History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland
Then was the Earl of Huntley accused by you, as the maintainer of Idolatry, and only hinderer of all good Orders; him hath God punished, even according to the threatenings that his and your ears heard, and by your hands hath God executed his Judgments: But what amendment can be espied in you? Idolatry was never in greater quiet, Virtue and virtuous men were never in more contempt; Vice was never more bold, nor punishment less feared. And yet who guides the Queen and Court; who but the Protestants. O horrible slanderers of God, and of his holy Evangel; Better it were unto you, plainly to renounce Christ Jesus, then thus to expose his blessed Evangel to Mockage: if God punisheth not you, That this same age shall see and behold your punishment, the spirit of righteous judgment guides me not.
This vehemency provoked the hatred, not only of the Courtiers, but also of divers others against the Speaker, which was John Knox ; for such as be in credit, never lack flatterers. Their Brethren of the Court were irreverendly handled. What was that, but to raise the hearts of the people against them; They did what they could. Such speaking would cause them to do less. And this was the fruit that the Preachers gathered of their just reprehensions; The general Assembly of the Church held on the 25 of December, 1562. approached. In the which, great complaints were made; That Churches lacked Ministers; That Ministers lacked their Stipends; That wicked men were permitted to be School-Masters; and so to infect the youth amongst them, whom one Master Robert Cunning School-master in Aberbrothoke, was complained upon by the Laird of Dun, and sentence pronounced against him. It was further complained, That Idolatry was erected in divers parts of the Realm: For redress hereof, some thought best, That a new supplication should be presented to the Queen; others demanded, what answer was received of the former. The superintendent of Lowthian confessed the delivery of it; but (said he) I received no answer. It was answered for the part of the Queen, (for her supposts were ever there) that it was well known to the whole Realm, what troubles had occurred since the last Assembly; and therefore, That they should not wonder, albeit that the Queen had not answered, but betwixt that and the Parliament, which was appointed to be in May, they doubted not but such order should be taken, as all men should have occasion to stand content. This satisfied for that time the whole Assembly. And this was the practice of the Queen, and of her Council, with fair words to drive time, as before we have said.
The Assembly notwithstanding proceeded forward in establishing of such orders, as whereby vice might be punished, and virtue might be maintained, And because there was a great slander risen upon Paul Meffane of whom mention is made in the second Book of the History, Commissions and charge was given unto John Knox, Minister of Edinburgh, and unto certain of the Elders of the Church of Edinburgh, to pass to the Town of Iedwart, where the slander was raised, and to be found there, the third of January next, was the trial to be taken of the slander raised, and to hear the Articles and complaint of the said Paul : and after the trial, to report the truth to the Session of the Church of Edinburgh ; To whom with the assistance of the superintendent of Lowthian Commission was given to discern therein. The trial and examination of that crime was difficile, the slander was universal in that Town and Country; the servant woman of the said Paul, had betwixt that and Christmas left his House, she had borne a child, no father to it could she find, but alleged herself to have been suppressed late in an Evening; the said Paul constantly affirmed himself innocent, and would have given his public purgation; but because his Accusators had taken on them to prove there accusation that was denied, many witnesses were produced, of whom some deposed so clearly, that the Commissioners suspected, that they had been suborned, and therefore they required to have inspection of the places, where some said they saw, and some said they heard them in the very act of iniquity. The sight and consideration of the place augmented greatly the suspicion; but one thing was most suspicious of all other, for the Wife of the sad Paul (an ancient Matron) was absent from him the space of eight or nine weeks in Dundie ; which time (or at least a great part thereof) they suspected, and he lay nightly in one house without other company then a Child of seven or eight years of age. The Judges, notwithstanding these suspicions, having a good opinion of the honesty and godliness of the man, travelled what they could (conscience not hurt) to purge him of the slander: But God, who would not that such a Villanie should be cloaked and concealed within his Kirk, other ways had decreed, for he brought the brother of the guilty woman to the Town, having no mind of such matters, who being produced by the Accusators, as one that was privy to the fact; and knew the verity of all circumstances; this witness, we say, (which could not be suspected) being produced, made the matter so plain and clear, that all suspicion was removed; for he it was that conveyde the woman away, he it was that caused the Child to be baptized, alleging it to be his own; he it was that carried frequent message betwixt them, and from Paul carried money and clothes divers times: How soon that ever the said Paul saw that man produced, as Witness, he withdrew himself and left the Town, by that means plainly taking upon him the Crime; And so the Commissioners with full information, returned to Dundie, and notified the same unto the Church, who caused publicly to summon the said Paul to hear the sentence pronounced; who not appearing in the end, for his odious Crime and contumacy, was publicly excommunicated, and was deprived of all functions within the Church of Scotland, and so left the Realm. For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the order kept in punishing of the same; the former to forewarn such as travel in that Vocation, that according to the admonition of the Apostle, Such as stand, take heed lest they fall. No man in the beginning of the Evangel, was judged more fervent and more upright; and yet we have heard how far Satan has prevailed against him; God grant that we may hear of his repentance; neither yet should this fall do anything to prejudice the Authority of the Doctrine which he taught, for the Doctrine of God hath its authority of no creature, but hath the assurance of God himself, how weak or imperfect soever the Instruments be by whom it pleaseth God to publish the same. The treason of Judas, the Adultery of David, and abnegation of Peter did derogate nothing from the glory of Christ's Evangel, nor yet the Doctrine which before they had taught; but declared the one to be a Reprobate, and the other to be Instruments in whom mercy must surmount judgment. The other cause is, that the World may see what difference there is betwixt the uprightness of the Church of God, and the corruption that reigns in the Synagogue of Satan, the Papistical rabble; for how many of that sort hath been, and still remain openly known Whoremongers, Adulterers, Violators of Virgines, yea, and committers of such abominations as we will not name; and yet are they called and permitted to be Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinals and Popes themselves: For what sins can unable the sworn servants of Symonie, and of their Father the Devil? For brag what they list of Christ, of Peter, and of Paul, their lives and conversation bear witness to whom they belong. But we return to our History of things done in Court.
Amongst the Menizoons of the Court, there was one named Monsieur Chattelet, a Frenchman, that at that time passed all others in credit with the Queen: In dancing of the purpose, so term they that dance, in the which man and woman talketh secretly, wise men would judge such fashions not agreeable to the gravity of honest women. In this dance the Queen choose Chattelet, and Chattelet took the Queen, for he had the best dress. All this winter Chattelet was so familiar with the Queen, that the Nobility being by this means stopped to have so free access as they thought fit and due unto them, were highly offended; at length Chattelet having conveyed himself privately under the Queens Bed, but being espied, was commanded away: The Bruit arising, the Queen called the Earl of Murray, and bursting in a womanly affection, charged him, that as he loved her, he should slay Chatelet, and let him never speak word. The other at the first made promise so to do; but after calling to mind the judgment of GOD pronounced against the shedders of innocent blood, and also that none should die without the testimony of two or three witnesses, returned, and fell upon his knees before the Queen, and said, Madame, I beseech your Majesty cause not me to take the blood of this man upon me; Your Majesty hath used him so familiarlie before, that you have offended all your Nobility; and now if he shall be secretly slain at your own commandment, what shall the world judge of it? I shall bring him to the presence of Justice, and let him suffer by Law according to his deserving. Oh, said the Queen, you shall not let him speak. I shall do (said he) Madame, what in me lieth, to give your Majesty content. Poor Chattelet was brought back from Kingorne to Saint Andrew's, examined, put to an Assize, and so beheaded the two and twentieth day of February, Anno Dom. 1562. He begged license to write to France the cause of his death; which said he, in his Tongue was Pour estre trouve en lien trop suspect ; that is, Because I was found in a place too much suspected. At the place of Execution, when he saw that there was no remedy, but death, he made a godly confession, and granted, that his declining from the truth of God, and following of vanity and impiety, was justly repaid unto him: But in the end he concluded, looking unto the Heavens, with these words, O cruelle Dame! What that complaint imported I leave it to conjecture; and so received Chattelet the reward of his dancing, for he lost his Head, that his Tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen; deliver us, O Lord from the rage of so inordinate a Court.
The year of God, 1563. there was a universal death in all Scotland, but in the North, where (the Harvest before) the Queen had been, there was a great Famine, of which may died in that Country. the dearth was great over all, but the Famine in the Wheat, the Bear or Barley, the Meale, the Oats, Beefe, Mutton, &c, were exceeding dear and scant; yea, all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple, and more exceeded, their accustomed prices. And so did God according to the threatening of the Law punish the Idolatry of our wicked Rulers, and our ingratitude that suffered them to defile the Land with that abomination again, that God so potently had purged by the power of his Word; for the riotous Feasting and excessive Banquetting used in City and Country, wheresoever that the profane Court repaired, provoked God to strike the Staff of Bread, and to give his maledictions upon the fruits of the earth. But alas, who looked, or yet looks to the true cause of our Calamitie?
Lethington was absent (as before we have heard) in the Queens affairs; the Papists at that Pasch. Ann. 1563. in divers parts of the Realm, had erected that Idol the Mass, amongst whom the Bish. of S. Andrew's, the Prior of Quihithorn, with divers others of that faction would avow it. Besides the first Proclamation, there had Letters past in the contrary with certification of death to the contraveiner.
The Brethren universally offended, and espying that the Queen by Proclamation did but delude them, determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of others; and so some Priests in the West-Land were apprehended; Intimation made unto others, as to the Abbot of Cosragnell, the Parson of Sangohar, and such, that they should neither complain to the Queen nor Counsel, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to Idolaters in his Law, by such means as they might, where ever they should be apprehended.
The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could not amend it, for the Spirit of God, of boldness, and of wisdom had not left the most part of such as God had made Instruments in the beginning, they were of one mind to maintain the truth, and to suppress Idolatry, particularities had not divided them; and therefore could not the Devil working in the Court, and in Papists, do then what they would; and therefore the Court began to invent a new craft; The Queen advised, to send for John Knox to come to her where she lay, at Lochlevin ; She dealt with him earnestly two hours before supper, that he would be the Instrument to persuade the people, and principally the Gentlemen of the West, not to put hand to punish any man for the using of themselves in their religions as pleased them. The other perceiving her craft willed her Majesty to punish Malefactors according to the Laws, and he durst promise quietness upon the par • of all them that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland ; But if her Majesty thought to delude the Laws, he said, he feared some would let the Papists understand, that without punishment they should no be suffered so manifestly to offend God's Majesty. Will ye (quoth she) allow that they shall take my Sword in their hand. The Sword of Justice (quoth he) Madame, is God's, and is given to Princes and Rulers for one end: which if they transgress, sparing the wicked, and oppressing the Innocents. They that in the fear of God execute Judgment where God hath commanded, offend not God, although Kings do it not; neither yet sin they that bridle Kings to strike innocent men in their rage: The examples are evident; for Samuel spared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate King of Amelek, whom King Saul had saved: Neither spared Elias, Jezebels false Prophets, and Baals Priests, albeit that King Ahab was present: Phineas was no Magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Zimri and Cozbi, in the very act of filthy Fornication. And so, Madame, your Majesty may see that others then chief Magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished: For Power by Act of Parliament is given to all Judges within their own bounds, to search the Mass-mongers, or hearers of the same, and to punish them according to the Law. And therefore it shall be profitable to your Majesty to consider what is the thing your Majesty's subjects look to receive of your Majesty; and what it is you ought to do unto them by mutual Contract. They are bound to obey you; and that not, but in God ye are bound to keep Laws unto them: Ye crave of them service, They crave of you Protection and Defense against wicked doers. Now, Madame, if ye shall deny your Duty unto them, who especially crave that ye punish Malefactors; Think ye to receive full Obedience of them? I fear, Madame, ye shall not. Herewith she being somewhat offended, past to her Supper. The said John left her, and informed the Earl of Murray of the whole reasoning, and so departed, of final purpose to have returned to Edinburgh, without any further communication with the Queen: But before the Sun rising on the morne were two directed ( Wat Melvill was the one) to him, commanding him not to depart, whilst he had spoken with the Queens Majesty; which he did, and met her at the Hawking by West Kinros. Whether it was the nights sleep, or a deep dissimulation locked in her breast, that made her to forget the former anger, wise men may doubt; But thereof she never moved word, but began divers other purposes, such as the offering of a Ring to her by the Lord Ruthuen, whom (said she) I cannot love (for I know him to use Enchantment; and yet he is one of my Privy Council. Whom blameth your Majesty (said the other) thereof? Lethington (said she) was the whole cause. That man is absent for this present (said he) Madame, and therefore I will speak nothing in that behalf. I understand (said the Queen) That ye are appointed to go to Dumfreis, for the Election of a Superintendent to be established in those Countries. Yes (said he) those Quarters have great need, and some of the Gentlemen so require. But I hear (said she) That the Bishop of Caithnes would be Superintendent. He is one (said the other) Madame, that is put in Election. If ye knew him (said she) as well as I do, ye would never promote him to that Office, nor yet to any other within your Kirk. What he hath been (said he) Madame, I never knew, nor yet will I inquire; for in time of darkness, What could we do but g • ope and go wrong, even as darkness carried us; but if he fear not GOD now, he deceives many more then me: And yet said he, Madame, I am assured, GOD will not suffer his CHURCH to be so far deceived, As that an unworthy man shall be Elected, where free Election is, and the Spirit of GOD is earnestly called upon, to decide betwixt the two: Well said she, do as ye will, But that man is a dangerous man, and therein was not the Queen deceived; For he had corrupted the most part of the Gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but also to Elect him, which perceived by the said John, Commissioner, delayed the Election, and left it with the Master of Maxwell, Master Robert Pont, who was put in Election (with the foresaid Bishop) to the end that his Doctrine and Conversation might be the better tried of these that had not known him before; and so was this Bishop frustrate of his purpose for that present; and yet was he at that time the man that was most familiar with the said John in his house, and at Table. But now to the former conference, When the Queen had long talked with John Knox, and he being oft willing to take his leave, she said, I have one of the greatest matters that have touched me since I came in this Realm, to open unto you, and I must have your help into it. And she began to make a long discourse of her Sister, the Lady Argile, how that she was not so circumspect in all things, as she wished her to be; and yet said she, my Lord, her husband whom I love, useth her not in many things so honestly, and so godlily, as I think ye yourself would require: Madam said he, I have been troubled with that matter before, and once I put an end to it (and that was before your Majesty's arrival) that both she and her friends, seemed fully to stand content; and she herself promised before her friends, That she would never complain to any Creature, till that I should first understand the controversy by her own mouth, or else by one assured Messenger: I now have heard nothing of her part; and therefore, I think there is nothing but concord: Well said the Queen, it is worse then ye believe; but do this much for my sake, as once again to put them at Unity; and if she behave not herself, so as she ought to do, she shall find no favor of me; but in any wise said she, let my Lord know, That I have requested you in this matter; For I would be very sorry to offend him in that, or in any other thing. And now said she, as touching our reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as ye required. I shall cause to summon all offenders, and ye shall know that I shall minister Justice. I am assured then said he, That ye shall please God, and enjoy rest and tranquility within your Realm, which to your Majesty is more profitable, then all the Popes power can be. And thus they departed.
This Conference we have inserted, to let the World see how deeply Mary Queen of Scotland, can dissemble; and how that she could cause men to think, That she bare no indignation for any controversy in Religion, which that yet in her heart was nothing but venom, and destruction, as shortly after did appear. John Knox departed, and prepared himself for his journey, appointed to Dunfreis. And from Glasgow, according to the Queens Commandment; he wrote this Letter to the Earl of Argyle, the Tenour whereof follows.
My Lord,
THe Lord cometh, and shall not tarry. After commendation of my service unto your Lordship: If I had known of your Lordships sudden departing, the last time it chanced me to see and speak with you, I had opened unto you some of my grief: But supposing that your Lordship should have remained still with the Queen, I delayed at that time to utter any part of that which now my conscience compelleth me to do. Your behavior towards your wife is very offensive unto many godly: Her complaint is grievous, That ye altogether withdraw your conversation from her: If so, ye have great need to look well to your own state; for albeit that ye within yourself felt no more repugnancy then any flesh this day on the earth, yet by promise made before God, are ye debtor unto her in all due benevolence. But if that ye burn on the one side, (albeit ye do no worse) and she in your default on the other, ye are not only men sworn before God, but also doth what in you lieth, to kindle against yourself his wrath and heavy displeasure. The words are sharp, and God is witness in dolour of heart I write them: But because they are true, and pronounced by God himself, I dare not but admonish you, perceiving you, as it were sleeping in sin. The proud stubbornness whereof your Lordship oft complained, will nothing excuse you before God; for if ye be not able to convince her of any fault, ye ought to bear with her imperfections, as that ye would she should bear with you likewise. In the bowels of Christ Jesus, I exhort you, my Lord, to have respect of your own salvation, and not to abuse the lenity and longsuffering of God; for that is a fearful treasure that ye heap up upon your own head, while that he calleth you to repentance, and ye obstinately continue in your own impiety; for impiety it is, that ye abstract your comfort and company from your lawful wife. I write nothing in defense of her misbehaviour towards your Lordship in any sort; but I say, If ye be not able to convince her of any fault committed since your last reconciliation, which was in my presence, that ye can never be excused before God, of this rude and strange usage of your wife. And if by you such impiety be committed as is bruted, then, before God, and unto your own conscience, I say, That every moment of that filthy pleasure, shall turn to you, in a years displeasure; yea, it shall be the occasion and cause of everlasting damnation, unless speedily ye repent: and repent ye cannot, except ye desist from that impiety. Call to mind, my Lord, That the servant knowing his masters will, and doing the contrary, shall be plagued with many plagues. Sin, my Lord, is sweet in drinking; but in digesting, more bitter then the gall. The Eternal move your heart earnestly to consider how fearful a thing it is, ever to have God to be enemy. In the end, I pray your Lordship not to be absent from Edinburgh, the 19 of this instant, for such causes as I will not write. Thus much only I warn your Lordship, that it will not be profitable for the common quietness of this Realm, that the Papists brag, and Justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease further to trouble your Lordship, whom God assist.
In haste from Glasgow, the 7 of May, 1563.
Your Lordships to command in godliness, Sic subscribitur, JOHN KNOX.
THis Letter was not well accepted of the said Earl, and yet did he utter no part of his displeasure in public, but contrarily shown himself most familiar with the said John Knox: He kept the Diet, and sat in Judgment himself, where the Bishop, and the rest of the Papists, were accused as after follows.
The Summons were directed against the Mass-mongers with expedition, and in the straitest form: The day was appointed, the 19 of May, a day only before the Parliament of Popes Knights appeared. The Bishop of Saint Androes, the Prior of Quinthorne, the Parson of Sanguhair, William Hamilton of Camskeneth, John Gordon of Barskuch, with divers others. The Protestants convened whole, to crave for Justice. The Queen asked counsel of the Bishop of Ross, and of the old Laird of Lethington (for the younger was absent, and so the Protestants had fewer friends) who affirmed, That she must see her Laws kept, or else she would get no obedience: and so was preparations made for their accusations. The Bishop, and his band of the exempted sort, made nice to enter before the Earl of Argyle, who sat in Judgment; but at last he was compelled to enter within the Barre. A merry man, who now sleeps with the Lord, Robert Horwell, instead of the Bishops Cross, bore before him a Steel Hammer: Whereat the Bishop and his Band were not a little offended, because the Bishops privileges were not then currant in Scotland (which day God grant our posterity may see of longer continuance then we possessed it.) The Bishop and his fellows, after much ado, and long drift of time, came in the Queens will, and were committed to Ward, some to one place, and some to another. The Lady Arskine got the Bishops for her part. All this was done of a most deep craft, to abuse the simplicity of the Protestants, that they should not press the Queen with any other thing concerning the matters of Religion.
At that Parliament, which began within two days thereafter, she obtained of the Protestants whatsoever she desired; for this was the reason of many, We see what the Queen hath done, the like of this was never heard within this Realm; we will bear with the Queen, we doubt not but all shall be well. Others were of contrary judgment, and forespake things, as after they came to pass; to wit, That nothing was meant but deceit; and that the Queen, how soon that ever the Parliament was past, should set the Papists at freedom: And therefore willed the Nobility not to be abused. But because many had their private business to be handled at that Parliament, the common Cause was the less regarded.
The Earl of Huntley, whose Corps had been unburied till the time it was brought to the Tolbuith; he was accused his Arms rent off; himself, the Earl of Sutherland, and eleven Barons, and Earls, bearing the surname of Gordon, were that day forfeited; the Lady Huntley craftily protested and asked the support of a man of Law, or Counselor.
Such stinking pride of women, as was seen at that Parliament, was never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days the Queen rode to the Tolbuith; The first day she made a painted Oration, and there might have been heard amongst her flatteries, Vox Dianae, The voice of a goddess, for it could not be Dei, and not of a Woman: God save that sweet face; Was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweetly, &c.
All things misliked the Preachers; They spake boldly against the superfluities of their Clothes, and against the rest of their vanity, which they affirmed should provoke God's vengeance, not only against these foolish Women, but against the whole Realm; and especially against those that maintained them in that odious abusing of things that might have been better bestowed. Articles were presented for orders to be taken for Apparrell, and for Reformation of other Enormities, but all was winked at.
The Earldom of Murray, needed confirmation, and many things were to be ratified that concerned the help of friends and servants; and therefore they might not urge the Queen, For if they so did, she would hold no Parliament; and what then should become of them that had meddled with the slaughter of the Earl of Huntley, let that Parliament pass over; and when the Queen shall ask anything of the Nobility, as she must do before her marriage; then shall Religion be the first thing that shall be established. It was answered, That the Poets and Painters erred not altogether, that feigned and painted Occasion with a bald Hind-head: For the first, when it is offered, being lost, is hard to be recovered again. The matter fell so hot betwixt the Earl of Murray, and some others of the Court, and John Knox, That familiarly after that time, they spake not together more then a year and a half; For the said John by his Letter, gave a discharge to the said Earl of all further intromission or care with his affairs. He made unto him a discourse of their first acquaintance, in what estate he was, when that first they spake together in London, how God had promoted him, and that above man's judgment, and in the end made this conclusion: But seeing that I perceive myself frustrate of my expectation, which was, That ye should ever have preferred God to your own affection, and the advancement of his Truth, to your own commodity, I commit you to your wit, and to the conducting of those which can better please you. I praise my God, I leave you this day victor of your enemies, promoted to great honor, and in credit and authority with your Sovereign. If so ye long to continue, none shall be more glad then I shall be. But that after this, ye decay, (as I fear ye shall) then call to mind, by what means God exalted you; which was neither by plying with impiety; neither yet by maintaining of pestilent Papists.
This Letter and discharge was so pleasing to the Flatterers of the said Earl, that they triumphed of it, and were glad to have gotten their occasion; for some envied, that so great familiarity was betwixt them; and therefore from the time they got once that occasion to separate, they ceased not to cast Oil in the burning Flame, which ceased not to burn, till that God by water of affliction began to slacken it, as we shall after hear. But least that they should altogether have been seen to have forsaken God, (as in very deed, both God and his Word was vey far from the hearts of the most part of the Courtiers of that Age, a few excepted) they began a new Schift, to wit, To speak of the punishment of Adultery, of Witchcraft, and to seek the restitution of Gleibes or Manses to the Minister of the Church, and of the reparation of the Churches; and thereby they thought to have pleased the Godly that were highly offended at their slackness.
The Act of Oblivion passed, because some of the Lord's had entresse; but the Acts against adultery, and for the Manses and Gleibes, were so modified, that no Law, and such a Law might stand in eodem predicamento ; To speak plain, no Law and such Acts were both alike: The Acts are in Print, let wise men read, and then accuse us, if without cause we complain.
In the progress of this corruption, and before the Parliament dissolved, John Knox in his Sermon before the most part of the Nobility, began to enter in a deep discourse of God's mercies which that Realm had felt, and of that ingratitude which he espied in the whole multitude which God had marvelously delivered from the bondage and tyranny both of body and soul: And now my Lord's, (said he) I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that in your own presence I may pour forth the sorrows of my heart; yea, yourselves shall be witness if I make any lie in things by-past from the beginning of God's mighty Works within this Realm: I have been with you in your most desperate temptations. Ask your own Consciences, and let them answer you before God, if that I (not I, but God's Spirit by me) in your greatest extremity willed you not ever to depend upon your God, and in his Name promised unto you victory and preservation from your enemies, so that only ye would depend upon his protection, and prefer his glory before your lives and worldly commodity; in your most extreme danger I have been with you; Saint Iohnstou • Cowper-More, and the charges of Edinburgh, are yet recent in my heart; yea, that dark and dolorous night wherein all you my Lord's with shame and fear left this Town, is yet in my mind, and God forbid that ever I forget it: What was (I say) my Exhortation unto you? and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye yourselves live and testify. There is not one of you against whom death and destruction was threatened, perished in that danger; and how many of your enemies hath God plagued before your eyes; shall this be the thankfulness that ye shall render unto your God? To betray his Cause when ye have it in your own hands, to establish it as you please? The Queen says you will not agree with us; ask ye of her that which by God's Word ye may justly require, and if she will not agree with you in God, you are not bound to agree with them in the Devil; Let her plainly understand so far of your minds, and steal not from your former stoutness in God, and he will prosper you in your enterprises: But I can see nothing but a recalling from Christ Jesus, that the man that first and most speedily fleeth from Christ's Ensign, holdeth himself most happy; yea, I hear some say, That we have nothing of our Religion Established, neither by Law nor Parliament; Albeit the malicious words of such can neither hurt the truth of God, nor yet us that thereupon depend; yet the speaker of this Treason, committed against God, and against this poor Common-wealth, deserves the Gallows; for our Religion being commanded, and so established by God, is received with this Realm in public Parliament. And if they will say, That it was no Parliament, we must, and will say, and also prove, That that Parliament was also as lawful as ever any that passed before it within this Realm. I say, if the King then living was King, and the Queen now in this Realm be lawful Queen, that Parliament cannot be denied.
And now my Lord's to put end to all, I hear of the Queens marriage, Dukes, Brethren to Emperors, and Kings strive all for the best gain; But this my Lord's will (I say) note the day, and bear witness after, Whensoever the Nobility of Scotland who profess the Lord Jesus, consents that an Infidel (and all Papists are Infidels) shall be Head to our Sovereign, ye do, so far as in you lieth, to banish Christ Jesus from this Realm, yea, to bring God's vengeance upon the Country, a plague upon yourselves, and perchance you shall do small comfort to your Sovereign.
These words and this manner of speaking was judged intolerable, Papists and Protestants were both offended; yea, his most familiars disdained him for that speaking, Placeboes and Flatterers posted to the Court, to give advertisement, That John Knox had spoken against the Queens Marriage. The Provost of Glencludan, Douglas by surname, of Drumlangrig, was the man that gave the charge, That the said John should present himself before the Queen, which he did immediately after Dinner. The Lord Uchiltrie and divers of the faithful bare him company to the Abbey, but none past in to the Queen with him in the Cabinet, but John Arskin of Dun then super-intendent of Angus and Mernes.
The Queen in a vehement fume began to cry out, That never Prince was used as she was; I have (said she) born with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking, both against myself, and against my Uncles; yea, I have sought your favors by all possible means; I offered unto you presence and audience whensoever it pleased you to admonish me; and yet I cannot be quit of you; I Vow to God I shall be once revenged: and with these words scarce could Marnocke, one of her Pages, get Handkirchiefs to hold her Eyes dry, for the Tears and the howling, besides womanly weeping stayed her Speech. The said John did patiently abide all this fume, and at opportunity answered; True it is Madame, your Majesty and I have been at divers controversies, into the which I never perceived your Majesty to be offended at me; but when it shall please God to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and error, wherein ye have been nourished for the lack of true doctrine; your Majesty will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive; without the preaching-place (Madame) I think few have occasion to be offended at me; and there (Madame) I am not Master of myself, but must obey him who commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the Earth.
But what have you to do (said she) with my marriage?
If it please your Majesty (said he) patiently to hear me, I shall show the truth in plain words. I grant your Majesty offered unto me more then ever I required, but my answer was then as it is now, That God hath not sent me to awaite upon the Courts of Princes, or upon the Chamber of Ladies, but I am sent to preach the Evangel of Jesus Christ, to such as please to hear; it hath two points, Repentance and Faith: Now (Madame) in preaching repentance, of necessity it is that the sins of men be noted, that they may know wherein they offend. But so it is that the most part of your Nobility, are so addicted to your affections, that neither God's Word, nor yet their Common-wealth are rightly regarded; and therefore it becometh me to speak, that they may know their duty.
What have you to do (said she) with my marriage, or what are you within the Common-wealth?
A subject, borne within the same, (said he) Madame; and albeit I be neither Earl, Lord, nor Barron within it, yet hath God made me, (how abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable and useful Member within the same; Yea, Madame, to me it appertaineth no less to forewarn of such things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, then it doth to any one of the Nobility; for both my Vocation and Office craveth plainness of me: and therefore (Madame) to yourself I say, that which I spake in public, Whensoever the Nobility of this Realm shall be content, and consent that you be subject to an unlawful husband, they do as much as in them lieth, to renounce Christ, to banish the truth, to betray the freedom of this Realm, and perchance shall in the end do small comfort to yourself.
At these words howling was heard, and tears might have been seen in greater abundance then the matter required: John Arskin of Dun, a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside, and did what he could to mitigate the anger, and gave unto her many pleasant words, Of her Bounty, of her Excellencie, and how that all the Princes in Europe would be glad to seek her favors; but all that was to cast Oil into the flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any alteration of countenance for a long time, while that the Queen gave place to her in ordinate passions; and in the end he said, Madame, in God's presence I speak, I never delighted in the weeping of any of God's Creatures, yea, I can scarcely well abide the tears of mine own Boys, when my own hands corrects them; much less can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping; but seeing I have offered unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken the truth, as my Vocation craves of me: I must sustain your Majesty's tears, rather then I dare hurt my conscience, or betray the Common-wealth by silence. Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the said John to pass forth of the Cabinet, and to abide further of her pleasure in the Chamber.
The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of Coldinghame came into the Cabinet▪ and so they remained with her near the space of one hour. The said John stood in the Chamber, as one whom men had never seen (so were all afraid) except that the Lord Uchiltrie bare him company; And therefore began he to make discourse with the Ladies who were there sitting in all their gorgeous apparel: Which when he espied, he merrily said, Fair Ladies, How pleasant were this life of yours, if it should ever abide; and then in the end that we might pass to Heaven with this gear: But fie upon that knave, Death, that will come whether we will or not; and when he hath laid on the Arrest, then foul worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender. And the silly soul, I fear, shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with it Gold, Garnishing, Targating, Pearl, nor precious Stones. And by such and the like discourse entertained he the Ladies, and past the time, till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart to his house, till new advertisement.
The Queen would have had the sentiment of the Lord's of the Articles, if that such manner of speaking deserved not punishment. But she was counseled to desist; And so that storm quieted in appearance, but never in the heart.
Short after the Parliament, Lethington returned from his Negotiation in England and France. GOD in the February before had stricken that bloody Tyrant the Duke of Guise ; which somewhat brake the heat of our Queen for a season: But short after the returning of Lethington, Pride and Malice began to show themselves again. The Queen set at liberty the Bishop of Saint Andrew's, and the rest of the Papists that before were put in prison for violating of the Laws.
Lethington at his returning, shown himself not a little offended that any brute should have been raised of the Queens Marriage with the King of Spain ; for he took upon him to affirm, That any such thing had never entered into her heart: But how true that was, we shall hereafter hear. The end of his acquaintance and complaint was, To discredit John Knox, who had affirmed, That such a Marriage was both proposed, and upon the part of the Queen, by the Cardinal accepted. Lethington in his absence had run into a very evil brute among the Nobility, for too much serving the Queens affections against the Common-wealth: And therefore had he, as one that lacked not worldly wisdom, made provision both in England and Scotland ; for in England he travelled for the Freedom of the Earl Bothwell, and by that means obtained promise of his favor: He had there also taken order for the home coming of the Earl of Lenox, as we shall after hear. In Scotland he joined with the Earl of Atholl ; him he promoted, and set forward in Court; and so began the Earl of Murray to be defaced: And yet to the said Earl, Lethington at all times shown a fair countenance. The rest of that Summer, the Queen spent in her Progress thorough the West Country, where in all Towns and Gentlemens places, she had her Mass; which coming to the ears of John Knox, he began that form of prayer which ordinarily he saith after thanks-giving at his Table: (1.) Deliver us, O Lord, from the bondage of Idolatry. (2.) Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. (3.) Continue us in Peace and Concord amongst ourselves, if they good pleasure be, O Lord, for a season. Whilst that divers of the familiars of the said John asked of him, Why he prayed for quietness to continue for a season, and not rather absolutely, that we should continue in quietness: His answer was, That he durst not pray, but in faith; and faith in God's Word assured him, That constant quietness would not continue in that Realm, wherein Idolatry had been suppressed, and then was permitted to be erected again.
From the West Country, the Queen past into Argyle to the Hunting, and after returned to Sterlin. The Earl of Murray, the Lord Robert of Halyrud-house, and Lord John of Coldingham, past to the Northlands, where Justice Courts were holden. Thieves and Murderers were punished: Two Witches were burnt; the eldest was so blinded with the devil, that she affirmed, That no Judge had power over her. The same time Lord John of Coldingham departed this life in Innernes: It was affirmed, That he commanded such as were beside him to say to the Queen, That unless she left her Idolatry, God would not fail to plague her: He asked God mercy that he had so far born with her in her impiety, and had maintained her in the same; and that no one thing did him more grief, then that he had flattered, fostered, and maintained in her fury against God and his servants. And in very deed, great cause had he to have lamented his wickedness: For besides all his other infirmities, he in the end, for the Queens pleasure, became enemy to virtue, and all virtuous men, and a patron to impiety, to the uttermost of his power; yea, his venom was so kindled against God and his Word, that in his rage he bursted forth these words; Do I see the Queens Majesty so troubled with the railing of these knaves? I shall leave the best of them sticked in the Pulpit. What further villainy came forth of his stinking throat and mouth, modesty will not suffer us to write: whereof if he had grace unfeignedly to repent, it is no small document of God's mercies: But however God wrought with him, the Queen regarded his words as wind, or else thought them to have been forged by others, and not to have proceeded from himself; and affirmed plainly, They were invented by the Laird of Pittarrow, and Master John Wood, both whom she hated, because they flattered her not in her dancing, and other things. One thing in plain words she spoke. That God took always from her those persons in whom she had greatest pleasure; and that she repented. But of farther sins no mention.
Whilst the Queen lay at Sterlin, with her Idolatry in her Chapel in the Palace of Halyrud-house, were left certain Duntiberis, and others of the French Menzie, who raised up their Mass more publicly then they had done at any time before: For upon the same Sundays that the Church of Edinburgh had the Ministration of the Lord's Table, the Papists in a great number went to the Abbey to their Abomination: Which understood, divers of the Brethren being sore offended, consulted how to redress that enormity: And so were appointed certain of the most zealous, and most upright in Religion, to wait upon the Abbey, that they might note such persons as resorted to the Mass; and perceiving a great number to enter into the Chapel, some of the Brethren thrust in also: Whereat the Priest and French Dames being afraid, made the Showt to be sent to the Town; and Madame Baillie, Mistress to the Queens Dountibures (for maids that Court would not then well bear) posted on with all diligence to the Comptroller the Laird of Pittarrow, who then was in Saint Geills Church at the Sermon, and cried for his assistance, to save her life, and to save the Queens Palace: Who, with greater haste then need required, obeyed her desire, and took with him the Provost and Baylies, and a great part of the faithful; but when they came where the fear was bruted to have been, they found all things in quiet, except the tumult they brought with themselves, and peaceable men talking to the Papists, forbidding them to transgress the Laws. True it is, a zealous brother, named Patrick Cranston, past into the Chapel, and finding the Altar covered, and the Priest ready to go to his abominable Mass, said, The Queens Majesty is not here; How dare you then be so malapert, as openly to do against the Law? No further was done or said, and yet brute hereof was posted to the Queen (with such information as the Papists could give: Which found such credit as their hearts could have wished for) which was so heinous a crime in her eyes, that satisfaction for that sin was there none, without blood; And therefore without delay were summoned Androe Armstrong, and Patrick Cranston ▪ to find surety to under-lie the Law; for fore-thought Fellony, having made violent invasion into the Queens Palace, and for spoliation of the same. These Letters divulgate, and the extremity feared, the few Brethren that were within the Town, consulted upon the next remedy, and in the end concluded, That John Knox (to whom the charge was given to make advertisements, whensosoever danger should appear) should write to the Brethren in all quarters, giving information as the matter stood, and requiring their assistance, which he did, in manner as here ensueth.
The Superscription.
TIs not unknown unto you (dear brethren) what comfort and tranquility God gave unto us in times most dangerous, by our Christian Assemblies, and godly Conference, as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of our own Body; And how that since we have neglected, or at least not frequented our Conventions and Assemblies, The adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangel, have enterprised and boldned themselves, publicly and secretly to do many things odious in God's presence, and most hurtful to the true Religion, now of God's great favor granted unto us: The holy Sacraments are abused by profane Papists; Masses have been, and yet are said openly, and maintained: The blood of some of our dearest Ministers hath been shed, without fear of punishment or correction craved by us. And now last are two of our dear Brethren; Patrick Cranston, and Androe Armstrong, summoned to under-lie the Law in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh the four and twentieth of this instant of October, for a fore-thought Fellony, pretended Murder, and for invading of the Queens Majesty's Palace of Halyrud-house, with unlawful convocation, &c. These terrible Summons are directed against our Brethren, because that they, with two or more, passed to the Abbey, upon Sunday the five and twentieth of August, to behold and note what persons repaired to the Mass. And because that upon the Sunday before (the Queen being absent) there resorted to that Idol a rascal multitude, having openly the least devilish Ceremony (yea, even the conjuring of their accursed water) that ever they had in the time of greatest blindness: But because (I say) our said Brethren past, and that in most quiet manner, to note such abusers, these fearful Summons are directed against them, to make, no doubt, a preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. And if so it come to pass, God, no doubt, hath justly recompensed our former negligence and ingratitude towards him and his benefits, in our own bosoms. God gave us a most notable Victory of his and our enemies: he brake their strength, and confounded their counsels; he left us at freedom, and purged the Realm, for the most part, of open Idolatry; To the end that we, ever mindful of so wondrous a deliverance, should have kept this Realm clean from such vile filthiness, and damnable Idolatry. But we, alas, preferring the pleasure of flesh and blood, to the Pleasure and Commandment of God, have suffered that Idol the Mass publicly to be erected again: And therefore justly suffers he us now to fall in that danger, That to look to an Idolater going to his Idolatry, shall be reputed a crime little inferior to Treason; God grant that we fall not farther. And now I, whom God of his mercy, hath made one amongst many, to travel in setting forward his true Religion within this Realm, seeing the same in danger of ruin, cannot but in conscience crave of you, my brethren of all states, that have professed the truth, your presence, comfort, and assistance at the said day in the Town of Edinburgh, even as ye tender the advancement of God's glory, the safety of your brethren, and your own assurance; together with the preservation of the Church, in these appearing dangers: It may be (perchance) that persuasions be made to the Country, and that ye may be informed, that either your assembly is not necessary, or else that it will offend the upper Powers, and my good hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you so far to decline from Christ Jesus, as that against your public promise, and solemn Band, you will leave your Brethren in so just a cause; and albeit there were no great danger, yet cannot our Assembly be unprofitable, for many things requiring consultation, which cannot be had unless the wisest and godliest convene. And thus doubting nothing of the assistance of our God, if that we uniformly seek his glory, I cease farther to trouble you, committing you heartily to the protection of the Eternal.
JOHN KNOX.
From Edinburgh the eighth day of October. 1563.
THe Brethren advertised by this Letter, prepared themselves, so many as was thought expedient for every Town and Province, to keep the day appointed; but by the means of some false brethren, the Letter came to the hands of the Queen, and the manner was this, It was read in the Town of Air, where was present Master Robert Cunningham, styled Minister of F • itfurd, who then was holden a professor of the Evangel, (by what means we know not) gat the said Letter, and sent it with his token to Master Henry Sincleare, then President of the Seat and College of Justice, styled Bishop of Ross, a perfect Hypocrite, and a conjured Enemy to Christ Jesus, whom God after stroke according to his deservings. The said Master Henry being Enemy to all that unfeignedly professed the Lord Jesus, but chiefly to John Knox, for the liberty of his Tongue, for he had affirmed, as ever still he doth affirm, That a Bishop that receives profit and feeds not the Flock, (even by his own labors) is both a Thief and a Murderer: The said Master Henry (we say) thinking himself happy that he had found so good occasion to trouble him, whose life he hated, posted the said Letter, with his counsel, to the Queen, who then lay in Sterlin. The lettet being read, it was concluded by the Council of the Cabinet, that is, by the most secret Council. That it imported Treason; whereof the Queen did not a little rejoice, for she thought once to be avenged of that her great Enemy. It was concluded, that the Nobility should be written for; that the condemnation should have the greater Authority, the day was appointed, about the midst of December ▪ which was kept of the whole Council, and of divers others, such as the Master of Maxwell, the old Laird of Lethington, and the said President.
In the mean time the Earl of Murray returned from the North, to whom Secretary Lethington opened the matter, as best pleased him. The Master of Maxwell (after made Lord Heris ) gave unto the said John as it were a discharge of the familiarity which before was great betwixt them, unless that he would satisfy the Queen at her own will. The answer of John Knox was, that he knew no offense done by him to the Queens Majesty, and therefore he knew not what satisfaction to make. No offense, (said he) Have you not written Letters, desiring the brethren from all parts to convene, to Andro Armstrong and Patrick Cranstons? That I grant, (said the other) but therein I acknowledge no offense done by me. No offense (said he) to convocate the Queens Leidges. Not for a just cause (said the other) for greater things were reputed no offense within these two years. The time (said he) is now other, for then our Sovereign was absent, and now she is present. It is neither the absence nor the presence of the Queen (said he) that rules my conscience, but God plainly speaking in his Word; what was lawful to me the last year, is yet lawful, because my God is unchangeable.
Well (said the Master) I have given you my counsel, do as you list, but I think you shall repent it if you bow not unto the Queen.
I understand not (said he) what you mean; I never made myself an adverse party unto the Queens Majesty, except in the point of Religion, and thereunto I think you will not desire me to bow.
Well (said he) you are wise enough, but you will not find that men will bear with you in times to come, as they have done in times by past.
If God stand my friend, (said the other) as I am assured he of his mercy will, so long as I depend upon his promise, and prefer his glory to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how men behave themselves towards me, neither yet know I whereinto any one man hath born with me in times by-past, unless it be, that of my mouth they have heard the Word of God, which in time to come if they refuse, my heart will be perfect, and for a season I will lament; but the incommodity will be their own. And after these words (hereunto the Laird of Lochinvar was witness) they departed, but unto this day, the seventeenth day of December, 1571. yea, never in this life met they in such familiarity as before.
The brute of the accusation of John Knox being devulgate, Master John Spence of Condie Advocate, a man of gentle nature, and one that professed the doctrine of the Evangel, came as it were in secret to John Knox, to inquire the cause of that great brute; to whom the said John was plain in all things, and shown unto him the double of the Letter; which heard and considered, he said, I thank God, I came unto you with a fearful and sorrowful heart, fearing that you had done such a Crime as Laws might have punished, which would have been no small trouble to the heart of all such as have received the Word of life which you have preached; but I depart greatly rejoiced, as well because I see your own comfort, even in the midst of the troubles, as that I clearly understand, that you have committed no such Crime as you are bruited with; you will be accused (said he) but God will assist you; and so he departed.
The Earl of Murray and the Secretary sent for the said John to the Clerk of the Registers house, and began to lament that he had so highly offended the Queens Majesty, for the which they feared should come a great inconvenience to him, if the business were not wisely foreseen; they show what pains and travel they had taken to mitigate her anger, but they could find nothing but extremity, unless that he himself would confess his offense, and put him in her Majesty's will. To which Heads the said John answered, as follows:
I praise my God through Jesus Christ, (said he) I have learned not to cry Conjuration and Treason at everything that the godless multitude doth condemn, nether yet to fear the things that they fear; I have the testimony of a good conscience, that I have given no occasion to the Queens Majesty to be offended with me, for I have done nothing but my duty, and so whatsoever shall thereof ensue, my good hope is, that my God will give me patience to bear it; but to confess an offense where my Conscience witnesseth there is none, far be it from me. How can it be defended (said Lethington ) have you not made a Convocation of the Queens Leiges? If I have not (said he) a just defense for my fact, let me smart for it. Let us hear (said they) your defences, for we would be glad that you might be found innocent. Nay, (said the other) I am informed by divers, that even by you my Lord Secretary, I am already condemned, and my cause prejudged, therefore I might be reputed a fool, if I would make you privy to my Defences. At these words they seemed both offended, and so the Secretary departed, but the said Earl remained still, and would have entered into further discourse of the state of the Court with the said John ; who answered, My Lord, I understand more then I would of the state of the Court, and therefore it is not needful that your Lordship trouble me with the recounting thereof; if you stand in good case, I am content, and if you do not, as I fear you do not already, or else you shall not do it ere it be long, blame not me, you have the Counselors whom you have chosen, my weak judgment both they and you despised: I can do nothing but behold the end, which I pray God it be other then my troubled heart feareth.
Within four days the said John was called before the Queen and Council, betwixt 6 and seven a Clock at night; the season of the year was the midst of December ; the report rising in the town, That I. Knox was sent for by the Queen. The Brethren of the Town followed in such number, that the inner Close was full, and all the Stairs, even to the Chamber door where the Queen and Counsel sat, who had been reasoning amongst themselves before, but had not fully satisfied the Secretaries mind. And so was the Queen retired to her Cabbinet, and the Lord's were talking one with another, as occasion served. But upon the entry of John Knox they were desired to take their places, as they did, sitting as Counselors one against another.
The Duke, according to his dignity, began the one side, upon the other side sat the Earl of Argile, and consequently followed the Earl of Murray, the Earl of Glencarne, the Earl of Mershall, the Lord Ruthven, the common Officers, Pittaro then Controller, the Justice Clerk, with Master John Spence of Condie Advocate, and divers others stood by; removed from the Table, sat old Lethington father to the Secretary, Master Henry Sinclare then Bishop of Ross, and Master James Makgill Clerke of the Register.
Things thus put in Order the Queen came forth, and that with no little worldly pomp, was placed in a Chair having two faithful Supporters, the Master of Maxwell upon the one Torre, and Secretary Lethington upon the other Torre of the Chair, whereon he waited diligently; at the time of the Accusation, sometime the one was speaking in her Eare, and sometime the other: Her pomp lacked nothing of an womanly gravity; for when she saw John Knox standing at the other end of the Table bare-headed; at the first she smiled, and after gave a guaf of laughter; whereunto her Placebo •• gave their Plaudite, assenting with like countenance.
This is a good beginning (she said) but know you whereat I laugh? Yon man caused me to cry, and shed never a Tear himself; I will see if I can cause him to grieve. At that word the Secretary whispered her in the Eare, and she him again, and with that gave him a Letter; after the inspection whereof, he directed his visage and speech to John Knox in this manner.
The Queens Majesty is informed, That you have travelled to raise a Tumult of her Subjects against her; and for Certification thereof, there is presented to her your own Letter, subscribed in your name: Yet because her Majesty will do nothing without good advertisement, she hath convened you before this part of the Nobility, that they may witness betwixt you and her.
Let him acknowledge (said she) his own hand-writing, and then shall we judge of the Contents of the Letter; and so was the Lettet sent from hand to hand to John Knox, who taking inspection of it, said, I acknowledge this to be my hand-writing; and also I remember, that I indicted a Letter in the month of October, giving signification to the Brethren in divers Quarters, of such things as displeased me; and so good opinion have I of the fidelity of the Scribes, that willingly they would not adulterate my original; albeit that I left divers blanks subscribed with them. And so I acknowledge both the Hand-writing, and the Dictatement.
You have done more (said Lethington ) then I would have done. Charity (said the other) is not suspicious. Well, well, (said the Queen) read your own Letter, and then answer to such things as shall be demanded of you. I shall do the best I can (said the other) and so with a loud voice he began to read, as before is expressed. After that the Letter was read, it was presented again to M. John Spence her Advocate; for the Queen commanded him to accuse, as he did, but very gently. After (we say) that the Letter was read, the Queen beholding the whole Table, said, Heard you ever (my Lord's) a more dispightfull and Treasonable Letter? While that no man gave answer, Lethington addressed himself to John Knox, and said, M. Knox, are you not sorry from your heart, and do you not repent that such a Letter hath passed your Pen, and from you hath come to the knowledge of others? I. Knox answered, My Lord Secretary, before I repent I must be taught of my offense. Offence, (said Lethington ) if there were no more but the vocation of the Queens Leiges, the offense cannot be denied. Remember yourself (my Lord) said the other, there is a difference betwixt a lawful Vocation and an unlawful: If I have been guilty in this, I have oft offended since I came last in Scotland ; for what Vocation of Brethren hath ever been this day, unto which my Pen hath not served? and before this no man laid it to my charge as a crime. Then was then, and now is now (said Lethington ) we have no need of such Vocation, as sometimes we have had. John Knox answered, The time that hath been, is even now before my eyes; for I see the poor Flock in no less danger, then it hath been at any time before, except that the devil hath gotten a Vizard upon his face: Before he came in with his own face, discovered by open Tyranny, seeking the destruction of all that refused Idolatry; and then, I think, you will confess the Brethren lawfully assembled themselves for defense of their lives: And now the devil comes, under the cloke of Justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to do by strength. What is this (said the Queen) methinks you trifle with him: Who gave you Authority to make Convocation of my Lieges? Is not that Treason? No, Madame (said the Lord Rnthuen ) for he makes Convocation of the people, to hear Prayer and Sermon, almost daily: And what ever your Majesty or others think thereof, we think it no Treason. Hold your peace (said the Queen) let him answer for himself. I began Madame (said John Knox ) to reason with the Secretary (whom I take to be a better Dialectationer then your Majesty is) That all Convocation is not lawful: And now my Lord Ruthuen hath given the instance; which if your Majesty will deny, I shall make myself ready for the proof. I will say nothing (said the Queen) against your Religion, nor against your convening to your Sermons: But what Authority have you to Convocate my subjects when you will, without any Commandment? I have no pleasure (said John Knox ) to decline from my former purpose; And yet, Madame, to satisfy your Majesty's two questions, I answer, That at my will I never convened four persons in Scotland, but at the Order that the Brethren hath appointed, I have given divers Advertisements, and great multitudes have assembled thereupon. And if your Majesty complaineth, That this was done without your Majesty's Commandment; I answer, So hath all that God hath blessed within this Realm, from the beginning of this action: And therefore, Madame, I must be convinced by a just Law, that I have done against the Duty of God's Messenger, in writing of this Letter, before that I either be sorry, or yet repent for the doing of it, as my Lord Secretary would persuade me; for what I have done, I have done at the Commandment of the General Church of this Realm. And therefore I think I have done no wrong. You shall not escape so (said the Queen) Is it not Treason, my Lord's, to accuse a Prince of cruelty; I think there are Acts of Parliament to be found, against such Whisperers. This was granted to be true of many: But wherein (said Master John Knox ) can I be accused? Read this part of your Letter (said the Queen) which began, This fearful Summons is directed against them (to wit, the Brethren aforesaid) to make, no doubt, a preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. Lord (said the Queen) What say you to that? While many doubted what the said John should answer, he said unto the Queen, Is it lawful for me, Madame, to answer for myself? Or shall I be condemned before I be heard? Say what you can (said she) for I think you have enough ado. I will first then desire (said he) of your Majesty, Madame, and of this Honorable audience, Whether if your Majesty knows not that the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all that profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ; And that they most earnestly desire the extirpation of all them, and of the true Doctrine that is taught within this Realm? The Queen held her peace; but all the Lord's with common consent and voice, said, God forbid that either the life of the faithful, or yet the staying of the Doctrine, stood in the power of the Papists; for just experience hath taught us what cruelty is in their hearts. I must proceed then (said John Knox ) seeing that I perceive that all will grant, That it were a barbarous cruelty to destroy such a multitude as professed the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this Realm, which oftener then once or twice they attempted to do by force, as things done of late days do testify: Whereof they being (by God's providence) disappointed, have invented more crafty and dangerous practices, to wit, To make the Prince party, under color of Law; and so, what they could not do by open force, they shall perform by crafty deceit: For who thinks (my Lord's) That the insatiable cruelty of the Papists (within this Realm, I mean) shall end in the murthering of those two, now unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused? I think no man of judgment can so esteem, but rather the direct contrary; that is, By this few number, they intend to prepare a way to their bloody enterprise against the whole. And therefore (Madame) cast up when you list, the Acts of your Parliaments, I have offended nothing against them; For I accuse not in my Letter your Majesty, nor yet your nature, of cruelty: But I affirm yet again, That the pestilent Papists, who have enflamed your Majesty without cause against these poor men at this present, are the sons of the devil, and therefore must obey the desires of their father, who hath been a Murderer from the beginning. You forget yourself (said one) you are not in the Pulpit. I am in the place (said the other) where I am commanded in my conscience to speak the truth; and therefore the truth I speak, impugn it who so lists: And hereunto I add (Madame) that honest, meek and gentle natures (in appearance) by wicked and corrupt Counselors, may be changed and altered to the direct contrary. Example we have of Nero, whom in the beginning of his Empire we find, having some natural shame; but after that his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety, alleging that nothing was either unhonest, or yet unlawful in his Person, who was Emperor above others: When he had drunken of this Cup (I say) to what enormies he fell, the Histories bear witness. And now, Madame, to speak plain, Papists have your Majesty's ear patent at all times; assure your Majesty, they are dangerous Counselors, and that your Mother found. As this was said, Lethington singled, and spake secretly to the Queen in her ear, What it was, that the Table heard not: But immediately she addressed her visage and speech to John Knox, and said, Well, you speak fair enough here, before my Lord's, but the last time I spake with you secretly, you caused me to weep many tears, and said to me stubbornly, Ye cared not for my weeping. Madame, (said the other) because now the second time your Majesty hath burdened me with that crime, I must answer, lest for my silence I be holden guilty: If your Majesty be ripely remembered, the Laird of Dun, yet living to testify the truth, was present at that time, whereof your Majesty complaineth. Your Majesty accused me, That I had irreverently spoken of you in the Pulpit. That I denied. You said, What had I to do to speak of your Marriage? What was I, that I should meddle with such matters? I answered, As touching Nature, I was a worm of this earth; and yet a subject to this Common-wealth: But as touching the Office wherein it hath pleased God to place me, I was a Watch-men both over the Realm, and over the Church of God gathered within the same; by reason whereof, I was bound in conscience to blow the Trumpet publicly, so oft as ever I saw any appearance of danger, either of the one, or of the other. But so it was, that a certain brute affirmed, That a Traffique of Marriage was betwixt your Majesty and the Spanish Allia. Whereunto I said, That if your Nobility and State did agree, unless that both you and your husband should be straitly bound, that neither of you might hurt the Common-wealth, nor yet the poor Church of God within the same; in that case I should pronounce, That the consenters were troublers of the Common-wealth, and enemies unto God, and unto his Truth planted within the same. At these words, I grant, your Majesty stormed, and burst forth in an unreasonable weeping: what mitigation the Laird of Dun would have made, I suppose your Majesty hath not forgot: But while that nothing was able to stay your weeping, I was compelled to say, I take God to witness, I never took pleasure to see your Majesty make such regret; But seeing I have offered to your Majesty no such occasion, I must rather suffer your Majesty to take your own pleasure, then I dare conceal the truth, and so both betray the Church, and the Common-wealth. These were the most extreme words I spake that day. After that the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, Master Knox, you may return to your house for this night. I thank God and the Queens Majesty (said the other.) And (Madame) I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, and to preserve you from the counsel of flatterers; for how pleasant that ere they appear to your ear, and corrupt affections for the time, experience hath taught us in what perplexity they have brought famous Princes. Lethington, and the Master of Maxwell, were that night the two stoups of her Chair. John Knox being departed, the Tables of the Lord's, and others that were present, were demanded everyone their voice, If John Knox had not offended the Queens Majesty? The Lord's voted uniformly, That they could find no offense (the Queen was past to her Cabinet.) The flatterers of the Court (and principally Lethington ) raged. The Queen was brought again, and placed in the Chair: And they commanded to vote over again: Which thing highly offended the whole Nobility, and began to speak in open audience, What? shall the Laird of Lethington have power to control us? Or shall the presence of a woman cause us to offend God, and to condemn an innocent against our consciences, for the pleasure of any creature? And so the whole Nobility absolved John Knox again, and praised God for his modesty, and for his plain and sensible answers. Yet before the end, one thing is to be noted▪ to wit, That amongst so many Placeboes (we mean the flatterers of the Court) there was not one that plainly durst condemn the said poor man, that was accused; God ruling their tongues, that sometimes ruled the tongue of Balaam, when gladly he would have cursed God's people.
This perceived, the Queen began to upbraid Master Henry Sinclare, then Bishop of Ross, and said (hearing his vote to agree with the rest) Trouble not the barn, I pray you, trouble him not, for he is newly wakened out of his sleep; Why should not the old fool follow them that past before him? The Bishop answered coldly, Your Majesty may consider, That it is neither affection to the man, nor love to his Profession, that moved me to absolve him, but the simple truth (which plainly appears in his defense) draws me hereunto, albeit that others would have condemned him and it. This being said, the Lord's and whole Assistants arose and departed. That night was neither dancing nor fidling in the Court, for our Sovereign was disappointed of her purpose; which was, To have had John Knox in her will, by voice of her Nobility. John Knox absolved by the greatest part of the Nobility, from the crime intended against him, even in the presence of the Queen, she raged, and her Placeboes stormed: And so began new assaults to be made at the hands of the said John Knox, to confess an offense, and to put him in the Queens will, and she should promise, That his greatest punishment should be, But to go within the Castle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own house: He answered, God forbid that my confession should condemn these Noble-men, who in their conscience, and in displeasure of the Queen, have absolved me; And further I am assured, ye will not in earnest desire me to confess an offense, unless that therewith you would desire me to cease from Preaching: For how can I exhort others to Peace, and Christian quietness, if I confess myself an author and mover of sedition.
The general Assembly of the Church approached, which began the five and twentieth of December, 1563. But the just Petitions of the Ministers, and Commissioners of Churches, wer • despised at the first, and that with these words; As Ministers will not follow our counsel, so will we suffer Ministers to labor for themselves, and see what speed they come. But then the whole Assembly said, If the Queen will not, we must; for both third and two parts are rigorously taken from us, and from our Tenants. If others (said one) will follow my counsel, the Guard and the Papists shall complain, as long as our Ministers have done. At these words, the former sharpness was coloured, and the Speaker alleged, That he meant not of all Ministers: Christopher Goodman answered, My Lord Secretary, if you can show me what just Title either the Queen hath to the Third, or the Papists to the two parts, then I think I should resolve you whether she were Debtor to Ministers within Burgh, or not: But thereto he received this check for answer; Ne sit Peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica ; that is, Let not a Stranger be curious in a strange Common-wealth. The man of God answered, Albeit I be a Stranger in your policy, yet so am I not in the Church of God; and therefore the care doth no less appertain to me in Scotland, then if I were in the midst of England. Many wondered at the silence of John Knox, for in all these quick reasonings he opened not his mouth; the cause thereof he himself expressed in these words:
I have travelled (Right Honorable and beloved Brethren) since my last arrival within this Realm, in an upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more (as he is witness) than the advancement of his glory, and the stability of his Church within this Realm; and of late days I have been accused as a seditious man, and as one that usurpeth to myself power that becometh me not: True it is that I have given advertisment unto the Brethren in divers Quarters, of the extremity intended against divers faithful, for looking to a Priest going to Mass, and for observing of those that transgress against just Laws; but that therein I have usurped further power then is given me, till that by you I be condemned, I utterly deny; for (I say) that by you, that is, By the charge of the General Assembly, I have all just power to advertise the Brethren from time to time of dangers appearing, as I have power to preach the Word of God in the Pulpit of Edinburgh ; for by you was I appointed to the one, and to the other; and therefore in the Name of God I crave your judgments. The danger that appeared to me in my Accusation was not so fearful, as the words that came to my Ears were dolorous to my heart; for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some Protestants, What can the Pope do more, then to send forth his Letters, and require them to be obeyed. Let me have your judgments therefore whether I have usurped any power to myself; or if I have obeyed your commandment.
The Flatterers of the Court (amongst whom the Justice Clerk then not the least) began to storm, and said, shall we be compelled to justify the rash judgments of men; My Lord (said John Knox ) you shall speak your pleasure for the present, of you I crave nothing, but the if Church that is here present, do not either absolve me, or else condemn me, never shall I in public or in private, as a public Minister, open my mouth in doctrine or reasoning.
After long contention the said John being removed, the whole Church found, that a charge was given unto him, To advertise the Brethren in all Quarters, as oft as ever danger appeared; and therefore avowed that fact not to be his only, but the fact of the whole assembly. Thereat were the Queens Claw-backs more enraged then ever they were, for some of them had promised the Queen to get the said John convinced, both by the Council, and by the Church; and being frustrate of both, she and they thought themselves not a little disappointed.
In the very time of the general Assembly there comes to public knowledge, or naynous murder committed in the Court, yea not far from the Queens Lap; for a French-woman that served in the Queens Chamber had played the Whore with the Queens own Apothecary; the woman conceived and bare a Child, whom with common consent the father and the mother murdered; yet were the cries of a new borne Child heard, search was made, the Child and the Mother were both apprehended, and so was both the man and the woman condemned to be hanged in the public Street of Edinburgh. The punishment was notable because the Crime was heinous. But yet was not the Court purged of Whores and Whoredoms, which was the fountain of such enormities, for it was well known, that shame hasted Marriage, betwixt John Sempill called the Dancer, and Mary Leringston surnamed the Lusty, what brute the Mary's and the rest of the Dancers of the Court had, the Ballads of that age did witness, which we for modesties sake omit, but this was the common complaint of all godly and wise men, That if they thought that such a Court should long continue, and if they looked for no better life to come, they would have wished their Sons and Daughters rather to have been brought up with Fiddlers and Dancers, and to have been exercised in flinging upon a Floore, and in the rest that thereof follows, then to have been exercised in the company of the godly, and exercised in virtue, which in that Court was hated; and filthiness not only maintained, but also rewarded; witness the Abbacie of Abercone, the Barony of Anchvermuchtie, and divers others pertaining to the Patrimony of the Crown given in heritage to Skippers, and Dancers, and Dalliers with D • mes. This was the beginning of the Regiment of Mary Queen of Scots, and these were the fruits that she brought forth of France. Lord lo • k upon our miseries, and deliver us from the wickedness of this corrupt Court, for thy own Names sake.
God from Heaven, and from the face of the Earth did declare, that he was offended at the iniquity committed within this Realm; for upon the twentieth day of January there fell rain in great abundance, which in the falling freezed so vehemently, that the earth was but a shot of Ice; the Fowls, both great and small freezed, and might not fly, many died, and some were taken and laid beside the fire, that their feathers might dissolve; and that same month the Sea stood still, (as was clearly observed) and never ebbed nor flowed the space of four and twenty hours: In the month of February, the fifteenth and eighteenth days thereof, there was seen in the Firmament battles arrayed, spears, and all other weapons, as it had been the joining of two Armies: These things were not only observed, but also spoken of and constantly affirmed by men of judgment, and credit. But the Queen and our Court made merry, there was banqueting upon banqueting; the Queen would banquet with the Lord's; and that was done only upon policy to remove her displeasure against them, because they would not at her devotion condemn John Knox. To remove (we say) that jealousy, she made the Banquet to the whole Lord's, whereat she would have the Duke amongst the rest. It behooved them to banquet her again; and so did banqueting continue till Lent ever after. But the poor Ministers were mocked, and reputed as Monsters; the Guard, and the Affairs of the Kitchen were so gripping, that the Minsters stipends could not be had; and yet at the Assembly last past, solemn promise was made in the Queens Name, by the mouth of Secretary Lethington, in the audience of the Nobility, and of the whole Assembly, who affirmed that he had commandment of her Highness, to promise full content unto all the Ministers within the Realm, and of such Order to be kept in all times to come, that the whole body of the Protestants should have occasion to stand content; The Earl of Murray affirmed the same, with many other fair promises given by writing, by Lethington himself; as in the Register of the Acts of the general Assembly may be seen; but how that or yet any other thing promised in her name, to the Church of God, was observed, the world can witness.
The Ministers perceiving all things to tend to ruin, discharged their consciences in public and in private, but they received for their labor hatred and indignation; and amongst others, that worthy servant of God Master John Craig, speaking against the manifold corruption that then (without shame or fear declared itself, said, Sometimes was Hypocrites known by their noted habits, and we had men to be Monks, and women to be Nuns; but now all things are so changed, that we cannot discern the Earl from the Abbot, nor the Nun from him that would be esteemed the Nobleman; so that we have gotten a new order of Monks and Nuns; But, said he, seeing you are not ashamed of that unjust profit, would to God that you had therewith the Kowll, the Vail and the Tayle joined withal, that so you might appear in your own colors. This liberty did so provoke the choler of Lethington, that in open audience he gave himself to the Devil, If that after that day he should regard what became of the Ministers, but he would do what he could, that his companion should have a share with him: And let them bark and blow (said he) as loud as they list. And so that was the second time that he had given defiance unto the servants of God.
Whereupon arose whisperings and complaints, although the Flatterers of the Court, complaining that men were not charitably handled, might not since be reproved in general, albeit men were not specially taxed, that all the world might know of whom the Preacher speaks; whereunto was this answer made, Let men be ashamed publicly to offend, and the Ministers shall abstain from specialities; but so long as Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to do against the Evangel of Jesus Christ, so long cannot the Ministers of God cease to cry, that God would be avenged upon such abusers of his holy Word.
Thus had the servants of God a double battle, fighting upon the one side against the Idolatry and the rest of the abominations mentioned by the Court; and upon the other part, against the unthankfulness of such as sometimes would have been esteemed the chief Pillars of the Church within the Realm. The threatenings of Preachers was fearful, but the Court thought itself in such security, that it could not miscarry.
The Queen after the Banquetting, kept a diet (Monsieur Luserie a Frenchman, who had been accustomed with her malady before, being her Physician) and therefore she for the second time made her progress in the North, and commanded to Ward in the Castle of Edinburgh, the Earl of Caithnes, for a Murder committed by his servants upon the Earl Mershals men; he obeyed, but he was suddenly released; for such blood-thirsty men, and Papists (such as he is) are good subjects thought at Court. Thy Kingdom come (O Lord) for in this Realm is nothing amongst such as should punish vice and maintain virtue, bu • abomination abounding without Bridle. The Flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor Preachers; happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts, and disdainful mocking of the Ministers; and at length they began to jest at the Terme of Idolatry, affirming that men knew not what they spake when they called the Mass Idolatry; yea, some proceeded further, and feared not at open Table to affirm, That they would sustain the Argument that the Mass was no Idolatry. These things coming to the ears of the preachers, they were proclaimed in public Pulpit of Edinbugh, with this complaint, directed by the speaker to his God;
O Lord, how long shall the wicked prevail against the just? how long wilt thou suffer thy Self and thy blessed Evangel to be despised of men? Of men (we say) that boast themselves Defenders of the truth; for of thy manifest and known Enemies we complain not, but of such as unto whom thou hast revealed thy light; for now it cometh to our Ears, that men (not Priests we say, but chief Protestants) will defend the Mass to be no Idolatry; if it so were, miserably have I been deceived, and miserably (alas, O Lord) have I deceived thy people; which thou knowest, (O Lord) I have ever more abhorred then a thousand deaths. But said he, (turning his face towards the Room where such men as had so affirmed, sat) If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the most abominable Idolatry that ever was used from the beginning of the world, I offer myself to suffer the punishment appointed by God to a false Preacher. And it appeareth unto me (saith the Preacher) that the Affirmers should be subject to the same Law; for it is the truth of God, that you persecute as a blasphemy; and it is the invention of the Devil, that obstinately against his Word you maintain; whereat albeit you now flute and flyre, as if so be all that were spoken were but wind; yet am I all fully assured, as I am assured that my GOD liveth, That some that hear this your defection, and railing against the truth and the servants of God, shall see a part of God's judgment poured forth upon this Realm, (and principally upon you that fastest cleave unto the favor of the Court;) for the abominations that are by you maintained. Albeit that such vehemency provoked tears from the eyes of some, yet these that knew themselves guilty, in a mocking manner, said, We must recant, and burn our Bill, for the Preachers are angry.
The general assembly holden in June, 1564. approached, unto the which a great part of the Nobility (of those that are called Protestants) convened, some for assistance of the Ministers, and some to accuse them, as we shall after hear. A little before these troubles, which Satan raised in the Body of the Church, began one David an Italian, to be great in the Court; the Queen used him for Secretary, for things that appertained to her secret affairs, or elsewhere: great men made suit unto him, and their suits were the better heard: But of his beginning and progress, we delay now further to speak, and refer it unto another fitter occasion of time and place, because that his end will require the description of the whole. The first day of the general Assembly, neither the Courtiers; nor the Lord's that depended upon the Court, presented themselves in Session with their Brethren; whereat many wondered. One ancient and honorable man, the Laird of Lundie, said, Nay, I wonder not at their absence; but I wonder that at our last Assembly they drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but drew from us some of our Ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as were never proposed to the public Assembly, very prejudicial to the Liberty of the Church; and therefore my judgment is, That they shall be informed of this offense, which the whole Brethren have conceived of their former Fact; Humbly requiring, That if they be Brethren, that they would assist their Brethren with their presence and counsel, for we had never greater need: And if they be minded to fall back from us, it were better we knew it now, then afterwards. Thereto agreed the whole Assembly, and gave Commission to certain Brethren, to signify the minds of the Assembly unto the Lord's; which was done that same afternoon. The Courtiers at the first seemed a little offended, that they should be as it were suspected of defection; yet nevertheless upon the morning they joined with the Assembly, and came unto it; but they drew themselves (like as they did before) apart, and entered into the inner Council-House. They were the Duke, the Earls of Argyle, Murray, Mortoune, Glencarne, Mershall, Lord Ross, the Master of Maxwell, Secretary Lethington, the Justice Clerk, the Clerk of the Register, and the Laird of Pittarrow Comptroller.
After a little consultation, they directed a Messenger, M. George Hay, the Minister of the Court, requiring the Superintendents, and some of the learned Ministers, to confer with them. The Assembly answered, They convened to deliberate upon the common affairs of the Church, and therefore that they could not lack their Superintendents, and chief Ministers, whose judgments were so necessary, that the rest should sit (as it were) idle, without them; And therefore willed them, as oft before, That if they acknowledged themselves Members of the Church, that they would join with their Brethren, and propose in public such things as they pleased, and so they should have the assistance of the whole, in all things that might stand with God's Commandment: But to send from themselves a portion of their company, they understood, That thereof hurt and slander might arise, rather then any profit or comfort to the Church; for they feared that all men should not stand content with the conclusion, where the conference and reasonings were heard but of a few.
This answer was not given without cause; for no small travel was made, to have drawn some Ministers to the faction of the Courtiers, and to have sustained their Arguments and Opinions: But when it was conceived by the most politick amongst them, That they could not travel by that means, they prepared the matter in other terms, purging themselves, That they never meant to divide themselves from the Society of their Brethren, but because they had certain Heads to confer with certain Ministers. But the Assembly did still reply, That secret Conference would they not admit, in those Heads that should be concluded by general Voice. The Lord's promised, That no Conclusion should be taken, neither yet Vote required, till that both the Propositions and the Reasons should be heard and considered by the whole Body; and upon that condition were directed unto them, with express charge, To conclude nothing, without the knowledge and advise of the Assembly, The Laird of Dun, Superintendent of Angus, the Superintendents of Lothain and Fife, Master John Row, Master John Craig, William Christieson, Master David Lyndsay, Ministers; with the Rector of Saint Androes, and Master George Hay, the Superintendent of Glasgow: Master John Willock was Moderator, and John Knox waited upon the Scribe; And so were they appointed to sit with the Brethren: And yet because the principal complaint touched John Knox, he was also called for.
Secretary Lethington began the Harangue, which contained these Heads; first, How much we are indebted unto God, by whose providence we have liberty of Religion, under the Queens Majesty, albeit that she is not persuaded in the same. Secondly, How necessary a thing it is, That the Queens Majesty by all good Offices of the part of the Church (so spake he) and of the Ministers principally should be retained in that constant opinion, that they unfeignedly favored her advancement, and procured her subjects to have a good opinion of her. And last, How dangerous a thing it is, That the Ministers should be noted one to disagree from another in form of Prayer for her Majesty: And in these two last Heads (said he) we desire you all to be circumspect: But especially, we most crave of you our Brother John Knox, to moderate yourself, as well in form of praying for the Queens Majesty, as in Doctrine that you propose, touching her State and Obedience: Neither shall ye take this (said he) as spoken to your reproach, quia men's pulchra, interdum in corpore pulchro ; But because that others, by your example, may imitate the like liberty, albeit not with the same discretion and foresight; and what opinion that may engender in the people's heads, wise men may foresee.
The said John prepared himself for answer as follows: If such as fear God, have occasion to praise him, because that Idolatry is maintained, the servants of God despised, wicked men placed again in Honor and Authority (Master Henry Sinclare was of short time before, made President, who before durst not have sitten in Judgment) And finally, if we ought to praise God, because that vice and impiety over-floweth the whole Realm, without punishment, then we have occasion to rejoice and praise God: But if these and the like, use to provoke God's vengeance against Realms and Nations, then in my judgment, the godly within Scotland ought to lament and mourn, and so to prevent God's Judgments, lest that he finding all in a like security, strike in his hot indignation, beginning, perchance, at such as think they offend not.
That is one Head (said Lethington ) whereunto you and I never agreed; for how are you able to prove, That God ever struck or plagued any Nation or People for the iniquity of their Prince, if that they themselves lived godlily? I looked (said he) my Lord, to have audience till that I had absolved the other two parts: But seeing it pleaseth your Lordship to cut me off before the midst, I will answer to your question. The Scripture of God teacheth me, That Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sins of Manasseh. And if you allege, That they were punished because they were wicked, and offended with their King, and not because their King was wicked; I answer, That albeit the Spirit of God makes for me, saying in express words, For the sins of Manasseh, yet will I not be so obstinate, as to lay the whole sin, and plagues that thereof ensued, upon the King, and utterly absolve the people; but I will grant withal, That the whole people offended with their King; but how, and in what fashion, I fear that ye and I shall not agree: I doubt not but the great multitude accompanied him in all the abomination that he did; for Idolatry and false Religion, hath ever been, and will be, pleasing to the most part of men: But to affirm, That all Judah committed really the acts of his impiety, is but to affirm that which neither hath certainty, nor yet appearance of any truth; for who can think it to be possible, That all those of Jerusalem should so shortly turn to Idolatry, considering the notable Reformation lately before had, in the days of Hezekiah: But yet (says the Text) Manasseh made Judah, and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem to err. True it is, the one part (as I have said) willingly followed him in his Idolatry, the other suffered him to defile Jerusalem and the Temple of God with all abominations, and so were they criminal of his sin; the one by act and deed, the other by suffering and permission, even as Scotland is this day guilty of the Queens Idolatry; and ye, my Lord's, in special, above others. Well (said Lethington ) that is the chief Head wherein we never agreed; but of that we shall speak hereafter: What will ye say as touching the moving of the people to have a good opinion of the Queens Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to her Authority? as also of the form of Prayer which ye commonly use? My Lord (saith he) more earnestly to move the people, or yet otherwise to pray, then heretofore I have done, a good conscience will not suffer me; for he who knows the secrets of hearts, knows, That privately and publicly I have called to God for her conversion, and have willed the people to do the same, showing unto them the dangerous state wherein not only she herself stands, but also the whole Realm, by reason of her indurate blindness. That is (said Lethington ) wherein we find the greatest fault, your extremity against her Mass in particular, passeth measure; ye call her a slave to Satan; ye affirm that God's vengeance hangs over the Realm, by reason of her impiety: And what is this else, but to raise up the hearts of the poeple against her Majesty, and against them that serve her. Then there was heard an acclamation of the rest of the flatterers, that such extremity could not profit. The Master of Maxwell said in plain words, If I were in the Queens Majesty's place, I would not suffer such things as I hear. If the words of Preachers (said John Knox ) shall be always wrested in the worst part, then will it be hard to speak anything so circumspectly (providing that the truth be spoken) which shall not escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement (as ye speak) and most excessive manner of Prayer that I use in public, is this: O Lord, if thy good pleasure be, purge the heart of the Queens Majesty from the venom of Idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and thralldom of Satan, into the which she hath been brought up, and yet remains, for the lack of true Doctrine; and let her see, by the illumination of thy holy Spirit, That there is no means to please thee, but by Jesus Christ thy only Son; and that Jesus Christ cannot be found, but in thy holy Word; nor yet received, but as it prescribes, which is, To renounce our own wisdom, and preconceived opinion, and worship thee as it commands; that in so doing, she may avoid the eternal damnation which is ordained for all obstinate and impenitent to thee; and that this poor Realm may also escape that plague and vengeance which inevitably followeth Idolatry, maintained against thy manifest Word, and the light thereof. This (said he) is the form of common Prayer, as yourselves can witness: Now what is worthy of reprehension in it, I would hear. There are three things in it (said Lethington ) that never liked me; and the first is, Ye pray for the Queens Majesty with a condition, saying, Illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure be ; Wherein it may appear, That ye doubt of her conversion; Where have ye the example of such Prayer? Wheresoever the examples are (said the other) I am assured of the Rule, which is this, If we shall ask anything according to his Will, he shall grant us: And our Master Christ Jesus commands us to pray unto our Father, Thy will be done. But (said Lethington ) Where ever find ye any of the Prophets so to have prayed? It sufficeth me (said the other) my Lord, that the Master and Teacher both of Prophets and Apostles, hath taught me so to pray. But in so doing (said Lethington ) ye put a doubt in the people's heads of her conversion. Not I (said the other) but her own obstinate rebellion, causeth more then me to doubt of her conversion. Wherein (said he) rebels she against God? In all the actions of her life (said M. Knox ) but in these two Heads especially; The former is, That she will not hear the Preaching of the blessed Evangel of Jesus Christ. 2. That she maintaineth that Idol the Mass. She thinks not that rebellion (said Lethington. ) So thought they (said the other) that sometimes offered their children unto Molech ; and yet the Spirit of God affirms, That they offered them unto devils, and not unto God: And this day the Turks think they have a better Religion then the Papists have; and yet I think ye will excuse neither of both from committing rebellion against God; neither yet can ye do the Queen, unless ye will make God to be partial. But (said Lethington ) Why pray ye not for her, without moving any doubt? Because (said the other) I have learned to pray in faith; now faith (ye know) depends upon the Word of God; and so it is that the Word teacheth me, That prayer profiteth the sons and daughters of God's Election; of which number if she be one or not, I have just cause to doubt; and therefore I pray that God would illuminate her heart, if his good pleasure be so to do: But yet (said Lethington ) ye can produce the example of none that so hath prayed before you. Thereto I have already answered (said John Knox ) But yet for further declaration, I will demand a question, which is this, Whether ye think that the Apostles prayed themselves, as they commanded others to pray, or not? who doubts of that, said the company that were present. Well then, said John Knox, I am assured, that Peter said these words to Simon Magus, Repent therefore of this thy wickedness, and pray God, That if it be possible, the thoughts of thy heart may be forgiven thee. Here we may clearly see, That Peter joins a condition with his Commandment, That Simon should repent and pray; to wit, If it were possible that his sin might be forgiven, for he was not ignorant, that some sins are unto death, and so without all hope of repentance, or remission. And think ye not (my Lord Secretary, said he) but that same doubt may touch my heart; as touching the Queens conversion, that then touched the heart of the Apostle; I would never (said Lethington ) hear you, or any other call that in doubt: But your will (said the other) is no assurance to my conscience. And to speak freely, My Lord, I wonder if ye yourself doubt not of the Queens conversion; for more evident signs of Induration have appeared, and do appear in her, then Peter outwardly could have espied in Simon Magus ; for albeit sometimes, he was a Sorcerer, yet joined he with the Apostles, believed, and was baptized. And albeit, That the venom of Avarice remained in his heart, and that he would have bought the holy Ghost; yet, when he heard the fearful threatenings of God pronounced against him, he trembled; desired the assistance of the Prayers of the Apostles; and so humbled himself, so far as the judgment of man could pierce, like a true penitent; and yet we see that Peter doubts of his conversion; Why then may not all the godly, justly doubt of the conversion of the Queen, who hath used Idolatry, which is also most odious in the sight of the most jealous God, and still continues in the same; yet she despises all threatenings, and refuseth all godly admonitions. Why say ye, That she refuseth admonition, (said Lethington ) she will gladly hear any man: But what obedience (said the other) to God or to his word ensues of all that is spoken unto her, or when shall she be seen to give her presence to the public Preaching; I think never (said Lethington ) so long as she is thus used. And so long (said the other) ye, and all others must be content, that I pray so, as I may be assured to be heard of my God; that is, That his good will may be done, either in making her comfortable to his Church; or if that he hath appointed her to be a scourge to the same, That we may have patience, and she may be bridled. Well, (said Lethington ) Let us come to the second head? Where find ye, that the Scriptures calls any the bond slaves of Satan, or that the Prophets of God spake of Kings and Princes, so irreverently. The Scripture, said John Knox, saith, That by nature we are all the sons of wrath: Our Master Christ affirms, That such as do sin, are servants to sin, and that it is the only Son of God that sets men at freedom; now what difference there is betwixt the sons of wrath, the servants of sin, &c. And the slaves of Satan, I understand not, except I be taught; And if the sharpness of the term offend you, I have not invented that phrase of speech, but have learned it out of God's Scriptures; for these words I find spoken unto Paul, Behold I send thee unto the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that they may turn from darkness unto light, and from the power of Satan unto God. Mark the words, my Lord, and stir not at the speaking of the holy Ghost. And the same Apostle writing to his Scholar Timothius, says, Instruct with meekness those that are contrary minded, if that God at any time will give them repentance, that they may know the truth, and come to amendment out of the snare of the Devil, which are taken of him at his will. If your Lordship do rightly consider these sentences, you shall not only find my words to be the words of the holy Ghost, but also the condition which I use to add, to have the assurance of God's Scriptures.
But they speak nothing against Kings in Scripture in special (said Lethington ) and your continual crying is, The Queens Idolatry, The Queens Mass will provoke God's vengeance.
In the former sentence (said the other) I hear not Kings and Queens excepted, but all unfaithful are pronounced to stand in one rank, and to be in bondage to one Tyrant the Devil. But believe me, my Lord, you little regard the state wherein they stand, when you would have them so flattered, that the danger thereof should neither be known, neither yet declared to the people.
Where will you find (said Lethington ) that any of the Prophets did so use Kings, Queens, Rulers or Magistrates.
In more places then one, (said the other;) Ahab was a King, and Jezebel a Queen, and yet what the Prophet Elias said to the one, and to the other I suppose you are not ignorant.
That was not cried out before the people, (said Lethington ) to make them odious unto their subjects.
That Elias said, Doggs shall lick the blood of Ahab, (said John Knox ) and eat the flesh of Jezebel, the Scriptures assures me; but that it was whispered in their Ears, or in a Corner, I read not; but the plain contrary appears to me, which is, that both the people and the Court understood well enough what the Prophet had promised; for so witnessed Jehu after that God's vengeance had stricken Jezebel.
These were singular motions of the Spirit of God (said Lethington ) and appertaineth nothing to our age.
Then hath the Scripture (said the other) deceived me, for Saint Paul teacheth me, that whatsoever is written within the holy Scriptures, the same is written for our instruction ; And my Master saith, That every learned Scribe brings forth of his Treasure, both things old and things new ; and the Prophet Jeremiah affirms, That every Realm or City that likewise offends, (as then did Jerusalem ) should likewise be punished.
Why then, that the facts of ancient Prophets, and the fearful judgments of God, executed before us, upon the disobedient, appertain not unto our age, I neither see, nor yet can understand.
But now to put an end to this Head, my Lord, (saith he) the Prophets of God have not spared to rebuke Kings, as well to their faces as before the people and subjects; Elisha feared not to say to King Jehoram, What have I to do with thee, get thee to the other Prophets of thy Mother; for as the Lord of Hosts liveth, in whose sight I stand▪ if it were not that I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat, the King of Judah, I would not have looked toward thee, nor seen thee? Plain it is, that the Prophet was a Subject in the Kingdom of Israel, and yet how little reverence he giveth to the King; we hear Jeremiah the Prophet was commanded to Cry to the King and Queen, and to say, Behave yourselves lowly, execute justice, and judgment, &c. or else your Carcasses shall be casten to the heat of the day, and unto the frost of the night. Unto Conias, Sullim, and Zedekias, he speaketh in special, and shows to them in his public Sermons their miserable ends; and therefore ye ought not to think strange my Lord (said he) albeit the servants of God, tax the vices of Kings and Queens, even as well as of other offenders; and that because their sins be more noisome to the Common-wealth, then are the sins of inferior persons.
The most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned upon the Master of Maxwells Breast, who said, I am almost weary, I would some other would reason in the chief head, which is yet untouched.
Then the Earl of Mortoune, Chancellor, commanded Master George Hay to reason against John Knox in the head of obedience due to Magistrates, who began so to do; Unto whom John Knox said, Brother, that ye shall reason in my contrary, I am well content, because I know you to be both a man of learning, and of modesty; but that you shall oppose yourself unto the Truth, whereof I suppose your own conscience is no less persuaded, then is mine, I cannot well approve; for I would be sorry, that ye and I should be reputed to reason, as two Scholars of Pythagoras, to show the quickness of our wit, as it were to reason on both parts: I protest here before God, That whatsoever I sustain, I do the same in conscience; yea, I dare no more sustain a proposition, known to myself untrue, then I dare teach false Doctrine, in the public place; And therefore Brother, if Conscience move you to oppose yourself to that Doctrine which ye have heard out of my mouth, in that matter, do it boldly, it shall never offend me; But that ye shall be found to oppose yourself unto me, ye being persuaded in the same Truth; I say yet again, it pleaseth me not; for therein may be greater inconveniency, then either ye or I do consider for the public.
The said Master George answered, That I will not oppose myself unto you, as one willing to impugn or confute that Head of Doctrine, which not only ye, but many others; yea, and myself have affirmed, far be it from me, for so should I be found contrarious to myself; for my Lord Secretary knows, my judgment in that Head.
Marry, said the Secretary, you are (in my opinion) the worst of the two, for I remember that your Reasoning when the Queen was in Carricke.
Well said John Knox, seeing Brother, God hath made you one to fill the chair of verity; wherein I am assured, we agree in all principal Heads of Doctrine; Let it never be said, That we agree not in disputation. John Knox was moved thus to speak, because he understood more of the craft then the other did. Well (said Lethington ) I am somewhat better provided in this last Head, then I was in the other two: Master Knox, said he, yesterday we heard your Judgment upon the thirteenth to the Romans ; we heard the mind of the Apostle well opened; we heard the causes why God hath established powers upon the earth; we heard of the necessity that mankind hath of the same; and we heard the duty of Magistrates sufficiently declared; But in two things I was offended, as I think some other more of my Lord's that were present: which was, Ye made difference betwixt the Ordinance of God, and the persons that were placed in Authority: And ye affirmed, That men might refuse the persons, and yet not offend against God's Ordinance; This is one, the other ye had no time to explain; but this me thought ye meant, That Subjects were not bound to obey their Princes, if they command unlawful things, but that they might refuse their Princes; and that they were not ever bound to suffer.
In very deed, said the other, ye have rightly both marked my words, and understood my mind; for of that same Judgment I have long been, and yet so remain.
How will ye prove your division and difference (said Lethington, ) and that the persons placed in Authority, may be resisted, and the Ordinance of God not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle saith, He that resisteth, resisteth the Ordinance of God.
My Lord said he, The plain words of the Apostle makes the difference, and the facts of many approved by God, prove my affirmative. First the Apostle affirms, That the powers are ordained of God, for the preservation of quiet and peaceable men, and for the punishment of malefactors; whereof it is plain, That the Ordinance of God and the power given unto man, is one thing, and the person clad with the Authority, is another; For God's Ordinance is the conservation of mankind, The punishment of vice, and the maintenance of virtue, which in itself, is holy, just, constant, stable, and perpetual; but men clad with the Authority, are commonly profane and unjust; ye, they are mutable, transitory, and subject to corruption, as God threateneth by his Prophet David, saying, I have said ye are gods, and everyone of you the sons of the most high; but ye shall die as man, and the Princes shall fall like others. Here I am assured, That the persons, ye soul and body are threatened with death; I think that so ye will not affirm, is the Authothority, the Ordinance, and the Power, wherewith God endeued such persons; for (as I have said) it is holy, so is the permanent will of God. And now, my Lord, that the Prince may be resisted, and yet the Ordinance of God not violated: It is evident that the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by the living God that Jonathan should die; The people (I say) swore in the contrary, and delivered Jonathan, so that a hair of his head fell not: Now Saul was the Anoynted Ki • g, and they were his subjects, and yet they resisted him, that they made him no better then men sworn. I doubt (said Lethington ) That in so doing, the people did well. The Spirit of God (said the other) accuses them not of any crime, but rather praises them, and condemns the King, as well for his foolish vow and Law made without God, as for his cruel mind, that so severely would have punished an innocent man: But herein will I not stand; this that followeth shall confirm the former. This same Saul commanded Abimelech and the Priests of the Lord to be slain, because they had committed Treason (as he alleged) for intercommuning with David: His Guard, and principal servants, would not obey his unjust commandment; But Doeg the flatterer put the Kings cruelty in execution. I will not ask your judgment, Whether that the servants of the King, in not obeying his Commandment, resisted the Ordinance of God, or not; or, Whether Doeg, in murthering the Priests, gave obedience to a just Authority: For I have the Spirit of God, speaking by the mouth of David, for assurance, as well of the one, as of the other; for he in his 52. Psalm, condemns that fact, as a most cruel murder; and affirms, That God would punish, not only the commander, but also the merciless executer: And therefore I conclude, That they who gainstood his commandment, resisted not the Ordinance of God. And now (my Lord) to answer to the place of the Apostle, who affirms, That such as resist the Power, resist the Ordinance of God; I say, That the power in that place is not to be understood of unjust commandment of men, but of the just power wherewith God hath armed his Magistrates and Lieutenants, to punish sin, and maintain virtue. And if any man should enterprise to take from the hands of the faithful Judge a murderer and adulterer, or any malefactor that deserved death, this same resisteth God's Ordinance, and procureth to himself vengeance and damnation, because that he stayed God's Sword from striking. But so it is, if men in the fear of God oppose themselves to the fury and blind rage of Princes; for so they resist not God, but the devil, who abuses the Sword and Authority of God. I understand sufficiently (said Lethington ) what ye mean; unto the one part I will not oppose myself, but I doubt of the other; for if the Queen would command me to slay John Knox, because she is offended at him, I would not obey her: But if she would command others to do it, or yet by color of Justice take his life from him, I cannot tell if I be bound to defend him against the Queen and her Officers. With protestation (said the other) That the auditors think not that I speak in favor of myself, I say, my Lord, That if ye be persuaded of my innocence, and if God have given unto you such power and credit as might deliver me, and yet suffered me to perish, that in so doing, ye should be criminal and guilty of my blood. Prove that, and win the play (said Lethington. ) Well, my Lord (said the other) remember your promise, and I will be short in my probation: The Prophet Jeremiah was apprehended by the Priests and Prophets (who were a part of the Authority within Jerusalem ) and by the multitude of the people, and this sentence was pronounced against him, Thou shalt die the death; for thou hast said, This house shall be like Siloh, and this City shall be desolate, without any Inhabitant, &c. The Princes hearing the uproar, came from the Kings house, and sat down in Judgment in the entry of the new Gate of the Lord's House; And there the Priests and Prophets, before the Princes, and before all the people, intented their Accusation in these words; This man is worthy to die; for he hath prophesied against this City, and your ears have heard. Jeremiah answered, That whatsoever he had spoken, proceeded from God; and therefore said he; As for me, behold, I am in your hands, do with me as ye think good and right; But know ye for certain, That if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your souls, and upon this City, and upon the inhabitants thereof: For of a truth, the Lord hath sent me unto you to speak all these words. Now, my Lord, if the Princes and the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophets blood, How shall ye, or others, be judged innocent before God, if ye shall suffer the blood of such as have not deserved their blood to be shed, when ye may save it. The causes were nothing alike (said Lethington. ) And I would learn (said the other) wherein the dissimilitude stands. First (said Lethington ) the King had not condemned him to death; And next, The false Prophets, the Priests, and the People, accused him without a cause, and therefore they could not be guilty of his blood. Neither of these (said John Knox ) fights against my argument; For albeit the King was neither present, nor yet had condemned him, yet were the Princes and chief Counselors there sitting in Judgment, who represented the Kings Authority, hearing the accusation laid unto the charge of the Prophet; And therefore he forewarns them of the danger, as before is said; to wit, That in case he should be condemned, and so put to death, That the King, the Council, and the whole City of Jerusalem, should be guilty of his blood, because that he had committed no crime worthy of death: And if ye think that they all should have been criminal, only because that they all accused him, the plain Text witnesseth the contrary; for the Princes defended him, and so (no doubt) did a great part of the People; and yet he boldly affirmed, That they should be all guilty of his blood, if he should be put to death. And the Prophet Ezekiel gives a reason, Why all are guilty of common corruption, Because (saith he) I sought a man amongst them, that should make up the hedge, and stand in the gap before me for the Land, that I should not destroy it, but I found none; Therefore have I poured forth my indignation upon them. Hereof, my Lord, (said he) it is plain, That God craves, not only that man should do no iniquity in his own person; but also that he oppose himself to all iniquity, so far as in him lieth. Then will ye (said Lethington ) make subjects to control their Princes and Rulers. And what harm (said the other) should the Common-wealth receive, if the corrupt affections of ignorant Rulers were moderated, and so bridled by the wisdom and discretion of godly subjects, that they should do no wrong, nor no violence to any man. All this reasoning (said Lethington ) is out of the purpose; For we reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our Religion, that she should persecute it, and put innocent men to death; while I am assured, she never thought, nor never will do; For if I should see her begin at that end, yea, if I should suspect any such thing in her, I should be as far forward in that argument, as ye, or any other within the Realm: But there is no such thing; Our Question is, Whether that ye may suppress the Queens Mass; or, Whether that her Idolatry shall be laid to our charge. What ye may (said John Knox ) by force, I dispute not: But what ye may and ought to do by God's express Commandment, that I can tell Idolatry ought not only to be suppressed, but the Idolater also ought to die the death: But by whom? By the people of God (said the other) for the Commandment was given to Israel, as ye may read, Hear Israel,, (says the Lord) the Statutes and the Ordinances of the Lord thy God, &c. Yea, a Commandment is given, that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City, inquisition shall be taken; and if it be found true, That then the whole Body of the People arise and destroy that City, sparing in it neither man, woman, nor child. But there is no Commandment (said the Secretary) given to punish their King. If he be an Idolater, I find no privilege granted unto Kings (said the other) by God, more then unto the people, to offend God's Majesty. I grant (said Lethington ) but yet the people may not be judges to their King to punish him, albeit he be an Idoter. God (said the other) is the Universal Judge, as well unto the King, as to the People: So that what his Word commands to be punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the other. We agree in that (said Lethington ) But the people may not execute God's Judgments, but mst leave it unto himself, who will either punish it by Death, by War, by Imprisonment, or by some other kind of his Plagues.
I know (said John Knox ) the last part of the reason to be true: But for the first, That the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not execute God's Judgments against their King, being an offender: I am assured ye have no other Warrant, except your own imaginations, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend their Princes then God.
Why say ye so (said Lethington ) I have the judgment of the most famous men in Europe, and of such as ye yourself will confess both godly and learned.
And with that he called for his Papers, which produced by Master Maitland, he bagan to read with great gravity the Judgments of Luther, Melancthon, the minds of Bucer, Musculus, and Calvin, how Christians should behave themselves in time of Persecution; yea, the Book of Baruch was not omitted, with this conclusion, The gathering of those things (said he) hath cost me more travel then I think this seven years in reading Commentaries.
The more pity (said the other) and yet what you have profited your own cause, let others judge. But as for my argument, I am assured you have infirmed it in nothing; for your first two witnesses speak against the Anabaptists, who deny that Christians should be subject to Magistrates; or yet that it is lawful for a Christian to be a Magistrate: whose opinion, I no less abhor, then ye do, or any other that liveth. The others speak of Christians subject to Tyrants and Infidels, so dispersed, that they have no other force, but only to sob unto God for deliverance; that such (indeed) should hazard any further then these godly men wills them, I cannot hastily be of counsel: But my argument hath another ground; for I speak of a people assembled in one Body of a Common-wealth, unto whom God hath given sufficient force, not only to resist, but also to suppress all kind of open Idolatry: And such a people yet again I affirm, are bound to keep their Land clean and unpolluted. And that this my division shall not appear strange unto you, ye shall understand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his Seed, when he and they were strangers and Pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan ; and another thing required he of them, when they were delivered from the Bondage of Egypt, and the possession of the Land of Canaan granted unto them: The first, and during the time of their Bondage, God craved no more, but that Abraham should not defile himself with their Idolatry; neither was he, nor his Posterity commanded to destroy the Idols that were in Canaan, or in Egypt: But when God gave unto them possession of the Land, he gave unto them this strait Commandment, Beware that thou make not League or Confederacie with the inhabitants of this Land: give not thy sons unto their daughters, nor yet give thy daughters unto their sons, &c. But this ye shall do unto them, Cut down their Groves, destroy their Images, break down their Altars, and leave thou no kind of remembrance of these Abominations which the Inhabitants of the Land used before; for thou art a holy People unto the Lord thy God; defile not thyself therefore with their gods, &c. To this Commandment, I say, are ye, my Lord's, and all such as have professed the Lord within this Realm, bound; for God hath wrought no less miraculously upon you, both Spiritually and Corporally, then he did unto the Carnal Seed of Abraham: For in what state your Bodies, and this poor Realm were, within these seven years, yourselves cannot be ignorant; you, and it were both in the Bondage of a strange Nation, and what Tyrants did reign over your consciences, God perchance may yet again let you feel, because that ye do not rightly acknowledge and esteem the benefits received, when our poor Brethren that were before us, gave up their bodies to the flames of fire, for the Testimony of God's Truth. And when scarcely could be found ten in a Country that rightly knew God, it had been foolishness to have craved, either of the Nobility, or of the mean Subjects, the suppressing of Idolatry; for that had been nothing, but to have exposed the simple Sheep in a prey to the Wolves: But since that God hath multiplied knowledge, yea, and hath given the victory to his Truth, even in the hands of his servants, if ye suffer the Land again to be defiled, ye, and your Princes shall both drink the cup of God's indignation. The Queen, for her obstinate abiding in manifest Idolatry, in this great light of the Evangel of Jesus Christ; And ye, for your permission and maintaining her in the same. ( Lethington said,) In that point we will never agree.
And where find ye (I pray you) that ever any of the Prophets, or of the Apostles, taught such Doctrine, That the people should be plagued for the Idolatry of the Prince; or yet, That the Subjects might suppress the Idolatry of the Rulers, or them for the same. What was the Commission given unto the Apostles? My Lord, (said he) we know it was to preach, and plant the Evangel of Jesus Christ where darkness before had Dominion; And therefore it behooved them to let them see the light, before that they should will them, to put their hands to suppress Idolatry: What precepts the Apostles gave unto the faithful in particular, other then that they commanded, all to fly from Idolatry, I will not affirm: But I find two things which the faithful did; The one was, They assisted their Preachers, even against the Rulers and Magistrates; The other was, They suppressed Idolatry, wheresoever God gave unto them force; asking no leave of the Emperor, nor of his Deputies. Read the Ecclesiastical Histories, and ye shall find examples sufficient? And as to the Doctrine of the Prophets, we know they were Interpreters of the Law of God; and we know, They spake as well unto the Kings, as unto the People. I read that neither of both would hear them; and therefore came the plague of God upon both; but that they flattered the Kings, more then they did the people, I cannot be persuaded. Now God's Law pronounces death (as before I have said) to Idolaters without exception of persons. Now, how the Prophets could rightly interpret the Law, and show the cause of God's Judgments, which ever they threatened, should fall for Idolatry, and for the rest of the abominations that did accompany it (for it is never alone, but still corrupt Religion brings with it, a filthy, and corrupt life. ) How (I say) the Prophets could reprove the Vice, and not show the people their duty, I understand not; And therefore, I constantly believe, That the Doctrine of the Prophets was so sensible, That the Kings understood their own abominations; and the people understood, what they ought to have done in punishing and repressing them. But because that the most part of the People was no less Rebellious unto God, then were their Princes; Therefore the one, and the other, conjured against God, and against his servants. And yet my Lord, The facts of some Prophets are so evident, That thereby we may collect what Doctrine they taught; For it were no small absurdity to affirm, that their facts did repugn to their Doctrine. I think (said Lethington ) ye mean of the History of Jehu, What will ye prove thereby? The chief head (said John Knox ) that ye deny, to wit, That the Prophets never taught, that it appertained to the people to punish the Idolatry of their Kings: The contrary whereof I affirm; and for the probation, I am ready to produce the fact of a Prophet. For ye know my Lord (said he) that Elisha, sent one of the children of the Prophets to anoint Jehu, who gave him a commandment to destroy the house of his Master Ahab for the Idolatry committed by him; and for the innocent blood that Jezebel his wicked Wife had shed. While he obeyed and put in full execution (for the which) God promised unto him, the stability of the Kingdom, unto the fourth Generation.
Now (said he) here is the fact of a Prophet, that proves, that Subjects were commanded to execute God's judgments upon their King and Prince. There is enough (said Lethington ) to be answered thereto; For Jehu was a King before he put anything in execution. And besides, That the fact is extraordinary, and ought not to be Imitate: My Lord (said the other) he was a mere Subject, and no King, when the Prophets servant came unto him; yea, and albeit that his fellow Captains hearing of the Message, blew the Trumpet, and said, Jehu is King; yet I doubt not, but Jezebel both thought, and said, that he was a Traitor; and so did many others that were in Israel, and in Samaria.
And as touching, That ye allege, that the fact was extraordinary, and is not to be imitate: I say, That it had the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commandeth the Idolater to die the death. And therefore, I yet again affirm, That it is to be Imitate of all those that prefers the true Honor of the true Worship and Glory of God, to the affection of flesh, and wicked Princes. We are not bound (said Lethington ) to follow extraordinary examples, unless we have the like commandment and assurance. I grant (said the other) if the example repugn to the Law; As if an avaricious and deceitful man would borrow Silver, Rayment, or other necessaries from his Neighbor, and withhold the same; alleging, that so he might do, and not offend God; because the Israelites at their departure forth of Egypt, did so to the Egyptians. The example served to no purpose, unless that they could produce the like cause, and the like commandment that the Israelites had; and that because their fact repugned to this Commandment of God, Thou shalt not steal : But where the example agrees with the Law, and is, as it were the execution of God's judgment, expressed within the same; I say, That the example approved of God, stands to us in place of a Commandment; For as God in his Nature, is constant and immutable, so can he not condemn in the Ages subsequent, that which he hath approved in his servants before us; but in his servants before us, he by his own word confounds all such as crave further approbation of God's will, then is already expressed within his Scriptures; For Abraham said, They have Moses and the Prophets, whom if they will not believe, neither will they believe, albeit that any of the dead should rise. Even so (I say) my Lord, that such as will not be taught what they ought to do by the Commandment of God once given, and once put in practice, will not believe nor obey, albeit, that God should send Angels from Heaven to instruct that Doctrine.
Ye have produced but one example (said Lethington ) one sufficeth (said the other; ) but yet God be praised we lack not others; for the whole people conspired against Amasiah King of Judah, after that he had turned away from the Lord, and followed him to Lachis, and slew him, and took Uzziah and anointed him King in steed of his father. The people had not altogether forgotten the League and Covenant, which was made betwixt their Kings and them, at the Inauguration of Iohas his Father; to wit, That the King and the People should be the People of the Lord, and then should they be his faithful Subjects. From the which Covenant when first the Father, and after the son had declined, they were both punished to death, Joash by his own servants, and Amasias by the whole people.
I doubt (said Lethington ) whether they did well, or not.
It shall be free for you (said the other) to doubt as you please, but where I find execution according to God's Law, and God himself not to accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of their cause. And farther it appeareth to me, that God gave sufficient approbation and allowance of their fact, for he blessed them with victory, peace and prosperity the space of fifty two years after.
But prosperity (said Lethington ) does not always prove that God approves the facts of men.
Yes, (said the other) when the facts of men agree with the Law of God, and are rewarded according to his own promise expressed in his Law; I say, that the prosperity succeeding the fact, is a most infallible assurance that God hath approved that fact. Now so it is That God hath pronounced in his Law, That when the people shall exterminat and destroy such as decline from him, that he will bless them and multiply them, as he hath promised unto their Fathers. But so it is that Masiah turned from God (for so the Text doth witness, and plain it is the people slew their King; and like plain it is, that God blessed them: Therefore yet again conclude I, that God himself approved their fact, and so far as it was done according to his commandment, it was blessed according to his promise.
Well, (said Lethington ) I think not the ground so sure, as I durst build my Conscience thereupon.
I pray God (said the other) that your Conscience have no worse ground then this is whensoever you shall begin the like work which God in your own eyes hath already blessed. And now, my Lord, (saith he) I have but one example to produce, and then I will put an end to my reasoning, because I am weary longer to stand. Commandment was given that he should sit down; but he refused, and said, Melancholy reasons would have some mirth intermixed: My last example, (said he) my Lord is this, Uzziah the King not content with his Royal Estate, malapertly took upon him to enter within the Temple of the Lord to burn Incense upon the Altar of Incense; and Azariah the Priest, went in after him, and with him fourscore Priests of the Lord, valiant men, and they withstood Uzziah, and said unto him, It appertaineth not unto thee, (Uzziah) to burn Incense unto the Lord, but to the Priest • the Sons of Aaron, that are consecrated to offer Incense; Go forth of the Sanctuary, for thou hast transgressed, and thou shalt have none honor of the Lord. Hereof, my Lord's, I conclude, That Subjects not only may, but also ought to withstand and resist their Princes, whensoever they do anything that expressly repugnes to God, his Law, or holy Ordinance.
They that withstood the King (said Lethington ) were not simple subjects, but were the Priests of the Lord, and figures of Christ, and such Priests have we none this day to withstand Kings if they do any wrong.
That the High Priest was the figure of Christ (said the other) I grant, but that he was not a subject, that I deny; for I am assured, that he in his Priesthood had no Prerogative above those that passed before him; now so it is, that Aaron was subject to Moses, and called him his Lord; Samuel being both P • ophet and Priest, subjected himself unto Saul after he was inaugurated of the People; Sadoc bowed before David ; and Abiathar was deposed from the Priesthood by Solomon, which all confessed themselves subjects to the Kings, albeit therewith they ceased not to be the figures of Christ. And whereas you say, we have no such priests this day, I might answer, That neither have we such Kings this day as then were anointed by God's commandment, and sat upon the seat of David, and were no less the figure of Christ Jesus in their just administration, then were the Priests in their appointed Office; and such kings (I am assured) we have not now no more then we have such Priests; for Christ Jesus being anointed in our nature of God his Father, both King, Priest and Prophet, hath put end to all external unction. And yet I think you will not say that God hath now diminished his graces from those whom he appoints Ambassadors betwixt him and his people, then he doth from Kings and Princes; and therefore why the servants of Jesus Christ may not also justly withstand Kings and Princes that this day no less offend God's Majesty then Uzziah did, I see not; unless that ye will not say, that we in the brightness of the Evangel, are not so straitly bound to regard God's glory, nor his Commandments, as were the Fathers who lived under the dark shadows of the Law.
Well (said Lethington ) I will dip no farther in that Head; but how resisted the Priests the King, they only spake unto him, without further violence intended.
That they withstood him (said the other) the Text assures me, but that they did nothing but speak, I cannot understand; for the plain Text affirms the contrary, to wit, That they caused him hastily to depart from the sanctuary, yea, and that he was compelled to depart; which manner of speaking (I am assured) in the Hebrew Tongue, importeth more then exhorting, or commanding by word.
They did that (said Lethington ) after he was espied to be leprous.
They withstood him before, (said the other) but yet their last fact confirms my proposition so evidently, that such as will oppose themselves unto it, must needs oppose themselves unto God; for my assertion is, That Kings have no privilege more then hath the people to offend God's Majesty, and if so they do, they are no more exempted from the punishment of the Law, then is any other subject; yea, and that subjects may not only lawfully oppose themselves to their Kings, whensoever they do anything that expressly oppugnes God's Commandment, but also that they may execute judgment upon them, according to God's Law; so that if the King be a Murderer, Adulterer, or an Idolater, he should suffer according to God's Law, not as a King, but as an offender: And that the people may put God's Law in execution, this History clearly proveth; for how soon that the Leprosy appeared in his forehead, he was not only compelled to depart out of the Sanctuary, but also he was removed from all public society and administration of the Kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in a house apart, even as the Law commanded; and gat no greater privilege in that case, then any other of the people should have done: And this was executed by the people; for it was no doubt but more were witnesses of his Leprosy then the Priests alone; but we find none oppose themselves to the sentence of God pronounced in his Law against the Leprosy: And therefore yet again I say, That the people ought to execute God's Law, even against their Princes, when that their open crimes by God's Laws deserve punishment; but especially, when they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lord's, (said he) I will reason no longer, for I have spoken longer then I intended.
And yet (said Lethington ) I cannot tell what shall be the conclusion.
Albeit ye cannot (said the other) yet I am assured what I have proved; to wit,
- 1. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands of their King, and therefore offended not God.
- 2. That subjects have refused to strike innocents, when a King commanded, and in so doing, denied no just Obedience.
- 2. That such as struck at the commandment of the King, were before God reputed mutherers.
- 4. That God hath not only of a subject made a King, but also he armed subjects against their natural King, and commanded them to take vengeance upon them, according to his Law.
- 5. And lastly, That God's people hath executed God's Law against their King, having no further regard to him in that behalf, then if he had been the most simple subject within the Realm.
And therefore, albeit ye will not understand what should be concluded, yet I am assured, That not only may God's people, but also, That they are bound to do the same, where the like crimes are committed, and when he gives to them the like power.
Well (said Lethington ) I think ye shall not have many learned men of your opinion.
My Lord, (said the other) the Truth ceaseth not to be Truth, howsoever it be, That men must either know it, or gainstand it. And yet (said he) I praise God, I lack not the consent and approbation of God's servants in that Head. And with that he presented unto the Secretary the Apology of Magdeburgh, and willed him to read the names of the Ministers, who had subscribed the defense of the Town to be a most just defense; and therewith added, That to resist a misled King, is not to resist God, nor yet his Ordinance, &c. Who when he had read, he stouped and said, Homines obscuri. The other answered, Dei tamen servi. And Lethington arose, and said, My Lord's, ye have heard the reasons upon both parts; it becomes you now to decide, and to put an order unto Preachers, that they be uniform in Doctrine. May we (think ye) take the Queens Mass from her?
While that some began to give, as it were▪ their Votes (for some were appointed, as it were, leaders of the rest) John Knox said; My Lord's, I suppose you will not do contrary to your Lordships promise made to the whole Assembly, which was, That nothing should be voted in secret, till that first all matters should be debated in public, and that then the Votes of the whole Assembly should put end to the controversy. Now have I only sustained the argument, and have rather shewn my conscience in most simple manner, then that I have insisted upon the force and vehemency of any one argument: And therefore I for my part utterly disassent from all voting, until the whole Assembly have heard the Propositions and the Reasons of both parties; for I unfeignedly acknowledge, That many in that company are more able to sustain the argument then I am.
Think ye it reasonable (said Lethington ) That such a multitude as are now convened, should reason and vote in such heads and matters that concerns the Queens Majesty's own Person and Affairs.
I think (said the other) That whatsoever should bind the multitude, the multitude should hear it; unless they have resigned their power to Commissioners, which they have not done, so far as I understand; for my Lord Justice Clerk heard them with one voice say, That in no wise would they consent that anything there should be voted or concluded.
I cannot tell (said Lethington ) if my Lord's that be here present, and that bear the burden of such matters, should be bound to their will: What say ye, my Lord's, (said he) will ye vote in this matter, or will ye not vote?
After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose, said, Why may not the Lord's vote, and then show unto the Church whatsoever is done?
That appears to me (said John Knox ) not only a backward order, but a tyranny usurped upon the Church: But for me, do as ye list (said he) for as I reason, so I wrote; yet protesting as before, That I disassent from all voting, till that the whole Assembly understand as well the questions as the reasons.
Well (said Lethington ) that cannot be done now, for too much time is spent; And therefore, my Lord Chancellor (said he) ask ye the votes, and take ever, one of the Ministers, and one of us.
And so was the Rector of Saint Androes commanded first to speak his conscience: Who said, I refer it to the Superintendent of Fife, for I think we are both of one judgment: and yet (said he) if ye will that I speak first, my conscience is this, That if the Queen oppose herself to our Religion (which is the only true Religion) that in that case the Nobility and States of this Realm, professors of the true Doctrine, may justly oppose themselves to her: But as concerning her Mass, I know it is Idolatry, but I am not yet resolved, Whether by violence we may take it from her, or not. The Superintendent of Fife said, That same is my conscience: And so affirmed some of the Nobility. But others voted frankly, and said, That as the Mass is abominable, so it is just and right that it should be suppressed; And that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queens Majesty, then they that should by force take from her a poisoned cup, when she were a going to drink in it. Last Master John Craig, fellow Minister with John Knox in the Church of Edinburgh, was required to give his judgment and vote; who said, I will gladly show unto your Honors what I understand; but I greatly doubt, Whether my knowledge and conscience shall satisfy you, seeing you have heard so many reasons, and are so little moved by them: But yet I will not conceal from you my judgment, adhering first to the Protestation of my Brother, to wit, That our voting prejudge not the Liberty of the General Assembly. I was (said he) in the University of Bonnonia, in the year of our Lord 1554. where, in the place of the black-Friers of the same Town, I saw in the time of their General Assembly this Conclusion set forth; the same I heard reasoned, determined and concluded, to this sense.
Conclusion.
ALl Rulers, be they Supreme or Inferior, may and ought to be reformed or bridled (to speak moderately) by them by whom they are chosen, confirmed or admitted to their Office, so oft as they break that promise made by Oath to their subjects; Because that the Prince is no less bound by Oath to the subjects, then are the subjects to their Princes; And therefore ought it to be kept and reformed equally, according to Law, and Condition of the Oath that is made of either party.
This Conclusion (my Lord's) I heard sustained and concluded, as I have said, in a most notable Auditory. The sustainer was a learned man, Master Thomas de Finola, Rector of the University, a man famous in that Country: Master Vincentins de Placentia affirmed the Conclusion to be most true and certain, agreeable both with the Law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation and conclusion, was a certain disorder and tyranny that was attempted by the Popes Governors, who began to make Innovations in the Country against the Laws that were before established, alleging themselves not to be subject to such Laws, by reason that they were not instituted by the People, but by the Pope, who was King of that Country: And therefore they having full Commission and Authority of the Pope, may alter and change Statutes and Ordinances of the Country, without any consent of the people. Against this usurped Tyranny, the learned and the people opposed themselves: And when that all reasons which the Popes Governors could allege were heard and consulted, the Pope himself was fain to take up the matter, and to promise, not only to keep the Liberty of the people, but also that he should neither abrogate any Law nor Statute, neither yet make any new Law, without their own consent: And therefore, my Lord, (said he) my Vote and my Conscience is, That Princes are not only bound to keep Laws and Promises to their subjects; But also, That in case they fail, they justly may be bridled: For the Band betwixt the Prince and the People is reciprocal.
Then start up a claw-back of that corrupt Court, and said, Ye wot not what ye say; for ye tell us what was done in Bononia ; we are a Kingdom, and they are a Common-wealth.
My Lord, (said he) my judgment is, That every Kingdom is, or at least should be a Common-wealth, albeit that every Common-wealth be not a Kingdom; And therefore I think that in a Kingdom no less diligence ought to be taken that Laws ought not to be violated, then they ought to be in a Common-wealth, because that the tyranny of Princes who continuing in a Kingdom, is more hurtful to the subjects, then is the mis-government of those that from year to year are changed, in free Common-wealths: But yet, my Lord, to assure you, and all others, that Head was disputed to the uttermost; and then in the end was concluded, That they spake not of such things as were done in divers Kingdoms and Nations, by Tyrannie and negligence of people: But we conclude (said they) what ought to be done in all Kingdoms and Common-wealths, according to the Law of God, and unto the just Laws of man: And if by the negligence of the people, by the tyranny of Princes, contrary Laws have been made, yet may that same people, or their posterity, justly crave all things to be reformed according to the original institution of Kings and Common-wealths; and such as will not so do, deserve to eat the fruit of their own foolishness.
M. James Markgow, then Clerk of the Register, perceiving the Votes to be different, and hearing the bold plainness of the foresaid servant of God, said, I remember that this same question was long debated on before in my house; and there, by reason we were not all of one mind, it was concluded, That M. Knox in all our names, should have written to M. Calvin, for his judgment in the controversy. Nay, (said M. Knox ) my Lord Secretary would not consent that I should write, alleging, That the greatest weight of the answer stood in the Narrative; and therefore promised, that he would write, and that I should see it: But when divers times I required him to remember his promise, I found nothing but delay. Whereunto the Secretary answered, True it is, I promised to write; and true it is, That M. Knox required me so to do; but when I had ripely advised, and deeply considered the weight of the matter, I found more doubts then I did before: And this is one, amongst others; How durst I, being a subject, and the Queens Majesty's Secretary, take upon me to seek resolution of controversies depending betwixt her Highness and her subjects, without her own knowledge and consent.
Then was an acclamation of the claw-backs of the Court, as if Apollo had given his Responce: It was wisely and faithfully done.
Well (said John Knox ) let worldly men praise worldly wisdom so highly as they please, I am assured, that by such shifts Idolatry is maintained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed, whereof God one day will be avenged.
At the and at the like sharpness were many offended, the Voting ceased, and every Faction began to speak as affection moved; then John Knox in the end was commanded yet to write to Master Calvin, and to the learned in other Churches, to know their judgment in that Question; which he refused, showing his Reason, I myself am not only full resolved in conscience, but also I have heard their judgments, in this and all other things that I have affirmed within this Realm, of the most godly and most learned that he knew in Europe ; I came not to this Realm without their Resolution; and for my assurance I have the hand-writing of many: And therefore if I should now move the said Questions again, what should I do other, but either show mine own ignorance and forgetfulness, or else inconstancy: And therefore it may please you to pardon me, in that I write not. But I will teach you the surer way, which is, That you write and complain upon me, That I teach publicly, and affirm constantly such doctrine which offends you; and so shall you know their plain minds, and whether that they and I agree in judgment, or not.
Divers said the offer was good, but no man was found that would be the Secretary, and so did that Assembly and long reasoning break up; After the which time the Ministers (that were called precise) were holden as Monsters of all the Courtiers. In all that time the Earl of Murray was so frame and strange to John Knox, that neither by word nor writ was there any Communication betwixt them, &c.
THE FIFTH BOOK Of the Reformation of the CHURCH Of SCOTLAND.
I N the next Moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the Hunting; and from thence she made her Progress into Murray, and returned to Fife in September. All this while there was appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens; For there was many Letters, full of Civility and Complements sent from either of them to the other, in sign of Amity; besides costly Presents for Tokens. And in the mean time the Earl of Lenox labored to come home forth of England, and in the month of October he arrived at Halyrud-house, where he was graciously received by the Queens Majesty; namely, When he had presented the Queen of England her Letters, written in his favor: And because he could not be restored to his Lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there was a Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh the 13 day of December: But before the Queen would cause to Proclaim a Parliament, she desired the Earl of Murray, by whose means chiefly the said Earl of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word be spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parliament. But he answered, That he could not promise it. In the mean time, the Hamiltons and the Earl of Lenox were agreed.
At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the said Earl of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years Exile: He was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule. There were some Articles given in by the Church, especially for the abolishing of the Mass universally, and for punishment of vice; but there was little thing granted, save that it was Statute, That scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then publicly shown unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not put in execution. In the end of this month of December, the general Assembly of the Church was held at Edinburgh, many things were ordained for settling of the affairs of the Church.
In the end of January the Queen past to Fife, and visiting the Gentlemens houses, was magnificently banquetted everywhere, so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realm; which caused the wild Fowl to be so dear, that Partridges were sold for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament, the confirmation of the Fewes of Church Lands, at the desire of divers Lord's, whereof the Earl of Murray was chief. During the Queens absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chapel to hear Mass; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in February they made an Evensong of their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the Choir, and one or two on the other side, with Sandy Stevin, Menstrall (Baptizing their children, and making Marriages) who within eight days after convinced of Blasphemy, alleging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament, then to a Tale of Robin-Hood, except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church. The said superstitious Evensong was the occasion of a great slander, for many were offended with it; which being by the Brethren declared to the Lord's of the Privy Council, especially to the Earl of Murray, who lamented the cause to the Queens Majesty, showing her what inconveniency should come, if such things were suffered unpunished: And after sharp reasoning it was promised, That the like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also alleged, That they were a great number; and that she could not trouble their conscience.
About the 20 of this month arrived at Edinburgh, Henry Stewart, Lord Darley ; from thence he past to Fife: And in the Place of Weemes he was admitted to kiss the Queens hand; whom she liked so well, that she preferred him before all others; As shall hereafter, God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the Moneth of March, the Earl Bothwell arrived out of France ; whereat the Earl of Murray was highly offended, because of the evil report made to him of the Lord Bothwell ; And passing immediately to the Queens Majesty, demanded of her if it was her will, or by her advice, that he was come home; and seeing he was his deadly enemy, either he or the other should leave the Country, and therefore desired that he might have Justice. Her answer was, That seeing the Earl Bothwell was a Noble-man, and had done her service, she could not hate him: Nevertheless she would do nothing that might be prejudicial to the Earl of Murray, but desired that the matter might be taken away: within few days she caused summon the Earl Bothwell, to answer to the course of Law the 2 of May, for the Conspiracy which the Earl of Arrane had alleged two years before, and for the breaking of the Ward of the Castle. In the mean while there was nothing in the Court, but Banquetting, Balling, and Dancing, and other such pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite; and all for the entertainment of the Queens Cousin from England, the Lord Darley, to whom she did show all the expressions imaginable of love and kindness.
Within few days, the Queen being at Sterlin, order was given to Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England: The chief point of his Message was, to declare to the Queen of England, That the Queen was minded to marry her Cousin the Lord Darley ; and the rather, because he was so near of Blood to both Queens: For by his mother, he was Cousin German to the Queen of Scotland, also of near kindred, and of the same name by his father: His mother was Cousin German to the Queen of England. Here mark God's providence; King James the fifth having lost his two sons, did declare his resolution to make the Earl of Lenox his Heir of the Crown; but he prevented by sudden death, that design ceased: Then come the Earl of Lenox from France, with intenion to marry King James his Widow; but that failed also: He marries Mary Dowglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the fifth his daughter: And so the Kings desire is fulfilled, to wit, The Crown continueth in the Name and in the Family. The Queen of England, nevertheless, shown herself nothing pleased therewith, but rather declared, That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such Contracts or Alliance that might be prejudicial to her, and for the same purpose sent a Post to the Queen with Letters, wherein she complained greatly of the mind of our Mistress, seeing the great affection she bare to her, intending to declare her Heretrix of her Realm of England, providing only that she would use her counsel in Marriage; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord Darley, although he was their near Cousin by Birth, since he was below the Rank of the Queen by Condition, being but a private subject. At the same time she wrote to the Earl of Lenox, and to his son, commanding them to repair both into England. Some write, That all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England ; and from her heart she was glad of the Marriage; for by that means the Succession of the Crown of England was secured, the Lord Darley being the right Heir after the Queen of Scotland: and Queen Elizab. was not angry to see her married to one of inferior Rank, for by that means she thought the Scots Queen would be less proud. During this time, there were certain Letters directed to the Brethren of Edinburgh, to Dundie, Fife, Angus and Mernes, and other places, from the Brethren of Kyle, and other places in the West Country, desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places, to remember what the Eternal God had wrought, and how potently he had abolished all kind of Idolatry and superstition, and placed his Word in this Realm; so that no man could say otherwise, but it was the Work of God; who also had delivered this Country from the bondage and tyranny of strangers: Nevertheless by our slothfulness, we have suffered that Idol the Mass, not only to be planted again, but to increase so, that the maintainers thereof are like, by all appearance, to get the upper hand, which would be the occasion of our destruction: And for that the Papists purposed to set up their Idol at Easter following, in all places; which was to be imputed to the slothfulness, and want of godly zeal of the Professors: Therefore they admonished the Brethren to strive to avert the evil in time, & not to suffer such wickedness to continue and increase, lest that God's heavy wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire. By these Letters many Brethren were animated, and their spirits wakened, minding to provide as God should give them grace: And first of all, by the advice of the most learned in Edinb. there was a Supplication made, and given to the Queens Majesty by the Superintendent of Lowthian, containing in effect. That the Church in general of the Realm had divers times most humbly craved of her Majesty, That committers of Adultery should be punished according to the Law of God, and the Acts of Parliament, nevertheless they continued in their wickedness; and the Papists of obstinate malice pretended nothing else, but to erect and set up their Idolatry and Superstition; and especially at Easter day following they intended to put the same in practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the Evangel could not suffer; Therefore wished her Majesty to take heed of the matter.
This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the Superintendents of Lowthian and Glasgow, and told them, in the Queens Name, That there should be such provision made, as should serve to their contentment: And for the same purpose, the Queens Majesty writ to all such places as were suspected, especially to the Bishop of Saint Andrew's and Aberdeine (as was said) not to use any Mass; And that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the Protestants, or convene any Council, and thereto commanded them. Now the Communion was administered in Edinburgh the first day of April, 1565. At which time, because it was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at their Mass: And as some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things, they having with them one of the Bailiffs, took one Sir James Carvet riding hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Mass, and conveyed him, together with the Master of the house, and one or two more of the assistants, to the Tolbuith, and immediately revested him with all his Garments upon him, and so carried him to the Market-Cross, where they set him on high, binding the Chalice in his hand, and himself fast tied to the • aid Cross, where he tarried the space of one hour; During which time, the boys served him with his Easter eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his assistants, were accused and convinced by an Assize, according to the Act of Parliament: And albeit for the same offense he deserved death, yet for all punishment, he was set upon the Market-Cross for the space of three or four hours, the hang-man standing by, and keeping him, the boys and others were busy with eggs casting; and some Papists there were, that stopped as far as they could: And as the preasse of people increased about the Cross, there appeared to have been some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Dowglas, came with some Halberdiers, and carried the Priest safe again to the Tolbuith. The Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information that the Priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some extreme punishment, for she thought that all this was done in contempt of her, and of her Religion; and it was affirmed, That the Town should have been sacked, and a great number executed to death; she sent to such as she pleased, commanding them to come to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole Forces; and in the mean time she sent her Advocate Master Spence of Condie to Edinburgh, to take a sure trial of the matter. The Provost and Council wrote to the Queen the truth of the matter as it was, desiring her Majesty to take the same in good part, and not to give credit to false reports; and therewith sent to her Majesty the Processe and enrolment of the Court of the Priest Conviet. Thus the Queens Majesty being informed of the truth by her said Advocate, sent again and stayed the said meeting of men, and sent to the Town a grave Letter, whereof the Copy followeth.
The Queens Letter to the Provost, Bailiff, and Council of Edinburgh.
PRrovest, Bailiff and Council of our City of Edinburgh,
We received your Letter from our Advocate, and understand by this report what diligence you took to stay the Tumult in the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh; wherein, as you did your duty in suppressing the Tumult, so can we not take in good part, nor think our self satisfied of so notorious a thing, without certain seditious persons, who were pleased to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates Authority, be condignly and really punished for their rashness and misbehaviour; for if all private Persons should usurp to take vengeance at their own hands, What lies in ours? And to what purpose hath good Laws and Statutes been established? Since therefore we have never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders, prescribed by the Laws, but have always maintained Justice in that case without respect of persons. It is Our will, and We command you, as you will answer to Us upon your obedience and allegiance, That you will take before you certain of the most responsall persons which are declared Authors of the said Sedition, and usurpers of our Authority, and to administer Justice upon them, in such sort as We may know a sincerity on your parts, and Our Authority no ways slighted. But if you fail, persuade yourselves, (and that shortly) we will not oversee it, but will account this Contempt not only to be in the Committers thereof, but in yourselves, who ought to punish it, and relieve us on our part, remitting the rest to your diligence and execution, which we look for so soon as reason will permit.
Subscribed with Our Hand at STERLIN, this 24 of April, Anno 1565.
BY this manner of writing and high threatening, may be perceived how grievously the Queens Majesty would have been offended if the said Tarbot and Mass-monger had been handled according to his demerit, being not only a Papist Idolater, but a manifest Whoremaster, and a common Fighter and blasphemer; nevertheless within few days the Queen charged the Provost and Bailiffs to set him at liberty, commanding them further, That no man should trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause, and soon after rewarded him with a Benefice, and likewise his Assisters John Low and John Kennedie set at liberty in the same manner. At this Easter -Tide in Sterlin the Queen made her domestic servants use Papistical Rites and Ceremonies, and more, she persuaded others by fair means to do the same, and threatened those that were most constant at the Earl of Cassels House. Upon the second day of May 1565. convened at Edinburgh the Earl of Murray with his friends in great numbers to keep the day of Law against the Earl Bothwell, who being called, appeared not, only the Laird of Rickerton protested, That the personal absence of the Earl Bothwell should not be prejudicial to him, by reason that for just fear, which might happen in the heart of any man, since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray, who, next the Queens Majesty was of greatest estimation and Authority of any man within this Realm, to whom assisted at this present day of Law, seven or eight hundred men, which Force he could not resist, and therefore had absented himself; which Protestation being made, those that had been Sureties for his appearance, were Outlawed. The said Earl Bothwell a few days after past into France, after he had been in Liddesdale, where suspecting almost every man, he was not in great assurance of his life, notwithstanding he was not put to the Horne, for the Queen continually bore a great favor towards him, and kept him to be a Soldier, as appeared within less then half a year; for she would not suffer the Lord Morton, nor my Lord Ariskin, my Lord of Murrayes great friends to keep the day; There assisted my Lord of Murray, the Earls of Argyle, Glencarne, and Crawford, with great numbers, and many Lord's and Barons, who for the most part convened the same Afternoon to Treat and Consult for the maintaining of Religion; where some Articles were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Murray to be presented to the Queens Majesty and privy Council, which Articles were enlarged at the general assembly following, as shall be declared. In the mean time, as they were informed in Court of this great Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were afraid, for naturally the Queen-hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own presence, and devised by herself. The chief Counselors in the Court, were the Earls of Lenox and Athole. The Queen writ incontinent for all the Lord's to come to Sterlin, so soon as she was advertised that they had Treated in Edinburgh of Religion; She Writ likewise for the superintendants and other learned men who went thither, and being there they caused to keep the Ports or Gates, and make good Watch about the Town. The special cause of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darley Title of Honor openly and solemnly, with consent of the Nobles, before the marriage. The fourth day of May the Earl of Murray came to Sterlin, where he was well received by the Queens Majesty, as appeared, and immediately, as he past with her to my Lord Darleys Chamber, they presented to him a Contract, containing in effect, That forasmuch, as, or since, the Queen had contracted Marriage with the Lord Darley, and that therefore sundry Lord's of the Nobility had under-written, ratified and approved the same, and obliged themselves to grant unto him in full Parliament the Crown Matrimoniall, (by a new Court Solecisme in Policy, the Crown for the second time is surnamed Matrimoniall ; (before, when the Queen was first married, it was so called also) to serve and obey him and her as their Lawfull Sovereigns. The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe, as many others had done before; which he refused to do, Because (said he) it is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present, at least the principal, and such as he himself was posterior unto, before that so grave a matter should be advised and concluded.
The Queens Majesty no ways content with this Answer, insisted still upon him, saying, The greatest part of the Nobility were there present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a Stewart, as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the Family, and the surname, according to their Fathers Will and desire, as was said of him a little before his death: But he still refused for the causes above written.
Now as the Lord's were assembled, an Ambassador from England named sir Nicholas Throckmorton arrived at Sterlin, and in his company the Laird of Lethington ; the Ambassador was at the Castle Gate or ever they were aware; and as he stood there in the Entry, he was desired to pass to his Lodgings. The next day he had audience of the Queen, and was graciously received according to the dignity of his Message. The whole sum of this his Message was, to show and declare to the Queen, how highly the Queen his Mistress was offended with this precipitated Marriage, and wondered what had moved her to take a man of inferior rank and condition, to her self: And therefore dissuaded her therefrom. And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home her Subjects the Earl of Lennox and the Lord Darley : But all in vain for the matter was well far proceeded. In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage; first, because if Q. Mary had married a foreign Prince, it had been an access to her Greatness, and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other; next both Harry and Mary were alike and in equal degree of Consanguinitie unto her, the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being Children to her fathers sister.
With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassador depart, promising to do all she could to satisfy the Queen of England ; and for the same purpose she would send an Ambassador to her.
In the mean time the Queens marriage with the Lord Darley, was prepared and propounded in Council, and the chief of the Nobility, such as the Duke, the Earls of Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, with the rest, granted freely to the same, providing that they might have the Religion established in Parliament, by the Queen, and the Idolatrous Mass and Superstition abolished, shortly it was concluded, That they should convene again to Saint Iohnstoun, where the Queen promised to take a final order for Religion. The day was appointed, to wit, the last of May at Perth, my Lord of Argile came too late. The Queens Majesty communed with the Lord's, who were very plain with her, saying, Except the Mass were abolished, there should be no quietness in the Country. The twelfth day of May the Lord Darley was Belted, (that is, Created) Earl of Ross, with great solemnity, a Belt or Girdle being tied about his waste or middle; and albeit all kind of provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay, yet at that time it came not to effect, albeit the Crown and Robe-Royal were prepared to him for the same. For the entertainment of this Triumph there were many Knights made, to the number of 14. The next day, which was the 13 of May, the Queen called for the Super-intendants, by name John Willock, John Winram, and John Spotswood, whom she cherished with fair words, assuring them that she desired nothing more earnestly then the glory of God and satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the Common-wealth; and albeit she was not persuaded in any Religion but in that wherein she was brought up, yet she promised to them that she would hear Conference and Disputation in the Scriptures: And likewise she would be content to hear public preaching, but always out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majesty; and above all others she said she would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus (for he was a mild and sweet natured man) with true honesty and uprightness. Sir Ariskin of Dun. Soon after the Queen past to Saint Iohnstons, after that she had directed Master John Hay Prior of Monimusk to pass to England, who sped at the Queen of England's hand even as sir Nicholas Throckmorton did in Scotland. Before the day, which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Johnston, my Lord of Murray most careful of the maintenance of Religion, sent to all the principal Churches, advertising them of the matter, and desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in Learning and Reputation, to keep the day; but their craft and dissimulation appeared, for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of France, with others, such as Mr. John Lesley Parson of Vure, afterward Bishop of Ross, caused the Queen to understand that thing whereof she was easily persuaded, to wit, That there ought to be given to all men liberty of conscience, and for this purpose to shun or put off the first day appointed; The Queen writ to the Nobility, that because she was informed that there was great meetings out of every Shire and Town in great number; and then the other party (so termed she the Papists) were minded together to the said Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition, rather then any other thing; therefore she thought it expedient, and willed them to stay the said meetings, and to defer the same till such a day that she should appoint with advice of her Council. At this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh the twentieth day of July. By this Letter, some of the Protestants having best judgment, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the Inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Council at this time, was only the Earls of Lenox and Athole, the Lord Ruthen, but chiefly David Rizio the Italian ruled all; yet the Earl of Ross already in greatest credit and familiarity. These Letters were sent out to the Lord's about the eight and twentieth day of May ; and within twelve days thereafter, she directed new Missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring or, commanding them, to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth day of June following, to consult upon such things as concerned Religion, and other things as her Majesty should propose; Which day, was even the day before that the general Assembly should have been held in Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the former; so that the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently warned. Always as the Earl of Murray was passing to Saint Johnston to have kept the said day, he chanced to fall sick of the Fluxes in Lochlevin, where he remained till the Queen came forth of Saint Johnston to Edinburgh, where the general Assembly of the whole Church of Scotland was held, the four and twentieth day of July. The Earls of Argyle and Glencarne assisted the Church with a great company of Lord's, Barons, and others: It was there ordered and concluded, That certain Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the Church National, should pass to the Queens Majesty, with certain Articles, to the number of six, desiring her most humbly to ratify and approve the same in Parliament. And because the said Articles are of great weight, and worthy of memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.
IMprimis, That the Papistical and Blaspemous Mass, with all Papistical Idolatry, and Papal Jurisdiction, be universally suppressed and abolished throughout this Realm, not only in the Subjects, but also in the Queens own Person, with punishment against all persons that should be deprehended to transgress and offend in the same: And that the sincere Word of God, and Christ's true Religion now at this present received, be published, approved, and ratified, throughout the whole Realm, as well in the Queens own Person, as in the subjects: And that the people be to resort upon the Sundays at the least, to the Prayers, and Preaching of God's Word, even as they were before to the Idolatrous Mass: And these Heads to be provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queens Majesty.
Secondly, That provision be made for sustentation of the Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time to come: And that such persons as are presently admitted to the Ministry, may have their Livings assigned unto them, in places where they travel in their Calling, or at least next adjacent thereto: And that the Benefices now vacant, or hath been vacant since the Moneth of March, 1558. or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant, be disposed to qualified and learned persons, able to preach God's Word, and discharge the Vocation concerning the Ministry, by Trial and Admission of the Superintendents and Overseers: And that no Benefice or Living, having many Churches annexed thereunto, be disposed altogether in any time to come, to any man, but at the least the Churches thereof be severally disposed, and that to several persons; So that every man having Charge, may serve at his own Church, according to his Vocation: And to that effect, likewise the Gleebs and the Manses, be given to the Ministers, that they may make residency at their Churches, whereby they may discharge their consciences according to their Vocation; and also that the Kirks may be repaired accordingly; And that a Law be made and established hereupon by Act of Parliament, as said is.
Thirdly, That none be permitted to have charge of Souls, Colleges, or Universities, neither privately or publicly teach & instruct the youth, but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents or Visitors of Churches, and found sound and able in Doctrine, and admitted by them to their Charges.
Fourthly, For the sustentation of the poor; That all Lands founded for Hospitality of old, be restored again to the same use: And that all Lands, Annals, Rents, or any other Emoluments pertaining any ways sometimes to the Friers, of whatsoever Order they had been of▪ As likewise the Annuities, Alterages, Obits, and the other Duties pertaining to Priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor, and uphold of the Town-Schools in Towns, and other places where they be.
Fifthly, That such horrible crimes as now abound within this Realm without any correction, To the great contempt of God and his Word; such as Idolatry, Blasphemy of God's Name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath day, Witchcraft, Sorcery, Inchantment, Adultery, manifest Whoredom, maintenance of Bordals, Murder, Slaughter, Oppression, with many other detestable Crimes, may be severely punished; and Judges appointed in every Province and Diocese, for execution thereof, with power to do the same; and that by Act of Parliament.
Lastly, That some order be devised and established for ease of the poor Laborers of the Ground, concerning the reasonable payment of the Tythes, who are oppressed by the Leasers of the Tythes set over their heads without their own con-consent and advise.
The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles and present them to the Queens Majesty, were the Lairds of • unningham-Head, Lundie, Spot and Grange of Angus, and James Baron for the Broughs: These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Johnston, where they presented the said Articles to the Queens Majesty, desiring and requiring her Highness most humbly to advise therewith, and to give them answer. The next day, ere they were aware, the Queen departed to Dunkeld, and immediately they followed; And after they had gotten audience, they desired the Queens Majesty most humbly to give their dispatch. She answered, That her Council was not there present, but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight days, and there they should receive their answer. At the same time, as the general Assembly was holden in Edinburgh, the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and trouble like to be, they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard Cragg, where they concluded they would defend themselves; and for the same purpose, elected eight persons of the most able, two of every Quarter, to see that the Brethren should be ready armed.
And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court four or five days after her Majesty's coming to Edinburgh, there the matter was proposed in Council: And after long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles, at length it was answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary, That the Queens Majesty's command was, That the matter should be reasoned in her presence; which for the gravity of the same, there could nothing be concluded at that time, albeit the Queens Majesty had heard more in that matter, then ever she did before: But within eight days thereafter, she understood that a great part of the Nobility should be present in Edinburgh, where they should have a final answer. At length, the one and twentieth of August, they received the answer in Writing in her presence, according to the Tenour hereof as followeth.
The Queens Majesty's Answer to the Articles presented to Her Highness, by certain Gentlemen, in the Name of the whole Assemblie of the Church.
TO the first, Desiring the Mass to be suppressed and abolished, as well in the Head, as in the Members, with punishment against the Contraveners; As also, the Religion professed to be established by Act of Parliament, it was answered, first for her Majesty's part, That her Highness is no way yet persuaded in the said Religion, nor yet that any impiety is in the Mass; and therefore believeth, That her loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion against her conscience, which should be unto her a continual trouble by remorse of conscience, and therewith a perpetual unquietness. And to deal plainly with her Subjects, her Majesty neither will, nor may leave the Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up; and believeth the same to be well grounded; Knowing, besides the grudge of conscience that she should receive, upon the change of her own Religion, That she should lose the friendship of the King of France, the married Allia of this Realm, and of other great Princes her Friends and Confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities; And having no assured consideration that may countervail the same, she will be loath to put in hazard all her friends at an instant, praying all her loving subjects, seeing they have had experience of her goodness, that she hath neither in times past, nor yet intends hereafter, to press the conscience of any, but that they may worship God in such sort, as they are persuaded in their conscience to be best, That they will also not press her conscience. As to the establishing of Religion in the Body of the Realm, they themselves know, as appears by their Articles, That the same cannot be done only by consent of her Majesty, but requires necessarily the consent of the States in Parliament, and therefore so soon as the Parliament holds, those things which the States agree upon amongst themselves, her Majesty shall consent unto the same; and in the mean time shall make sure, That no man be troubled for • sing Religion according to conscience; So that no man shall have cause to doubt, That for Religions sake men's Lives and Heritage shall be in any hazard.
To the second Article, it is answered, That her Majesty thinks it no ways reasonable, that she should defraud herself of so great a part of the Patrimony of the Crown, as to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her own hands; for her own necessity, in bearing of her Port and common Charges, will require the retention thereof, and that in a good part, in her own hands: Nevertheless her Majesty is well pleased, That consideration being had of her own necessity; And what may be sufficient for the reasonable sustentation of the Ministers, a special Assignation be made to them in places most commodious and meet: With which her Majesty shall not meddle, but suffer the same to come to them.
To the third Article it is answered, That her Majesty shall do therein as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament.
To the fourth Article, Her Majesty's liberality towards the poor shall always be so far extended, as can be reasonably required at her hands.
To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the taking order therein, unto the States assembled in Parliament.
As the Queens Majesty came from Saint Johnston, over Forth to the Callender, she was conveyed to the Water side of Forth with two hundred Spears: For at that time it was bruted, That there was some lying in wait at the Path of Dron. In the mean time the Earl of Murray was in Locklevin, and the Earl of Argyle with him. Now in the Callender the Lord Levingston had desired the Queens Majesty to be Witness to the Christening of a child; For his Lady was lately delivered and brought to Bed: And when the Minister made the Sermon and Exhortation concerning Baptism, the Queens Majesty came in the end, and said to the Lord Levingston, That she would show him that favor that she had not done to any other before; that is, That she would give her presence to the Protestant Sermon, which was reckoned a great matter.
The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and Letters by false Brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonards Craigs, and there made a Conspiration against her; And had chosen for the same purpose, certain Captains to govern the rest; And without any Trial, or perfect notice taken in the Case, she sent to the Provost and Bailiffs of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Slater, and put them in prison in the Castle.
This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very strange: And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she sent the next day a Charge to the Provost and Bailiffs, and to her own great Treasurer, to pass to the houses of the said four men, and likewise to their Booths or Shops, and there to take Inventory of all their Goods and Chattels; And commanded the said Treasurer to take the Keys of the said Houses and Booths, together with the said Inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said Alexander Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of the greatest in estimation within the Town; his wife and children were shut out of their house, and compelled to seek some other lodging in the Town.
By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and judgment were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong Information, men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any trial taken therein. Immediatly thereafter as she came to Edinburgh, she called to counsel such as pleased her Majesty, and there complains of the said matter, alleging it to be a Conspiracy and manifest Treason. And another matter likewise was complained upon, That the Earl of Argile (as the Queen was surely informed) was riding with a great Army to invade the Earl of Athole and his Lands. For the first matter it was concluded by the Council, That diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that purpose appointed the Queens Advocates M. John Spence of Condie, and M. Robert Crichton to examine such as they would; and when the said Advocates had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing found worthy of death nor Treason; at length the said four persons were summoned to answer at Law.
For the matter, That the Queens Majesty should send to the Earls of Argyle and Athole some of her Council or familiar servants to take order touching it. And when the Secretary, the Justice Clarke and Lord of Saint Colme had past to the said Earl of Argyle, they found no such thing; but in Athole there was great fear come of a sudden fray; for after many Proclamations, the Fire-Cross (which they made use of in lieu of Beacons ) was raised in Athole.
Now as the day of the Parliament approached, the Lord's pretending to consult before, what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the Duke, the Earls of Argyle and Murray, Rothes, and other Lord's and Barons, and as they were devising and consulting, the Queens Majesty taking their meeting in evil part, sent her Advocates Master John Spence and Master Crichton to them at Sterlin, requiring the cause of their meeting; they answered, That the special occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof, according as they had lately written to the Queens Majesty in S • aton from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day.
Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means persuade them to come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh and declared to the Queens Majesty according as they had found.
In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queens Majesty's command to the first of September next after following; for it was thought, That the least part and principal of the chief Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be holden: at the same time the Queens Majesty perceiving that the matter was already come to a maturity and ripeness, so that the minds and secrecy of men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of Lord's, Barons, Gentlmen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus Lowthian, Mers Tevimdale, Perth, Lithgow Clidsdall, and others to resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following.
The Queens Letter.
TRusty friend, We greet you well; we are grieved indeed by the evil brute spread amongst our Lieges, as that we should have molested any man in the using of his Religion and Conscience freely, a thing which never entered into our mind; yet since we perceive the too easy believing such reports hath made them careless, and so we think it becomes us to be careful for the safety and preservation of our state; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, That with all possible hast (after the receipt of this our Letter) you with your kindred, friends and whole Force, well furnished with Arms for War, be provided for, fifteen days after your coming, address you to come to us, to wait and attend upon us, according to our expectation and trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear to the maintenance of our Authority, and will do us therein acceptable service.
Subscribed with Our Hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day of July, 1565.
THere was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen minded not the trouble, nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations made in the Shires above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all Freeholders and other Gentlemen should resort (in the aforesaid manner) to Edinbronth, where the Earl of Ross was made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23 day of July. The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray in open audience of all the Lord's and Barons; and the same day the Bans of the Earl of Ross, and Duke of Rothesay, and the Queens Marriage were proclaimed. About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In the mean time there were divers Messages sent from the Queens Majesty to the Lord of Murray, first, Master Robert Crichton to persuade him by all means possible to come and resort to the Queens Majesty: his answer was, That he would be glad to come to herself, according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as were most privy in her company, were his capital enemies, who also had conspired his death, he could no ways come so long as they were in Court.
Soon after my Lord Erskin and the Master Maxwell past to him to S. Andrew's, rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her Highness; after them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar, but all this did not prevail with him; and when all hope of his coming was past, an Herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queens Majesty, and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge within eight and forty hours next after the Charge, under pain of Rebellion; and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and forty hours, he was denounced Rebell, and put to the Horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle, for the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had mete to others, meaning the said Argyle.
In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled, and enflamed, all means and ways were sought, to stir up enemies against the chief Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin ; for the Earl of Athole was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle: the Lord Lindsay against the Earl Rothesse in Fife, they being both Protestants; for they had contended now a long time for the Heir-ship of Fife: And that no such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon, who now had remained near three years in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little travel of his friends, received by the Queen; and being thus received into favor, was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon, and soon after to the Earldom of Huntley, and to all his Lands, Honors and Dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earl of Murray.
The 18 of July, late in the evening, near an hour after the Suns going down, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of Edinburgh, containing in effect:
The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were married in the Chapel Royal of Halyrud-house, by the Dean of Lestarrig ; the Queen being all clothed in Mourning: But immediately, as the Queen went to Mass, the King went not with her, but to his Pastime. During the space of three or four days, there was nothing but Balling and Dancing, and Banqueting.
In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor Pitcur, with some Gentlemen of Fife, were put to the Horne, for none appearance; And immediately the Swash, Tabron, and Drums, were stricken or beaten, for men of War to serve the King and Queens Majesty, and to take their Pay. This sudden alteration, and hasty creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.
Now amongst the people there were divers brutes; for some alleged, That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for hatred, envy of sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes: But they that considered the progress of the matter, according as is heretofore declared, thought the principal cause to be only for Religion.
In this mean time, the Lord's past to Argyle, taking apparently little care of the trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into England M. Nicolas Elphinston for support, who brought some Moneys in this Country, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin. There came one forth of England to the Queen, who got Presence the seventh of August in Halyrud-house. He was not well, &c.
About the fifteenth of August, the Lord's met at Air, to wit, the Duke Hamilton, the Earls Argile, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord Boyd, and Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fife and Kyle, where they concluded to be in readiness with their whole Forces the four and twentieth day of August. But the King and Queen with great cerity prevented them, for their Majesty's sent thorough Lowthian, Fife, Angus, Stratherne, Tividaile and Chiddisdaile and other Shires, making their Proclamations in this manner, That forasmuch as certain Rebels, who (under color of Religion) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the Common-wealth, were to convene with such, as they might persuade to assist them; therefore they charged all manner of men under pain of Life, Lands, and Goods, to resort and meet their Majesty's at Linlithgow the 24 day of August.
This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third pay of the said month. Upon Sunday the nineteenth of August, the King came to the high Church of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon; his Text was taken out of the six and twentieth Chapter of Esayas his Prophesy, about the thirteenth Verse, where in the words of the Prophet, he said, O Lord our God, other Lord's then thou have ruled over us. Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of wicked Princes, who for the sins of the people are sent as Tyrants and scourges to plague them: And amongst other things he said, That God sets in that room (for the offenses and ingratitude of the people) Boys and women. And so other words which appeared bitter in the Kings ears, as, That God justly punished Ahab and his Posterity, because he would not take order with that Harlot Jezebel. And because he had tarried an hour and more, longer then the time appointed, the King (sitting in a Throne made for that purpose) was so moved at this Sermon, that he would not Dine; and being troubled, with great fury he past in the afternoon to the Hawking.
Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Council, where in the Secretaries Chamber were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice Clarke, with the Advocate. There passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent men of the Town. When he was called, the Secretary declared, That the Kings Majesty was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon, (especially such as are above rehearsed) desiring him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig supply the place.
He answered, That he had spoken nothing but according to his Text, and if the Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he would obey so far as the Word of God would permit him.
Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Council of Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Dowglas, and to receive the Laird Craigmiller for their Provost, which was presently obeyed.
The five and twentieth of August the King and Queens Majesty's past from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from Sterlin to Glasgow. At their first arrival, their whole people were not come. The next day after their arrival to Glasgow, the Lord's came to Paisley, where they remained that night, being in company about one thousand horses. On the morrow they came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily might behold them. The night following, which was the penult of August, they remained in Hamilton with their Company; but for divers respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry; especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come; for his Diet was not afore the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton. Finally, they took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did the next day. And albeit Alexander Areskin, Captain under the Lord his brother, caused to shoot forth of the Castle two Shot of Cannon, they being near the Town; And likewise that the Laird Craigmiller Provost, did his endeavor to hold the Lord's forth of the Town, in causing the common Bells to be rung, for the convening of the Town, to the effect aforesaid, yet they entered easily at the West Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as they esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred Horses. Immediately they dispatched Messengers Southward and Northward to assist them; but all in vain: And immediately after they were in their Lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the Drum, desiring all such men as would receive Wages for the defense of the Glory of God, That they should resort the day following to the Church, where they should receive good Pay: But they profited little that way; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted unto them; yet they got more rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh, then they had done in five or six nights before.
The Noble-men of this Company were, The Duke, The Earls Murray, Glencarne, and Rothesse ; The Lord's Boyd and Uchiltrie ; The Lairds of Grange, Cunningham-head, Balcomie, and Lavers ; The T • tor of Pitcur ; The Lairds of Barr, Carmell, and Dreghorn ; And the Laird of Pittarow Comptroller, went with them: Some said merrily, That they were come to keep the Parliament, for the Parliament was continued till the first day of September: Upon the which day they wrote to the King and Queens Majesty's a Letter, containing in effect, That albeit they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded not of the King and Queens Majesty's own Nature, but only by evil Counsel, yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer according to the Laws of the Realm, providing that the true Religion of God might be established, and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed: Beseeching their Majesty's most humbly to grant these things: But otherwise, if their enemies would seek their blood, they should understand, It should be dear bought. They had written twice, almost to the same effect, to the King and Queens Majesty's, after their passing from Edinburgh ; for the Laird of Preston presented a Letter to the King and Queens Majesty, and was therefore imprisoned, but soon after released; nevertheless they got no answer. The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queens Majesty's issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes: And passing towards Hamilton, the Army met their Majesty's near the Bridge of Cadder: As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his knees, and made a long Oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earl Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in Battle array: The Earl of Lenox took the Van-guard, the Earl of Mortoun the middle Battle, and the King and Queen the Reere: The whole number were about five thousand men, whereof the greatest part were in the Van-guard.
As the King and Queens Majesty's were within three miles of Hamilton, they were advertised that the Lord's were departed in the morning; but where they pretended to be that night, it was uncertain: Always soon after their return to Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly advertised, That they were past to Edinburgh ; and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole Army to pass with them to Edinburgh the next day; who early in the morning, long before the Sun was risen, began to march: But there arose such a vehement Tempest of wind and rain from the West, as the like had not been seen before in a long time; so that a little brook, turned incontinent into a great River; and the raging storm being in their face, with great difficulty went they forward: And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the Queens courage increased man-like so much, that she was ever with the foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of Carren ; and amongst others, the Kings Master, a notable Papist, who for the zeal he bare to the Mass, carried about his neck a round god of bread, well closed in a Case, which always could not serve him.
Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queens Majesty, sent by Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lord's were in the Town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons, and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded incontinent that he should return again to the said Alexander, and command him, in her name, That he should shoot so long as he had either Powder or Bullet, and not spare for anybody.
At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where they remained that night, and about eight hours at night, the first of September, the Post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queens Command to Alexander Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or seven shot of Cannon, whereof the marks appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queens Command.
The Lord's perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor Soldiers for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could; and being advertised of the Queens returning with her whole Company, they took purpose to depart: And so the next day betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole Company, and came to Lanrik, and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master of Maxwell came to them, with his Uncle the La • rd of Dumlanrick. And after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queens Majesty, That being required by the Lord's as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come to them; and after that he had given them counsel to disperse their Army, they thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them, where they would consult and make their Officers, and send to their Majesty's: And thus beseeching their Majesty's to take this in good part. The Town of Edinburgh sent two of the Council of the Town to make their excuse.
The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to Edinburgh, and caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to return to Glasgow, where having remained three or four days: And understanding that the Lord's were past to Dumfreis, they returned to Sterlin, and from thence to Fife ; And in their passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without impediment to the Lord of Sanwhar.
Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from Edinburgh two Ensigns of Foot-men, to convey them into Fife. In the mean time the Burroughs were taxed in great Sums unaccustomed, for the payment of these Soldiers: Farther, there was raised divers Troops of Horse-men, to the number of five or six hundred Horse. The Soldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lord's wages; which two men being accused and convinced of, at the Queens Command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lord's departing.
At this time, M. James Balfour, Parson of Flesk, had gotten all the guiding in the Court. The third day after the Queens coming to Fife, the whole Barons and Lairds of Fife, convoyed her Majesty, till she came to S. Andrew's, where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, That they obliged themselves to defend the King and Queens Persons, against Englishmen and Rebells: And in case they should come to Fife, they should resist them to their utmost power; Which Charge every man obeyed.
The second night after the Queens coming to S. Andrew's, she sent a Band or Troop of Horse-men, and another of Foot, to Lundie, and at midnight took out the Laird, being a man of 80 years old: Then they past to Fawside, and took likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him to Saint Andrew's, where they, with the Laird of Bavard, and some others, were commanded to prison. This manner of handling and usage being o • kend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a great terror to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come.
In the mean time the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the houses of divers Gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen pleased, after that their children and servants had been cast out.
At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencarne and Argyle, the Lord's Boyd and Uchiltrie, with the Lord of Cunningham-head, and the rest, were charged to come and present themselves in S. Andrew's, before the King and Queens Majesty's, to answer to such things as should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the pain of Rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not appearing, were denounced Rebells, and put to the Horne.
As the Queen remained in Saint Andrew's, the inhabitants of Dundie, being sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen, in seeking men of War, and suffered some to be raised in their Town for the Lord's; for there was nothing done in Dundie, but it was revealed to the Queen; especially that the Minister had received a Letter from the Lord's, and delivered the same to the Brethren, persuading them to assist the Lord's; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it. After great travel and supplication made by some Noble-men, at length, the King and Queen being in the Town, they agreed for two thousand marks, five or six of the principal left out, with some others, that were put to their shift. After the King and Queen had remained two nights in the Town of Dundie, they came to S. Andrew's ; and soon after, they came over Forth, and so to Edinburgh. During this time, the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King and Queen, making offers for and in the name of the Lord's.
The next day after the King and Queens coming to Edinburgh, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross: And because the same is very notable, I thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be somewhat long.
HEnry and Mary, By the Grace of God, King and Queen of Scots ;
To all and sundry Our Lieges and Subjects whom it may concern, and to whose knowledge these Letters shall come, Greeting.
Forasmuch as in this Uprore lately raised up against us, by certain Rebels; and their assistants, the authors thereof (to blind the eyes of the simple people) have given them to understand, That the quarrel they have in hand is only Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly designs, and so, under that plausible argument, to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons, easy to be seduced. Now for the preservation of our good Subjects, whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their hearts, albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough before: