they will do plainly and truly, according to the marks & properties of the said ii. beasts here set forth, they must needs be driven of force inevitable to grant and confess, the same only to agree to the City & Empire of Rome, & to no other: Which by these reasons following of necessity must needs be concluded.

First, the beast wich came out of the sea, having the strength, the seat, and power of the great Dragon (the Devil, called the Prince of this world, committed to him, who also had power givē over all tribes, nations, languages, people and countries in the earth) must needs be an Empire or Monarchy of great force, passing all other Monarchies in the world besides, and this must needs argue the Empire of Rome and none other.

Secondly, in that the best had vii. heads & x. horns, with x. diademes full of blasphemy vpō thē: those vii. heads being expounded in the said book, cap. 17. for vii. hills, notoriously importeth the City of Rome, wherein were 7. hills contained. The like also may be thought of y e x. horns being there expounded for x. kings (signifying belike y e x. Prouincies or Kingdoms of the world subdued to the Roman Empire) with x. crowns of blasphemy upon their heads: all which conveniently agree to the City of Rome.

Thirdly, where the said beast had power to make 42. months and to fight against the Saints, and to overcome them, &c. thereby most manifestly is declared the Empire of Rome, with the heathen persecuting Emperors, which had power givē the space of so many months, (that is, from Tiberius to Licinius. 294. years) to persecute Christ's Church as in the Table of the primitive Church hereafter following is discoursed more at large.

Fourthly, where the prophet speaketh of the one of the heads of the beast to be wounded to the death, & the wound afterward to be cured again, by that ye have to understand the decay and subversion of the City of Rome & of Italy, which being one of the heads of the Roman Monarchy, was subdued by the Gottes, Uandals, & Lombards, and the City of Rome, thrice sacked and taken between the reign of Honorius Emperor of Rome, and the time of Justinian Emperor of Constantinople, & so remained this head of Rome wounded a long time under the dominion of y e Lombards, till at length this wound was cured again, as the sequel of this prophesy declareth: For so it followeth in the foresaid chap. of the Revelation: And after this I saw (saith he) another beast rising out of the land, having two horns like the lamb, and spake like the Dragon. Who practi ed all the power of the first beast before his face, and caused all the inhabitants of the earth to worship the first beast whose head was wounded and cured again &c. And to him it was given to give life to the Image of the beast, and to make it speak: and also to make all them that will not worship the image of the beast, to be slain, and caused all from the most to the least, both rich and poor, free men and bondmen, to take the mark of the beast in their right hand and in their foreheads, so that none should buy and sell unless he had the beasts mark about him▪ &c.

The description of this second beast being well viewed: it cannot be avoided, but needs must be applied to y e bishop of Rome and to none other: as by the history and order of times is evident to be proved. For who else representeth y e horns of the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world, but only he? who speaketh with y e voice of y e Dragon so proudly, as he? The voice of the Dragon spake once to Christ: That all the glory of the world was his to give to whom he would, & that he would give it. &c. And doth not this fall e horned lamb speaking in the same voice of the Dragon, say by the mouth of Pope Gregory 7. that all the kingdoms of the earth were his, and that he had power in earth to loose, and take away Empyres, Kingdoms, Dukedoms, and what else soever mortal men may have, and to give them where he would? &c. Ex platina in Vit. Gregorij. 7.

Furthermore, at what time the declining state of Rome began to decay, and Italy was brought under subjection of y e Lombardes, then the Pope stirred up Pipinus and Carol s Magnus, to take his part against the Lombardes, and to restore again, the old glory of y e Monarchy to his former state. And therefore who cured the wounded head of this beast again, but only he? who gave life and speech to the Image of the beast but he? who after that by help of the French kings, had subdued those Lombardes with other aliens, and had gotten the possession of Rome, into his own hands, he so repared & aduaunsed the fame and name of Rome, that since that time all persons from the hyest, to the lowest, both rich & poor have been glad to send & seek to Rome, yea Kings, Emperors, Queens, & Dukes have been glad to kiss the Bishops feet▪ and to lead his horse by the bridle: So that the Majesty of Rome in the old heathē Emperors days was never more terrible, nor glorious, nor never had more power to persecute & overcome gods Saints thē these lambelyke Bishops of Rome have had, and have exercised these 500. years in Christendom. And therefore who else in all the world hath so much power to do the works of the first beast, before his face, as he? or who but he alone? which forceth both high and low, rich and poor, free and bond to receive the seal, and to become loyal to the City and sea of Rome: so that whoseuer hath not the mark whereby to be known to hold of the Church of Rome, shall have no place, to buy and sell nor to occupy in all Christendom.

Now if any Papist whatsoever, in answering to this my questiō can apply this prophetical mistery of these 2. beasts otherwise then thus, I would heartily desire him, to take so much pains to satisfy this doubt at his good pleasure & laysure. In the mean season let this stand for a Corolarium, that the bishop of Rome by this description must be that second beast prophesied to come in the latter time of the Church under a false pretensed lamb, to restore again the old persecutions of Rome, and to disturb the whole Church of Christ, as this day to truly is come to pass.

The fourth Question.

AS touching my fourth question, although I could urge you w t another like prophetical place of scripture no less evident against the bishop of Rome, taken out of the second Epistle of S. Paul to the The la. where mention is made of the son of perdition, sitting in the Temple of God, as god, & aduaūcing himself above all that is called god &c. which place ye can by no reasonable euasiō avoid: yet notwithstanding to let this pass, I turn my questiō to ask this of you, whether the religion of Christ be mere spiritual, or else corporal. If ye affirm it to be corporal as was the old religiō of the Jews consisting in outward rites, sacrifices, ceremonies of the law: thē show if ye can, what any one outward actiō or obseruatiō is required in Christian religiō by the scripture, as necessary in a christen man, for remissiō of sins & salvation, save only the two Sacramental ceremonies of outward Baptism, & of the Lord's Supper? Howbeit neither these also as they are corporal, that is to say neither the outward action of the one, nor of the other cōferreth remissiō of sins, nor salvation, but only are visible shows of invisible & spiritual benefits. And furthermore if our god, whō we serve, be spiritual, how can his religiō & service be corporal as we are taught by the mouth of our savior, saying: God is a spirit and therefore they that worship him, must worship in spirit & verity. &c. John. 4.

Now if ye grant (as ye must needs) this our christen religion to be spiritual, & not a corporal religiō, thē show if ye can, any one point of all these things which ye strive for so much with us, to be spiritual, but altogether corporal, & externe matters & ceremonial observations, nothing cōducing to any spiritual purpose, as your outward successiō of bishops, garments, vestures, gestures, co lors, choice of meats, difference of days, times & places, hearing, seeing, saying, touching, tasting, numbering of beads, gilding & worshipping Images, building monasteries, rising at midnight, silence in cloisters, abstaining from flesh & white meat, fasting in Lent, keeping Imberdayes hearing mass & divine service, seeing & adoring the body in form of bread, receiving holy water, & holy bread, creeping to the cross, carrying palms, taking ashes, bearing candles, pilgrimage going, sensing, kneeling, knocking, aultars, superaltars, candlesticks, pardons: In orders crossing, anointing, shaving, forswering marriage: In baptism, crossing, salting, spatling, exorcising, washing of hands: At Easter ear confession, penance doing, satisfaction: And in receiving with beardes new shaven, to imagine a body, where they see nobody: & though he were there present to be seen, yet the outward seeing & touching of him, of it self, without faith, conduceth no more, thē it did to the Jews. At Rogatiō days, to carry banners, to follow the cross, to walk about the fields. After Pentecost, to go about with Corpus Christi play. At halowmas to watch in the church, to say a dirige & commendations, & to ring for all souls to pay tithes truly, to give to the high alter. And if a man will be a Priest, to say Mass & Matins, to serve the Saint of that day, and to lift well over his head. &c. In sickness to be aneled, to take his rites, after his death to have funerals, & obites said for him, and to be rong for at his funeral, month mind, and yearemind. &c. Add moreover to these the outward sacrifi •• of the Mass, with opus operatum sine bono motu vtentis. &c.

All which things above recited, as they contain the whole summary & effect of all the popes catholic religion: so are they all corporal exercises, consisting in the externe operation of man. Which if they can make a perfect right catholic Christian, then it may be said, that men may be made perfect Christians by flesh and blood, without any inward working of faith, or of the holy ghost. For what is in all these, but the flesh & blood, of his strength is able to accomplish, though no inward strength or motion of the holy Ghost did work.

But now the order of our religion, & way of salvation consisteth not in such corporal or outward things as these, but in other more higher & more spiritual gifts, which far exceed the capacity of flesh & blood: of the which gifts the chiefest & only mean cause that saveth man, & remitteth sins, is his faith in Christ. Which faith I thus define, for a man to believe by the bloodshedding of Jesus y e son of god, his sins to be forgiven, God's wrath to be pacified, & himself to be justified perfectly from all accusations that can be laid unto him. &c. And though the Papists make a light matter of this, to believe in Christ, and when they hear us say, that faith only justifieth, they object to us again and make it a small matter to be saved, if faith only justify us. Yet notwithstanding, this faith, if it be well examined, is such a thing that flesh and blood is not able to attain thereto, unless God's holy spirit frō above do draw him.

Moreover besides this faith, many other things are incident also to the doctrine of our salvation. Albeit as no causes thereof, but either as Sacraments and seals of faith, or as declarations thereof, or else as fruits, & effects following the same. So Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord be as testimonies and profess: that by our faith only in Christ we are justified, that as our bodies are washed by water, and our life nourished by bread and wine: so by the blood of Christ, our sins be purged, and the hunger of our souls releued by the death of his body.

Upon the same faith riseth also outward profession by mouth, as a declaration thereof. Other things also as fruits and effects do follow after faith, as peace of conscience, joy in the holy Ghost, invocation, patience, charity, mercy, judgment, & sanctification. For God for our faith in Christ his son, therefore giveth into our hearts his holy spirit of comfort, of peace, and sanctification, whereby man's heart is moved to a godly disposition to fear God, to seek him, to call upon him, to trust unto him, to stick to him in all adversities and persecutions, to love him: & for his sake also to love our brethren, to have mercy and compassion upon them, to visit them if they be in prison, to break bread to them, if they be hungry: and if they be burdened, to ease them: to clothe them if they be naked, and to harbor them if they be houseles. Mat. 25. with such other spiritual exercises of piety and sanctification as these. which therefore I call spiritual, because they proceed of the holy spirit and law of God which is spiritual.

And thus have ye a Catholic Christian defined, first after the rules of Rome, and also after the rule of the Gospel. Now confer these Antitheses together, and see whether of these is the truer Christian, the ceremonial man after the Church of Rome, or the spiritual man with his faith and other spiritual fruits of piety following after y e same. And if ye say that ye mixed them both together, spiritual things with your corporal ceremonies, to that I answer again, that as touching the end of remission of sins, and salvation, they ought in no case to be joined together, because the mean cause of all our salvation and remission, is only spiritual, and consisteth in faith, and in no other.

And therefore upon the same cause I come to my question again, as I began, to ask whether the Religion of Christ be a mere spiritual religion: and whether in the Religion of Rome: as it is now, is anything but only mere corporal things required, to make a catholic man. And thus I leave you to your answer.

IN turning over the first leaf of this book, which is pag. 2. col. 1. and in the latter end of the same colume, thou shalt find gentle Reader, the argument of Pighius & Hosius, wherein thus they argue: That forsomuch as Christ must needs have a catholic Church ever continuing here in earth, which all men may see & whereunto all men ought to resort: and seeing no other church hath endured continually from the Apostles, visible here in earth, but only y e church of Rome: they conclude therefore the Church only of Rome to be the right Catholic Church of Christ. &c.

In answering whereunto this is to be said: that forsomuch as the medius terminus of this argument, both in the Major and Minor, consisteth only in the word (visible and unknown) if they mean by this word (visible) in the Major that Christ's Church must be seen here to all the world, that all men may resort to it, it is false: Likewise if they mean by the same word (visible in the Minor : that no other Church hath been seen and known to any, but only the Church of Rome, they are likewise deceived. For the true Church of Christ neither is so visible, that all the world can see it, but only they which have spiritual eyes: and be members thereof: nor yet so invisible again, but such as be God's elect, and members thereof, do see it and have seen it, though the worldly eyes of the most multitude cannot so do. &c. Wherof read more in the protestation above prefixed to the church of England.




*The first Question.

FIrst, forsomuch as Mount Zion (which God calleth by the Prophet Iesai, the hill of his holiness) beareth in the scripture an undoubted type of the spiritual church of Christ: & for so much as the said Iesai. ca. 11. & 65. prophesying of the said Mount Zion, saith in these words: Non nocebunt ne{que} affligent in omni monte sancto meo, dicit Dominus. &c. 1. They shall not kill nor hurt, in all my holy hill, saith the Lord. &c. And again in the same chap. thus we read: Habitabit Lupus cum agno, & Pardus cū haedo accubabit: Vitulus, & Leo & ouis vna commorabuntur, & puellus paruulus ducet eos. &c. i. The wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, & the Leopard with the Kid: the Calf, the Lion & the sheep shall feed together, & a young child shall rule thē. The Cow also & the Bear shall abide together w t their young ones, & the Lion shall eat chaff & fodder like y e Ox. &c.

Upon these premises now followeth my question, how the church of Rome can be answerable to this hill of Siō: seeing in the said church of Rome is, and hath been now so many years such killing and slaying, such cruelty and tyranny shown, such burning & spoiling of christen blood, such malice & mischief wrought, as in reading these histories may to all the world appear.

To this if they answer, & expound these words of the Prophet, as pertaining to the church triumphant thereunto I reply again: that by the words in the same place & in the same sentence expressed that sense cannot stand, for as much as the Prophet in the very same place, where he prophesieth of this peaceable dwelling in God's holy mountain without hurting or killing, meaneth plainly of the earth, & showeth also the cause of that godly peace. Because (saith he) the earth is replenished with knowledge & science of the Lord. &c. ibid. And furthermore the Prophet speaking of the same day when this shall be, addeth saying: In that day the root of Jesse shall stand for a sign to the people, for the Gentiles to be converted, and to seek unto him▪ &c. Which day in no wise can be applied to the church in heaven triumphant, but only here militant in earth.

Touching which place of Iesai, further here is to be noted by the way, that by this peaceable Moūt Zion (which comprehendeth both the states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal) is not restrained the public penalty of good laws needful to be executed upon public malefactors, but here is restrained the fierceness, revenge, cruelty, & violence of men's affections. To which affections men being commonly subject by nature, through grace & working of the gospel are altered, reformed, & changed to another disposition: frō stoutness to softness: frō violence to sufferance: from fierceness to forbearing: frō pride to humility, frō cruelty to compassion, from wilynes to simplicity, frō solemn singularity to humanity and meekness. Which virtues, if they had been in the church of Rome (according to the rule of S. Paul, which willeth men that be stronger, to bear with the infirmities of the weaker, and that in the spirit of meekness. &c. Rom. 15. Gal. 6.) I should not have needed now at this time to write such a long history as this of the suffering of so many Martyrs.




The second Question.

MY second question is this: to demand of you catholic professors of the popes sect, which so deadly malign and persecute the protestants professing the gospel of Christ, what just or reasonable cause have you to allege for this your extreme hatred ye bear unto the, y neither you yourselves can abide to live w t them, nor yet will suffer y e other to live amongst you? If they were Jews, Turks or Infidels, or in their doctrine were any Idolatrous impitie or detestable iniquity in their lives: if they went about any deadly destruction, or privy conspiracies to oppress your lives, or by fraudulent dealing to circūuent you, then had you some cause to cōplain, and also to revenge. Now seeing in their doctrine ye have neither blasphemy, idolatry, superstition nor misbelief to object unto them: seeing they are baptized in the same belief, and believe the same articles of the Crede, as ye do: having the same God, y e same Christ & savior, the same baptism, & and are ready s con err with you in all kind of Christian doctrine, neither do refuse to be tried by any place of the scripture, how then riseth this mortal malice of you against them? If you think them to be her tickes, then bring forth if ye can, any one sentence which they arrogantly hold, contrary to the mind of holy scripture: expounded by the censure of most ancient Doctors? Or what is there in all y scripture to be required, but they acknowledge & confess the same? See & try the order of their lives & doings, what great fault find you. They serve God, they walk under his fear, they obey his law, as men may do: and though they be transgressors toward him, as other men are, yet toward you what have they done, what have they committed or deserved why you should be so bitter against them?

What offended the poor habitants of Merindal & Cabriers when the bishop of Aix, the Cardinal of Turon, and other Bishops of France wrasting from Francis the French king a commission, sent Men rius w t his Captayne John de Gay to destroy their country, an. 1530. who driving y e poor people there into a barn full of straw, set y e barn on fire, & burned up men, women, and children: And likewise in a church, exercised the like cruelty upon them, where were murdered the same time to the number of a thousand young and old, women, children, and young infants, besides vii. whole towns, with the most part of the dwellers thering, being murdered & burnt in y e said country of Provēce.

Also before that, what offended the Citizens of Toulouse and Avigno when Pope Gregory the ix. set Louis the French king to war against them and against Raymundus their Earl, without cause, where also the said king died at the siege.

Or to speak of later years, what hurt or harm did the poor Protestants in the town of Uassy, who peaceably being at a Sermon, were miserably slain and cut▪ men, women, and children, by the Duke of Guyes and his armed soldiers? besides other infinite examples almost not to be numbered of like cruelty, in Calabria, Apulia, Bohemia, France, and now of late in Flaunders, and in other countries moe.

But to let other countries pass, let us turn now to the peaceable government in this realm of England, under this our so mild & gracious Queen now presently reigning. Under whom you see howe gently you are suffered, what mercy is shown unto you: how quietly ye live. What lack you, that you would have, having almost the best rooms and offices in all the realm, not only without any loss of life▪ but also without any fear of death. And though a few of your Arch lerkes be in custody: yet in that custody so shrewdly are they hurt, that many a good Protestant in the realm would be glad with all their hearts to change rooms and diet with them if they might. And albeit some other for their pleasure have slipped over the seas, if their courage to see countries abroad did so allure them, who could let them, yet this is certain, no dread there was of death that drave them. For what papist have you seen in all this land to lose either life or limb for papistry during all these xii. years hitherto since this Queens reign? And yet all this notwithstanding, having no cause to complain, so many causes to give God thanks ye are not yet content, ye fret and fume, ye grudge and mutter, and are not pleased with peace, nor satisfied with safety but hope for a day, and fain would have a change. And to prevent your desired day, ye have conspired, and rise up in open rebellion against your Prince, whom the Lord hath set up to be your governor.

And as you have since that, now of late disturbed the quiet and peaceable state of Scotland, in murdering most traitorously the gentle and godly Regent of Scotland (who in sparing the Queens life there when he had her in his hands, hath now therefore lost his own) so with like fury, as by your rebellion appeareth, would disturb the golden quiet and tranquility of this Realm of England, if ye might have your willes▪ Which the merciful grace of almighty, for Christ his sons sake our Lord, forfend and utterly disapoynt. Amen.

Wherefore these premises considered, my question is to ask of you & know, what just or reasonable cause ye have of these your unreasonable doings, of this your so mortal and deadly hatred, fury and malice you bear against these your euenchristened, of these your tumults, coniurations, gaping and hoping, rebellions, mutteringes, & murders, wherewith you trouble and disquiet the whole world. Of all which mischiefs, if the true cause were well known, the truth would be found doubtless to be none other but only the private cause of the Bishop of Rome, that he is not received, and the dignity of his Church exalted.

Touching which cause how unreasonable and unjust it is, more shall be said (the Lord willing) in reply, according as I shall see their answer, if it shall so please thē, or any of thē to answer this question. In the mean time this for a brief note shall suffice: that it standeth not with the scripture, but contrary to the scripture that the Bishop of Rome should so revenge his own private cause. If his title & plantatiō be good & of God, why doth he not refer it unto god? And no doubt, but if it be so, God will maintain it, though the whole world said no. If it be otherwise, it will fall & be rooted out, though all the world said yea, yea the greatest argument to prove this plantation of the Popes supremacy not to be of God, is, that the Pope fighting in his own private cause, by outward & worldly force seeketh his own glory▪ Christ our savior being here refused himself, yet neither revenged his cause, nor sought his own glory, but only the glory & will of his father, thus speaking of himself: Si ego glorifico meipsū, gloria mea nihil est, pater meus est, qui glorificat me▪ &c. John. 8. i. If I glorify myself, my glory is nothing, my father is he that glorifyeth me. &c. Even so I say with scripture, that if the Popes proc edings were planted of God, he would not so wrestle for his glory, as e doth. But forsomuch as he seeketh by such cruelty and bloodshed to exalt himself, we may well argue his proceedings not to be of God, and that he shall be brought low. &c. Luke. 18.




The third Question.

MY third question I take of the 13. chap. of the book of Revelation. Which book as it containeth a Prophetical history of the Church: so likewise it requireth by histories to be opened. In this chapter mention is made first of a certain beast coming out of the Sea, having vii. heads & x. horns, with x. diademes of blasphemy. Unto y e which beast the dragon, the devil, gave his strength, and great power to fight against the Saints▪ & to overcome them, & to make xlij. months: of the which beast, one of his heads was wounded at length to death, &c.

After this immediately in the same chap. mentiō followeth of another beast, rising out of the land, having 2. horns like a lamb, & spake like a dragon, & did all the power of the former beast before his face, and caused all dwellers of the earth to worship the beast: whose head was wounded, and lived. Who also had power to give spirit & life to the said former beast, to make the Image of the beast to speak, & to cause all men frō the highest to the lowest, to take the mark of the beast in their hands and foreheads, & whosoever worshipped not the Image of the beast should be killed. &c.

Upon this description of these two beasts riseth my question, wherein I desire all papists, from the highest to the lowest, either to answer or to consider with thenselves, what the spirit of the prophesy meaneth by the said 2. beasts. Neither is the mistery of this prophesy so obscure, but being historical, by histories it may be explained & easily expounded. Writing therefore to the Papists, as men expert in histories, my question is this: that seeing the prophesy of these 2. beasts must needs prefigure some people or dominiō in the world, of some high estate & power: they will now declare unto us, what people or domination this should be. Which if they will do plainly and truly, according to the marks & properties of the said ii. beasts here set forth, they must needs be driven of force inevitable to grant and confess, the same only to agree to the City & Empire of Rome, & to no other: Which by these reasons following of necessity must needs be concluded.

First, the beast wich came out of the sea, having the strength, the seat, and power of the great Dragon (the Devil, called the Prince of this world, committed to him, who also had power givē over all tribes, nations, languages, people and countries in the earth) must needs be an Empire or Monarchy of great force, passing all other Monarchies in the world besides, and this must needs argue the Empire of Rome and none other.

Secondly, in that the best had vii. heads & x. horns, with x. diademes full of blasphemy vpō thē: those vii. heads being expounded in the said book, cap. 17. for vii. hills, notoriously importeth the City of Rome, wherein were 7. hills contained. The like also may be thought of y e x. horns being there expounded for x. kings (signifying belike y e x. Prouincies or Kingdoms of the world subdued to the Roman Empire) with x. crowns of blasphemy upon their heads: all which conveniently agree to the City of Rome.

Thirdly, where the said beast had power to make 42. months and to fight against the Saints, and to overcome them, &c. thereby most manifestly is declared the Empire of Rome, with the heathen persecuting Emperors, which had power givē the space of so many months, (that is, from Tiberius to Licinius. 294. years) to persecute Christ's Church as in the Table of the primitive Church hereafter following is discoursed more at large.

Fourthly, where the prophet speaketh of the one of the heads of the beast to be wounded to the death, & the wound afterward to be cured again, by that ye have to understand the decay and subversion of the City of Rome & of Italy, which being one of the heads of the Roman Monarchy, was subdued by the Gottes, Uandals, & Lombards, and the City of Rome, thrice sacked and taken between the reign of Honorius Emperor of Rome, and the time of Justinian Emperor of Constantinople, & so remained this head of Rome wounded a long time under the dominion of y e Lombards, till at length this wound was cured again, as the sequel of this prophesy declareth: For so it followeth in the foresaid chap. of the Revelation: And after this I saw (saith he) another beast rising out of the land, having two horns like the lamb, and spake like the Dragon. Who practi ed all the power of the first beast before his face, and caused all the inhabitants of the earth to worship the first beast whose head was wounded and cured again &c. And to him it was given to give life to the Image of the beast, and to make it speak: and also to make all them that will not worship the image of the beast, to be slain, and caused all from the most to the least, both rich and poor, free men and bondmen, to take the mark of the beast in their right hand and in their foreheads, so that none should buy and sell unless he had the beasts mark about him▪ &c.

The description of this second beast being well viewed: it cannot be avoided, but needs must be applied to y e bishop of Rome and to none other: as by the history and order of times is evident to be proved. For who else representeth y e horns of the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world, but only he? who speaketh with y e voice of y e Dragon so proudly, as he? The voice of the Dragon spake once to Christ: That all the glory of the world was his to give to whom he would, & that he would give it. &c. And doth not this fall e horned lamb speaking in the same voice of the Dragon, say by the mouth of Pope Gregory 7. that all the kingdoms of the earth were his, and that he had power in earth to loose, and take away Empyres, Kingdoms, Dukedoms, and what else soever mortal men may have, and to give them where he would? &c. Ex platina in Vit. Gregorij. 7.

Furthermore, at what time the declining state of Rome began to decay, and Italy was brought under subjection of y e Lombardes, then the Pope stirred up Pipinus and Carol s Magnus, to take his part against the Lombardes, and to restore again, the old glory of y e Monarchy to his former state. And therefore who cured the wounded head of this beast again, but only he? who gave life and speech to the Image of the beast but he? who after that by help of the French kings, had subdued those Lombardes with other aliens, and had gotten the possession of Rome, into his own hands, he so repared & aduaunsed the fame and name of Rome, that since that time all persons from the hyest, to the lowest, both rich & poor have been glad to send & seek to Rome, yea Kings, Emperors, Queens, & Dukes have been glad to kiss the Bishops feet▪ and to lead his horse by the bridle: So that the Majesty of Rome in the old heathē Emperors days was never more terrible, nor glorious, nor never had more power to persecute & overcome gods Saints thē these lambelyke Bishops of Rome have had, and have exercised these 500. years in Christendom. And therefore who else in all the world hath so much power to do the works of the first beast, before his face, as he? or who but he alone? which forceth both high and low, rich and poor, free and bond to receive the seal, and to become loyal to the City and sea of Rome: so that whoseuer hath not the mark whereby to be known to hold of the Church of Rome, shall have no place, to buy and sell nor to occupy in all Christendom.

Now if any Papist whatsoever, in answering to this my questiō can apply this prophetical mistery of these 2. beasts otherwise then thus, I would heartily desire him, to take so much pains to satisfy this doubt at his good pleasure & laysure. In the mean season let this stand for a Corolarium, that the bishop of Rome by this description must be that second beast prophesied to come in the latter time of the Church under a false pretensed lamb, to restore again the old persecutions of Rome, and to disturb the whole Church of Christ, as this day to truly is come to pass.




The fourth Question.

AS touching my fourth question, although I could urge you w t another like prophetical place of scripture no less evident against the bishop of Rome, taken out of the second Epistle of S. Paul to the The la. where mention is made of the son of perdition, sitting in the Temple of God, as god, & aduaūcing himself above all that is called god &c. which place ye can by no reasonable euasiō avoid: yet notwithstanding to let this pass, I turn my questiō to ask this of you, whether the religion of Christ be mere spiritual, or else corporal. If ye affirm it to be corporal as was the old religiō of the Jews consisting in outward rites, sacrifices, ceremonies of the law: thē show if ye can, what any one outward actiō or obseruatiō is required in Christian religiō by the scripture, as necessary in a christen man, for remissiō of sins & salvation, save only the two Sacramental ceremonies of outward Baptism, & of the Lord's Supper? Howbeit neither these also as they are corporal, that is to say neither the outward action of the one, nor of the other cōferreth remissiō of sins, nor salvation, but only are visible shows of invisible & spiritual benefits. And furthermore if our god, whō we serve, be spiritual, how can his religiō & service be corporal as we are taught by the mouth of our savior, saying: God is a spirit and therefore they that worship him, must worship in spirit & verity. &c. John. 4.

Now if ye grant (as ye must needs) this our christen religion to be spiritual, & not a corporal religiō, thē show if ye can, any one point of all these things which ye strive for so much with us, to be spiritual, but altogether corporal, & externe matters & ceremonial observations, nothing cōducing to any spiritual purpose, as your outward successiō of bishops, garments, vestures, gestures, co lors, choice of meats, difference of days, times & places, hearing, seeing, saying, touching, tasting, numbering of beads, gilding & worshipping Images, building monasteries, rising at midnight, silence in cloisters, abstaining from flesh & white meat, fasting in Lent, keeping Imberdayes hearing mass & divine service, seeing & adoring the body in form of bread, receiving holy water, & holy bread, creeping to the cross, carrying palms, taking ashes, bearing candles, pilgrimage going, sensing, kneeling, knocking, aultars, superaltars, candlesticks, pardons: In orders crossing, anointing, shaving, forswering marriage: In baptism, crossing, salting, spatling, exorcising, washing of hands: At Easter ear confession, penance doing, satisfaction: And in receiving with beardes new shaven, to imagine a body, where they see nobody: & though he were there present to be seen, yet the outward seeing & touching of him, of it self, without faith, conduceth no more, thē it did to the Jews. At Rogatiō days, to carry banners, to follow the cross, to walk about the fields. After Pentecost, to go about with Corpus Christi play. At halowmas to watch in the church, to say a dirige & commendations, & to ring for all souls to pay tithes truly, to give to the high alter. And if a man will be a Priest, to say Mass & Matins, to serve the Saint of that day, and to lift well over his head. &c. In sickness to be aneled, to take his rites, after his death to have funerals, & obites said for him, and to be rong for at his funeral, month mind, and yearemind. &c. Add moreover to these the outward sacrifi •• of the Mass, with opus operatum sine bono motu vtentis. &c.

All which things above recited, as they contain the whole summary & effect of all the popes catholic religion: so are they all corporal exercises, consisting in the externe operation of man. Which if they can make a perfect right catholic Christian, then it may be said, that men may be made perfect Christians by flesh and blood, without any inward working of faith, or of the holy ghost. For what is in all these, but the flesh & blood, of his strength is able to accomplish, though no inward strength or motion of the holy Ghost did work.

But now the order of our religion, & way of salvation consisteth not in such corporal or outward things as these, but in other more higher & more spiritual gifts, which far exceed the capacity of flesh & blood: of the which gifts the chiefest & only mean cause that saveth man, & remitteth sins, is his faith in Christ. Which faith I thus define, for a man to believe by the bloodshedding of Jesus y e son of god, his sins to be forgiven, God's wrath to be pacified, & himself to be justified perfectly from all accusations that can be laid unto him. &c. And though the Papists make a light matter of this, to believe in Christ, and when they hear us say, that faith only justifieth, they object to us again and make it a small matter to be saved, if faith only justify us. Yet notwithstanding, this faith, if it be well examined, is such a thing that flesh and blood is not able to attain thereto, unless God's holy spirit frō above do draw him.

Moreover besides this faith, many other things are incident also to the doctrine of our salvation. Albeit as no causes thereof, but either as Sacraments and seals of faith, or as declarations thereof, or else as fruits, & effects following the same. So Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord be as testimonies and profess: that by our faith only in Christ we are justified, that as our bodies are washed by water, and our life nourished by bread and wine: so by the blood of Christ, our sins be purged, and the hunger of our souls releued by the death of his body.

Upon the same faith riseth also outward profession by mouth, as a declaration thereof. Other things also as fruits and effects do follow after faith, as peace of conscience, joy in the holy Ghost, invocation, patience, charity, mercy, judgment, & sanctification. For God for our faith in Christ his son, therefore giveth into our hearts his holy spirit of comfort, of peace, and sanctification, whereby man's heart is moved to a godly disposition to fear God, to seek him, to call upon him, to trust unto him, to stick to him in all adversities and persecutions, to love him: & for his sake also to love our brethren, to have mercy and compassion upon them, to visit them if they be in prison, to break bread to them, if they be hungry: and if they be burdened, to ease them: to clothe them if they be naked, and to harbor them if they be houseles. Mat. 25. with such other spiritual exercises of piety and sanctification as these. which therefore I call spiritual, because they proceed of the holy spirit and law of God which is spiritual.

And thus have ye a Catholic Christian defined, first after the rules of Rome, and also after the rule of the Gospel. Now confer these Antitheses together, and see whether of these is the truer Christian, the ceremonial man after the Church of Rome, or the spiritual man with his faith and other spiritual fruits of piety following after y e same. And if ye say that ye mixed them both together, spiritual things with your corporal ceremonies, to that I answer again, that as touching the end of remission of sins, and salvation, they ought in no case to be joined together, because the mean cause of all our salvation and remission, is only spiritual, and consisteth in faith, and in no other.

And therefore upon the same cause I come to my question again, as I began, to ask whether the Religion of Christ be a mere spiritual religion: and whether in the Religion of Rome: as it is now, is anything but only mere corporal things required, to make a catholic man. And thus I leave you to your answer.