Commentary on Romans

1. Quest. Of the occasion, which moved the Apostle in this chapter to entreat of the duty of subjects to the Magistrate.

1. Chrysostom. thinketh, that the Apostle having treated in the former chapter of patience, and not rendering evil for evil, doth very oppotunely now move obedience unto the Magistrate; multo enim magis illis, qui benefaciunt, &c. for much more ought we to obey them, which deserve well of us; if we should not be avenged of them, which do evil.

2. Beside he giveth another reason, that whereas the Christians had in those days many troubles, temptations, and trials, it was needless, van as tentationes superaddere, to add vain idle temptations and occasions of trouble, namely, in resisting the Magistrates.

3. Calvin thinketh, that this precept was added especially, because of the Jews, to whom it seemed a very unmeet thing, that progenies Abraha in servitute maneret, that the progeny of Abraham should remain in servitude under heathen governors: the same reason is touched by Peter Martyr.

4. Pareus addeth, that S. Paul's doctrine concerning Christian liberty, as he said before, c. 6. we are not under the law, but under grace, might have been misconstrued, as though Christians should not be subject to civil laws: & therefore he seasonably urgeth civil obedience.

5. Add hereunto, that the Christians were defamed, as enemies unto the policy of Commonwealths, and civil Magistracy: which false surmise was the cause of the persecuting of Christians, as Clemens Alexandrin. lib. 4. stromat. therefore the Apostle to give satisfaction to the Gentiles, thus exhorteth: this moved Justinus Martyr, in his 2. apology unto Antonius the Emperor, to clear the Christians by many arguments of this surmised imputation: Tolet.

6. And further, whereas the Apostle before had taught, that Christians should not avenge themselves: some might have gathered thereupon, that it were not lawful to use the defense of the Magistrate against wrongs: nay that it was not lawful for the Magistrate to take revenge of evil doers, therefore the Apostle very fitly falleth into this discourse: Gwalther.

7. And lastly, because the Magistrates were then infidels, least that the faithful might take themselves free from the command of Infidels, as subjects from their Magistrates, servants from their Masters, the Apostle doth interlace this treatise, Calvin, Gwalther: for these and such like reasons doth the Apostle so inculcate this doctrine of civil obedience, as in this place, and 1. Tim. 12. Tit. 3.1. and S. Peter agreeth, 1. Pet. 2.13.14.

Quest. 2. How every soul should be subject to the higher powers.

1. Every soul. 1. The soul is put, a part for the whole, by the figure synecdoche, according to the phrase of Scripture: as Haymo giveth instance of that place Gen. 46. how Jacob went down to Egypt with 70. souls: and Act. 27. there were 275. souls with Paul in the ship: as sometime the flesh, the other part of man is taken for the whole: as all flesh shall see the salvation of the Lord. 2. But Origen's conceit is here somewhat curious, as Martyr and Erasmus note, that it is not said, every spirit, but every soul, for the spiritual man, which hath renounced the world, hath nothing wherein to be subject to the superior powers: as the Apostle said, gold & silver have we none: he that hath none of these, nō habet vnde subiaceat potestat ib. hath nothing wherein to be subject to the powers, &c. But even the Apostles thenselves were obedient unto them. 3. he saith, every soul, quia debet esse voluntaria subiectio, because this subjection must be voluntary, not only in body, but in soul, Gorran. 4. and further by this is signified, that all mortal men, none excepted, should be so subject; and therefore he saith, every soul. 5. Caietane yet noteth further, that not only our bodies, and our substance, but even our souls should be subject unto the secular powers, in ijs quae possunt legitime imperare, in those things, wherein they may lawfully command.

Be subject. The word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which signifieth to be subordinate: where 1. is insinuated the order of government, which whosoever resisteth, bringeth in disorder and confusion. 2. and Chrysostom noteth, that he saith not, be obedient, but be subject ; which is a general word, comprehending all other duties and services. 3. but this must be limited unto those things, which are lawfully commanded: for otherwise, if they shall require anything against the glory of God, and our conscience, we must follow the example of the Apostles, Act. 4. to obey God, rather then man, Gualt. so Haymo well observeth, that as man consisteth of body and soul, so he must inviolably in his soul, servare fidem Deo, keep his faith unto God, and in his body serve the powers.

To the superior or chief powers. 1. The vulgar Latin readeth, sublimiaribus, higher powers: which Erasmus and Beza think not to be so fit, because the word in the original is not in the imperatiue: and this would give occasion to some to think, that obedience should be given only to the chief magistrate. But they are called high in respect of the people, over whom they are set, not compared among themselves: for not only the King as the chief, but other inferior officers and ministers are to be obeyed; as S. Peter showeth, 1. epist. 2.3.14. 2. Caietane observeth, that this word high, or excelling, is added to exclude tyrants, who are not excelling Lord's, and so he taketh the Apostle to speak de legitimis potestatb. of lawful powers: but I prefer the ordinary gloss, which understandeth the Apostle of secular powers, sive bonis, sive malis, whether good, or evil: and Peter Martyr observeth well, that here we must not inquire, quo iure, quave iniuria, by what right or wrong, these powers obtained their authority: for the Romans by force, not by right, were at this time Lord's of the world: but the Magistrates for the present are to be obeyed. 3. Chrysostom also noteth well, that the Apostle speaketh not of the person of the governors, sed de ipsa re, but of the thing it self, of their authority, and power: that howsoever they are unworthy of their authority, which abuse it, yet the power, which they have, is to be obeyed. 4. Lyranus, and Haymo before him, think this place to be understood of spiritual governors, and Prelates, as well as secular and civil: but Chrysostom, and Basil. lib. de constitut. Monach. c. 23. do better interpret this place of civil governors: and Basils reason is, because the Apostle afterward maketh mention of tribute, which is due only to the secular power: And therefore Calvin justly taketh exception to the Romanists, which out of this place would conclude, that obedience is to be given also to the Prelates of the Church. Pererius here, dispute. 1. numer. 3. opposeth Basil unto Calvin, who should think, that obedience to Prelates may be concluded out of this place: but Basil in the place before alleged, directly showeth, that the Apostle speaketh de potestatibus mundi, of the worldly, not of spiritual powers: only he reasoneth from hence, from the less to the greater; that if such obedience be to be given to temporal governors, quanto magis, &c. how much more to spiritual; and then for proof hereof, he allegeth that place, Heb. 13.17. Obey those which have the oversight of you.

3. Quest. How the powers that be are said to be of God.

1. God in the beginning gave a threefold power unto man: first over himself: God gave unto man freewill, whereby he should govern all his actions: then he gave him power over the other creatures: and thirdly, he gave unto man power over man, first in families, as unto the father over his children, to the master over his servants, to the husband over his wife: then in the politic regiment, of what kind soever it be, whether Monarchical, of one, Aristocratical, of many, and those the best, or Democratical, which is the popular state: all these had their beginning from God, some mediately, some immediately. Pareus.

But it will be asked, how and when this order of government, was first instituted of God: the answer is, that God imprinted in man by nature, this original light, to see the necessity of government, without the which there would be no order: as we see, that the unreasonable creatures, as the silly bees have their governor, the cranes also, and sheep: Chrysostom addeth further, marvel not, that God hath appointed rule and government among men, cum istud in corpore fecerit, seeing he hath done the like in the body: for some parts are made to direct and guide the rest: this natural instinct of government the Lord estsoone confirmed by precept; as Gen. 9.6. Whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed: which is not understood of everyone, for God is not the author of confusion, but of the Magistrate, by whom the murder should be punished, Martyr.

3. Tolet here hath a very good distinction, between potestas, vsus potestatis, assumptio in potestatem, the power, the use of the power, and the assuming of the power: for the power may be of God, when the abuse of the power cometh of the devil, and of man's own corruption: as Saul had his kingly power from God, but he abused it unto cruelty: and the assuming of that power, and the entering into it, is often unlawful; as Abimelech by cruelty aspired the government, Judge. 9.

4. Beside, the same author observeth well a difference between the Civil and Ecclesiastical regiment: for the first is so from God, that yet the institution thereof may be devised by man; as a king may in his kingdom according to the necessity of the state, erect new officers and ministers, and therefore it is called, the ordinance of man, 1. Pet. 2.13. but the spiritual power is immediately instituted of God, and therefore the Apostle saith, Eph. 4.11. He gave some to be Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, &c. Thus far Tolet goeth well: but this that is well said, he corrupteth with a dram of his Popish dregs; that Christ gave this power to make Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical ministers to Peter, which power in successores eius amanavit, &c. did issue forth to all his posterity: and so, saith he, all Ecclesiastical power did not immediately come from Christ, but only prima potestas, the first power, out of the which the rest do slow; but so is it not in the secular state.

Contra. 1. As though the other Apostles did not as well constitute Bishops, Elders, and other officers, as well as Peter: the Deacons, Act. 7. were chosen by the common consent of the Apostles: and Paul and Barnabas ordained Elders in every Church, Act. 14.23. 2. it will be hard for him to prove the Pope to be Peters successor, and to succeed in his Apostolical power. 3. If the original Ecclesiastical power only were immediately from Christ, so is it in the secular also: for that originally hath God's immediate warrant, that there should be rulers, and governors over the people: and so there should be no difference at all in this behalf. 4. Wherefore we acknowledge this a true difference between the Civil and Ecclesiastical state propounded by Tolet, but again rejected, and disavowed by him; that every Ecclesiastical office and ministry was immediately instituted by Christ, and his Apostles, though now mediately by the Church, men are assumed to these offices; but in the Civil government, the institution only in general is from God, many particular offices have been invented by men.

4. Quest. Whether every superior power be of God.

That every Magistracy and government is not of God, it may be thus objected.

1. The Lord saith by his Prophet Hoshea, 8.4. they have set up Princes, but not by me: they have made Princes, and I knew it not.

2. A tyrannical government is not of God, but many governments in the world are tyrannical, as of the Turks and Mohammedans.

3. Magistrates are created, and appointed by men, and S. Peter calleth them human ordinances, 1. Pet. 2.13. therefore they are not all of God.

4. Satan is called the prince of the world, John. 14.30. yea the god of the world, 2. Cor. 4.4. and he taketh upon him to distribute the kingdoms of the world, Matth. 4.9. therefore they are not of God.

5. And if every power were of God, then the supreme authority, which the Pope challengeth over the universal Church, should be of God.

Ans. First in general this distinction is to be premised, which may serve to dissolve every particular objection: we must make a difference between the power in it self considered, and the way of attaining unto that power, and the use or manner of execution: the first is always of God, but not the second, and the third, for when any by bribery, cruelty, or any other corrupt means, attaineth unto any Magistracy, or if he abuse his power to the maintenance of superstition, and to oppress the people of God, in neither of these respects, is it said to be of God. Origen doth thus illustrate this, by the similitude of the parts of the body, as the sight and hearing, are natural faculties given us of God, and yet men may abuse them ad impia & iniqua ministeria, to wicked and ungodly services: Chrysostom showeth this difference by the example of marriage: carnal copulation lawfully used in marriage is of God, yet there may be an unlawful cohabitation and copulation with women, which is not of God: so in the Magistracy, we must distinguish between the institution and the abuse thereof, the first is of God, so is not the other: now for a further answer in particuliar we say,

1. To the first place objected out of Hoshea, diverse answears are made. 1. Jerome thinketh that the Prophet speaketh of Saul, who was chosen error populi, non voluntate Domini, by the error of the people, not by the will of God: but it is evident, that the Prophet in that place toucheth the preposterous setting up of Jeroboam and his idolatry, as v. 5. Thy calf O Samaria did cast thee off. 2. Wherefore the better answer is, that concerning the thing it self, the renting of the kingdom from Solomon, and giving of ten tribes to Jeroboam, was the Lord's own act, as the Prophet Ahiah saith, 1. King. 11.31. but in respect of the circumstances, as the rebellion of the people against their lawful king, and their falling away from his obedience, without consulting with God, so was it not the Lord's act, Pareus. 3. Pet. Martyr saith further, that he is said to have reigned but not by God, in respect of the manner of his government, quia se non accomodavit ad scriptam & patefactam Dei voluntatem, because he applied not himself to the written and revealed will of God. 3. Faius putteth both these answears together, that Jeroboam and such other governors, are said to reign, but not by God, because they invade the kingdom, praeter ordinem, &c. beside or contrary to the order instituted of God, & sibi non Deo regnant, they reign for themselves, not unto the honor and glory of God: yet the power it self which they have is of God: to this purpose Gregory writeth well, as he is alleged in the ordinary gloss, tumoris elatio, non ordo potestatis in crimine est, potentiam Deus distribuit, elationem potentiae malitia nostrae mentis invenit, the swelling pride, not the orderly power is to be blamed, God giveth the power, but the proud usage of the power, the malice of man's mind hath found out, &c.

2. Tyrannicall government, as it is tyrannical is not of God, for that is the fault and corruption of the governor: but the power it self of governing is notwithstanding of God: riches gotten by usury, extortion, and other evil means, cease not to be the gifts of God, and good in themselves, though they are not good to them, which get them evil: so we must here discern between the right which God hath in such things, which always remaineth in God, and his judgments, whereby he so distributeth such things, as the corruption of man often concurreth in them, and the unjust usage or usurpation, or acquisition, whereby such things, though good in themselves, yet are not good unto such usurpers.

3. The second clauses exclude not the first: though diverse forms of gouernements are found out by men, the first institution notwithstanding was from God: as the fruits of the earth are brought forth by the industry and labor of man, yet cease they not to be God's gifts: so Ecclesiastical functions, as of Apostles, Prophets, were at the first immediately appointed by God: yet now also Pastors are of God, though called mediately by men. And S. Peter calleth the Magistracy an human ordinance, both subiective, because man is the subject thereof, by whom it is executed, and obiective, because human affairs are the object thereof, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in respect of the ende, because it is for man's good: yet the original institution is of God.

4. Satan is called the Prince of the world, not simply as though he did what he would, but because he is God's minister in the world, and used for the punishment of worldly men, and hath so much power over men, as is granted unto him: and he is called the God of the world; because he is so reputed of worldly men: and Satan therein lied, in saying that the kingdoms of the world were his to bestow.

5. The episcopal authority of the Bishop of Rome, so he were a right Bishop, we deny not to be of God: but his challenge of universal dominion, is not potestas, sed potestatis vl ••• , a power, but an abuse or disease of the power, which he hath not by God's ordinance, but by his own ambition, the devils instigation, and God's sufferance and connivence, Pareus.

Quest. 5. How far evil governors have their power from God, whether by his permission and sufferance only.

1. Pererius here taking occasion to slander the Protestants, that they should hold, that Deus est vere author & effector quorumlibet peccatorum, God is the very author and effector of any sins whatsoever; findeth great fault with Bucer for thus writing, that whosoever hath any power whether he use it well or evil, or come unto it by right or wrong, that it is undoubtedly true, eam potestatem à Deo accepisse, that he received that power from God, &c. whereupon he inferreth, that he which by manifect tyranny invaded the government, Dei fuerit consilio & voluntate assumptus, was by the counsel and will of God assumed and taken unto that government: and further he falleth into a great admiration, that they which deny obedience to Christ's Vicar, yet do persuade obedience to be given to every Tyrant: to this purpose Pererius, numer. 6. And consequently the opinion of the Romanists is, that evil governors do rise up in the world, permittente Deo, God only so permitting, Tolet annotat. 3.

Contra. 1. It is a mere slander, that Protestants lay any such imputation upon God, as to make him the author of evil: nay the Romanists are rather guilty hereof, that affirm God to be a permitter and sufferer of evil: for he which suffereth evil to be done, which he can hinder, must be accessory unto it: we say then, that God is neither an actor nor a permitter of evil, as it is evil: his permission we grant, but such as is joined with his will, for that which God would not have done in the world, cannot be done: but for the more full explanation of this point, I refer the Reader to the 64. question upon the 1. chapt. of this Epistle.

2. But that evil governors do not rule only by God's permission is evident out of Scripture, as it is here alleged by the ordinar. gloss: as Job. 34.30. qui facit regnare hypocritam, &c. which causeth an hypocrite to reign for the sins of the people, &c. as the vulgar Latin readeth: and Hosh. 13.11. I gave a king in mine anger, &c. and hereupon the gloss inferreth, datur improbis nocendi potestas, power to hurt is given to the wicked, that the patience of good men might be proved, &c. and further it is added, per potestatem diabolo datam, & Job probatus est, vt iustus appareret, & Petrus tentatus est, ne de se presumeret, & Paulus colophizatus, ne se extolleret, & Judas damnatus vt se suspenderet: by power given unto the Devil, both Job was proved, to appear just, and Peter tempted, that he should not presume of himself, and Paul buffeted, least he should extol himself, and Judas damned, to hang himself, &c. here their own gloss is against them, which maketh God a giver of that power, which wicked governors abuse, This is then our assertion, that evil governors rule not by God's permission only: for in the Scripture God is said to have raised and stirred up the Assyrians and Babylonians: But therein God's providence is seen, and such evil governors are not sent without God's secret will and ordinance, for the punishment of men's sins: as Pet. Martyr, Deus arcana & efficaci voluntate voluit eos imperare, God by his hid and the same effectual will would have them to rule: though then they do not either attain unto the place of government, by lawful means, and according to the rules of God's revealed will, neither do rule after the same, yet by his secret will and providence they are appointed thereunto for the execution of God's judgments, which are most just.

3. Neither is a Tyrant to be obeyed, if he command anything contrary to the word of God: such are the laws of the Pope, which maintain superstition and idolatry: and though a Tyrant in his proper place of government is to be obeyed, it followeth not, the Pope should: for the one (though a tyrant) beareth sway in temporal things, wherein the conscience is not touched, and in his proper seignorie, which he is advaunced unto: but the Pope doth tyrannize in spiritual things and over the conscience, and out of his own precinct and jurisdiction: so that he commandeth as a Lord out of his own territory, where no obedience is due: As for his supposed vicardome, it is but an idle fancy and Popish dream.

Quest. 6. Why the Apostle saith again, The powers that be, are ordained of God.

1. The vulgar Latin readeth, The things which are, are ordained of God, and so Anselm, and the interlinear. gloss. wherein a double error is committed, for the word powers, which is in the original, is omitted, and the word ordinata, ordained, is put in the neuter, which in the Greek is in the feminine, answering unto powers: and beside, as Tolet well observeth, annot. 4. these words would beget an erroneous sense: for all things that are, are not ordained of God, as war, sickness, poverty: for then it were not lawful to prevent any of these: for God's ordinance must not be resisted.

2. Origen omitteth this clause altogether: and Erasmus coniectureth, that this clause might be inserted by some interpreter, by way of explanation: but seeing Chrysostom hath it, and the Syrian interpreter, with other ancient copies, this conceit cannot be admitted.

3. Neither yet is it a repetition of the same thing, which the Apostle set down before, every power is of God, to show God to be author and founder of these powers, as Oecum. for there had been here no great need or use of such repetition.

4. Haymo thinketh, that the Apostle in the second place understandeth iura potestatum, the rights belonging to these powers: that not only the power it self, but the right of governing is of God; but these two cannot well be distinguished, the power and the right of the power: Beza thinketh that in the first place, the Apostle in general shown the dignity of the magistracy, in the second, the distribution of the same dignity: because there are diverse degrees of magistracy, to show, ipsis •• fimis ordinibus, &c. that we are to yield obedience to the lowest orders of government: but this was comprehended in the former sentence, Every power is of God, that is, whether superior or inferior, none are excluded.

5. Some do infer, because the Apostle saith, They are ordained, &c. that there is an order and certain degrees in government, some are superior to others: Boniface 8. in the extravagant vnam sanctam: but it is evident by the words following, where the power is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the ordinance of God, that this ordaining hath reference unto God's institution, not to the distinction and order of degrees in the powers: But whereas Boniface in that place, upon this supposed ground buildeth the preeminence of the Ecclesiastical power above the Civil, and so would make the Pope the Lord peramount above all, the vanity of this conceit shall be examined among the controversies following.

6. Theodoret by ordaining understandeth the divine providence: the ordinar. gloss interpreteth, rationabiliter disposita, reasonably disposed: but more is signified then so: for there are many things disposed of in the world by God's providence, which yet it is lawful to resist, as Tolet noteth annot. 4.

7. Wherefore the emphasis or force of this sentence, lieth in the word ordained, which amplifieth that which the Apostle said before: that these powers are not simply of God, as other things, but specially ordained, that is, by special precept from God: there are other things of God, as famine, war, sickness, poverty, but not ordained by precept and commandment: Thus Tolet, likewise Faius: that by ordaining, is understood, praeceptum esse à Deo, that it is commanded of God, that obedience should be yielded to magistrates: so also before them both Hyperius: and three ways may these powers be said to be ordained or ordered: first in respect of God, because thy are by him instituted and appointed: secondly in regard of themselves, the Lord hath set them certain limits and bounds, whereby they should be ordered: thirdly in respect of those which are to be ordered: God would have order among men, some to rule, some to obey: like as in a campe there are some leaders and captains, others are appointed to follow, and to be ranged in their ranks, as the soldiers, Pareus.

Quest. 7. Of not resisting the power.

1. He that resisteth, the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which properly signifieth disordered, or counter-ordered, ordered against: which showeth that all rebellion is a disorder, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very confusion, Pareus.

2. Diuerse ways is the power resisted, either aperta vi, by open violence and rebellion: or fraud, by deceit and craft, when the power is deceived and misinformed, which is an ordinary thing in Princes Courts, Martyr: Tolet addeth a third, qui praecepta negligit, &c. he that neglecteth the precepts of the Prince, and withholdeth duties, as to pay tribute, and such like, therein showeth himself contrary to God's ordinance.

3. Chrysostom observeth the phrase, that the Apostle saith, not he which obeyeth the Magistrate, therein submitteth himself to God's ordinance, but by the contrary, he that resisteth the power, resisteth God's ordinance, to show, that non gratiam sed debitum illis obediendo praestemus, &c. that we do not show them a pleasure in obeying, but pay our debt: and further he inferreth, that no man should think subiectionem turpem, that this subjection is vile, seeing God hath appointed it.

4. Origen here also noteth, that we must not understand such powers as persecute the faith: for in such a case it is better to obey God then man: and the reason is, as Tolet observeth, quia nemo debet potestati obedire contra Deum, no man must obey the power against God, of whom the power is.

5. Gorran maketh this objection: that if it be not lawful to resist any power which is of God, then not the power of Satan: he answereth that it doth not follow, because that is, potestas permissionis, non commissionis, a power of permission not of commission: or rather it is not so much a power which the devil exerciseth, as an abuse of power, and therefore we are to resist him: And so concerning such powers, which command or allure to anything which is evil, Augustine's rule must be followed, contemn potestatem timendo maiorem potestatem, contemn the power, by fearing a greater power.

6. Pet. Martyr well observeth here, that although it be not lawful to resist the powers, by rising up, or practicing against them, yet one may make an escape by fleeing away from the force of the magistrate: as David was let down at a window out of his own house by his wife, and so escaped Saul's hands; and so was Paul at Damascus, let down in a basket by a window, as 2. Cor. 11. but the case is otherwise, when one is apprehended, and committed to prison, for then he thinketh it not lawful for a man though unjustly imprisoned, to break prison; because it is against the law, & audaciam idem faciendi, &c. and it would minister boldness to malefactors to commit the like: add hereunto, that thereby another man's life is endaungered, as the keeper upon the escape of his prisoners is like to be punished: and further it were a betraying of their cause, to make a privy escape: this made S. Paul, that though his bonds were loosed, and the prison doors opened, yet he would not flee away: nay he refused to be sent away privily, when the governors sent unto them to depart, Act. 16. yet every escape of the innocent out of prison is not to be condemned, if it be not procured by some sinister practice by themselves, as by fraud or violence, but by some other means, as the voluntary connivence or negligence of the keeper, or some other way as it were made by God: for so we read, that Peter escaped out of prison, the doors being opened by the Angel before him, Act. 12. but this is not rashly to be done for the aforesaid reasons, but upon good warrant, when God shall as it were make a way for a man to set him free.

Quest. 8. What kind of judgment they procure to themselves, which resist the magistrate.

1. Whereas the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , signifieth both condemnation, as Beza, damnation, as the vulgar Latin: judgment, as the Syrian interpreter: punishment, as Piscator: some take this to be understood not of eternal punishment, but of the temporal inflicted by the Magistrate: when as the powers being offended, do either punish rebels with death, or cast them into prison, Haymo: so also Vatablus. 2. Lyranus contrariwise interpreteth it, de aeterna morte, of everlasting death, not excluding also temporal punishment: so also Martyr. 3. Some understand poenam, punishment generally, without limitation, Olevian, Piscator, Junius annot. 4. Some will have the punishment in this life understood, whether inflicted by the Magistrate, or by God himself, who will take revenge for the transgression of his own ordinance, as is evident in the fearful punishment of rebellious Cote, Dathan, and Abiram, Numb. 16. Pareus, Gwalther: and so before them Chrysostom and Theophylact, cum à Deo, tum ab hominibus poenas daturum, he shall endure punishment both from God and men. 5. But all these are better joined together; that such as resist the Magistrate are punished by the public laws, and God often taketh revenge also; beside they make themselves guilty of everlasting damnation, which is due unto the transgression of God's commandment, and the violating of his ordinance, Faius. 6. Tolet hath here this conceit by himself, it is said, they shall receive judgment, because being not restrained by the Magistrate, whom they stand not in awe of, they cast themselves into those sins, for the which damnationem incurrunt, they incur damnation: but here the Apostle speaketh of that punishment which is due for the resisting of God's ordinance. 7. Pareus here observeth well these two things, that the purposes and endeavors of such are frustrate, and beside they show their madness and foolishness, in being accessory to their own punishment: for it is an unwise part for one to procure his own hurt.

Quest. 9. How the Prince is not to be feared for good works, but for evil.

1. Concerning the words in the original they stand thus, Princes are not a fear of good works, and so the vulgar Latin: that is, for good works, as the Syrian interpreter putteth it in the dative, bonis operibus, to good works: so also Tertullian readeth in scorpian: and Beza followeth this sense, and the meaning is, that they are not a terror, or to be feared, ration boni operis, by reason of the good work, Lyranus. or his qui sunt boni operis, to them which are of good works, Gorran: so before him Chrysostom, been agentibus, to those which do well: good works are here to be understood, not as Divines take them, for moral works, but for civil works agreeable to the public laws, which are either against the divine law, whereof the Magistrate ought to have special care, or against the positive constitution, Pareus.

2. Touching the occasion of these words: Tolet will have them to depend of the former sentence, and to show the cause, why they which resist the powers, do receive judgment to themselves, because they contemn the Magistrate, who is ordained to restrain evil works: and so they without restraint fall into evil, and so incur punishment: but the better coherence is, to make this another argument, to move obedience to the higher powers from the utility thereof, as Chrysostom ; or à duplici sine, from the twofold ende of magistracy, which is for the punishment of the evil, and praise of the good.

3. They which do good works, must fear the Magistrate still, but timore reverentiae, non seruili, &c. with a reverent, not a servile fear, as the malefactors do, which having a guilty conscience, are afraid of punishment, to be inflicted by the Magistrate, Gorran.

Quest. 10. What it is to have praise of the power, v. 3.

1. Whereas often it falleth out, that the Magistrate doth punish the good, and encourage the wicked, how then is this true, which the Apostle saith, do well and thou shalt have the praise of the same: the answer is, that first we must distinguish between the power it self and authority, which is ordained of God, to these ends, for the reward of the good, and punishment of the evil, and the abuse of this power: secondly, although governors abusing their power, do offend in some particulars, yet in general more good cometh by their government, then hurt: as under cruel Nero, there was some execution of justice, for Paul was preserved by the Roman captain from the conspiracy of the Jews, and appealed unto Caesar, which was then Nero, and his appeal was received.

2. It will be objected, that even under good Princes, where there is punishment for offenders, yet the righteous receive not their reward. 1. Origen thus understandeth these words, thou shalt have praise of the same, &c. that is, in the day of judgment, ex istis legibus landem habebis apud Deum, by these laws thou shalt have praise with God for keeping them, &c. but the Apostle speaketh not of having praise by the laws, but of the power, that is, the Magistrate. 2. Augustine thinketh it is one thing to be praised of the power, that is, to be commended and rewarded by it, another laudem habere ex illa, to have praise of it, that is, exhibit se laude dignum, he showeth himself worthy of praise, whether he be actually praised or not of the power: Tolet alloweth this sense, though he take the distinction between these phrases to be somewhat curious: so also Haymo: but the Apostle speaketh not simply of having praise and commendation, but of having it from the Prince. 3. the ordinar. gloss thus: thou shalt have praise of the power, si iusta est ipso laudante, if it be just it will praise thee, si iniusta, occasionem prebente, if unjust, it will give thee occasion of praise: so also Gorran, it shall praise thee, either causaliter, by being the cause of thy praise, or occasionaliter, by being the occasion, &c. causa erit maigris coronae, it shall be the cause of thy greater crown, gloss. interlin. laudaberis apud Deum, thou shalt be praised with God, Haymo: but the Apostle speaketh of receiving praise from the power: as Chrysostom and Theophylact well observe, erit laudum tuarum praeco futurus, he shall be a setter forth of thy praise. 4. Bucer thinketh that the Apostle alludeth unto the custom of the Grecians and Romans, among whom they which had done any notable exploit, were praised publicly, or privately: but S. Paul speaketh in general of the office of all Magistrates whatsoever. 5. Pet. Martyr thinketh, that it is no small part of praise, absolvi in iudicio, to be absolved in judgment: as it was no small praise to Cato, being so often accused still to be freed and absolved: it is also a great praise for a man to be so innocent, that nothing can be objected against him in judgment: as Fimbria being asked, what he could object unto Scevola so innocent, and harmless a man, answered, quia telum toto suo corpore non receperit, because he received not his weapon whole into his body: but it is one thing to receive praise and reward, another to be freed only from punishment. 6. Wherefore I take this to be the better answer, that first the Apostle speaketh here, of the power it self, and of the true ende, wherefore it was ordained, and not of the personal faults in those, that abuse this power: for if the good be not rewarded, as well as the evil punished, it is the fault of the governors: add hereunto, because it is not possible for a Prince to reward all good subjects, that by praise we must understand, omnia commoda & privilegi\%a, &c. all the privileges and commodities, which are by the laws offered to good subjects: Pareus: they are praised, that is, counted worthy, qui participent omnibus ijs bonis, &c. to be made partakers of all those benefits and commodities, for the which commonwealths came first together, Bullinger: as good subjects enjoy liberty, possession of their lands, and goods, defense from wrong, and such like, and as occasion may serve, may receive also praise and encouragement from the Magistrate.

Quest. 10. How the Magistrate is said to be God's minister for our wealth or good.

1. Some understand this only of the power to punish, loco Dei vindicate, he taketh revenge in God's place, gloss. interlin. Lyranus. 2. Haymo giveth these two senses: he is God's minister to defend thee from wrong: or for thy good, that thou do no evil: but this expresseth but one part of this ministering power. 3. therefore Chrysostom better, voluntati Dei cooperatur, &c. he worketh according to God's will in punishing of the evil, and in rewarding the good, and therefore he is called his minister: so also Theophylact, voluntati Dei obsequitur, he obeyeth the will of God, as in commanding chastity, in forbidding avarice and theft: like as the Lord is, so must the minister be: but God loveth the just and punisheth the wicked, therefore so should the magistrate do, that is God's minister. 3. and generally they are God's ministers, 1. because they are ordained of God. 2. they are as gods in earth, in respect of their preeminence and authority over others. 3. in regard of their office, because they do execute justice in the earth, in awarding rewards to the righteous, and punishments to the wicked. 4. whereas the Prince is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the minister of God, which name and title also agreeth to the spiritual pastors, who are the ministers of God, yet they are ministers in a diverse kind: both agree in their institution, which is from God, and in the general ende, which is to seek the good of God's people, yet they differ both in the object: for the pastors charge, is only about spiritual things, the Prince is occupied also in caring for temporal: as also in the means: for the Prince by his sword and coactiue power procureth the good of his subjects: but the pastor seeketh it by the preaching of the word, the administration of the Sacraments and discipline, and other spiritual means.

For thy good. ] That which the Apostle called before, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , praise, now he nameth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , good: which is either natural, moral, civil, or spiritual good; the Magistrate procureth all these: the natural good, as in preserving the lives and bodies of his subjects: the moral good, in commanding virtue, and punishing vice; the civil, in maintaining their goods and possessions; their spiritual good, in setting forth and defending the true religion, Pareus.

11. Quest. How the Magistrate is said, not to bear the sword for naught, v. 4.

1. Lyranus doth indifferently understand this of the material sword which the civil power hath, or of the Ecclesiastical: but the whole course of the Apostles speech showeth, that he speaketh of the Civil power, to whom tribute, and such other customs belong.

2. By the sword, he understandeth the power of exercising and drawing forth the sword against offenders: and he alludeth to the custom of Princes, which have the sword carried before them, and other ensigns of their authority.

3. There are three uses of the civil sword, the one is ad vindictam, to be revenged of the evil: ad protectionem bonorum, for the protection of the good: and, ad executionem iustitiae, for the execution of justice.

4. He beareth not the sword, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in vain: that is, temere, rashly, Beza: because he hath his authority from God, nor, sine causa, the vulgar Latin, without some certain cause or ende, namely, the punishment of the evil.

5. And so he is called a revenger unto wrath. 1. which some understand of the divine wrath, which is executed by the Magistrate: or to show the wrath of God in time to come, Gorrh. Hug. 2. rather by wrath we understand the punishment it self inflicted, which is an effect of wrath, Pareus, Tolet, Sa.

Quest. 12. Of the right use of the sword, both in time of peace and war.

1. Concerning the use of the sword in time of peace, three things are requisite, 1. that there should be good laws enacted, and established. 2. that there should be upright judgment according to those laws. 3. that of such judgments once given, there should be just execution.

1. In the making of laws, three things must concur, the matter of the law, the end and scope, and the extent. 1. for the matter, it must be agreeable to the law of nature, and to the will of God: Princes must not make laws according to their own mind, but such as may be consonant to the pure and perfect will of God: hereupon it was, that the law-makers among the Gentiles would always ascribe the invention of their laws to someone of the gods, to win more credit unto them: Zoroastres who gave laws to the Bactrianes and Persians, did make Oromazen, whom they held to be a god, the author of his laws: Trismegistus among the Egyptians, Mercurius: Minos among the Cretensians: Jupiter Carundas among the Carthaginians made Saturnus his author: Lycurgus among the Lacedemonians, Apollo: Solon & Draco among the Athenians, Minerva: Xamolpis among the Scythians, Vesta: Numa among the Romans, the gods Egeria: and Mahomet commended his Alcaron to the Arabians, under the name of Gabriel the Arkeangel: But these were their fabulous conceits: we have indeed the book of God, a perfect rule and line of all just laws: secondly, the end and scope of laws must be to suppress vice and maintain virtue: the lawmaker must intend the public good, and not his private gain: thirdly, for the extent of these laws, they must include all: some must not be bound unto the laws, and others free: and therefore it is dangerous to give privileges and immunities to some persons, by virtue whereof they may without check and controlment transgress the laws: Papintanus is worthy of honorable memory, who choose rather to die, then to excuse the parricide of Antonius Bassianus the Emperor.

2. As good laws must first be made, so judgment must be exercised according to those laws: that the just case may be discerned from the false, and good men from the evil: Antishenes was wont to say that those commonwealths were declining, wherein boni à malis nihil differunt, good men did nothing differ from evil: Now in the process of judgment these rules must be observed. 1. that the Judge be willing to admit all complaints, and to take knowledge of all causes, and aggrevances: this was the fault of Saul's government, that the oppressed could not have justice, which made many that were aggreved to flock and have recourse unto David: Absalom did not more insinuate himself into the hearts of the people, then in showing his affability in hearing the griues, and complaints of them: In foreign histories, Philip King of Macedon was killed by Pausanias, because he rejected his suite to have justice against Attalus that had wronged him, and after laughed him to scorn: and Demetrius of Macedon did much alienate the hearts of his people, because he neglected their complaints, and would cast their bills of supplication from the bridge of Axium into the river: secondly, after diligent inquisition of the cause, there must be just judgment given, without partiallitie, fear, favor, or any other sinister affection: see Levite. 19.15. among the Thebanes a Judge was pictured blindfold, and without hands, to signify that he neither should be lead by partial affection in judgment, or corrupted with bribes: and the Athenians had a law, that causes should be handled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , without proems and prefaces to stir up affection.

3. After judgment must follow execution: for otherwise the laws are in vain and judgment according to the laws, if they be not put into execution: where these two things must be observed. 1. that the execution be not too remiss: for it is profitable often for the offender himself to be punished, thereby to be brought unto repentance: who otherwise might continue in his sin; as the thief converted upon the cross was prepared by that ignominious punishment unto repentance: and it is good for the example and admonition of others, that punishment be inflicted upon the offenders. 2. yet the punishment must not be hastened too much, or be too severely adjudged, but with such moderation as that the party which suffereth be not in hazard of loosing both soul and body.

2. Concerning the use of the sword in warring, and waging of battle: 1. it is out of doubt, that it is lawful for the Magistrate to take in hand just and lawful war; for Abraham recovered Lot by force, from them which had taken him captive: the Centurions faith is commended in the Gospel by our Savior: and if it be the Magistrates office and part, to defend every particular person from wrong, much more the whole people. 2. but war must be enterprised not rashly, or suddenly, but with deliberation, and not without weighty and urgent cause. 1. as when either the Magistrate is bound by some league to help his confederates, as Joshua did the Gibeonites, 2. or when the enemies offer to invade the country, they must by the Magistrates force be kept off, as David often encountered the Philistines that assaulted Israel. 3. and in the quarrel of religion and defense of the truth, the Magistrate may fall to battle: as the other ten tribes had thought to have warred against Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, for setting up an altar, fearing that they had declined from the true worship of God, Josh. 22.

Quest. 13. How it is said, it is necessary to be subject, for conscience sake.

v. 5. Therefore it is necessary ye should be subject. 1. first some read, be ye subject unto the necessity, diuinae dispositionis, of the divine ordinance, and so put necessity in the dative, Gorran. 2. the vulgar Latin, which many follow, put necessity in the ablative, necessitate subditi estote, be subject of necessity: but both these readings are diverse from the original: where the word is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , be ye subject, in the imperatiue, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be subject, in the infinitiue, as both Beza, and Erasmus well observe: so then the best reading is, it is necessary to be subject. 3. which neither must be understood of a compelling necessity, as the interlin. gloss. quasi ex necessitate, as of necessity: because he cannot excutere iugum Principis, shake off the yoke of the Prince: nor yet as Augustine, is it referred to the necessity of this life: because we must necessarily use temporal things, as long as we are in this world, which it is in the Magistrates power to deprive us of: but we understand rather obligationem praecepti, the bond of the precept, which is of necessity to be kept: so that it is not a free thing, whether men will be subject or no, but it is necessary, both in respect of the wrath and revenge of the power, and for conscience sake toward God: so in effect here are three reasons couched together, why we should be subject to the Magistrate in respect of God, it is his ordinance, of the Magistrate, because of wrath and punishment, of our selves, that we wound not our conscience: the first is honestum, honest, the second, vtile, profitable, the third, delectabile, pleasant and delightful.

But also for conscience. 1. Ambrose referreth this conscience, to the fear of punishment in the world to come: that men should not obey only for fear of present punishment, but because of the judgment to come. 2. Chrysostom applieth this to the conscience of the great benefits, which we receive by the Magistrate, that he which is disobedient offendeth against his conscience in being unthankfull. 3. Lyranus understandeth it of the particular conscience, which every man ought to have, debitum reddere, to render that which he oweth to another. 4. Tolet interpreteth it of the conscience of other sins, which they that are lawless and disobedient are apt to fall unto. 5. Hugo of the conscience quae naturaliter dictat, &c. which naturally suggesteth unto a man, that the superior is to be obeyed. 6. Erasmus of an others conscience, which is offended by the evil example of the disobedience. 7. but here the conscience of the divine precept must be understood, which to obey bringeth peace of conscience, but to resist God's ordinance, is a deadly sin, saucians conscientiam, wounding the conscience, Pareus: so Haymo, propter conscientiam mentis, for the conscience of the mind, which we must keep and preserve pure.

Quest. 14. Why tribute is to be paid, verse. 6.

For this cause: that is, as a testimony of your subjection you pay tribute: some refer these words to the former sentence, v. 4. be is the Minister of God, praepositi sunt à Deo, they are set over others by God, and therefore they must pay tribute, Haymo: some thus expound for this, because they are profitable for you, Hugo: but these words rather depend of the next before, because of conscience: for the paying of tribute is a testimony of their subjection, that they in their conscience acknowledge it to be due.

Pay ye tribute. 1. he saith, praestatis, non datis, you pay, not you give, to show that it is not given, but they repay it again, in their care which they undertake for the common-wealth, gloss. or. 2. the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , tribute, is derived of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to bear or bring in, quia infertur à subditis, because it is brought by the subjects into the kings treasure, Pareus: or it signifieth properly portage money, which was paid for such commodities, as were brought in: and so by one kind all the rest are understood, as there be diverse other customs: as pedagia, which was paid for the passage on foot toward the mending of the high ways: & guidogia, guide money for those that travailed, and such like, Faius. 3. and the Apostle maketh express mention of the paying of tribute, taking it as a thing yielded and acknowledged of all, because it was objected against the Christians, that they under pretence of religion would free themselves from tribute, as Justinus showeth, apolog. 2. ad Anton.

For they are God's Ministers. 1. Two reasons are given of the lawfulness of paying tribute, both because it was a sign of their subjection, and as a recompense to the magistrate, for his great pains undertaken in the defense and government of the commonwealth. 2. the word here used is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ministers, as the Magistrate before is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a minister, which words are not only used of sacred offices, as we see, but of civil: and therefore that it a false observation of the massing Papists, Act. 13. v. 4. where by the use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to minister, they would prove, that the Apostles said Mass.

Applying themselves to the same ende, &c. 1. the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , signifieth more then to serve, as the vulgar Latin readeth, it betokeneth to continue, watch, to take pains in any business, as c. 12.12. continuing or laboring, persevering, watching in prayer. 2. some refer these words to them that pay tribute, that they serve to this ende, Gorran: but it is evident that the Apostle speaketh of the Magistrates: that they watch over the people for this, not to receive tribute, as some interpret, but it is referred to the whole duty of the Magistrate rehearsed before, that he beareth not the sword for naught, that he is for the terror of the evil, and praise of well doers.

Quest. 15. Of the diverse kinds of tribute, and to whom they are due.

v. 7. Render therefore to all men, &c. 1. Chrysostom here observeth well, that the Apostle saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , render, not give, nihil enim gratuite dat, qui hoc fecerit, for he doth not give anything freely, that doth this: for it is our duty to yield obedience in all these things here specified to the Magistrate.

2. But Origen hath here a strange allegory: by the powers, he understandeth the ministering spirits, and by the tribute, vectigalia negatiationis in carne, the payments due for our trading in the flesh to the spirits exacting it of us by diverse temptations: but this dangerous kind of allegorizing perverteth the sense of the Scripture, & giveth occasion of many errors.

3. Gorran calleth the first two, custom and tribute, delictum temporale, the temporal debt which is due unto superiors, the other he nameth debitū spiritual, the spiritual debt, which is either inward, fear, or outward, honor: As though all outward honor and service were spiritual: the Apostle speaketh only of civil honor, which is to be yielded to the Magistrate, not of spiritual and religious honor, which is only due to God.

4. The Apostle here nameth two kinds of payments, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , tribute, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is interpreted, custom. 1. Some do thus distinguish them, tribute is that which solvitur domi, is paid at home: vectigal, custom, that which is carried to the Lord's house, gloss. ordin. Lyranus taketh tribute for that which was paid generally by a country or city in sign of their subjection: custom that which is exacted of particular persons, as for traffike, merchandise: Martyr, Pareus, take the first called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for the tribute paid out of men's grounds or substance: and the custom due for commodities carried forth or brought in: Beza taketh the first for capitatio, poll money, when men are taxed either by the poll, or accordding to their wealth: so the Syrian interpreter, calleth it argentum capitationis, head silver, and the latter for tribute due out of their grounds, or for Merchandise, and such like: but the latter, rather called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , seemeth to be the poll money, which was paid viritim, man by man, as appeareth Matth. 17.25. it is called tribute, or census poll money: and the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , was such tribute, as was due for commodities brought in, as the etymon of the word showeth: and the Latin word vectigal, is so called also à vehendo, of carrying: when the fruits of their grounds were brought into the city. And so with us there are two kind of payments, subsidies and tenths, which are laid upon men according to their ability and substance, and then the impost and custom which is due for merchandise, in the exporting of wares, or bringing in of foreign commodities: but for the most part, these two words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , are confounded, and are indifferently taken for any kind of tribute or payment made to the governors: yet to speak distinctly, there are two kinds of tribute, which is either laid upon the persons, which is properly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , poll money: or upon their substance, either mooueable, as their goods, such as is merchandise, or immooueable as their lands; and this is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , tribute, impost, Faius.

5. Here the Apostle nameth four kind of duties, which are to be performed to the Magistrates and their officers: as impost and custom to the customers, tribute and subsidies to the collectors and threasurers, fear to the kings officers and ministers, and honor to the person of the Magistrate himself.

6. Chrysostom and Theophylact here move this doubt, how the Apostle enjoineth the subject to fear the Magistrate: and before he freeth good subjects from it, and would have them only to fear, that do evil; he answereth by a distinction of fear: that fear which is ex mala conscientia, of an evil conscience, good subjects are free from: but yet they have a kind of fear, which is nothing else but a reverence of the Magistrate: Pet. Martyr addeth, that though a good man feareth not the power for anything, that is done and past, yet he may fear, ne quid in posterum committat, that he commit nothing in time to come: as Ambrose hath the like distinction of fear, aliud est timere quia peccasti, aliud timere ne pecces, ibi formido est de supplicio, hic sollicitudo de praemio, it is one thing to fear because thou hast sinned, another to fear least thou sin: there is fearfulness of the punishment, here carefulness of the reward.

7. Honor also is to be yielded to the Magistrate, which is nothing else but an external signification of our inward reverent opinion, which we have of one for his excellency and greatness: wherein these three things are considered, the inward reverence, the outward gesture, the object, the excellency of the person: between honor and glory this is the difference: honor is given propter officij dignitatem, for the dignity of the place and office, glory propter virtutem, because of his virtue: to a good magistrate both are due, to an evil honor is to be shown for his place, though he deserve no glory, for any virtue and a private person may be worthy of glory for his virtue, though not of honor, which is the Magistrates due.

Quest. 16. The several duties summed together which are due to the Magistrate.

Gorran reduceth them to these seven. 1. we owe unto the Magistrate subjection, 1. Pet. 2.13. submit yourselves. 2. honor, 1. Pet. 2.17. fear God, honor the King. 3. fear, Prov. 24.21. Fear God, and the King. 4. fidelity as in Ittai, that said to David, 2. Sam. 15.21. In what place my Lord the King shall be, whether in death or life, even there will thy servant be. 5. obedience, as the people said to Joshua, 1.17. as we obeyed Moses in all things, so will we obey thee. 6. paying of tribute, Matth. 22.21. Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. 7. prayer, 1. Tim. 2.2. The Apostle willeth supplications to be made for Kings.

Pareus observeth that five things belong to the honoring of our superiors. 1. reverence, because of the divine ordinance. 2. love, because of their labor and care in watching over us. 3. thankfulness for the benefits which we enjoy under them. 4. obedience in all lawful things. 5. equity and charity, in covering and extenuating the faults and infirmity s in governors.

Quest 17. How far the Magistrate is to be obeyed, and wherein not to be obeyed.

It may seem, that in no wise it is lawful, to resist the Magistrate, but that obedience must be absolutely yielded unto him, upon these reasons.

1. The ordinance of God is not to be resisted: evil Magistrates are the ordinance of God therefore even the evil must be obeyed and not resisted.

2. S. Peter biddeth servants to obey their Masters, not only the good and courteous, but even the froward. 1. Pet. 2.8. so likewise subjects must obey their Magistrates.

3. It is not lawful to recompense evil for evil, Rom. 12.17. therefore the subject being oppressed is not to resist.

4. It is not lawful for a private person to use the sword, for it is said only of the Magistrate, he beareth not the sword in vain, but to resist the Magistrate is to take the sword: Er.

Ans. 1. True it is, that the ordinance of God is not to be resisted, so it be not against God: for like as the inferior Magistrate, to whom the Prince committeth the sword is not to use it against his Prince: so neither is the Prince to be obeyed, using his authority against God, in commāding impious and dishonest things: we must give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's and unto God the things which are God's, we may not give unto the Prince the things which are God's, that is, the conscience. And in this case the Apostles give us a rule, to obey God rather then man, Act. 4.19. when obedience then is denied in unjust & unlawful things, not the authority which is God's ordinance, but the abuse of the authority is gainsaid.

2. True it is that both evil Masters, and evil Magistrates are to be obeyed, but with this limitation, that nothing be enjoined against the conscience: and so much is implied by the words following, v. 19. This is thank worthy, if a man for conscience toward God endure grief suffering wrongfully: so that when anything is commanded against the conscience; a man is to suffer rather: an so the power is obeyed, not in doing, but in suffering.

3. To disobey unlawful commandments, is no requital of evil for evil, nor yet for a man to use lawful defense: but if the subject should bear arms against his Prince, and seek to assault his body or life, which is unlawful, that were indeed to recompense evil for evil.

4. There are three degrees of not obeying an evil Magistrate, in not doing that which is commanded, and here the subject useth not the sword at all, he only refuseth to do anything against his conscience: in using his lawful defense, against wrongs offered, tending to apparent impiety: here he taketh the sword no otherwise, then as the laws arm a private man to defend himself in case of necessity against a thief and robber: the third is in assaulting the Prince by force: which is a taking of the sword, and most unlawful.

Now on the other side, certain cases shall be propounded, wherein obedience is to be denied to unjust Magistrates, and some kind of resistance to be used: And here a distinction is to be made of subjects: some are either public persons, and the same either Ecclesiastical, as the Pastors and ministers of the Church: or civil, as inferior Magistrates, or more private persons: according to this division, we are to see, how far each of these may proceed in denying their obedience to the Magistrate commanding unjust things.

1. Concerning the Pastors of the Church, these propositions may be set down, 1. that they are not to attempt anything at all by the sword, and outward violence against the Magistrate: for it is forbidden, that a Bishop should be a striker, 1. Tim. 3.3. Ambrose saith, coactus repugnare non noui, potero flere, potero gemere, aduersus arma, milites, lachrymae me • erma sunt, being urged, I know not how to resist, I can mourn, I can weep: against armed soldiers my weapons are tears, orat. in Auxent, and in another place, epist. 33. nogamus Auguste, non pugnamus, we entreat O Sovereign, we fight not.

2. It is the duty of Pastors to admonish the Magistrates by the word of God, arguendo eorum notoriam impietatem, & ad officium iuxta verbum Dei & leges faciendum cohortando, by reproving their notorious impiety, and by exhorting them to do their duty according to the word of God, and the laws; this proposition which Pareus setteth down may safely be received, and assented unto, as agreeable to the word of God: for so Elias reproved Ahab to his face, and John the Baptist, Herod, telling him of his incest with his brothers wife. Thus excellently Ambrose writeth hereof to Theodosius, who had caused some thousands of people to be put to the sword unjustly, an pudet te imperator facere, quod Propheta David, &c. peccavi Domine, &c. noli ergo impatienter ferre imperator, si tibi dicatur, (tu fecisti istud.) quod Davidi dictum est à Propheta, &c. art thou ashamed O Emperor, to do that which the Prophet David did (I have sinned Lord) do not then take it impatiently O Emperor, if it be said unto thee, as Nathan said to David, thou hast done this: epist. 28. ad Theodos.

3. It is lawful for the Pastors of the Church to refuse to communicate holy things unto impious and cruel Magistrates, which will not be admonished nor reclaimed from their sins: as in such a case they are not to be admitted unto the Sacraments, neither is the Pastor bound to be a minister of holy things unto them: this is warranted by the Scripture, Matth. 7.6. Give not that which is holy unto dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine: 1. Tim. 5.22. Lay hands suddenly on no man, neither be partakers of other men's sins, keep thyself pure, but he which admitteth any notorious sinner to the communion, is partaker of his sins.

Ambrose also to this effect saith to Theodosius, offerre non audeo sacrificium, si volueris assistere, I dare not offer the (spiritual) sacrifice, if thou be present, epist. 28. he refused to communicate with the Emperor being guilty of blood.

5. Pareus goeth yet a step further, that the Bishops and Pastors may resist unjust Magistrates, not only by admonishing, reproving, and exhorting them: but also contumaces de consensu Ecclesiae etiam Satanae tradendo, donec rescipiscant, in delivering them up also unto Satan, with the consent of the Church, such as are obstinate, till they repent: for this his assertion he allegeth these reasons. S. Paul saith, 1. Tim. 5.20. Them that sin rebuke openly, that the rest may fear. 2. Because the Pastors watch over men's souls, and must give account for them, if any perish by their default. 3. Ambrose resisted Theodos. by the word.

But none of these reasons do prove, that Princes are to be excommunicate, but only that they must be reproved, and shown their faults, which yet must be done with reverent respect, not in such sort, as they should by taunting speech, or malepart reprehensions be disgraced before their subjects: Ambrose as is shown before, only withdrew his hand from ministering holy things to the Emperor being guilty of innocent blood, neither by his peremptory sentence did he cast him out of the Church, but persuaded him to repentance for his sin, and to forbear.

Indeed the practice of the Roman Church is such, to make no great matter of excommunicating Emperors and Kings, and to absolve the subjects from their obedience: wherein the Pope evidently transgresseth in these three points, in exercising jurisdiction, where he hath nothing to do, and in arrogating to himself the sole authority of dispensing the keys of the Church, and in denying ordinary duties and obedience to an excommunicate Prince.

And as touching the excommunicating of Magistrates by the censure of the Church, I take it not to be so convenient to be done, neither have we any direct precept or president in the Scripture to warrant it: But the contrary rather.

1. If the ecclesiastical sword might be drawn forth against the Magistrates, then the Civil also, and the Prince might as well be proceeded against in Civil courts, to be sentenced for his offense, as in ecclesiastical: for otherwise there should be less power in the Ciuile, then in the Ecclesiastical state: but this were a very proposterous course, to appoint superior judges to the Prince in his own kingdom.

2. David when he had committed these two great sins of murder and adultery, confessed and said, tibi soli peccavi, against thee only have I sinned: the reason whereof Ambrose yielded: quia rex erat, nullis ipse legibus tenebatur, because he was a King, and was bound to no laws, apolog. David, c. 10. and Jerome also saith, rex enim erat, alium non timebat, he was a King, and feared no other, ad Eustoch: It seemeth then that David was free both from Ciuil and Ecclesiastical censure: whereupon Ambrose inferreth generally of all Kings: neque enim vllis ad paenam vocantur legibus toti imperij potestate, that they cannot be drawn to punishment by any (human) laws, being privileged by their imperial powers.

3. Saint Paul willeth prayers to be made for Kings, 1. Tim. 2.2. we must bless them, not curse them, but to give them over to Satan, is to curse them; Saint Paul when he had called Ananias painted wall, being admonished that he was the high Priest, excused himself by his ignorance, alleging that text Exod. 22.28. Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people: so far off was Saint Paul from excommunicating him, and giving him over unto Satan, as he did Elymas the Sorcerer whom he called the child of the Devil, Act. 13.10. I hold it then the safer way, that the sentence of excommunication go not forth upon any occasion against the supreme Magistrate, (howsoever the inferior may be censured) it is sufficient, that the Minister discharge his duty, in reproving and exhorting, and in not consenting to any sin in the Magistrate; as Ambrose said to the Emperor, malo mihi honorum esse tecum, quam malorum consortium, I had rather be partaker with thee in good things, then in evil, &c. He speaketh of his silence and connivence in the Emperors sin, as the words following show, ideo clementia tuae displicere debet sacerdotis silentium, therefore the silence of the Priest (or Pastor) ought to dislike your clemency.

4. But because, the Papal sea taketh upon it to excommunicate Kings, wherein I would have a perpetual difference between their synagogue, and the reformed Churches; this shall be our last proposition here of this matter: that an excommunicate Prince is notwithstanding to be obeyed by his subjects, neither is it lawful for them by that color to withdraw their obedience.

1. The divine ordinance is to be obeyed in all lawful things, but all higher powers are God's ordinance, even when they stand excommunicate, they cease not not to be Magistrates: for seeing they are ordained of God, by no human constitution can they be vnordained: but the Ecclesiastical censure of excommunicating kings, is only an human ordinance, not commanded nor warranted by the word: Ergo:

2. An excommunicate person is in the same degree with an heathen and Publican, Mat. 18.17. but an heathen Magistrate is to be obeyed, for such were the governors in S. Paul's time, to whom he willeth subjection to be given, Rom. 13.1.

3. Christian religion overthroweth not the policy of Commonwealths, neither is God the author of confusion: but if Princes excommunicate should be disobeyed, great disorder and confusion should follow in the commonwealth: for the canons forbid, palam vel secrete loqui, to speak openly or secretly with excommunicate persons, part. 2. c. 11. qu. 3. c. 1. or to go unto the house of one that is excommunicate, ib id. c. 26. or to receive any that is excommunicate into their house, c. 29. and they are decreed not to be homicides, qui contra excommunicatos armantur, which take arms against excommunicate persons, caus. 23. qu. 5. c. 27. and an excommunicate person non audiendus in iudicio, must not be heard in judgment, decret. Gregor. lib. 1. tit. 29. c. 21. Now who seeth not, what confusion would be brought upon the commonwealth, if the subjects might neither speak and confer with the king, nor resort unto him, and that they might take arms against him standing excommunicate.

4. No Ecclesiastical law can dispense and take away the civil and natural law: as, for the son to do his duty to his father, the wife to her husband, the servant to his Master, though they stand excommunicate: yea the Popish decrees allow all these to do their service even unto excommunicate persons: as thus stand the words of the canon: anathematis vinculo has subtrahimus, videlicet vxores, liberos, seruos, ancellas, &c. we do release from the bond of excommunication, wives, children, servants, maids, &c. which did attend upon excommunicate persons, part. 2. c. 11. qu. 3. c. 103. If these domestical inferiors may perform their duties to persons excommunicate, how much more lawful is it for subjects to do the like to their Princes, because the necessity of the state, so much the more requireth it.

5. The Popes censure of excommunication is unjust and unlawful, and therefore void by their own laws, as part. 2. c. 11. quest. 3. it is decreed iniustam damnationem irritam, that an unjust damnation is of no force, c. 1.46. non est petenda solutio, vbi inique fertur sententia, absolution is not to be craved, where the sentence is unjustly laid, &c. to this purpose is the decree of Gelasius B. of Rome there expressed.

Now the Popes excommunicating is unlawful for diverse reasons. 1. because he is an incompetent judge, he excommunicateth Princes, who are not of his jurisdiction: and the law is, cui denegatur executio, denegatur & sententiae pronuntiatio, to whom the execution of the sentence is denied, the pronouncing of the sentence is, &c. Cod. lib. 3. tit. 26. leg. 3. but the Pope out of his precinct and jurisdiction, hath no power to execute his sentence, Ergo, the denouncing thereof belongeth not unto him.

2. Their own canons hold, that qui inimici sunt, iudices esse non possunt, they which are enemies can be no judges: Caus. 3. qu. 5. c. 15. but the Pope is a professed enemy to kings whom he excommunicateth.

3. They are not held to be excommunicate, which are excommunicate by heretics, c. 24. qu. 1. c. 36. but the Pope holdeth many heretical points of doctrine, for proof hereof, see Synops. Papis. throughout.

4. It is not lawful for any to excommunicate in their own cause: See the decree of Gregor. c. 23. qu. 4. c. 27. but this doth the Pope.

5. Their law is: that no man should be excommunicate antequam causa probetur, before the cause be proved, c. 2. qu. 1. c. 11. but how can the causes of Princes he proved before an incompetent judge, where no man appeareth to answer for them.

6. An excommunicate person cannot excommunicate, c. 24. qu. 11.4. but the Pope standeth excommunicate himself according to that decree of the Toletane council, 12. c. 1. non erat ab anathematis sententia alienus, aut à divina animadversionis vltione securus, quisquis contra salutem principis deinceps, aut crexerit vocem, aut commouerit caedem, aue quamcun{que} quaesierit laedendi vltionem, he shall not be free from the sentence of excommunication, or secure from the revenge of the divine animadversion, whosoever hereafter, doth either lift up his voice against the safety of the Prince, or plotte to murder him, or seek to be revenged by procuring any hurt unto him, &c. the like decree see Toletan. 4.74. Toletan. 5.4. Toletan. 7.1. Now then because it is apparently known, that the Pope practiseth against the safety and state of Princes (not of his faction,) he standeth excommunicate, and so his excommunication is of no value.

6. If Kings ought not at all to be excommunicate, de iure, by the right of their imperial authority, then de facto, if they chance in fact to be excommunicate, obedience notwithstanding is to be yielded unto them: but the first is true, as is partly shown before: and further appeareth by the reasons sometime used by the College or Church, Leodievs. against the excommunication of Paschalis the 2. in this manner; si quis vetus & novum Testamentum, gestaque revoluerit, &c. If any man turn over the old and New Testament, and the things done therein, he shall evidently find, quod aut minime aut difficile possunt Reges & Imperatores excommunicari, that Kings and Emperors either not at all, or very hardly are to be excommunicate, they may be admonished, rebuked by discrete men: because those whom Christ the King of kings, hath appointed in his place in earth, damnandos & salvandos suo iudicio reliquit, &c. he hath reserved to be condemned or saved to his own judgment, &c. here are two reasons of this assertion, the one taken from the authority of the old and New Testament, wherein no such president is to be found, the other from the eminency of the Princely estate, which Christ hath reserved to his own judgment: An other reason, which they urge, is this Paulus pro malis regibus orari vult, &c. Paul will have evil Kings prayed for, that we may lead a quiet life: esset apostolorum imitari Apostolum, it were Apostolic to imitate the Apostle, &c. Kings must then be prayed for, and blessed, they must not be anathematized and accursed.

Quest. 18. How we should not owe anything to any man, but to love one another.

1. Touching the occasion of these words; Augustine thinketh that the duties before membratim fusa, nunc ipso circuitu clauduntur, delivered by partes, now are shut up together, de doctrine. Christian. 4. c. 20. Lyranus also thinketh, that here inferiors are taught, that they owe charity to their superiors: so also Mr. Calvin thinketh this precept of the Apostle, to be a confirmation of his former doctrine of obedience to Magistrates, because violat charitatem, &c. he doth violate charity, who denieth obedience. 2. Beza thinketh that the Apostle remooueth the impediment of obedience; because the want of charity is cause of quarrels and suits; whereupon the Magistrate is constrained by his authority to force men to render unto everyone their own; and so by this means, magistratus nomen invidio sum sit, it cometh to pass, that the name of the Magistrate is odious and envied. 3. Erasmus collecteth out of Ambrose, but not rightly, as Beza here noteth, that hitherto the Apostle shown what duty was to be yielded to the heathen Magistrates, but now he teacheth the duty, which must be rendered to Christian Magistrates. 4. But the truth is, the Apostle from special duties belonging to superiors, ascendeth higher to treat of the general duty of love, which is common to all.

2. Owe nothing: there are two kinds of debts, there is a Civil debt, and a Natural debt: the civil is either common to all, as the paying of tribute, yielding of obedience must be performed by everyone to the superiors: or concerneth only some particular persons, which are indebted by promise and contract, or some other bond unto others: there is also a natural debt, either peculiar and proper to some, as of the children to the parents, of scholars to their Masters, wives to their husbands, or common to all, as is mutual love here by the Apostle commended.

3. There are three kind of ways, whereby one may be a debtor to another, either when he payeth nothing of his debt, as if he owe an hundred shillings, and pay none at all: or if he pay but part and not all, as but ten, and if he pay the whole debt due at one time, but not at another: as if he should pay every day a shilling, till the whole debt be paid, and he hold the payment one day or two, but fail in the rest: the debt of charity, is not of either of the first kinds, but of the third: a man showeth charity once or twice, he is bound to show it still: Tolet.

4. The debt of charity different from other debts in these three points: 1. as Chrysostom saith, it is such a debt, vt semper reddatur & semper debeatur, that it both is always paid, and yet is always owing: not like unto other debts, which being paid, cease to be due: and so both redditur cum impenditur, it is restored, when it is paid, & debetur, cum reddita fuerit, and it is owing, when it is rendered, because it must be shown at all times. 2. nec cum redditur, omittitur, charity is not lost from him, that showeth it: as money which is paid goeth from him that payeth it. 3. may charity, reddendo multiplicatur, is multiplied by the paying of it, cum redditur ab homine, crescit in homine, when it is rendered by a man, it increaseth in man: gloss. ordinar. ex Augustine: so some things, when they are communicated to many, minuuntur, non augentur, are diminished, not increased, as money, and all terren things: some things are neither increased nor diminished, when they are communicated, as the light, and the sound of a voice • some things, non minuuntur, sed augentur, are not diminished, but increased, as charity, and all spiritual things, Gorran.

5. Origen's conceit is here very strange, who by debt understandeth sin, vult ergo omne debitum peccati solvi, he would therefore every debt of sin to be paid, and not to remain with us. But the Apostle speaketh not of any such spiritual debt, whereby we stand indebted to God, neither is it in our power to pay that debt, but of outward debts and duties unto men.

19. Quest. How he that loveth his brother fulfilleth the law.

1. He which loveth his brother doth not in every particular, and in act, keep every part in the law: for one may love his brother, though in that instant he do not perform all the acts of charity, as in feeding him, if he be hungry, and such like: but yet he fulfilleth all these duties, virtute & potestate, in possibility, and having an aptness and power thereunto: both because charity is the cause and beginning of all the duties, which as it moveth him to one duty, so it will stir him up to the rest, as also it is the ende and scope of the law, which is to maintain charity, and it is modus, the manner, how the law should be observed: for whatsoever external duty one doth, if it be not in love, it is nothing, as S. Paul showeth, 2. Cor. 13.2, 3.

2. But here a question is moved by Chrysostom, how the Apostle reduceth all the law unto this one precept of loving our neighbor, when our Savior Christ in the Gospel speaketh of two great precepts, the love of God, and of our neighbor. 1. some think that the Apostle meaneth the fulfilling of the precepts of the second table, and so M. Calvin hath one answer, the Apostle in totam legem non respexit, hath not respect to the whole law, but only to the duties toward our neighbors. 2. Origen by this neighbor, understandeth Christ: hunc proximum si diligamus, &c. if we love this neighbor, we fulfill all the law: but this seemeth too curious. 3. but the better answer is, that the one includeth the other, as S. John saith, How can one, that loveth not his brother, whom he seeth, love God, whom he hath not seen, 1. John. 4.20. so Chrysostom allegeth those words of our Savior, Peter lovest thou me, feed my sheep, &c. the love of God is seen then in the love of our brother: neque Deus sine proximo, neque proximus sine Deo diligi potest, neither is God loved without our brother, nor our brother without God. Haymo.

3. Now the Apostle rehearseth not all the commandments, but only of the second table, because he treateth of those duties, which are to be performed unto men: and by the keeping of the second table it is better discerned who observe the law, then out of the first: and he omitteth the first precept of the second table, because he intended not to rehearse them all, but supplieth them in those general words, if there be any other commandment: neither doth he observe the same order, for he setteth the seventh precept before the sixth, because he purposed not to set down the precepts, neither all, nor in their order, but only to give an instance in some of them.

20. Quest. How a man is to love his neighbor as himself.

1. Chrysostom thus expoundeth, non solum dilectionem requirit, sed etiam vehementem, he doth not only require love, but a vehement and earnest love: that is, a man should love his neighbor, without dissimulation, earnestly, heartily, as he loveth himself.

2. And it comprehendeth more beside. 1. no man hateth his own flesh, no more ought be to hate his neighbor. 2. when anything happeneth unto our selves that is evil and grievous, we are sorry, and troubled, so should we be affected toward our brethren in their griefs. 3. in our own faults we are favorable, making the best of everything, so we should not be rigidi, austere, and too censorious in sifting the infirmities of our brethren. 4. in loving of our selves, nunquam defatigamur, we are never wearied, so we should hold out still to love our brethren. 5. we wish all good things to our selves, so should we do to our neighbors.

3. But this must be understood of the natural self-love, which every man beareth toward himself, not of that vicious love, whereby men thorough the corruption of their nature, and evil custom, are affected to their own vices: so a man must not love himself unto that which is evil, for he that sinneth hateth his own soul: and therefore neither must one love his neighbor, as he corruptly loveth himself: but either, quia iustus, aut vt sit iustus, a man loveth himself, either because he is just, or that he may be just, and so must he love his neighbor: gloss. ordinar.

4. Theophylact here observeth, that the Gospel requireth a more perfect love then the Law doth, namely, that one should lay down his life for his brethren: but the Law biddeth us only to love another as our selves: but the charity which the law requireth comprehendeth this also: for then a man loveth another as himself, when he is ready to do that to another, which he would have done for himself, Math. 7.12. Now one would desire to be redeemed by an others life, rather then his soul should perish: so let him be affected to another: A man is not bound to give his bodily life to redeem an others, for then he should love him better then himself: but to give his bodily to deliver an others soul from perishing, is but to love him, as himself; for so he would wish his friend to do for him.

5. But this rule taketh not away all inequality, difference, and degrees of love: for though everyone is to be loved as our selves, yet one is to be loved before another: our parents, children, and wives, are first to be respected in the duties of charity, then strangers: for S. Paul's rule is, that men must first show godliness toward their own house, 1. Tim. 5.4. the quality of our love is here signified: that it should be simple, sincere, unfeigned, not the quantity, or the degree of our love: all are to be loved as our selves, that is, constantly, unfeignedly, heartily, and yet one may be preferred before another in our love.

Quest. 21. Who is understood by our neighbor.

1. Origen expoundeth this neighbor to be Christ, hinc ergo proximum si diligamus, if then we love this neighbor, we shall fulfill the whole law: and that Christ is our neighbor he proveth by that parable of the Samaritan, Luk. 10. who took the man which was wounded by theiues, and laid him upon his beast, and brought him to the inne, and gave two pence to the host to see unto him: so Christ, he took us up being wounded of our sins, and stripped and left naked by Satan, iumento corporis sui supposuit, and laid us upon his body to be borne, and brought us ad stabulum Ecclesiae, to the stable or fold of his Church, and left the two pence of the old and new Testament, for the expenses of our cure, and healing. And he proceedeth further and showeth how he which loveth Christ keepeth all the commandments: for he whose delight is in Christ, will not commit adultery, nor follow any other carnal pleasure, because his delight is in Christ: neither will be steal from another, who is willing to leave all he hath for Christ, &c. But Origen's interpretation is too curious: howsoever in that parable Christ may be understood by that good Samaritan, though every point of the parable cannot fitly be allegorized, yet it is evident, that the Apostle here by neighbor understandeth, our brother, for he speaketh of loving one another.

2. Hugo Cardinal out of Augustine here moveth a question, whether under this name of neighbor, the Angels are comprehended; and he bringeth two solutions, one is that the Angels are excluded, because the commandment speaketh of those, qui diligendi sunt ex charitate, which are to be loved in charity: but our charity is not extended unto the Angels: the other solution is, that seeing by neighbor everyone is understood, vel cui praebexdum est officium miserecordiae, vel à quo, either to whom or from whom mercy and compassion is shown, then Angels may be well said to be our neighbors, by whom we receive so great benefits: but the better answer is, that our love toward those blessed spirits, is not comprehended in the duties of the second table, the subject whereof is our brother, whom we daily see, 1. John. 4.20. neither can any one of the precepts, thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not steal, be referred to the Angels in any sense: but like as man is not commanded to love himself, which that nature teacheth him: for it followeth necessarily if a man love his neighbor as himself, he must needs love himself first: so the love of the holy angels, the ministers of God doth necessarily follow upon our loving of God, which though it be not commanded in the first table, yet it followeth necessarily upon it.

3. Wherefore by our neighbor we understand not, those which are so in habitation, or with whom we have affinity, or from whom we have received any benefit, sed omnium hominum intelligi opertet, we must understand every man in general, quia nemo est quo cum sit operandum malum, because we ought not to work evil with any, or to offer wrong unto any: gloss. ordinar. sufficiat nobis quod homo sit, &c. let it suffice us that he is a man, and of one and the same nature, who standeth in need of our help: and there is none that liveth that may not stand in need of an others help, as Xerxes that great King and commander of Persia, that brought so many hundred thousand men in Grecia, was same to escape in a fishers boat.

Quest. 22. How salvation is said to be nearer, then when we believed.

1. Lyranus referreth this time of belief, to the Old Testament, when the fathers believed only in Christ to come, but they saw nothing performed: so also Erasmus, Tolet: but Beza refuseth this, because S. Paul speaketh specially to the converted Gentiles among the Romans, and not to the Jews only, who lived under the Old Testament.

2. Some give this sense, salvation is nearer then when we believed, that is, then a man would believe: there was such an open door of salvation made, as one would hardly believe it, Hugo: but the words, we, when we believed: not any other believed of us.

3. An other hath this gloss, it is nearer, that is, magis debita per bona opera, more due unto us by good works, then when we believed, having yet no good works, Gorran: but a lively faith is never without works.

4. Chrysostom understandeth it of the ende of the world, when the salvation promised shall be accomplished: tempore peocedente futura secula proprius accedunt, for as time weareth, so the world to come draweth nearer.

5. But the Apostle rather confert incrementa cum initijs fidei, compareth the increasing of faith with the beginning: and this is another argument, which he useth to stir us up to newness of life: as before he moved by the opportunity of time, that now we should awake from sin, as one when the day is come riseth up unto his work, so here he persuadeth ab vtili, from that which is profitable: iam proprius acessimus ad metam, we are now come nearer the mark, then when we began to believe, and therefore it behooveth us to be the more earnest: like as they which are set to run a race, the nearer they come to the mark, the faster they run least any should outstrippe them: this difference is made between a natural and violent motion, this is more speedy in the beginning and it slacketh toward the ende, but the natural is slow in the beginning, and more quick and speedy toward the ende: so the faithful that are truly called, will still increase more and more.

Origen toucheth both these last expositions: there is, adventus lucis generalis, & specialis, a general coming and approaching of this light, which shall be at the coming of Christ, and this every day groweth nearer: and there is a particular coming of this light to everyone: si Christus in cord est, diem nobis facit, if Christ be in our heart, he bringeth day and light with him.

Quest. 23. How the night is said to be past, the day at hand: of the literal sense.

1. The night is past or well spent. The word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which properly signifieth praecedo, provehor, to go forward, to proceed: and so read Chrysostom, Theodoret: the vulgar Latin readeth praecessit, is gone before: so Cyprian in the same sense, transivit, is passed: and Jerome in c. 26. Matth. praeterijt, is gone over: but the other is the better reading, both because of the proper signification of the word, and for that it followeth, the day is at hand, but if the night were all past, and not rather spent, and some part thereof behind, the day should not be at hand only, but it should be present: this Metaphor the Apostle useth, because there remaineth with us some ignorance and darkness still, even after our calling, and we have not in this life a perfect knowledge of Christ, neither is it full day with us, till the next life.

2. By the works of darkness are understood the works of sin, both because they proceed from darkness and ignorance of God, and they which follow them delight in darkness, and hate the light, as also the ende of such works is everlasting darkness, and to be deprived forever of the light of God's kingdom.

3. We must cast them away. Which signifieth, 1. that we should not defer our repentance from dead works, like as he which awaketh when it is day doth hastily put from him his night garments. 2. as we must speedily put them off, so cum detestatione, we must do it with a kind of hatred and detestation, as a man casteth from him with disdain that which he abhorreth. 3. and we must procul abijcere, cast them far away from us, never to entertain them again.

4. We are bid to put on: which metaphor noteth three things. 1. diligence, like as he which putteth on his garments or armor, doth not only clothe or arm one part of his body, but everyone: so it is not enough to follow one or two good works, but we must give our selves to every good work, as we clothe every part of our body. 2. we must do it with delight, like as there is comeliness in clothing the body wherein we delight. 3. herein is expressed conscience, that having put on these garments, or armor, we should not suddenly put them off, as it is said, in the Cantic. 4.3. I have put off my coat, how shall I put it on: so after we have put on our coat, so we should not put it off.

5. The armor of light. 1. They are called armor in these two respects, because they are defensiva, both defensive, we thereby resist the temptations of Satan, having the breastplate of righteousness: and they are offensiva, offensive, whereby we drive away also the tempter from us; such is the sword of the spirit, whereby we quench all the fiery darts of Satan. 2. they are called armor rather then garments, for we are not thereby covered in God's sight, as justified by our own righteousness, yet we are thereby defended from Satan's assaults.

6. They are called the armor of light: because they proceed from the knowledge of God, the true light of the soul: and they do shine and give light before men, who seeing them do glorify God, Par. and they defend us against the works of darkness, illuminate the soul, and bring us ad lucem aeternam, to everlasting light, Lyranus.

Quest. 24. What time is understood by the day and night.

1. Chrysostom by the night seemeth to understand the time of this life, and by the day, the resurrection, prope est resurrectio, the resurrection is at hand: but, as Tolet well observeth, that the day cannot be understood here of the day of judgment: (as beside Chrysostom, other of the Fathers interpret this place, as Athanas. 44. ad Antioch. qu. 90. August. epist. 80. ad Isich. ) for then the Apostles exhortation would be of small force, who moveth to cast off the works of darkness in respect of the time, because the day was come: but if the day were not yet come, then the ground of this exhortation faileth.

2. Anselm by the day, understandeth the time after this life, which is so much the nearer as death approacheth: so also the ordin. gloss. but when death cometh it is no time to work: here the Apostle exhorteth to walk honestly which is in the day: therefore this day must be in this life present.

3. Some do expound this night to be the time before the coming of Christ, and the day the time of preaching the Gospel, when Christ the Sun of righteousness did shine unto the world: so Lyranus, the night is past, obscuritas figurarum legis, the darkness of the figures of the law: likewise Erasmus, under the law, vmbra fuit magis quàm res, there was a shadow rather then the thing: Osiander also understandeth that time, quando nondum fuit exhibitus Christus, when Christ was not yet exhibited to the world: so also Faius: But as Beza noteth, the Apostle in this sense should have had reference only to the Jews, whereas he writeth to the believing Gentiles among the Romans, which were not acquainted with the figures of the law.

4. Wherefore with Pet. Martyr, Pareus, Beza, by night, rather we understand, tempus ignorantiae & caecitatis, the time of blindness and ignorance, which goeth before regeneration: for till they were called to the knowledge of Christ, they were in darkness, as the Apostle saith, Ephes. 5.8. Ye were sometime darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord, walk as children of light: this day light as Martyr observeth, if it be compared with our darkness & ignorance in times past, it may be called the day, but in respect of the life to come, it is but as the twilight, or break of the day, Martyr: so whereas the Apostle saith not, the night is past, but processit, it is well nigh spent, thereby he signifieth the imperfection of the state present, because yet there remaineth some darkness even in the regenerate: like as whē we see noctem properae ad diluculum, the night hasten to the dawning: and the swallows begin to chatter, we one call up another and say it is day: Chrysostom, and Theophylact, yet maketh the matter more plain: as allowing 12. hours to the night, and ten of them be spent, we say the night is wearing away, and it is toward day, &c. so the gross darkness is past when the light of faith and knowledge riseth up in us: but yet it is but as the dawning of the day in this life: Thus Origen followeth this sense, as is alleged before, si Christus in cord sit, &c. if Christ be in our hearts, he maketh it day.

Quest. 25. How we should walk honestly.

v. 13. So that we walk honestly. 1. Chrysost. observeth well, whom Theophyl. followeth, that whereas the Romans were much affected with the opinion of glory, he persuadeth them, decoro & honesto, by that which was comely and honest. 2. and further he saith, that we walk, not walk ye, putting himself in the number, that he might exhort thē without envy. 3. that which he saith here in one word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , honestly, he elsewhere Tit. 2.12. thus distinguisheth to these three, to live soberly, righteously, and godly. 4. and he addeth, as in the day: like as a man will be ashamed to go naked or clad with tottered and ragged garments in the day: so this time of the light of faith requireth us to walk honestly.

Not in riot and drunkenness. 1. Some by these two understand, by the first excess in meat, by the other excess in drink, Gorran: but Origen better distinguisheth them, by the first understanding, in honesta & luxuriosa convivia, dishonest and riotous feasts, by the other drunkenness, which is a companion of such feasts: such excessive feasts were used among the Egyptians, where the manner was to have a dead man's scull brought in, in the middes of their feasts, that they being put in mind of mortality, might more freely spend the short time which they had in following of their pleasure. 2. Chrysostom here noteth also, bibere non prohibit, sed praeter mensuram bibere, he forbiddeth not to drink, but to drink beside measure.

Chambering and wantonness. 1. Gorran, and so Hugo, by the first understandeth the sin of sloth, by the other fornication and uncleanness. 2. But Origen taketh these to be cubilia impuditiae, the chambers of wantonness: and thinketh here some reference to be made to the dens of beasts, because these filthy sins are more agreeable to beasts, then men. 3. Chrysostom noteth that the Apostle forbiddeth not all kind of bedding, and chambering, for the marriage bed is undefiled, Heb. 13.4. non mulieribus commisceri, sed scortari, he forbiddeth not to company with women, but to follow whoredom.

Not in strife and envying. 1. As before he touched the sins of the flesh, so now he forbiddeth the vices of the mind, contention, emulation, Origen. 2. these are joined to the other, as being the perpetual companions of banqueting and drunkenness: as the wise man showeth, that to such is woe, sorrow, and strife, that follow wine, Prov. 23.29. 3. these two are the fruits and effects of drunkenness, concupiscence and wrath, so that the Apostle taketh away the very occasions of these evil affections, Chrys. for excess in meat and drink is the cause of wantonness, and of the sin of uncleanness, and of strife and contention. 4. Haymo thinketh that by strife, is here understood the contention about questions of faith: rather such brawls and contentions are here restrained, which follow upon excessive rioting and drunkenness.

Quest. 28. How we must put on Christ.

1. The Apostle altereth his phrase of speech: for whereas before he spake of the armor of light, now he useth another metaphor of putting on a garment: for our good works, though they may defend, and arm us against the assaults of Satan, yet it is the righteousness only of Christ, that covereth us as a garment in the sight of God, Par.

2. How Christ is put on, it is diversely scanned. 1. Some make four ways of the putting on of Christ, as the glass receiveth the image by impression, so some put on Christ for a time, but it passeth away as an image in a glass: as the wool receiveth the die or color per assumptionem, by assuming the same: as the example is as it were put on, per imitationem, by imitation: and the iron taketh the fire per penetrationem, by penetration: but all these do only show the putting on of Christ unto sanctification, whereas he is put on also unto justification. 2. some then make two puttings on of Christ, the one is by faith in Christ, whereby we are justified: like as Adam was clothed with skins of slain beasts, to signify our spiritual clothing by the death of Christ: this sense followeth Pet. Martyr, Pareus: the other by imitating of Christ in holiness: as Origen saith, that he which putteth on all virtues putteth on Christ, qui haec omnia habet, habet Christum, he that hath all these things hath Christ: but Chrysostom saith better, he that hath put on Christ, omnem virtutem habet, hath every virtue indeed: of the works of sanctification, Beza understandeth this putting on of Christ, and Osiander. likewise Tolet referreth it to the imitation of Christ's virtues: but the better sense is, to join them both together: it signifieth more then imitation only, as Chri •• tum fide apprehendere, to apprehend Christ by faith, and then by his spirit to be made fit & • ot unto every good work, Ca • . for the word putting on, signifieth not only partem aliquā • rgumenti, some part only of the covering, but the apparelling of the whole man, both inward and outward, Faius.

3. But seeing the Apostle saith, that Christ is put on by baptism, & S. Paul here speaketh • o them which were baptized, how then doth he bid them now put on Christ: the answer 〈◊〉 that as August. saith, some do put on Christ ad sacramenti perceptionem, to the receiving of the sacrament only; some us{que} ad vitae sanctificationem, unto the sanctification of life, the Apostle speaketh here of the latter: for so Christ not once only in baptism but all our life long is to be put on.

4. Gorran is here somewhat curious in distinguishing these three, put on the Lord, which signifieth power, Jesus, clemency, Christ, wisdom: the first is seen in subduing sin with power, the second, clementer indulgendo, in gently pardoning the penitent, the third, prudenter instruendo, in prudently instructing the ignorant: But this I omit as too curious.

5. Chrysostom taketh here occasion to show, how Christ is all things unto us: as here he is our vesture and apparel: he is our way and life, our food, our foundation, our spouse, our master, our friend, our brother, our advocate, our habitatiō, as he saith, he dwelleth in me, and I in him: yea he is our suppliant, we pray you in Christ's stead, be reconciled unto God, 1. Cor. 5.20.

Quest. 27. How the flesh is to be cared for.

v. 14. Take no care for the flesh, to fulfill the lusts thereof. 1. I will omit here to note the elegancies which Erasmus observeth in the Apostles phrase, and style, how in the original the Apostles words do fall well to the ear in the orderly compounding, and one part doth answer another, his sentences are full of Metaphors, and there is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the like ending of the words in the sound and pronouncing. 2. But I prefer Chrysostom's note, that as the Apostle before did not forbid simply to drink, but to be drunken, nor to marry, but to commit fornication, so here he simply restraineth not all care for the flesh,