History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland
Few days before our first departure, which was upon Alhallow Even, William Maitland of Lethington younger, Secretary to the Queen, perceiving himself not only to be suspected as one that favored our part, but also to stand in danger of his life, if he should remain amongst so ungodly a company; for whensoever matters came in question, he spared not to speak his conscience: which liberty of tongue, and gravity of judgment, the French did highly disdain. Which perceived by him, he conveyed himself away in the morning, and tendered himself to M. Kirkcaldie Laird of Grange ; who coming to us, did exhort us to constancy, assuring us, That in the Queen there was nothing but craft and deceit. He travelled exceedingly to have retained the Lord's together, and most prudently laid before their eyes the dangers that might ensue their departing from the Town: but fear and dolour had so seized the hearts of all, that they could admit no consolation. The Earl of Arran, and the Lord James offered to abide, if any reasonable company would abide with them; but men did so steal away, that the wit of man could not stay them: yea, some of the greatest determined plainly, That they would not abide. The Captain of the Castle, then Lord Erskin, would promise unto us no favor, but said, He must needs declare himself friend to those that were able to support and defend him. Which answer given to the Lord James, discouraged those that before determined to have abidden the uttermost, rather then to have abandoned the Town, so that the Castle would have stood their friend: but the contrary declared, every man took purpose for himself. The complaints of the brethren within the Town of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore: the wicked then began to spew forth the venom which then lurked in their cankered hearts: The godly, as well those that were departed, as the inhabitants of the Town, were so troubled, that some of them would have preferred death to life at God's pleasure. For avoiding of danger, it was concluded, That they should depart at midnight. The Duke made provision for his Ordnance, and caused it to be sent before, but the rest was left to the care of the Captain of the Castle, who received it, as well that which appertained to the Lord James, as that of Dundie. The despiteful tongues of the wicked railed upon us, calling us Traitors and Heretics; everyone provoked other to cast stones at us: One cried, Alas if I might see another defy given; Give advertisement to the French-men, that they may come, and we shall help them now to cut the throats of these heretics. And thus, as the sword of dolour passed thorough our hearts, so were the cogitations and former determinations of many hearts then revealed: For we would never have believed that our natural Country-men and women could have wished our destruction so unmercifully, and have so rejoiced in our adversity (God move their hearts to repentance) for else we fear that he whose Cause we sustain, shall let them feel the weight of the yoke of cruel strangers, into whose hands they wished us to have been betrayed. We stayed not, till we came to Sterlin, which we did the day after that we departed from Edinburgh ; for it was concluded, that there consultation should be taken, What was the next remedy in so desperate a matter. The next Wednesday, which was the 7 of November, John Knox preached ( John Willock was gone into England, as before he appointed) and treated of the 5, 6, 7, and 8 Verses of the 80 Psalm, where David, in the person of the afflicted people of God, speaketh this in the fourth Verse:
The Sermon of John Knox in Sterlin, in the greatest of our trouble.
O thou the eternal, the God of Hosts, how long shalt thou be against the prayer of thy people?
5: Thou hast fed us with the bread of tears, and hast given to us tears to drink in great measure.
6. Thou hast made us a strife unto our neighbors, and our enemies laughed us to scorn amongst themselves.
7. O God of Hosts, turn us again, make thy face to shine, and we shall be saved, &c.
This Psalm had the said John begun in Edinburgh, as it were foreseeing our calamity, of which in very deed he did not obscurely speak, but he plainly did admonish us, That he was assured of troubles suddenly to come, and therefore he exhorted all men to prayers. He treated the first three Verses in Edinburgh, to the comfort of many.
The Argument of the 80 Psalm.
He declared the Argument of the Psalm, affirming for his judgment, That it was made by David himself, who in the Spirit of Prophesy foresaw the miserable estate of God's people, especially after the ten Tribes were divided, and departed from the obedience of Judah ; for it was not (said he) without cause, that Joseph, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasseh was especially named, and not Judah ; to wit, Because that they came first to calamity, and were translated from their own Inheritance, while that Judah yet possessed the Kingdom. He confessed that justly they were punished for Idolatry committed; but he affirmed, That amongst them there remained some true worshippers of God, for whose comfort were the Prophets sent, as well to call them to repentance, as to assure them of deliverance, and of the promises of God to be performed unto them.
The Division.
He divided the Psalm into three parts; to wit,
- 1. In a Prayer.
- 2. In the ground whereupon their Prayer was founded.
- 3. And in the lamentable complaints, and the Vow they made unto God.
Their Prayer was, That God should convert and turn them, That he should make his face to shine upon them, And that he should restore them to their former dignity.
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The Grounds and Foundations of their Prayers were,
- 1. That God himself had become Pastor and Governor unto them.
- 2. That he had taken the protection of them into his own hand.
- 3. That he had chosen his habitation amongst them.
- 4. That he had delivered them from Bondage and Thraldome.
- 5. That he had multiplied and blessed them with many notable Benedictions.
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Upon those two parts he gave these Notes.
- First, That the felicity of God's people may not be measured by any external appearance; for often it is, That the same people to whom God becometh not only Creator, but Pastor and Protector, is more severely dealt with, then those Nations where very ignorance and contempt of God reigneth.
- Secondly, That God never made his acquaintance and league with one people by his Word, but that there he had some of his elect, who albeit they suffered for a time in the midst of the wicked, yet in the end they found comfort, and felt in very experience, that God's promises are not vain.
- Thirdly, That those prayers were dyted unto the people by the holy Ghost, before they came to the uttermost of trouble, to assure them that God, by whose Spirit the Prayer was dyted, would not contemn the same in the midst of their calamities.
The third part, containing the lamenable complaint, he treated on in Sterlin, in presence of the Duke, and of the whole Council.
In the exposition thereof, he declared wherefor God in wisdom sometimes suffered his chosen Flock to be exposed to mockage and dangers, and to appearing destruction; to wit, That they may feel the vehemency of God's indignation, That they may know how little strength is in themselves, That they may leave a testimony to the Generations following, as well of the malice of the Devil against God's people, as of the marvelous work of God in preserving his little flock by far other means than man can espy.
In explaining these words, How long shalt thou be angry, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people ; he declared how dolorous and fearful it was to fight against that temptation, that God turned away his face from our prayers, for that was nothing else than to comprehend and conceive God to be armed to our destruction: which temptation no flesh can abide nor overcome, unless the mighty Spirit of God interpose himself suddenly.
The example he gave, The impaciency of Saul, when God would not hear his prayers.
The difference betwixt the Elect and Reprobate in that Temptation, he plainly declared to be, that the Elect sustained by the secret power of God's Spirit, did still call upon God, albeit he appeared to contemn their prayers: which (said he) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a manner even to fight with God, and to overcome him, as Jacob did in wrestling with his Angel.
But the Reprobate (said he) being denied of their requests at God's hand, do either cease to pray and contemn God, who straightlie commandeth us to call upon him in the day of adversity, or else they seek at the Devil, that which they see they cannot obtain by God.
2. In the second part he declared how hard it was to this corrupt nature of ours not to rejoice and put confidence in ourselves when God giveth victory, and therefore how necessary it was that man by affliction should be brought to the knowledge of his own infirmity▪ least that he being puffed up with vain confidence, he make an Idol of his own strength, as did King Nebuchadnezzar.
He did gravely dispute upon the nature of the blind world, which in all ages had insolently rejoiced when God did chasten his own children, whose glory and honor because the Reprobate can never see, therefore they despi • e them, and the wondrous works of God in them. And yet (said he) the joy and rejoicing of the world, is but mere sorrow, because the end of it tendeth to sudden destructon, as the riotous banqueting of Baltasar declareth, applying these heads to the time and persons (he said) if none of God's children had suffered before us the same injuries that presently we sustain, these our troubles would appear intolerable, such is our tender delicacy, and self-love of our own flesh. That these things which we lightly pass over in others, we can greatly complain of, if they touch ourselves.
I doubt not but that some of us have ofter then once read this Psalm, as also that we have read and heard the travel and troubles of our ancient Fathers. But which of us, either in reading or hearing their dolours and temptations did so descend into ourselves that we felt the bitterness of their passions? I think none. And therefore hath God brought us to some experience in our own persons.
But yet because the matter may appear obscure, unless it be more properly applied; I cannot in conscience but use such plainness as God shall grant unto me. Our faces are this day confounded, our enemies triumph, our hearts have quaked for fear, and yet they remain oppressed with sorrow and shame. But what shall we think to be the very cause that God hath thus dejected us; if I shall say, Our sins, and former unthankfulness unto God, I speak the truth, but yet I speak more generally then the present necessity requireth: For when the sins of men are rebuked in general, seldom it is that man descendeth within himself, accusing and condemning in himself that which most displeaseth God; but rather he doubteth that to be a cause, which before God is no cause indeed. For example, The Israelites fighting against the Tribe of Benjamin, were twice discomfited with the loss of 40000 men. They lamented and bewailed both first and last; but we find not that they came to the knowledge of their offense and sin which was the cause that they fell by the edge of the sword, but rather they doubted that to have been a cause of their misfortune, which God had commanded, for they asked, Shall we go and fight anymore against our brethren the sons of Benjamin. By which question it is evident, That they supposed that the cause of their overthrow and discomfite was, Because they had lifted the sword against their brethren and natural Country-men: And yet the express Commandment of God that was given unto them, did deliver them from all crime in that cause. There is no doubt, but that there was some cause in the Israelites that God gave them so over into the hands of these wicked men, against whom he sent them, by his own express Commandment, to execute his Judgments. Such as do well mark the History, and the estate of that people, may easily see the cause why God was offended: All the whole people had declined from God, Idolatry was maintained by the common consent of the multitude, and, as the Text saith, Every man did that which appeared good in his own eyes. In this mean time the Levite complained of the villainy that was done unto himself, and unto his wife, which oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah, died under their filthy lusts: which horrible fact enflamed the hearts of the whole people to take vengeance upon that abomination (and therein they offended) but in this they failed, That they go to execute judgment against the wicked without any repentance, or remorse of conscience of their own former offenses, and defection from God. And farther, Because they were a great multitude, and the other were far inferior unto them: They trusted in their own strength, and thought themselves able enough to do their purpose, without any invocation of the Name of God: But after that they had twice proved the vanity of their own strength, they fasted and prayed; and being humbled before God, they received a more favorable answer, and assured promise of the Victory. The like may be amongst us, albeit suddenly we do not espy it: And to the end that every man may the better examine himself, I will divide the whole company into two sorts of men. The one are those that from the beginning of this trouble have sustained the common danger with their brethren: The other be these which be joined to our fellowship. In the one and in the other I fear that just cause shall be found, why God should thus have humbled us. And albeit that this appear strange at the first hearing, yet if every man shall examine himself, I speak as that his conscience dyteth him, I doubt not but he shall subscribe to my sentence. Let us begin at ourselves who longest hath continued in this Battle. When we were a few number in comparison of our enemies, when we had neither Earl nor Lord (a few excepted) to comfort us, we called upon God, and took him for our Protector, Defense, and only Refuge. Amongst us was heard no bragging of multitude, nor of our strength nor policy, we did only sob to God to have respect to the equity of our Cause, and to the cruel pursuit of the tyrannical enemy. But since that our number had been thus multiplied, and chiefly since the Duke with his friends have been joined with us, there was nothing heard, but, This Lord will bring these many hundred Speares; This man hath the credit to persuade this Country; If this Earl be ours, no man in such bounds will trouble us. And thus the best of us all, that before felt God's potent hand to our defense, hath of late days put Flesh to be our Arm. But wherein yet had the Duke and his friends offended? It may be, That as we have trusted in them, so have they put too much confidence in their own strength. But granting it be not so, I see a cause most just, why the Duke and his friends should thus be confounded amongst the rest of their brethren. I have not yet forgotten what was the dolour and anguish of my own heart, when at Saint Johnston, Cooper-Moure, and Edinburgh Craigs, those cruel murderers that now hath put us to this dishonor, threatened our present destruction; The Duke and his friends at all three Journeys was to them a great comfort, and unto us a great discouragement: For his name and authority did more astonish us, then did the force of the other; yea, without his assistance, they could not have compelled us to appoint with the Queen upon so unequal Conditions. I am certain, if the Duke hath unfeignedly repented of that his assistance to those murderers unjustly pursuing us: yea, I am certain, if he hath repented of the innocent blood of Christ's blessed Martyrs which was shed by his fault: But let it be, that so he hath done (as I hear that he hath confessed his offense before the Lord's and Brethren of the Congregation) yet I am assured, That neither he, neither yet his friends, did feel before this time the anguish and grief of hearts which we felt, when their blind fury pursued us; and therefore hath God justly permitted both them and us to fall into this confusion at once; us, for that we put our trust and confidence in man; and them, because that they should feel their own hearts, how bitter was the cup which they made others to drink before them. Resteth that both they and we turn to the Eternal our God (who beateth down to death, to the intent that he may raise up again to leave the remembrance of his wondrous deliverance, to the praise of his own Name) which if we do unfeignedly, I no more doubt but that this our dolour, confusion, and fear, shall be turned into joy, honor, and boldness, then that I doubt that God gave Victory to the Israelites over the Benjamites, after that twice with ignominy they were repulsed and driven back: yea, whatsoever shall become of us and our mortal carcasses, I doubt not but that this Cause (in despite of Satan) shall prevail in this Realm of Scotland. For as it is the eternal Truth of the eternal God, so shall it once prevail, howsoever for the time it be impugned. It may be that God shall plague some for that they delight not in the Truth, albeit for worldly respects they seem to favor it: Yea God may take some of his dearest children away before that their eyes see greater troubles. But neither shall the one nor the other so hinder this action, but in the end it shall triumph.
This Sermon ended, in the which he did vehemently exhort all men to amendment of life, to Prayers, and to the Works of Charity, the minds of men began wonderously to be erected: and immediately after dinner the Lord's passed to counsel, unto the which the said John Knox was called to make invocation of the Name of God (for other Preachers were none with us at that time) in the end it was concluded, That William Maitland aforesaid, should pass to London, to expose our estate and condition to the Queen and Counsel, and that the Noble-men should depart to their home and quiet to the 16 day of December: Which time was appointed to the next Convention in Sterlin, as in this our third Book following shall be more amply declared. With this we end the second Book of the History of the progress of Religion within Scotland.
THE THIRD BOOK OF The Progress of true Religion WITHIN The Realm of SCOTLAND.
A Fter this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh, the fury and rage of the French increased, for then durst neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus within the Town be seen. The houses of the most honest men were given by the Queen to Frenchmen for a part of their reward. The Earl Bothwell by sound of Trumpet Proclaimed the Earl of Arrane Traitour, with other despiteful words, which all was done for the pleasure, and by the suggestion of the Queen Regent, who then thought the battle was won without further resistance. Great practicing she made for obtaining of the Castle of Edinburgh. The French made their fagots with other preparations to assault the said Castle, either by force or else by Treason: But God wrought so mightily with the Captain, the Lord Erskin, at that time, that neither the Queen by flattery, nor the French by treason prevailed. Advertisement with all diligence past to the Duke of Guise, who then was King of France (as concerning power to command) requiring him to make expedition, if he desired the full conquest of Scotland ; Who delayed no time, but with a new Army sent away his brother Marquis Dalbuif, and in his company Marticks, promising that he himself should follow. But the righteous God, who in mercy looketh upon the affliction of those that unfeignedly sob unto him, fought for us by his own out-stretched arm: For upon one night upon the coast of Holland were drowned of them eighteen Ensigns, so that only rested the Ship, in the which were two principals aforesaid, with their Ladies, who violently driven back to Deepe, were compelled to confess, That God fought for the defense of Scotland.
From England returned Robert Melvin, who past in company to London with the Secretary, a little before Christmas, and brought unto us certain Articles to be answered, as by the contract that after was made, more plainly shall appear. Whereupon the Nobility assembled at Sterlin, and returned answer with diligence; Whereof the French advertised, they marched to Linlithquow, spoiled the Dukes house, and wasted his lands of Kinneill, and after came to Sterlin, where they remained certain days (the Duke, the Earls of Argyle and Glencarn, with their friends passed to Glasgow. The Earl of Arrane and Lord James passed to Saint Andrew's. For charge was given to the whole Nobility Protestants, to keep their own bodies, till that God should send them further support.) The French took purpose first to assault Fife, for as it was their great indignation. Their purpose was to have taken and fortified the Town and Abbey, with the Castle of Saint Andrew's, and so they came to Culrosse, after to Dunfermeling, and then to Brunteiland, where they began to fortify: but desisted there from, and marched to Kinghorn, upon the occasion as followeth. When certain knowledge came to the Earl of Arrane and to Lord James, That the French were departed from Sterlin, they departed also from S. Andrew's, and began to assemble their Forces at Cowper, and sent their men of War to Kinghorne, unto whom there resorted divers of the coast side, of mind to resist rather at the beginning, then when they had destroyed a part of their Towns. But the Lord's had given an express commandment, That they should hazard nothing, till that they themselves were present. And for that purpose was sent unto them the Lord Ruthuen, a man of great experience, and inferior to few in stoutness: In his company was the Earl of Sudderland, sent from the Earl of Huntly, as he alleged, to comfort the Lord▪ in their affliction. But others whispered, That his principal Commission was unto the Queen Regent. Howsoever it was, he was hurt in the arm by the shot of an Haquebut, for the men of War and the rascal multitude, perceiving certain Boats of French-men landing, which came from Leith, purposed to stop their landing, and so not considering the enemies that approached from Brunteiland: unadvisedly they rushed down to the Pretticure (so is that Bay by West Kinghorne called) and at the sea coast began the skirmishing. But they never took heed to the enemy that approached by land, till that the horsemen charged them upon the back, and the whole bands came directly in their faces, and so were they compelled to give back with the loss of six or seven of their men, and with the taking of some, amongst whom were two that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paul Lambert, a Dutch man, and a French boy, fervent in Religion, and clean of life, whom in despite they hanged over the Steeple of Kinghorne. Thou shalt revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed time. The cause that in so great a danger there was so small a loss, next unto the merciful providence of God, was the sudden coming of my Lord Ruthuen ; for even as our men had given back, he and his Company came to the head of the Bray, and did not only stay the French-men, but also some of ours brake upon their Horse-men, and so repulsed them, that they did no further hurt to our Foot-men. In that recounter was the Earl of Sudderland foresaid shot in the arm, and was carried back to Cowper. The French-men took Kinghorne, where they lay and wasted the Country about, as well Papists as Protestants; yea, even those that were confederate with them, such as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto, Balwearie, and others, enemies to God, and traitors to their Country; of those (we say) they spared not the Sheep, the Oxen, the Kine, and Horses, and some say that their wives and daughters gat favor of the French Soldiers, and so did recompense the Papists in their own bosoms; for besides the defiling of their houses, as said is, two of them received more damage, then did all the Gentlemen that professed the Gospel within Fife, the Laird of Grange only excepted, whose house of the Grange the French-men overthrew with Gun-Powder. The Queen Regent proud of this Victory, burst forth into her blasphemous railing, and said, Where is now John Knox his God? my God is now stronger then his, yea even in Fife. She posted to her friends in France news that thousands of the heretics were slain, and the rest were fled, and therefore required that some Noble-man of her friends would come and take the glory of that Victory. Upon that information was Marticks with two Ships, and some Captains and Horses directed to come into Scotland, but little to their own advantage, as we shall after hear.
The Lord's of the Congregation offended at the foolishness of the rascal multitude, called to themselves the men of War, and remained certain days at Cowper, unto whom repaired John Knox, and in our greatest desperation Preached unto us a most comfortable Sermon: his Text was, The danger wherein the Disciples of Christ Jesus stood when they were in the midst of the Sea, and Jesus was upon the mountain. His Exhortation was, That we should not faint, but that we should still row against the contrarious blasts, till that Jesus Christ should come; for, said he, I am assuredly persuaded that God will deliver us from this extreme trouble, as that I am assured, That this is the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which I preach unto you this day. The fourth watch is not yet come, abide a little, the Boat shall be saved, and Peter, which hath left the Boat, shall not drown. I am assured, That albeit I cannot assure you by reason of this present rage, God grant that ye may acknowledge his hand, after that your eyes have seen his deliverance. In that Sermon he comforted many, & yet he offended the Earl of Arran ; for in his discourse upon the manifold assaults the Church of God sustained, he brought for example the multitude of strangers that pursued Jehoshaphat after he had reformed Religion. He spake of the fear of the people, yea, and of the King himself at the first. But after he affirmed, that Jehoshaphat was stout; and to declare his courage in his God, he comforted his people and his Soldiers; he came forth in the midst of them, he spake lovingly unto them. He kept not himself (said he) enclosed in his chamber, but frequented the multitude, and rejoiced them with his presence, and godly comfort. These and the like sentences took the said Earl to be spoken in reproach of him, because he kept himself more close and solitary then many men would have wished. After these things, determination was taken, That the Earl of Arrane, and Lord James, with men of War, and some Companies of Horse-men, should go to Disert, and there lie to wait upon the French, to stop them from destroying the Sea-coast, as they intended utterly to have done. The said Earl, and Lord James did as they were appointed, albeit their Company was very small; and yet they did so valiantly, that it passed almost credit; for twenty and one days they lay in their clothes, their Boots came never off: They had skirmishing almost every day, yea, some days from morning to night. The French were four thousand Soldiers, besides their favorers and faction of the Country. The Lord's were never together five hundred Horse-men, with an hundred Soldiers, and yet they held the French so busy, that for every horse was slain to the Congregation, they lost four French Soldiers. William Kirkcaldie of Grainge, the day after that his house was cast down, sent his defiance to Monsieur Dosell, and unto the rest, declaring that to this hour he had used the French favourably, yea he had saved their lives, when that he might have suffered their throats to have been cut; but seeing they had used him with that rigor, let them not look for the like favors in time to come. And unto Monsieur Dosell he said, He knew that he should not get him in skirmishing, because he knew he was a very coward: but it might that he should quite him a common either in Scotland, or else in France. The said William Kirkcaldie, and the Master of Lindsay, escaped many dangers. The Master had his horse slain under him; and William was almost betrayed in his house at Halyards. But yet they never ceased, for night and day they waited upon the French: They laid themselves in a secret place with some Gentlemen before the day to wait upon the French, who used commonly to issue in Companies to seel • their prey: And so came forth one Captain Batu with his hundred, and began to spoil; whom the Master, after Lord Lindsay, and William suffered, without declaration of themselves, or of their Company, till that they had them more then a mile from Kinghorne, and then began the horse-men to break; which perceived, the French altogether drew to a place called Glames house, and made for debate; some took the house, other defended the Court and Yards: The hazard appeared very unlikely, for our men had nothing but Spears, and were compelled to light upon their feet: The other were within ditches, and every man had a Culverin; the shot was fearful to many, and divers were hurt, amongst whom was Robert Hamilton, and David Kirkcaldie, brother to the said Laird, who both were supposed to have been slain: the said Laird perceiving men to faint, and begin to recule, said, Fie, let us never live after this day, that we shall recule for French scybalds and rascals. And so the Master of Lindsay and he burst in at the gate, and others followed. The Master struck with his Spear at la Bartu, and glasing upon his harness, for fear stumbled upon his knees; but recovering suddenly, he fastened his Spear, and bare the said Captain backward, who because he would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his Company with him. Those that were in the house, with some others, were saved, and sent to Dundie to be kept. This mischance to the French-men, made them to be more circumspect in straying and wandering abroad into the Country, and so the poor people gat some relief. To furnish the French with Victualls, was appointed Capt. Culan, with two ships, who travelled betwixt the South shore and Kinghorne for that purpose: For his wages he spoiled Kinghorne, Kirkcaldie, and so much of Disert as he might. For remedy whereof, were appointed two Ships from Dundie, Andrew Sands, a very stout and fervent man in the Cause of Religion, was the principal. This same time arrived Martickes, who without delay landed himself, the Coffers, and the principal Gentlemen that were with him, at Leith, leaving the rest in the Ships till better opportunity: But the said Andrew and his company striking Sayl, and making as they would cast Ankor hard beside them, boarded them both, and carried them to Dundie : in them were gotten some horses, and much harness, with some other trifles, but of money we heard naught. Hereat the French offended, avowed the destruction of Saint Andrew's and Dundie, and so upon a Monday in the morning, the thirteenth of January, they marched from Disert, and passed the water of Levin, ever keeping the Coast, by reason of their Ships and Victualls, as said is: about noon they espied Ships (which were seen that morning by us that were upon the land, but were not known) Monsieur Dosell affirmed them to be French Ships, and so the Soldiers triumphed, shot their Volley for a salve, and marched forward to Kingcraig, fearing no resistance. But shortly after, the English Ships met with Captain Culen, and seized upon him and his Ships, which made them a little to muse. Then suddenly came M. Alexander Woode, who had been upon the Admiral, and assured Monsieur Dosell that they were English men, and that they were the forwarners of a greater number that followed, who were sent for support of the Congregation. There might have been seen pulling of beards for anger, and might have been heard such despite as cruel men use to spew forth when God bridleth their fury. Wearinesse and the night constrained them to lodge there: They supped scarcely, because their Ships were taken, in the which were their victuals and Ordnance, which they intended to have placed in Saint Andrew's. They themselves durst not stray abroad to seek, and the Laird of Wemes carriages, which likewise was coming with furnishing unto them, were stayed. And therefore betimes in the morning they retired towards Kinghorne, and made more expedition in one day in returning, then they did in two in marching forward. The storm which had continued near the space of a month, brake in the time of their returning, whereby many thought that they should have been stayed, till that reasonable company might have been assembled to have foughten with them. And for that purpose did William Kirkcaldie cut the Bridge of Tullibody : But the French, expert enough in such feats, took down the Roof of a Parish Church, and made a Bridge over the same water called Donane, and so they escaped, and went to Sterlin, and thereafter to Leith ; yet in their return they lost divers, amongst whom there was one whose miserable end we may rehearse. As the French spoiled the Country in their returning, one Captain or Soldier, we cannot tell, but he had a red Cloke, and a gilt Murriow, entered upon a poor woman that dwelt in the white side, and began to spoil. The poor woman offered unto him such bread as she had ready prepared, But he in no wise therewith content, would have the Meale, and a little salt Beef which the poor woman had to sustain her own life, and the lives of her poor children; neither could tears, nor pitiful words, mitigate the merciless man, but he would have whatsoever he might carry. The poor woman perceiving him so bent, and that he stooped down in her Tub, for the taking forth of such stuff as was within it, first coped and turned up his heels, so that his head went down. And thereafter, whether by herself, or if any other company come to help her, but there he ended his unhappy life, God so punishing his cruel heart, who could not spare a miserable woman in that extremity. Let all such Soldiers receive such reward, O Lord, seeing that thou only art the revenger of the oppressed.
And now, because that from this time forward frequent mention will be made of the comfortable support that we in our greatest extremity received by God's providence from our neighbors of England, we think it expedient simply to declare by what instruments that matter was first moved, and by what means it came to pass that the Queen and Council of England, shown themselves so favorable unto us.
As John Knox had fore-warned us by his Letters from Geneva, of all dangers that he foresaw to ensue our enterprise; so when he came to Deipe, mindful of the same; and resolving with himself, what remedy God would please to offer, he took boldness to write to Sir William Cecil, Secretary of State in England, with whom the said John had been before familiarly acquainted, intending thereby to renew acquaintance, and so to open further of his mind. The tenor of his first Letter follows:
The spirit of Judgment, Wisdom, and Sanctification, I wish unto you, by Jesus Christ.
AS I have no pleasure with long writing to trouble you (Right Honorable) whose mind I know to be taken up with most grave matters, so I mind not greatly to labor by long Preface, to conciliate your favors, which I suppose I have already (howsoever rumors brute the contrary) as the favor it becometh one member of Christ's Body to have of another: The contents therefore of my present Letter shall be absolved in 2 points: In the former, I purpose to discharge in few words my conscience towards you: And in the other, sum what must I speak, for my own defense, and in defense of that poor Flock of late assembled in the most godly reformed Church and City of the world, Geneva: To you, Sir, I say, that as from God you have received, life, wisdom, honors, and the present estate in the which you now stand, so ought you wholly to apply the same to the advancement of his glory, who only is the author of life, the fountain of wisdom, and who most assuredly doth and will honor & glorify them that with simple hearts do glorify him; which alas in times past you have not done, but being overcome with common iniquity, you have followed the world, in the way of perdition: for to the suppressing of Christ's true Evangel, to the erecting of Idolatry, and to the shedding of the blood of God's most dear Children; Have you by silence consented and subscribed this your most horrible defection from the known Truth, and once professed, hath God to this day mercifully spared? Yea, to man's judgment he hath utterly forgotten, and pardoned the same: He hath not dealt with you as he hath done with others (of like knowledge) whom in his anger (but yet most justly according to their deserts) he did shortly strike after their desertion: But you, guilty in the same offenses, hath he fostered and preserved, as it were in his own bosom, during the time of that most miserable thralldom, of that professed enemy of God, mischievous Mary: And now hath set you at such liberty, as the fury of God's enemies cannot hurt you, except that willingly against his honor, you take pleasure to conspire with them. As this benefit which you have received is great, so must God's Justice require of you a thankful heart; For seeing that his Mercy hath spared you, being Traitour to his Majesty; Seeing further, That amongst your enemies he hath preserved you; And last, seeing, although worthy of hell, he hath promoted you to honor and dignity; of you must he require (because he is just) earnest repentance for your former defection; and heart mindful of his merciful providence, and a will so ready to advance his glory, That evidently it may appear, that in vain you have not received these graces of God; to performance whereof, of necessity it is, That carnal wisdom and worldly policy (to the which both, you are bruted too much inclined) give place to God's simple and naked Truth: very love compels me to say, That except the Spirit of God purge your heart from that venom, which your eyes have seen to have been destruction to others, that you shall not long escape the reward of dissemblers. Call to mind what your ears heard Proclaimed, in the Chapel of S. James, when this Verse of the first Psalm was handled, Not so, O wicked, not so, but as the dust which the wind tosseth, &c. And consider, that now you travel in the same way which then they did occupy, to speak plainly, now you are in that estate and credit, in the which you shall either comfort the sorrowful and afflicted, for righteousness sake, or else you shall molest or oppugn the Spirit of God speaking in his Messengers; the Comforters of the afflicted for godliness, hath promise of comfort, in their greatest necessities: but the troubles of God's servants (how contemned that ever they appear before the world) are threatened to have their Names in execration to the posterities following. The examples of the one and of the other, are not only evident in Scriptures, but also have been lately manifested in England. And this is the conclusion of that, which to yourself, I say, except that in the cause of Christ's Evangel, you be found simple, sincere, fervent, and unfeigned, you shall taste of the same cup, which politick heads have drank in before you.
The other Point concerning myself, and that poor flock now dispersed, and as I hear say, rudely used, is this; By divers Messengers I have requested such Privileges as Turks commonly do grant to men of every Nation; to wit, That liberty should be granted to me freely to pass through England, to the end that with greater expedition I might repair towards my own Country, which now beginneth to thirst for Christ's Truth. This request I thought so reasonable, that almost I had entered the Realm, without license demanded; and yet I understand that it hath been so rejected, that the soliciters thereof, did hardly escape imprisonment; and some of that poor flock I hear to be so extremely handled, That those who most rudely have shed the blood of God's most dear Children finds this day amongst you greater favors, then they do; Alas, this appeareth much to repugn to Christian Charity: for whatsoever hath been mine offense, this I fear not to affirm in their cause; That if any that hath suffered exile in those most dolorous days of persecution, deserve praise and commendation, for Peace, Concord, sober and quiet living, it is they. And as for me, how criminal that ever I be in God's presence, for the multitude of my sins; yet before his Justice-seat I have a testimony of a clear Conscience, That since my first acquaintance with England, willingly I never offended person within it, except in open Chair, to reprove that which God condemneth, can be judged offense: but I have (say you) written a Treasonable Book against the regiment and Empire of women; If that be my offense, the poor flock is innocent (except such as this day do fastest cry Treason) For Sir (in God's presence I do write) with none in that company did I consult before the finishing of the same. Therefore in Christ's Name I require, That the blame may be upon me alone. The writing of that Book I will not deny, but to prove it Treasonable, I think it shall be hard; for Sir, No more do I doubt of the Truth of my Proposition, then that I doubt that this was the voice of God, which first did pronounce this penalty against women; In dolour shalt thou bear thy children. It is bruited, That my book is, or shall be written against, or answered: If so be Sir, I greatly fear, That flatterers shall more hurt then help the matter which they would seem to maintain; for except my error be plainly shown and confuted, by better authority then by such Laws as from year to year may and do change, I dare not promise silence in so weighty a business; lest that in so doing, I shall appear to betray the Verity which is not subject to the mutability of time. And if any think me either enemy to the person, or yet to the Regiment of her, whom God hath now promoted, they are utterly deceived in me, for the miraculous Work of God, comforting his afflicted by an infirm vessel, I do acknowledge, and I will obey the power of his most potent hand (raising up whom best pleaseth his Mercy, to suppress such as fight against his glory) albeit that both nature, and God's most perfect Ordinance repugn to such Regiment. More plainly to speak, If Queen Elizabeth shall confess, That the extraordinary dispensation of God's great mercy, makes that lawful unto her, which both nature and God's Laws do deny unto all women; then shall none in England be more willing to maintain her lawful authority then I shall be: But if (God's wondrous work set aside) she ground (as God forbid) the justness of her Title upon consuetude Laws and Ordinances of men: Then I am assured, That as such foolish presumption doth highly offend God's supreme Majesty; so do I greatly fear, That her ingratitude shall not long lack punishment. And this in the name of the eternal God, and of his Son Jesus Christ (before whom, both you and I shall stand to make an account of all counsel we give) I require you to signify unto her Majesty, in my name; Adding, That only humility and desertion of her self before God, shall be the firmness and stability of the Throne, which I know shall be assaulted mo ways then one. If this you conceal from her Majesty, I will make it patent to the world, That thus far I have communicated with you; having also further to speak, if my judgment may be heard. Alas, Sir, is my offense (although in that time, and in that matter, I had written ten Books) so heinous, that I cannot have Licence, by Preaching of Christ Jesus, to refresh those thirsty souls, which long have lacked the Water of Life: No man will I presently accuse, but I greatly fear, That the Leprous have no gre • t pleasure to behold fair faces in clear glass: Let none be afraid, that I require to frequent the Court, or yet to remain any long time in England ; but only thirsts, in passing thorough to my native Country, to communicate with you, and some others, such things as willingly I list not to commit to Paper, neither to the Credit and knowledge of many. And then in the North parts to offer God's favors, to such as I suppose do mourn for their desertion. And this, I trust, shall be no less profitable to the Queen, and to all godly within England, then it should be pleasing to me in the flesh.
This is the third time that I have begged Licence to visit the hungry and thirsty amongst you, which if now be denied, as before God, I have a testimony, that I seek not for myself, but the advancement of Christ's Evangel, and the comfort of such, as whom I know afflicted: so shall the godly understand that England in refusing me refuseth a friend, how small that ever the power be. The mighty Spirit of the Lord Jesus move your heart deeply to consider your duty unto God, and the estate of that Realm, in which by his appointment you now serve.
From Deepe, the 10 of April, 1559.
Yours to command in godliness, John Knox.
To this Letter was no answer made: for shortly the said John Knox made forward to Scotland by sea, when he landed the third of May, and had such success, as is in the second book declared. The said John being in S. Andrew's, after Cowper-Moore, entered in deep discourse with the Laird of Grange ; the danger is very evident, but the support was not easy to be seen. After many words John Knox burst forth as followeth; If England would foresee their own commodity, yea, if they would consider the danger wherein themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in this quarrel; for France hath no less decreed the conquest of England then of Scotland. After long reasoning, it was concluded betwixt them two, That support should be craved of England: And for that purpose the said Laird of Grange, first wrote to Sir Henry Percie, and after rode from Edinburgh and spake with him; to whom he made so plain demonstration of the danger appearing to England, that he took upon him to write to Secretary Cecil, who with expedition returned answer back again, giving him to understand, That our enterprise altogether misliked not the Council, albeit that they desired further resolution of the principal Lord's. Which thing understood, it was concluded to write to him plainly our whole purpose. The tenor of our Letter was this:
The first Letter to Sir William Cecil, from the Lord's of the Congregation.
THe contents of a Letter directed by you (right Worshipful) to Sir Henry Percie, was notified unto us by Master Kirkcaldie of Grange this Sunday the 26 of July: By the which we perceive that the said Laird of Grange, of zeal, and faithful heart which he beareth to the furtherance of this our great, and before the world, dangerous enterprise, hath travelled with you, as with an unfeigned favourer of Christ's true Religion, and of the liberty of our Country, for knowledge of your minds towards us, in case that we be assaulted by any foreign invasion, or greater power then we be well able to resist. Your comfortable answer to this question we have considered, to our joy and comfort, as also your motions, and what you demand; To wit, What the Protestants within this Realm do purpose; To what end we mean to direct our actions; How we will, and how we be able to accomplish the same; What doubts we have of any adversary power; And finally, in case that support should be sent from you, What manner of amity might ensue betwixt these two Realms, &c. To the which, in brief, we answer; That our whole and only purpose (as God knoweth) is to advance the glory of Christ Jesus, the true Preaching of his Gospel within this Realm. To remove superstition, and all sort of external Idolatry, to bridle to our powers the fury of those that heretofore have cruelly shed the blood of our brethren; and to our uttermost, to maintain the liberty of this our Country from the tyranny and thralldom of strangers, as God shall assist us. How we be able to accomplish these premises, is to us unknown, only our hope is good, That he that hath begun this good work in us, and hath by his power to this hour confounded the faces of our adversaries will perform the same to his glory, which chiefly we seek in this our enterprise. Because we suppose, That neither our present danger, neither yet the warlike preparation which France maketh against us, are hid from you, nor from the counsel, we omit that part. As touching the assurance of a perpetual amity to stand betwixt these two Realms: As no earthly thing of us is more desired, so crave we of God to make us the instruments, by which this unnatural debate which long hath continued betwixt us may once be composed, to the praise of God's Name, and to the comfort of the faithful in both Realms. And if your wisdoms can foresee and devise the means and assurances how the same may be brought to pass, persuade yourselves not only of our consent and assistance, but also of our constancy, as men can promise, unto our lives end. Yea farther, of charge and commandment by us to be left to our posterity, That the Amity betwixt us (in God) contracted and begun, may be by them kept inviolate forever. As for the revolting from you to France, which ye seem to fear and suspect at their pleasure, we utterly abhor that infidelity; for now doth the voice of God continually sound in our ears, That such as profane the terrible and reverent Name of God, shall not escape vengeance. Our Confederacy, Amity and League shall not be like the Pactions made by worldly men, for worldly profit▪ but as we require it for God's Cause, so will we call upon his Name for the observation of the same. Moreover, if we should lack anything in Temporal commodity, yet should we never have occasion to return to them: for we now perceive and feel the weight of their yoke, and intend (by God's grace) to cut away such instruments as by whom this Realm was before abused. True it is, That as yet we have made no mention of any change in Authority, neither yet were we minded to do any such thing, till extreme necessity compelleth us thereto. But seeing it is now more then evident, That France, and the Queen Regent here, with her Priests, pretendeth nothing but the suppressing of Christ's Gospel, the ruin of us, and the subversion of this poor Realm, committing our innocence to God, and unto the judgment of all godly and wise men, we are determined to seek the next remedy; in which we heartily require your counsel and assistance. And thus far we have enterprised to make you participant of our purpose, because in the said Letters ye required the said Master Kirkcaldie some farther assurance then his own word or writing, which we doubt not but ye shall shortly receive, from more then from us. We dare not hastily make the Assembly, neither of Nobles, neither of Barons, privy in this Cause, for dangers that may ensue by policy and craft of the adversaries; your wisdom, we doubt not, will communicate these only with such as ye know favorers of such a godly Conjunction. It should much help, in our opinion, if the Preachers, both in persuasion, and in public Prayers (as ours do here) would commend the same unto the people. And thus, after our most humble commendations to the Queens Majesty (whose Rain we wish may be prosperous and long, to the glory of God, and comfort of his Church) we heartily commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent.
From Edinburgh the 17 of July, 1559.
With this our Letter John Knox wrote two, one to the said Secretary, and another to the Queens Majesty herself: The Tenour whereof follows thus:
John Knox his second Letter to M. Cecile, for the delivery of one other to the Queen.
SIR,
AFter my humble commendations, please you deliver this other enclosed to the Queen: It containeth a few and simple words of my Confession what I think of her Authority, how it is just, and what may make it odious in God's presence. I hear that there is one Confutation set forth against the first blast; God grant that the writers thereof have no more sought the favors of this present world, no less the glory of God, and the stable good of his Country, then he who enterprised in that blast to utter his conscience. When I shall have time (which now is somewhat precious unto me) to peruse that work, I will communicate my judgment with you.
The time is now, Sir, that all, who either thirst for Christ to reign in this Isle, or yet the hearts of the Inhabitants be joined together in love unfeigned, ought rather to study how the same might be brought to pass, then vainly to travel for the maintenance of that, whereof already we have seen the danger, and feel the smart: If the most part of women be wicked, and such as willingly we would not should reign over us: And if the most godly, and such as have are graces, be yet mortal, we ought to take heed, lest in establishing of one judged godly, and profitable to her Country, we make an Interest and Title to many; by whom not only will the Truth be impugned, but also will the Country be brought into bondage. God give you, and other favorers of your Country eyes to see, and wisdom to avoid the dangers appearing.
By divers Letters I have required license to have visited the North parts of England, but as yet I have received no favorable answer. The longer, Sir, this it be delayed, the less comfort will the faithful there receive; yea, the weaker will the Queens favor be: If I were not an unfeigned friend to her Majesty, I would instantly beg such liberty; which to me, I know, will neither be profitable nor pleasing in the flesh. The common things here, I doubt not you know: some things I have (as often times I have written) which gladly I would communicate, but I mind not to commit them to Paper and Inke; find therefore the means that I may speak with such a one as you will credit in all things.
The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with you.
I heartily beseech you to have my service recommended to the Queens Majesty, adding, That whosoever maketh me odious to her Majesty, seeketh somewhat besides the glory of God, and her Majesty's prosperity, and therefore cannot be assured and unfeigned friends from, &c.
The Letter sent from the said John to the Queens Majesty of England, being enclosed in the foresaid M. Ceciles Letter.
To the virtuous and godly Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, Queen of England: John Knox desireth the perpetual comfort of his holy Spirit. MADAME,
AS your Majesty's displeasure against me, most unjustly conceived, hath been and is to my wretched heart a burden grievous, and almost intolerable, so is the testimony of a clear conscience to me a stay and uphold, that I sink not in despair, how vehement soever the temptations appear: For in God's presence, my conscience beareth me record, That maliciously, nor of purpose, I never offended your Majesty, nor your Realm: And therefore, howsoever I be judged of man, I am sure to be absolved of him, who only knoweth the secrets of hearts. I cannot deny the writing of a Book against the usurped Authothority, and unjust Regiment of Women; neither yet am I minded to recant, or call back any principal Point or Proposition of the same, till truth and verity do further appear. But why that your Majesty, or any such, who unfeignedly favor the liberty of England, be offended at the Author of such a Work, I can perceive no just occasion: For first, my Book touched not your Majesty's Person in special, neither is it prejudicial to any Liberty of the Realm, if the time of my writing be indifferently considered. How could I be enemy to your Majesty's Person, for delivery whereof, I did more study, and undertake further, then any of those who now accuseth me? And as concerning your Government, How could or can I envy that? which most I have wished for, and for which (as my weak memory will suffer) I render thanks unfeignedly to God, to wit, That it hath pleased him of his eternal goodness to exalt your head (which sometime was in danger) to the manifestation of his glory, and extirpation of Idolatry. And as for my offense, which I have committed against England, either by writing that Book, or by any other work, I will not refuse that moderate and indifferent men judge and discern betwixt me, and those that accuse me, viz. Whether of the parties do most hurt to the Liberty of England: I, who affirm that no woman may be exalted above any Realm, to make the Liberty of the same thrall, and subject to a strange, proud, and cruel Nation: Or they, that approve whatsoever pleaseth Princes for the time. If I were as well disposed to accuse, as some of them (to their own shame) have declared themselves, I nothing doubt, but that in few words I should let reasonable men understand, That some that this day lowly crouch and bow to your Majesty, and labor to make me odious in your eyes, did in your adversity neither show themselves faithful friends to your Majesty, neither yet so loving and careful of the native Country, as they would be esteemed. But omitting the accusation of others, for my own purgation, and your Majesty's satisfaction, I say, That nothing contained in my book, is or can be prejudicial to your Majesty's just Regiment, providing that you be not found ungrate unto God, ungrate you will be proved in the presence of his Throne (howsoever that flatterers justify your fact) if you transfer the glory of that honor in which you now stand, to any other thing, then to the dispensation of his mercy, which only maketh that lawful to your Majesty, which Nature and Law denieth to all women, to command and bear rule over men. Neither would I that your Majesty should fear, That this your humiliation before God, should in any case infirm or weaken your Majesty's just and lawful Authority; Nay, Madame, such unfeigned confession of God's benefits received, will be the establishment of the same, not only to yourself, but also to your seed and Posterity: Where contrariwise, a proud conceit, and elevation of yourself, will be the occasion that your Rain will be unstable, troublesome, and short. God is witness, That unfeignedly I both love and reverence you Majesty; yea, I pray that your Rain may be both prosperous and quiet, and that for the quietness which Christ's Members, before persecuted, have received under you. But yet if I should flatter your Majesty, I were no friend, but a deceivable traitor; and therefore in conscience I am compelled to say, That neither the consent of the people, the process of time, nor multitude of men, can establish a Law which God shall approve; but whatsoever he approveth by his Eternal Word, that shall be approved, and stay constantly firm; and whatsoever he condemneth, shall be condemned, though all men on earth should travel for the justification of the same. And therefore, Madame, the only way to retain and keep the benefits of God, abundantly of late days poured upon you and your Realm, is unfeignedly to render unto God, to his mercy, and undeserved grace, the whole glory of this your exaltation, forget your Birth, and all Title which hereupon doth hang; and consider deeply, How for fear of your life you did decline from God, and bow to Idolatry, going to Mass under your sister Mary her persecution of God's Saints: Let it not appear a small offense in your eyes, That you have declined from Christ Jesus, in the day of your Battle: Neither yet would I that you should esteem that mercy to be vulgar and common which you have received, viz. That God hath covered your offense, Hath preserved your Person, when you were most unthankful; And in the end, has exalted and raised you up, not only from the dust, but also from the ports of death; to rule above his people, for comfort of his Kirk. It appertaineth to you therefore, to ground the justice of your Authority, not on that Law, which from year to year doth change, but upon the eternal providence of him, who contrary to the ordinary course of Nature, and without your deserving, hath exalted your head: If thus in God's presence you humble yourself; as in my heart I glorify God for that rest granted to his afflicted Flock within England, under you a weak Instrument; so will I with tongue and pen justify your Authority and Regiment, as the holy Ghost hath justified the same in Deborah, that blessed Mother in Israel. But if you neglect (as God forbid) these things, and shall begin to brag of your Birth, and to build your Authority and your Regiment upon your own Law; flatter you who so listeth, your felicity shall be short. Interpret my words in the best part, as written by him, who is no enemy to your Majesty. By divers Letters I have required to visit your Realm, not to seek myself, neither yet my own ease and benefit: which if you now refuse and deny me, I must remit my cause to God, adding this for conclusion, that commonly it is seen, That such as refuse the counsel of the faithful (appear it never so sharp) are compelled to follow the deceit of flatterers to their own perdition. The mighty Spirit of the Lord Jesus move your heart to understand what is said, and give unto you the direction of his Spirit, and so rule you in all your actions and enterprises, that in you God may be glorified, his Kirk edified, and you yourself, as a lively Member of the same, may be an example of virtue & godliness of life to all others. So be it.
Of Edinb. 28 July, 1559.
These Letters were directed by Alexander Whitlaw, a man that oft had hazarded himself, and all that he had for the Cause of God, and for his friends, being in danger for the same Cause. Within a day or two after the departing of the said Alexander, there came a Letter from Sir Henry Percie to John Knox, requiring him to meet him at Annick the third day of August, for such affairs as he would not write nor yet communicate with any, but with the said John himself, while he was preparing himself for the journey (for Secretary Cecil had appointed to have met him at Stampford ) the French-men furiously came forth of Dumbar, of purpose to have surprised the Lord's being in Edinburgh, as in the second Book before is declared, which stayed the journey of the said John, till that God had delivered the innocents from that great danger, and then was he sent, having in his company M. Robert Hamilton, Minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lord's with full Commission and Instructions to decline their whole case and estate wherein they stood. Their passage was from Pittenweame by sea, they arrived at Holy-Island, and being advertised that Sir Henry Percie was absent from the North; They addressed themselves to Sir James Crofts, then Captain of Barwick, and Warden of the East Marches of England. They shown unto him their Credit and Commission; He received them courteously, and comforted them with his faithful Counsel, which was, That they should travel no further, neither yet should they be seen in public, and that for divers considerations. First, The Queen Regent had her spies in England. Secondly, The Queen and the Council that favored our faction, would that all things should be secret so long as they might. And last, said he, I think it not expedient, that in such rarity of Preachers, ye two be any long time absent from the Lord's of the Congregation. And therefore (said he) ye shall do best to commit to writing your whole mind and Credit, and I shall promise to you upon my honor, to have answer at you, and at the Lord's again, before that ye yourselves can be at London. And where that your Letters cannot express all things so fully, as your presence could, I shall supply the same, not only by my pen, but also by my own presence, to such as will inform the Council sufficiently of all things. The said John and M. Robert followed his Council (for it was faithful, and proceeded of love at that time) they tarried with him very secretly within the Castle of Barwick two days. In the which time returned Alexander Whitlaw aforesaid, with answer to the Lord's, and unto John Knox. The tenor of whose Letter was this:
Master Cecils Letter to John Knox.
Master Knox,
NOn est masculus neque f • min • , omnes enim ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesus benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino, & erit Dominus fiducia ejus. I have received you Letters, at the same time that I thought to have seen yourself at Stamford. What is now hitherto the cause of your let, I know not. I forbear to descend to the bottom of things, until I may confer with such one as ye are. And therefore if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither, I wish you furnished with good Credit, and power, to make good resolution. Although my answer to the Lord's of the Congregation be somewhat obscure, yet upon further understanding ye shall find the matter plain. I need to wish you no more prudency then God's grace, whereof God send you plenty. And so I end,
Sic subscribitur. Yours as a member of the same body in Christ, M. Cecil.
From Oxford the 28 of July, 1559.
Albeit the said John received this Letter at Barwick, yet would he answer nothing till that he had spoken with the Lord's whom he found in Sterlin, and unto whom he delivered the answer sent from the Council of England (for Alexander Whitlaw took sickness betwixt Barwick and Edinburgh, and was troubled by the Lord Seaton, as in the former Book is declared) the answer sent by Master Cecil was so general, that many amongst us despaired of any comfort to come from that Country. And therefore were determined that they would request no further. John Knox labored in the contrary, but he could prevail no further, but that he should have license and liberty to write as he thought best: And so took he upon him to answer for all, in form as followeth.
Answer to Master Cecils writing.
TWo causes hindered me (Right Worshipful) to visit you in any part in England. Before this no signification of your mind and pleasure was made unto me, for only did Sir Henry Percie will me to come and speak with him, which conveniently at that time I could not do, by reason that the French-men (which was the second cause of my stay) did then most furiously pursue us, while our company was dispersed, and then durst I not be absent for divers inconveniences; neither did I think my presence with you greatly necessary, considering that the matter (which I most desired) was opened and proposed. To the which I would have wished, That a more plain and especial answer should have been made. For albeit Master Whitlaw by his Credit, Master Kirkcaldie by his Letter, and I, both by Letters and by that which I had received from Sir James Crofts, did persuade your good minds; yet could not the council be otherwise persuaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose. It is not unknown what good will we three do bear to England: And therefore I wish, That rather your Pen, then our Credit, or anything written to any of us, should assure the Lord's and others, of your good minds (who are now in number but five hundred.) Unless that money be furnished without delay to pay the Soldiers for their service past, and to retain another thousand foot-men, with three hundred horse-men; till some stay be had in this danger, these Gentle-men will be compelled to leave the fields. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, That some of them will take a very hard life, before that ever they compose, either with the Queen Regent, or with France: but this I dare not promise at all, unless in they see greater forwardness. To support us, will appear excessive; and to break promise with France, will appear dangerous. But the loss of expenses, in mine opinion, ought not to be esteemed from the first payment, neither yet the danger from the first appearance. France is most fervent to conquer us, and avoweth, That against us they will spend the Crown (so did mine own ears hear Butten Court brag) But most assuredly I know, That unless by us they thought to make an entry to you, that they would not buy our poverty at that price. They labor to corrupt some of our great men by money (and some of our number are poor, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support) some they threatened, and against others they have up one party in their own Country. In this mean time, if ye lie by as neutralls, what will be the end, you may easily conjecture. And therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Christ Jesus, I require you to make plain answer, What the Gentlemen here may trust to, and what the Queens Majesty will do, may without long delay be put in execution. I rest in Christ Jesus.
Of Saint Johnston the day of, &c.
Answer with great expedition was returned to this Letter, desiring some men of credit to be sent to the Lord's to Barwicke, for the receiving of the money for the first support, with promise, That if the Lord's of the Congregation meant no otherwise then before they had written, and if they would enter into League with honest Conditions, they should neither lack men nor money to their just Causes. Upon this answer was directed from the Lord's to Barwicke, Master Henry Balnaves, a man of good credit in both the Realms; who suddenly returned with such a sum of money as served all the public affairs till November next; when John Cockburne of Ormeston, sent for the second support, and receiving the same, unhappily fell into the hands of the Earl Bothwell, was wounded, taken, and spoiled of a great Sum: upon which mischance, followed all the rest of the troubles before rehearsed. In the second Book preceding, we have declared how Secretary Leehington was directed to England: But one thing before we have passed by: In that our greatest dejection, this order was taken; That the Duke, the Earl of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and their friends, should remain together at Glasgow, for comfort of the Country, and for giving of answers, as occasion should require; and that the Earl of Arrane, the Lord James, the Earl of Rothesse, the Master of Lindsay, and their adherents, should continue together within Fife for the same causes, that advertisements might go from the one to the other, as need required. In the Negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and Council of England (in the which he travelled with no less wisdom and faithfulness, then happy success) many things occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lord's.
After that the Queen and Council of England had concluded to send their Army to Scotland for expelling of the French, the Duke of Norfolk was sent to Barwick with full instructions, power and Commission to do in all things concerning the present affairs of Scotland, as the Queen and Council in their own persons had power to do. Hereupon the said Duke required such a part of the Lord's of Scotland, as had power and Commission from the whole, to meet him at such a day and place as pleased them to appoint. This advertisement came first to Glasgow by the means of the Master of Maxwell: Which read and considered by the Lord's, conclusion was taken that they would meet at Carleil, and that was the procurement of the said Master of Maxwell for his ease. Hereupon were Letters directed from the Lord's being in Glasgow, to Lord James, requiring him with all possible expedition to repair towards them, for the purpose aforesaid. Which Letters read and advised upon, commandment was given to John Knox to make the answer. For so it was appointed at division of the Lord's, that he should answer for the part of those that were in Fife ; and M. Henry Balnaves for the part of them that abode at Glasgow. The said John answered as followeth.
To the Duke, and the other Lord's at Glasgow.
AFter humble commendation of my service: Albeit I have written more then once to Master Henry Balnaves, what things have misliked me in your slow proceedings, as well in supporting your brethren, who many days have sustained extreme danger in these parts, as in making provision how the enemy might have been annoyed, who lay few in number, nigh to your Quarters in Sterlin. And in making likewise provision, how the expectation of our friends, who long have waited for your answer, might have been satisfied. Albeit (I say) that of these things I have before complained, yet, in conscience, I am compelled to signify unto your Honors, That unless of these and other enormities I shall see some redress, I am assured, That the end shall be such, as godly men shall mourn, that a good Cause shall perish for lack of Wisdom and Diligence. In my last Letters to Master Henry Balnaves, I declared, That your especial friends in England wonder, that no greater expedition is made, the weight of the matter being considered. If the fault be in the Duke and his friends, I wrote also, That the greatest loss should be his and theirs in the end. And now I cannot cease, both to wonder and lament, That your whole Council was so destitute of Wisdom and Discretion, as to charge this poor man the Prior, to come to you to Glasgow, and thereafter to go to Carleil, for such affairs as are to be handled. Was there none amongst you who did foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from these parts? I cease to speak of the dangers by the enemy. Your friends have lain in your Haven now fifteen days past, (what was their former travel it is not unknown) they have never received comfort of any man (him only excepted) more then if they had lain upon the coast of their mortal enemy. Do ye not consider, That such a company shall need comfort and provision from time to time? Remove him, and who abideth there who carefully will travel in that or any other weighty matter in these parts? Did ye not farther consider, That he that had begun to meddle with the Gentlemen, who have declared themselves back-friends heretofore; and also that order should have been taken for such as have been neutral; now by reason of his absence, the one shall escape without admonition, and the other shall be at their own liberty. I am assured that the enemy shall not sleep, neither in that, nor in other affairs, to undermine you and your whole Cause, and especially to hurt this part of the Country, to revenge their former folly. If none of these former causes should have moved you to have considered that such a journey (at such a time) was not meet for him, neither yet for them that must accompany him: yet discreet men would have considered, that the men that have lien in their jacks, and travelled their horses continual the space of a month, required some longer rest, first to themselves, then but especially to their horses, before they had been charged to such a journey, as yet they have not had. The Prior may for satisfaction of your unreasonable minds, enterprise the purpose; but I am assured he shall not be able to have six honest men in all Fife to accompany him; and how that either standeth with your Honors, or with his safety, judge ye yourselves. But yet wonder it is, that ye did not consider, To what pain and grief shall ye put our friends of England, especially the Duke of Norfolk and his Council, whom ye shall cause to travel the most wearisome and troublesome way that is in England. In mine opinion, whosoever gave you that counsel, either lacked right judgment in things to be done, or else had too much respect to his own ease, and too small regard to the travel and damage of their brethren. A common cause, requireth a common concurrence, and that every man bear his burden proportionable. But prudent and indifferent men espy the contrary in this cause, especially of late days; for the weakest are most grievously charged, and they to whom the matter most belongeth, and to whom justly greatest burden is due, are exempted in a manner, both from travel and expenses. To speak the matter plainly, wise men do wonder, what the Dukes friends do mean, that they are so slack and backward in this cause; In other actions they have been judged stout and forward, and in this, which is the greatest that ever he or they had in hand, they appear destitute both of grace and courage. I am not ignorant that they that are most inward of his counsel, are enemies to God, and therefore cannot but be enemies to this Cause. But wonder it is, That he and his other friends should not consider, That the loss of this godly enterprise, shall be the rooting out of them and their posterity from this Realm. Considering, my Lord's, That by God's providence ye are joined with the Duke in this common Cause, admonish him plainly of the danger to come, will him to beware of the counsel of those that are plainly infected with Superstition, with Pride, and with the venom of particular profit: which if he do not at your admonition, he shall smart before he be aware. And if ye cease to put him in mind of his duty, it may be that for your silence ye shall drink some portion of the plague with him. Take my plain speaking, as proceeding from him that is not your enemy, being also uncertain, when I shall have occasion to write hereafter. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ assist you with the Spirit of wisdom and fortitude, that to his glory, and to your Lordships common comfort, ye may perform that thing which godlily was once begun, Amen.
From Saint Andrew's the 6 of February in haste, 1559.
Sic subscribitur, Your Lordships to command in godliness, J. K.
Upon the receipt of this Letter, and consultation had hereupon, a new conclusion was taken; to wit, That they would visit the said Duke of Norfolk at Barwicke where he was. Thus far we have digressed from the text of our History, to let the Posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God wrought the familiarity and friendship that after we found in England. Now we return to our former History.
The parts of Fife set at freedom from the Bondage of these bloody worms, solemn thanks were given in S. Andrew's unto God for his mighty deliverance. Shortly after the Earl of Arrane and Lord James apprehended the Lairds of Wemes, Seafield, Bawgony, Durie, and others, that assisted the French, but they were set shortly at freedom upon such conditions, as they minded never to keep, for such men have neither faith nor honesty. Master James Balfour, who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the Band of the Balfours, escaped. The English Ships daily multiplied, till that they were able to keep the whole Fyrth, whereat the French and Queen Regent enraged, began to execute their tyranny upon the parts of Lowthiane that lay nigh to Edinburgh. Let M. David Borthwicke witness what favor his wife and place of Adeston found of the French, for all the service that he did to the Queen Regent.
In the midst of February were directed to England, from the Duke and the Congregation, the Lord James, Lord Ruthuen, the Mast of Maxwell, the Master of Lindsay, Master Henry Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow ; who with their honest companies and Commission departed by Sea all, except the Master of Maxwell, to Barwicke ; Where there met them the Duke of Norfolk, Lieutenant to the Queen of England, and with him a great company of the Gentlemen of the North, with some also of the South, having full power to contract with the Nobility of Scotland, as they did, upon such Conditions as are in the same Contract specified: and because we have heard the malicious tongues of wicked men make false report of that our fact, we have faithfully and truly inserted in this our History the said Contract, as well that which was made at Leith, during the siege, as that which was first made at Barwicke, that the memory thereof may abide to our Posterity, to the end that they may judge with indifferency, Whether that we have done anything prejudicial to our Common-wealth, or yet contrarious unto the dutiful obedience which true subjects owe to their Superiors; whose Authority ought to defend and maintain the Liberty and Freedom of the Realms committed to their Charge, and not to oppress and betray the same to stranger. The Tenour of our Contract followeth:
The Contract at Barwick.
JAMES, Duke of Chattellarault, Earl of Arrane, Lord Hamilton, and others of the Council, Nobility, and principal States of Scotland;
To all and sundry whose knowledge these presents shall come, Greeting.
We have well considered, and are fully persuaded, in what danger, desolation, and misery, the long enmity with the Kingdom of England hath brought our Country heretofore: how wealthy and flourishing it shall become, if those two Kingdoms, as they are joined in one Island by Creation of the World, so they may be knit in a constant and assured friendship. The considerations grounded upon a most infallible Truth, ought no less to have moved our Progenitours and for fathers then us. But the present danger hanging over our heads, by the unjust dealing of those, of whom we have always best deserved, hath caused us to weigh them more earnestly then they did. The misbehaviour of the French Monsieurs, I had almost said Monsters, here, hath of late years been so great. The oppressions and cruelty of the Soldiers, the tyranny and ambition of their Superiors and Rulers, so grievous to the people, the violent subversion of our liberty, and conquest of the land, whereat they have by most crafty and subtle means continually pressed, hath been, I say, so intolerable to us all, that at last when we could not obtain redress by humble suits, and earnest supplications presented to the Queen Dowager, who both for duties sake, and place, she doth occupy, ought to have been most careful of our state, we have been by very necessity constrained, not only to assay our own Forces, but also to implore the Queens Majesty of England's aide and support, which her Majesty hath most willingly granted, upon certain conditions specified in a Treaty past at Barwick, betwixt the Duke of Norfolk, Lieutenant to her Majesty, on the one part, and certain our Commissioners on the other part, whereof the Tenour followeth. At Barwick the 27 day of February, the year of our Lord God 1559 years▪ It is appointed, and finally Contracted, betwixt the noble and mighty, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshall of England, and Lieutenant to the Queens Majesty of the said Realm, in the Name and behalf of her Highness on the one part; and the Right Honorable Lord James Stewart, Patrick Lord Ruthuen, Sir John Maxwell of Terregles, Knight, William Maitland of Lethington younger, John Wischarde of Pittarrow, and Master Henry Balnaves of Halhill ; in name and behalf of the Noble and Mighty James, Duke of Chattellarault of Scotland, and the Lord's of the Congregation, joined together in this Cause, for maintenance and defense of the ancient Rights and Liberties of their Country on the other part, in form as after followeth: That is to say, That the Queen having sufficiently understood, as well by information sent from the Nobility of Scotland, as by the proceedings of the French, that they intend to conquer the Realm of Scotland, suppress the liberty thereof, and unite the same unto the Crown of France perpetually, contrary to the Laws of the said Realm, and the Pacts, Oaths, and Promises of France. And being thereto most humbly and earnestly required by the said Nobility; for, and in the name of the whole Realm, shall accept the said Realm of Scotland the said Nobility and subjects thereof into her Majesty's protection and maintenance, only for preservation of the same in their own freedoms and liberties, and from conquest, during the time that the Marriage shall continue betwixt the Queen of Scots and the French King, and a year after: And for expelling out of the same Realm of such as presently and apparently goeth about to practice the said Conquest, her Majesty shall with all speed send into Scotland a convenient aide of men of War, both Horse and Foot, to join with the power of Scottish men, with Artillery, Munition, and all other Instruments of War meet for that purpose, as well by Sea as by Land, not only to expel the present Power of the French within that Realm oppressing the same, but also to stop, as far as conveniently may be, all greater Forces of French to enter therein, for the like purpose, and shall continue her Majesty's aid to the said Realm, Nobility, and subjects of the same, unto the time the French (being enemies to the said Realm) be utterly expelled hence; and shall never transact, compose, nor agree with the French, nor conclude any League with them, except the Scots and the French shall be agreed, that the Realm of Scotland may be left in a due freedom by the French; nor shall leave the maintenance of the said Nobility and subjects, whereby they might fall as a prey into their enemies hands, as long as they shall acknowledge their Sovereign Lady the Queen, and shall endeavor their selves to maintain the liberty of their Country, and the State of the Crown of Scotland. And if in case any Forts or Strengths within the Realm be won out of the hands of the French at this present, or at any time hereafter by her Majesty's aid, the same shall be immediately demolished by the Scottish-men, or delivered to the said Nobility aforesaid, at their option and choice; neither shall the power of England fortify within the ground of Scotland, being out of the bounds of England, but by the advice of the Duke, Nobility, and States of Scotland. For the which causes, and in respect of her Majesty's most gentle clemency, and liberal support, the said Nobility, as well such as be joined, as such as shall hereafter join with them already joined, for the defense of the liberty of that Realm, shall to the uttermost of their power aid and support her Majesty's Army against the French and their partakers, with Horse-men and Foot-men, and with Victualls, by Land and Sea, with all manner of other aid, to the best of their power, and so shall continue during the time that her Majesty's Army shall remain in Scotland.
Item, They shall be enemies to all such Scottish men and French as shall in any wise show themselves enemies to the Realm of England, for the aiding and supporting of the said Nobility in the delivery of the Realm of Scotland from Conquest. Item, They shall never assent nor permit that the Realm of Scotland shall be conquered, or otherwise knit to the Crown of France, then it is at this present, only by Marriage of the Queen their Sovereign to the French King, and it be ruled by the Laws and Liberties of the Realm, as it ought to be. Item, In case the French-men shall at any time hereafter invade, or cause to be invaded the Realm of England, they shall furnish the number of two thousand Horse-men, and one thousand Foot-men at the least, or such part of either of them, at the charge of the Queen of England, and shall conduct the same to pass from the borders of Scotland, next England, upon her Majesty's charges, to any part of the Realm of England, for defense of the same. And in case the invasion be on the North parts of England, on the North side of the water of Tyne towards Scotland, or against Barwick, on the North side of the water of Tweid. They shall convene and gather their whole Forces upon their own charges, and shall join with the English power, and shall continue in good and earnest pursuit of the Quarrell of England, during the space of thirty days, or so much longer, as they were accustomed to tarry in the fields for defense of Scotland. At the commandment of their Sovereigns at any time by past: and also the Earl of Argyle : Lord Justice of Scotland, being presently joined with the rest, shall employ his force and good will, where he shall be required by the Queens Majesty to reduce the North parts of Ireland to the perfect obedience of England, conform to a mutual and reciproque contract to be made betwixt her Majesty's Lieutenant or Deputy of Ireland being for the time, and the said Earl; wherein shall be contained what he shall do for his part, and what the said Lieutenant or Deputy shall do for his support, in case he shall have to do with James Mackconell, or any others of the Isles of Scotland, or Realm of Ireland. For performance and sure keeping whereof, they shall for their part come to the said Duke of Norfolk, the pledges presently named by him, before the entry of her Majesty's Army in Scottish ground, to remain in England for the space of six months, and to be there exchanged upon deliverance of new hostages, of like, or as good condition as the former; or being the lawful sons, brethren, or heirs of any of the Peers or Barons of Parliament, that have, or hereafter shall show themselves and persist open enemies to the French in this quarrel, and so forth from six months to six months, or four months to four months, as shall best please the party of Scotland. And the time of continuance of the hostages, shall be during the marriage of the Queen of Scots to the French King, and a year after the dissolution of the said Marriage, until further order may be had betwixt both the Realms, for Peace and Concord. And furthermore, the said Nobility, being Peers and Barons of Parliament joined together, shall subscribe and seal these Articles and agreement, within the space of twenty or thirty days at the uttermost, next following the day of the delivering of the said hostages, and shall also procure and persuade all others of the Nobility that shall join themselves hereafter with the said Lord's for the cause above-specified, likewise to subscribe and seal those Articles, at any time after the space of twenty days after their conjunction, upon requisition made by them on the party of the Queens Majesty of England. And finally, the said Nobility joined together, certainly perceiving that the Queens Majesty of England is thereunto moved, only upon respect of Princely honor and neighbourhood, for defense of the freedom of Scotland from Conquest, and not of any other sinister intent, doth by these presents testify and declare, That they, nor any of them, mean by this agreement to withdraw any due obedience to the Sovereign Lady the Queen, nor in any lawful thing to withstand the French King her husband and head, that during the marriage shall not tend to the subversion and oppression of the just and ancient Liberties of the said Kingdom of Scotland. For preservation whereof, both for their Sovereigns honor, and for the continuance of the Kingdom in its ancient state, they acknowledge themselves bound to spend their Goods, Lands, and Lives. And for performance of this present Contract for the part of England, the Queens Majesty shall confirm the same, and all Clauses therein contained, by her Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England, to be delivered to the Nobility of Scotland, upon the entry of the Pledges aforesaid, within the ground of England. In Witness whereof, the said Duke of Norfolk hath subscribed these Points, and thereunto affixed his Seal, the day, year, and place aforesaid. Which Contract we find honest and reasonable; and that our said Commissioners therein hath considerately respected the Common-weal of this Realm, of us, and our posterity; And therefore do ratify, allow, confirm and approve the same, with all Clauses and Articles therein contained by these Presents. In Witness hereof we have subscribed the same with our Hands and sealed with our Seals of Arms in such causes accustomed are appended.
At the Camp before Leith the tenth day of May, the year of God 1560 years.
Follow the Subscriptions.
-
The Subscriptions.
- The Duke of Chattellarault.
- Earl of Arrane.
- Earl of Glencarne.
- Earl of Rothesse.
- Earl of Argyle.
- Earl of Huntlie.
- Earl of Morton.
- Earl of Menteth.
- Lord Ogilbye.
- Lord James Steward.
- Alexander Gordon.
- Lord Boyd.
- Lord Uchiltrie.
- Gawin Hamilton of Kilwinning.
- Abbot of Culrosse.
- Lord Bothwike.
- Lord of Saint John.
- Lord John Abirbr • thok.
- Lord Simmerwaile.
- Lord Robert Steward.
- Abbot of Kynlosse.
- James Stewart of Saint Colmes Inche.
The Instructions given, subscribed, to the said Commissioners following:
- 1. IN the first place, if it shall be asked of you by the Duke of Norfolk, and by other the Queens Majesty's appointed Commissioners, If your Pledges be in readiness; ye shall answer, That they are, and in Saint Andrew's the 25 of this instant, and shall be ready to be delivered in Hostage for security of our promises and part of the contract, they offering and making security for their part by the Queens Majesty's Subscription and Great Seal, and delivering the same unto you. Providing, That they choose and make their election of the Pledges as is commoned.
- 2. Secondly, If the said Commissioners shall demand of you, What enterprise the Army of England shall take in hand at their first incoming; Ye shall answer in general; The expulsion of the French Soldiers out of this Realm; and first and in especial, out of the Town of Leith, seeing their great Forces are there.
- 3. Item, If it shall be asked of you; At what place our friends and brethren of England shall be met? And, at what day? What number? And, What Noble-men in company? Ye shall refer all these things to their election and choice.
- 4. Item, If it shall be asked of you, How the Armies shall be furnished with Victuals, and especially the Horse-men? Ye shall answer, That with their advice sufficient order shall be taken therein.
- 5. Item, If it be required, How the Munition shall be carried, and oxen furnished to that effect? You shall answer, as we have given in Commission to Lethington, which we ratify.
- 6. Item, If it shall be asked, Who shall be Lieutenant to the Army of Scotland? Ye shall answer, The Duke of Chattellarault.
- 7. Item, If it shall be inquired, What number our whole Army extends to? Ye shall answer, They will be, God willing, five thousand men.
- 8. Item, If it shall be asked, What manner of way Leith shall be assaulted? Ye shall desire all preparations to be in readiness, and the advice to be taken after the placing of the Armies, and view of the strength shortly.
- 9. Item, If it shall be asked concerning the Castle of Edinburgh, If they will stand friends or not? Ye shall declare our diligence made, and to be made shortly▪ herein; but for the present we can assure them of nothing.
- 10. Item, If it be asked, In case the Castle be enemy, Where the Army shall be placed? Ye shall answer, For the first in Muschilbrough and Tranent, and those parts, till the Batterie and all preparations be in readiness.
- 11. Item, In case it be inquired of all by-liars and neutrals, and in especial of the Lord of Huntley, and the North? Ye shall answer in general; A good hope is had of the most part thereof: And touching the Lord of Huntley in especial, Ye shall show how he hath sent Writings to my Lord of Arrane, with a servant of credit, to assure him of his assistance. And for that cause hath desired Letters of suspension of the Queen Dowagers Commission to be sent to him to be used in those parts; and other Letters to arrest the Clergies Rents and Hires, both in those parts; With Proclamations to cause all men to be in readiness to pass forwards for maintaining of the Religion, and expulsing of strangers. The Nobility hath written to him, That he may come to him in proper person; Whereof the answer is not returned as yet.
- 12. Item, If it shall be asked the place and manner of meeting of our folks, or of us and them, in case Sterlin be kept? We refer the answer hereof to your discretions.
- 13. Item, If it shall be asked, That their leaden money shall have passage for their necessities? Ye shall reason the commodity and discommodity thereof with the Council.
- 14. Item, If it shall be asked, What Pioners shall be had? Ye shall answer, the number being expressed, and money in readiness to so sold or pay them, They shall have sufficiency.
- 15. Item, If they shall desire, That we declare our causes unto the Princes of Almaigne and the King of Denmark or Germany, desiring their assistance; Ye shall answer, That we think the same good, and shall speedily take order therewith.
- 16. Item, If it shall be desired of you to confirm for us and in our name the things past and granted by our former Commissioner, the young Laird of Lethington: Ye shall in all points for us, and in our name, confirm the same, so far as it shall make either for the weal and conjunction of the two Realms, or this present Cause, or yet for the security of our part for fulfilling of the same. And as ye shall accept their offers tending to the same end; and such security on that part as ye may purchase, and especially such as we have heretofore expressed: Given at Glasgow the 10. of February 1559.
- 17. Item, We give and grant you full power to augment or diminsh the said Heads and Articles, as ye think the weal of the cause shall require in all points.
Sic subscribitur.
- John of Menteth.
- Andrew of Rothesse.
- R. Boyd.
- William Murray of Tulibarn.
- John Erskin of Dun.
- James Hamilton.
- Alexander Gordon.
- Alexander Argyle.
- Glencarne.
- Uchiltrie.
- James Haliburntoun.
Shortly after this Contract were our pledges delivered to Master Winter Admiral of the Navy, that came to Scotland, a man of great honesty, so far as ever we could espy in him; who were safely conveyed to Newcastle, and so the English Army by land began to assemble towards the border. Whereof the French and Queen Regent assured, they began to destroy what they could in the Towns and Country about: for the whole Victuals they carried to Leith, the Mills they brake, the Sheep, Oxen and Kine, yea the Horses of poor Laborers all made they to serve their Tyrannie. And finally, they left nothing which the very enemies could have devised, except that they demolished not Gentlemens houses, and burnt not the Town of Edinburgh. In which point God bridled their fury, to let his afflicted understand, That he took care for them. Before the coming of the Land Army, the French past to Glasgow, and destroyed the Country thereabout. What tyranny Marticks used upon a poor Scottish Soldier, it is fearful to hear, and yet his fact may not be omitted. Silver would they give none to the poor man, and they were so slow to depart out of the Town; That albeit the Drum stroke, the Ensign could not be gotten. There was a poor Crafts-man, who had bought for his Victuals a brown Loaf, and was eating a morsel of it, and was putting the rest of it into his bosom. The Tyrant came to him, and with the poor wretches own dagger first stroke him in the breast, and after threw it at him, and so the poor man staggering and falling, the merciless tyrant ran him thorough with his Rapier, and thereafter commanded him to be hanged over the stair. Lord thou wilt look and recompense such Tyranny, how contemptible soever the person was.
The second of April, the year of our Lord 1560. the Army of the Land entered into Scotland, the conducting whereof was committed to the Lord Gray, who had in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James Crofts, Sir Henry Percie, Sir Francis Lake, with many other Captains and Gentlemen, having charge some of Foot-men, and some of Horse-men. The Army by Land was esteemed ten thousand men. The Queen Regent past to the Castle of Edinburgh, and some others of her faction: At Preston met them, the Duke, the Earl of Argyle ( Huntlie came not till that the siege was confirmed) Lord James, the Earl of Glencarne, and Menteth, Lord's Ruthuen, Boyd, Uchiltrie, with all the Protestants, Gentlemen of the West, Fife, Angus, and Mearnes, so that in few days the Army was great. After the deliberation of two days had at Inneresk, the whole Camp marched forward with Ordnance, and all preparations necessary for the siege, and came to Lestarrig the Palme Sunday Even. The French had put themselves in Battle Aray upon the Linkes without Leith, and sent forth their skirmishers; who beginning before ten of the clock, continued skirmishing till after four of the clock at afternoon, when there was given upon them a charge by some Horse-men of Scotland, and some of England: But because the principal Captain of the Horse-men of England was not present, the whole Troops durst not charge, and so was not the overthrow and slaughter of the French so great as it once appeared to have been; for the great Battle was once at the trot; but when it perceived that the great Force of Horse-men stood still, and charged not, they returned, and gave some rescue to their fellows that fled; and so there fell only in that defeat about three hundred French-men. God would not give the Victory so suddenly, lest that man should glory in his own strength. The small Victory that was gotten, put both the English and Scottish in over-great security, as the issue declared. The French enclosed within the Town, the English Army began to plant their Pavilions betwixt Leith and Lestarrig. The Ordnance of the Town, and especially that which lay upon Saint Anthony's Steeple, did them great annoyance; against which place were bent eight Cannons, which shot so continually, and so just, that within few days that the Steeple was condemned, and all the Ordnance that was on it discomfited, which made the English-men somewhat more negligent, then it became good men of War to have been: For perceiving that the French made no pursuit without their Walls, they took an opinion that they should never issue more, and that made some of the Captains for pastime go to the Town. The Soldiers for their ease laid their Armor beside them, and as men without danger, fell to the Dice and Cards; and so upon the Easter Monday, at the very hour of noon, the French issued both upon Horse and Foot, and with great violence entered within the English Trenches, slue and put to flight all that was found therein. The Watch was negligently kept, and so were the Succours slow and long in coming; For the French, before that any resistance was made unto them, approached hard to the great Ordnance: But then the Horse-men trooped together, and the Foot-men gat themselves in Aray, and so repulsed the French back again to the Town; but the slaughter was great, some say it double exceeded that which the French received the first day. And this was the fruit of their security and ours, which after was remedied: For the English men most wisely considering themselves not able to besiege the Town round about, devised to make Mounts at divers quarters of it, in the which they and their Ordnance lay in as good strength, as they did within the Town: The common soldiers kept the Trenches, and had the said mountains for their saveguard and refuge, in case of any greater pursuit then they were able to sustain. The patience and stout courage of the English men, but principally of the Horse-men, is worthy of all praise: For where was it ever heard, That eight thousand (they never exceeded that number that lay in Camp) should besiege four thousand of the most desperate throat-cutters that were to be found in Europe, and to lie nigh unto them in daily skirmishing, the space of three months and more? The Horse-men night and day kept Watch, and did so valiantly behave themselves, that the French gat no advantage, from that day back to the day of the assault, whereof we shall shortly hear. In this mean time was this other Band made of all the Nobility, Barons, and Gentlemen professing Christ Jesus in Scotland, and of divers others that joined with us, for expelling of the French, amongst whom the Earl of Huntlie was a prime man. The Band followeth.
The last Band at Leith.
We whose names are under-written, have promised and obliged ourselves faithfully in the presence of God, and by these Presents do promise, That we together in general, and everyone of us in special by himself, with our bodies, goods, friends, and all that we can do, shall set forward the Reformation of Religion, according to God's Word, and procure by all means possible, that the Truth of God's Word may have free passage within this Realm, with due Administration of the Sacraments, and all things depending upon the said Word, and such like; deeply weighing with ourselves the misbehaviour of the French Ministers here, the intolerable oppression committed by the French men of War upon the poor subjects of this Realm, by maintenance of the Queen Dowager, under color and pretence of Authority: The tyranny of their Captains and Leaders, and manifest danger of Conquest, in which this Country at this present standeth, by reason of divers Fortifications upon the Sea-coast, and other novelties of late attempted by them; promising, That we shall each one with another, all of us, together with the Queen of England's Army, presently come in for our deliverance, effectually concur, join in one, take and hold one plain part for expulsion of the said strangers, oppressors of our Liberty, forth out of this Realm, and recovery of our ancient Freedoms and Liberties, to the end that in time coming, we may under the obedience of the King and Queen our Sovereigns be only ruled by the Laws and Customs of the Country, and borne men of the Land; And that never one of us shall have privy intelligence, by writing, message, or communication with any of our enemies or adversaries in this Cause, but by advice of the rest (at least of five) of the counsel. Again, That we shall tender the common Cause, as if it were the cause of everyone of us in particular: And that the causes of everyone of us now joined together being lawful and honest, shall be all our causes in general; And that he that is enemy to the Cause aforesaid, shall be enemy to us all, in so far, That what person soever will plainly resist these our godly enterprises, and will not concur as a good and true member of this our Common-wealth, we shall fortify the said Authority of the Council, to reduce them to their duty, like as we shall fortify the said Authority of the Council in all things tending to the furtherance of the said Causes. And if any particular debate, quarrel, or controversy shall arise, for whatsoever cause that is past, present, or to come, betwixt any of us (as God forbid) in that case, we shall submit ourselves, and our said questions, to the decision of the Council, or to Arbitrators to be named by them, &c. Providing always, That this be not prejudicial to the ordinary Jurisdiction of Judges, but that men may pursue their Actions by order of Law, Civilly or Criminally, as it pleaseth them.
This Contract and Band came not only to the ears, but also to the sight of the Queen Dowager: whereat she stormed not a little, and said, The malediction of God I give unto them that counseled me to persecute the Preachers, and to refuse the Petitions of the best part of the true subjects of this Realm. It was said to me, That the English Army could not continue in Scotland ten days; but now they have lien near a month, and are more like to remain, then they were at the first day that they came. They that gave information to the Queen, spake as worldly wise men, and as things appeared to have been; for the Country being almost in all the parts thereof wasted, the Victuals next adjacent to Leith, either brought into their Provision, or else destroyed; the Mills, and other places, as before is said, being cast down, it appeared that the Camp could not have been furnished (except it had been by their own Ships; and as that could not have been of any long continuance, so should it have been little comfortable.) But God confounded all worldly wisdom, and made his own Benediction as evidently to appear, as if in a manner he had fed the Army from above: For all kind of Victuall there was more abundant, and at more easy prices in the Camp all the time that it lay, after that eight days were past, then either they have been in Edinburgh any of two years before, or it hath been in this Town to this day, the 20 of May, Anno 1566.
The people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of the French, that they would have given the substance that they had, to have been rid of that chargeable burden, which our sins had provoked God to lay upon us, in delivering and giving into the hands of a woman, whom our Nobility in their foolishness sold unto strangers, and with her the Liberty of this Realm. God for his great mercy sake preserve us yet from further Bondage, in which we are like to fall, if he provide not remedy; for our Nobility will yet remain blind still, and will follow their affection, come after what so may. But to return to our History. The Camp abounding in all necessary Provision, order was taken for continuation of the Siege; and so the Trenches were drawn as near the Town as possibly they might. The great Camp removed from Lestarrig, to the West side of the water of Leith ; and so were the Cannons planted for the Battery, and did shoot at the Southwest wall: But by reason all was earth, the Breach was not made so great upon the day, but that it was sufficiently repaired upon the night: whereof the English-men beginning to be weary, determined to give the Breach an Assault, as that they did upon the seventh day of May, beginning before the day light, and continued till it was nigh seven a clock. And albeit that the English and Scottish with great slaughter of the Soldiers of both were repulsed, yet was there never a sharper assault given by so few hands; for they exceeded not a thousand men, that assaulted the whole two quarters of the Town, and yet they damned the whole Block-house, yea, they once put the French clean off their Walls, and were upon both the East and West Block-house, but they lacked backing, for their Scales lacked six quarters of the just height; And so while the former were compelled to fight upon the top of the wall, their fellows could not join to support them, and so were they by multitude driven back again, when it was once thought that the Town was won. Sir James Crofts was blamed of many for not doing his duty that day, for he was appointed with a sufficient number of the most able men, to have assaulted the Northwest quarter upon the Sea side, where at a low water (as at the time of the assault it was) the passage was easy. But neither he nor his approached to their quarter appointed. He had before at the first coming in, spoken with the Queen Regent, at the fair Block-house of the Castle of Edinburgh: Whether she had enchanted him or not, we know not, but by suspicion of that day in which he deceived the expectation of many, and so far as man could judge, was the cause of that great repulse; some ascribed the shortness of the Ladders to him; but that omitted which might have proceeded of negligence, his absence from the pursuit of his Quarter, was the cause that such French as were appointed there to defend, seeing no pursuer came to the relief of their fellows, and so they two joining together, with great slaughter gave the repulse to our Company. The French-men's harlots, of whom the most part were Scottish whores, did no less cruelty then did the Soldiers: For besides that they charged their Pieces, and ministered unto them other weapons, some continually cast stones, some carried Chimneyes of burning fire, some brought Timber and other impediments of weight, which with great violence they threw over the wall upon our men, but especially when they began to turn back. Now albeit in all this we acknowledge, to be the secret work of God, who by such means would beat down as well the pride of England as of Scotland, yet neither ought the feebleness nor falsehood of man be excused, neither yet the cruelty of the adversaries concealed. The Queen Regent sat all the time of the assault (which was both terrible and long) upon the fore-Wall of the Castle of Edinburgh, and when she perceived the overthrow of us, and that the Ensigns of the French were again displayed upon the Walls, she gave a gawfe of laughter, and said; Now will I go to the Mass, and praise God for that which mine eyes have seen. And so was Frier Black ready for that purpose, whom she her self a little before had deprehended with his Harlot in the Chapel. But Whoredom and Idolatry agree well together, and that our Court can witness this day, the 16 of May 1566. The French proud of the Victory, stripped naked all the slain, and laid their dead carcases before the hot Sun along the wall, where they suffered them to lie more days then one: Unto the which, when the Queen Regent looked, for mirth, she leapt, and said; Yonder is the fairest tapistrie that ever I saw, I would that the whole fields that is betwixt this place and you were strowed with the same stuff. This fact was seen of all, and her words were heard of some, and it was misliked of many. Against the which John K • ox spake openly in Pulpit, and boldly affirmed, That God should revenge that contumely done to his Image, which not only in the furious and godless Soldiers, but even in such as rejoiced thereat. And the very experience declared, That he was not deceived: For within few days after (yea, some say, that same day) began her belly and loathsome legs to swell, and so continued, till that God did in his wisdom take her away from this world, as after we shall hear.
After the Defeat received, the Queen Regent and her faction were fully persuaded that the Siege would rise, and that the English Army would depart. And so began the Papists wonderously to brag; and yet God did frustrate their expectation: for the Army concluded to remain, till new advertisement came from the Queen and Counsel. The Duke of Norfolk, who then lay at Barwick, commanded the Lord Gray to continue the Siege; and promised, That he should not lack men, so long as any were to be had betwixt Trent and Twead, for so far was he Lieutenant: he further promised his own presence, in case he should be required, and for assurance thereof, he sent his own Tents, such as seldom before had been seen in Scotland, with his Officers and provision. And with expedition were sent two thousand fresh men, whereby the Camp greatly comforted, began to forget the former discomfiture, and to sustain the daily skirmishing, as they did before: In the which, the French after the day of the assault did ever receive the hurt, and the repulse, as the slaughter of many that came to the Cole-rake did witness. The greatest damage that either English or Scottish received after that day, was the slaughter of two Gentlemen, the one master of household to my Lord James, Robert Colwin of Clesch, a man stout, modest, and wise, who was shot in the thigh with a Falcon, or Harquebute of Croke, and so departed the misery of this life within two hours after. The other was Alexander Lockart, brother to the Laird of Bar, who rashly discovering himself in the Trenches, was shot in the head, and immediately thereafter departed this life. While the Siege thus continued, a sudden fire chanced in Leith, which devoured many houses, and much Victuall, and so began God to fight for us, as the Lord Erskin in plain words said to the Queen Regent; Madame (quoth he) I can see no more, but seeing that men may not expel unjust possessors forth of this land, God himself would do it; For your fire is not kindled by man. Which words offended the Queen Regent not a little (whose sickness daily increasing) great craft she used, That Monsieur Dosell might have been permitted to have spoken with her, belike she would have bidden him fare-well, (for their old familiarity was great) but that denied, she Writ, as it had been to her Surgeon and Apothecary, showing her sickness, and requiring some Drogs. The Letter being presented to the Lord Gray, he espied the craft, for few Lines being written above, and so much White-Paper left, he said, Drogs are abundant and fresher in Edinburgh, then they can be in Leith. There lurketh here some other mystery, and so he began to try, and by holding the Paper to the fire, he perceiveth some writing appear, and so began he to read; but what it was no other man can tell, for immediately he burnt the Bill, and said to the Messenger; Albeit I have been her Secretary, yet tell her, I shall keep her council; But say to her, Such Wares will not sell till a new Market. The answer received, she was nothing content, and then travelled she earnestly, That she might speak with the Earls Argyle, Glencarne, Mershall, and with the Lord James. After deliberation it was thought expedient, that they should speak with her, but not all together, lest that some part of the Guisians practice had lurked under the color of such friendship. Her regrate was unto them all, That she had behaved her self so foolishly, as that she had compelled them to seek the support of others, then of their own Sovereign, and said, That she sore repented, that ever it came to that extremity: but she was not the wight, but the wicked counsel of her friends on the one part, and the Earl of Huntley on the other: for if he had not been, she would have fully agreed with them at their Commoning at Preston: They gave unto her both the Council and the Comfort which they could in that extremity, and willed her to send for some godly learned man, of whom she might receive instruction, for these ignorant Papists that were about her, understood nothing of the Mystery of our redemption. Upon their motion was John Willock sent for, with whom she talked a reasonable space, and who did plainly show unto her as well the virtue and strength of the death of Jesus Christ, as the vanity and abomination of that Idol the Mass: She did openly confess, That there was no salvation, but in and by the death of Jesus Christ ; but of the Mass we heard not her Confession. Some say she was anointed with extreme Unction, after the Papistical manner, which was a sign of small knowledge of the Truth; and of less Repentance of her former Superstition: Yet howsoever it was, Christ Jesus gate no small Victory over such an enemy. For albeit before she had Vowed, That in despite of all Scotland, the Preachers of Jesus Christ should either die, or be banished the Realm: yet was she compelled not only to hear, That Christ Jesus was Preached, and all Idolatry openly rebuked, and in many places suppressed: but also she was constrained to hear one of the principal Ministers within the Realm, and to approve the chief head of our Religion, wherein we dissent from all Papists and Papistry. Shortly thereafter she finished her life, unhappy to Scotland, from the first day she entered into it, unto the day that she departed this life, which was the ninth day of June, in year of God 1560. The Guisian Councils, as they were wicked and cruel to the people, so they proved mischievous to themselves, and to them that followed them, to this day.
Upon the sixteenth day of June, after the death of the Queen Regent, came to Scotland Monsieur Randam, and with him the Bishop of Valance in Commission from France, to negotiate a Peace: From England there came Sir William Cecil, chief Secretary, and Doctor Whitton. Their negotiation was longsome; for both England and we fearing deceit, sought by all means that the contract should be sure. And they on the other part, meaning to gratify such as had sent them (who meant nothing but mere falsehood) protracted time to the uttermost: yea, while that those of Leith were very scarce of victuals, and those of the Inch had perished, had not been that by policy they gat a ship with Victuals, and some Munition, which was upon Midsommer Even, whereof they made no small triumph, which also for a season stayed the appointment, yet in the end Peace was concluded, in form as followeth.
The Articles Translated and agreed by John, Bishop of Valance, and Monsieur Randam, Deputies to the King and Queen of Scotland, upon the matters presented to them, by way of Petition, for the part of Nobility and people of Scotland.
IN the first, Upon the Complaint and Petition of the said Nobility, and the people of this Country, and the number of men of War sustained by their Majesty's in these parts in the time of Peace. It is humbly remonstrated to the said Deputies, that they would provide convenient remedy thereunto, for the comfort and relief of the Country. The said Deputies considering the said desires to be just, and conformable to reason, condescended, agreed, and assured, That the King and Queen should procure no French Men of War, nor no other nation to come to these parts in time coming. But if strangers would pretend to enter into this Realm with a Navy or Army, to occupy the same: In the which cause provision shall be made by their Majesty's, the judgment and counsel of the States of the Realm being had thereto, and that the French Men of War being now in the Town of Leith, shall be sent to France the same time, that the Navy and Army of English-men and Scottish-men be scattered and departed both by sea and land, the which shall be done in the best manner may be, as at more large consideration shall be had thereupon, and as to the bands of Scottish men of war, being at the said place, they shall be broken, and the men of war licensed to depart. Moreover, as to the Forts of Dumbar, and Incheketh ▪ that there shall remain in them an 120. Frenchmen of war only, which shall be parted and distributed in these two places, and there shall remain no more in Dumbar, but threescore men of war, so it be affirmed by the Captains chosen to that effect by both the parties, that for the keeping of the same, a greater number is not need full: also to depart when the States of the Realm can find any good and sure remedy upon the expenses made in the said places, to keep the same from peril of invasion or ruin thereof from them that would pretend to occupy the same, they shall immediately show the same unto their Majesty's as hastily as may be done: and in the mean time the number of the said men of war shall not be augmented. And in like manner, it shall not be lawful to the said men of war, to do any injuries to any persons, nor yet to maintain and defend any Scottish men, of what quality soever they be of, against the will and authority of the Magistrates of the Realm, nor to receive them in the said places that the Minister of Justice may not put hands on them, nor yet shall intromit in any manner of way, with the quarrels and discords of the Lord's, and other particular men of this Realm: But they themselves shall be bound in cases of any quarrel, to be punished after the Laws and constitutions of this Realm, and to answer for themselves before the Judges Ordinaries of the same. Last of all, that from henceforth they be not compelled to take on credit, they shall be every month satisfied of their wages, so that two Scottish Lord's chosen by the Council, may present it, at the Wapon shawing and musters of the said men of war, and also to visit the said Forts, to see if the number of them be liked, and it shall not be lawful to the said men of war to take any victuals for their sustentation, or for munition of the said places, but by payment of ready money numerate, and with the pleasures of them that delivereth the same unto them: And therefore the said Lord's obliges themselves to give them so much as is needful unto them, they having to pay therefore.
Item, upon the petition pre • ented unto the said Lord's Deputies, anenst the demolition of the fortifications, the said Deputies consent, agree and assureth, that the fortification of Leith shall be demolished, and that two, three, or four Captains shall be chosen by both the parties to view the Castle of Dumbar, and if it be found by them, that the reparation, amplification▪ and fortifying made thereof now after the peace▪ greater number of men to the keeping thereof be required, the reparation and fortification thereof shall be abolished, so soon as may be done, and shall remain only untouched that thing while we may make the said Castell more sure, and in less danger from invasion. Providing not the less that no greater number of men therein be required for keeping of the same. Moreover, in times coming the King and Queen shall make no mo • new Forts within this Realm▪ and shall not augment them, that are else made, nor shall repair them that are demolished without counsel and consent of the Estates; nor yet shall transport to these parts, any Artillery, Munition of War, Powder, or Victuals, but so much as may serve for keeping of the said places by the space of six months, or a year.
Item, Anenst the Demand made about the debts contracted by the French men of War in this Country, The saids Deputies consenteth, That the King and Queen shall cause to be restored all that which happeneth to be found given and granted to the Kings Lieutenant, and his Captains, and other Officers, for the nourishment, sustentation, and maintenance of the said French-men; or that which is found owing by the Lieutenants for service of their Majesty's, that may appear by writ, or confession of parties.
Item, Upon the Petition made anenst the Convention of States of this Realm, the said Deputies Consented and Accorded, &c. That the States of the Realm may convene and hold a Parliament the twentieth day of the month of July next to come; upon the which day the Parliament shall be continued, as the use is, unto the first day of the month of August following. Providing always, That before they begin to handle anything in the said Parliament, all tumult of War be discharged, and cease, that they who are present may be free without fear of men of War, or others; and that in this mean time a Messenger be sent by the said Deputies to the King and Queen, to certify them of the things agreed, treated and accorded, requesting their Majesty's humbly to be contented with the same. And the said Convention shall be as lawful in all respects, as the same had been ordained and done by express Commandment of their Majesty's. Providing that no matter be treated therein before the said first day of August.
Item, Upon the Article presented concerning War and Peace, the said Deputies Consented, Accorded, &c. That the King and Queen neither make Peace nor War on their parts, but by the Counsel, Judgment, and consent of the States, according to the Ordinance of the Country, and as was observed by their Predecessors.
Item, Upon the Petition presented to the said Deputies concerning the Government and Regiment of the Policy, they have Consented, &c. That four and twenty worthy men of this Realm be chosen by the States, of the which the King and the Queen shall choose seven, and the States five; which in their Majesty's absence shall take order, and make one ordinary Council for the administration aforesaid, so that no man of whatsoever quality he be, shall have the power to order anything to be done touching the said business, without the mediation, authority, and consent of them; and the said Counselors shall convene together as oft as they can conveniently, but shall convene no less nor fix together. And when any matter of importance occurreth, they shall all be called to consult, and order to be taken by them, or the most part of them, if need be: And if it happen any of the said seven chosen by the King and Queen to decease, their Majesty's shall choose another forth of the said number of four and twenty in the place of him that deceased. And if any of the said five chosen by the States dieth, the remnant forechosen by them shall name another of the number of 24. Moreover, if it be thought expedient to the said States that other two be augmented to the said number of 12. then and in that cause, the King and Queen shall choose one, and the States another; and so was this Article agreed under condition, that is to say, That the same be no prejudice in times coming to the King and Queen, and Rights of the Crown. And the said Deputies offered their labors to make mediation to the King and Queen, for maintaining Pensions and Expenses of the said Counselors, and ordinary Officers of the said Council, to be provided of the Rents and Revenues of the Crown.
Item, Upon the Petition made to the said Depu • ies anenst the Officers of this Realm, they consented and accorded, &c. That in time to come the King and Queen shall not depute any stranger in the administration of the Civil and Common Justice, and likewise in the Office of Chancery, Keeper of the Seal, the Treasurer, Controller, and every like Offices, and shall not use them, but shall be content with their own subjects borne in the Realm. Moreover, It shall not be lawful to put the Office of Treasury, Controller, into the hands of any Church-man, or other which are not able to exercise the said Offices; the which Treasurer and Controller shall be provided of sufficient Commission to use the said Offices: But it shall be lawful to them to dispose or sell Wards of Marriages, or other casualties, or any other things whatsoever they be, pertaining to their Offices, without advice and consent of the said Council, to the effect that the Council may know that all things be done to the profit of the King and Queen: And yet they will not bind or astraint the King or Queen to this Article, that they may not give when they think expedient.
Item, They accorded, That in the first Convention and Parliament of the States of this Realm, there shall be Constituted, Ordained, and Established, an Act of Oblivion, which afterwards shall be confirmed by the Kings and Queens Majesty's, by the which the remembrance of bearing Armor, and other things which have been done shall be buried and forgotten, from the sixth day of the month of March, in the year of our Lord God 1558 years: And by the same Act, they which have contravened the Laws of the Realm, shall be excused, and free of all pains contained therein, even so as if it had never been contravened. Providing, That the Privilege of the said Act be not extended to them which the States of the Realm shall judge unworthy thereof.
Item, It is agreed and concluded, That in the said Convention or Parliament, the States of the Realm, as the Custom is, and ordinarily is required, shall be called; in the which all they that have used to convene and to be present, may come without all fear or force done, or to be done to them by any person; so that the said States shall oblige them. That where in time coming any Sedition, or gathering of men of War shall happen to be without command of the Council, being of the number of twelve, the Realm and Country shall repute the causers thereof, and they that convene, as Rebells, and shall pursue them as such like, that they may be punished by the Laws of the Realm, so that the K. and Q. shall not be compelled in time coming to send any men of War strangers in these parts, for obtaining due obedience of their subjects.
Item, They Offered, Accorded, and Agreed, That there shall be a general peace and reconciliation amongst all Lord's and subjects of this Realm, so that they that are called of the Congregation, and they which are not of the same, shall lay no reproach to others for the things which are done from the said sixth day of March, 1558.
Item, They Offered, Accorded, and Affirmed, That the King and Queen shall not pursue, revenge, nor make any persecution for the things that have been done, nor yet shall they suffer the same to be done by their subjects French-men, but shall have all things in Oblivion, as if the same had never been done. And such like the Lord's of this Realm of Scotland shall do in all business betwixt them and the French-men on their. And if by sinister information, or any other occasion, their Majesty's have conceived evil opinion against their subjects, they shall utterly forget and change the same: Nor shall they deprive any of them, nor take from them any of them, their Subjects, the Offices, Benefices, or Estates, which they have brooked and enjoyed in the said Realm before, by reason of any things they have meddled with, from the said sixth day of March, 1558. And further, shall make no occasion of deprivation, nor deposing of them by any other color, without just cause, but rather they shall esteem and use them in time coming, as good and obedient subjects. Providing, That the said Lord's, and other subjects on their part, make to their Majesty's all obedience such like, as other faithful and natural subjects owe to their Sovereigns.
Item, It is Accorded and Agreed, That it shall be lawful to none of the Lord's and Nobility of Scotland, or any other, to make Convocation of men of War, but in the ordinary cause approved by the Laws and Custom of the Realm; And none of them shall cause any men of War strangers to come to their parts; and much less shall attempt to do anything against the King and Queen, or against the Authority of the Council, and other Magistrates of the Realm; and they which have presented the Petition shall be bound thereunto. And in case any of them, or others, find occasion to invade or take Armor against any man as he pretendeth, after that he hath communicated the matter with the Council of the Realm, he shall present his Complaint to their Majesty's, and generally they shall oblige them under the said pains, to do the things which pertaineth to good and faithful Subjects, for the quietness and tranquility of the Realm, and Rights of their Sovereign.
Item, It is Agreed, That if any Bishops, Abbots, or other Churchmen, shall find or allege them to have received any injuries, either in their persons or goods, the Complaints shall be seen and considered by the States of the said Convention and Parliament, and there shall be made redress, as they shall find according to reason; and in the mean time no man shall stop them, but they shall brook and enjoy their goods, nor shall do any hurt, injury or violence to them: And if any doth contravene to this Article, he shall be pursued by the Lord's as a perturber of a good Common-wealc.
Item, It is Accorded, &c. That the said Lord's shall bind them to observe, and cause to be observed, all and sundry Points and Articles agreed in this Treaty; And if it happen that any of them, or any other should gainsay the same, the remnant Lord's, and residue of the whole people, shall be enemies to him, and shall pursue him till he be chastened, and punished according to his demerits.
Item, It is Concluded, &c. That all the whole Realm may know that the King and Queen are not willing to keep any remembrance of the troubles and differences past, and so far as concerns the Nobility, and other subjects of this Realm; That their Majesty's desire is to use them humanely, and to be favorable unto them, the said Deputies have promised and accorded, That the Duke of Chattellarault, and all other Noble-men of Scotland, shall be restaured and settled again in all their goods and benefices, which they had enjoyed in France ; That they may brook and enjoy the same, in the same manner as they did before those debates, the said sixth day of March, and year aforesaid, even as the said controversies had never chanced. And also that all Capitulations and Articles agreed upon in times past, and especially those that were appointed in the King and Queens Contract shall be observed and kept, as well for the part of their Majesty's, as for the part of the Nobility and people of Scotland. And as concerning David, son to the Duke of Chattellarault, now being in Bois de Vincennes, liberty shall be granted unto him to return into Scotland, and to do as he pleaseth. Moreover, when the said Deputies exposed that some time it might chance, That the King might have need and use of his great Guns and Artillery in France, the said Lord's having consideration thereof, accorded, That no other Artillery be translated out of this Realm, but those which were sent and brought in, from the said day of the decease of Francis King of France, of good memory, to these parts: And that all other Artillery and Munition be reposed into the places whence they were taken forth, and in special they that have the Arms of Scotland, shall be put into the places whence they were taken forth of. And there shall be Noble-men of Scotland appointed therefore, and two for the part of the Kings Majesty, are to be deputed to agnosce and view the same afore the Shipping thereof.
And moreover, That whereas in the names of the Nobility and people of Scotland certain Articles concerning Religion and other Points have been presented, which the said Deputies will not touch; and considering the weight and importance of them, has remitted the same to be cognosced and decided by their Majesty's; The said Lord's and Nobility do promise, That a certain number of Noble-men should be chosen in the next Convention and Parliament to be sent to their Majesty's, which shall expose to their Highnesses those things that shall be thought needful for the state of their business, and for the forementioned and other Articles and Points undecided by the Deputies, to the effect they may know their Majesty's intention & good will concerning those things which shall be exposed from the Country: the which also shall have with them a confirmation & ratification by the states of the Realm, of those articles which are concorded, &c. by the Deputies; to whom also the same time or before shall be given and delivered, and like Confirmation and Ratification made by their Majesty's, so being that the said States send their Ratification aforesaid.
The Proclamation of the things above-written, made the 8 of July, in the year of God 1560.
TO the glory of the Almighty Lord God, and to the comfort of all Christians, the most puissant Prince and Princesse, and most Christian King and Queen Francis and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of France and Scotland: and by the most puissant Princesse Elizabeth, by the same Grace, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, &c. It is accorded, and Reconciliation of Peace and Amitie made, which is to be observed inviolably, amongst them, their Subjects, Realms and Countries. For as much as in name of the said Prince and Princesse it is commanded, and straitly charged to all manner of persons under their obedience, or being in their service, from henceforth to desist from all hostility both by Sea and Land, and to keep a good Peace the one with the other, and with charge, that none shall break the same under peril of, &c.
These things transacted, and the Peace Proclaimed, as is said, sudden provision was made for transporting of the French to France, of whom the most part were put in the English Ships, who also carried with them the whole spoil of Leith: and that was the second benefit which they received of their late promised liberty, the end whereof is not yet. The English Army departed by land the 16 day of July, in the year of God 1560. The most part of our Nobility Protestants, honourably conveyed them (as in very deed they had well deserved) But Lord James would not leave the Lord Gray with the other Noble-men of England, till that they entered into Barwick. After whose returning, the Council began to look as well upon the affairs of the Common-wealth, as upon the matters that might concern the stability of Religion. As before we have heard the Parliament was concluded to begin the tenth of July, and to be continued till the first of August next, and therefore the Lord's made the greater haste and diligence, that all things should be put in convenient order. But before all things the Preachers exhorted them (for then in Edinburgh were the most part of the chief Ministers of the Realm) to be thankful unto God, and next to provide that the Ministers should be distributed, as the necessity of the Country required. A day was appointed, when that the whole Nobility, and the greatest part of the Congregation assembled in S. Giles Church in Edinburgh, where after the Sermon made for that purpose, public thanks were given unto God for his merciful deliverance, in form as followeth.
Thankesgiving for our deliverance with Prayers.
O Eternal and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath not only commanded us to Pray, and promised to hear us; but also willest us to magnify thy mercies, and to glorify thy Name, when thou showest thyself pitiful, and favorable unto us, especially when thou deliverest us from desperate dangers: for so did thy servants, Abraham, David, Jehoshaphat, and Hezekiah, yea, the whole people of Israel omitted not the same, when thou by thy mighty hand didst confound their enemies, and didst deliver them from fear and danger of death intended. We ought not, nor can we forget, O Lord, in how miserable estate stood this poor Country, and we the just inhabitants of the same, not many days past; When Idolatry was maintained; When cruel strangers did bear rule; When Virgins were deflowered, Matrones corrupted, Men's Wives violently and villainously oppressed, The blood of innocents shed without mercy. And finally, when the unjust commandments of proud tyrants were obeyed as Law. Out of these miseries (O Lord) could neither our wit, policy nor strength deliver us, yea, thou didst show to us how vain was the help of man, where thy blessing giveth not victory. In these our anguishes, O Lord, we sobbed unto thee, we cried for thy help, and we reclaimed thy Name, as thy troubled flock persecuted for thy Trueths sake. Mercifully hast thou heard us (O Lord) mercifully, we say, because that neither in us, neither yet in our confederates was there any cause why that thou shouldst have given unto us so joyful and sudden a deliverance. For neither of us both ceased to do wickedly, even in the midst of our greatest troubles, and yet hast thou looked upon us so pitifully, as that we had given unto thee most perfect obedience. For thou hast disappointed the counsels of the crafty; Thou hast bridled the rage of the cruel; and thou hast of thy mercy set this our perishing Realm, at a reasonable liberty. Oh give us hearts (thou Lord, that only givest all good gifts) with reverence and fear to meditate thy wondrous works late wrought in our eyes. Let not the remembrance of the same unthankfully to slip from our wavering minds. We grant and acknowledge, O Lord, That whatsoever we have received, shall fall into oblivion with us, and so turn to our condemnation; unless thou by the power of thy Spirit keep and retain us in recent and perpetual memory of the same. We beseech thee therefore, O father of mercies, that as of thy undeserved grace, thou hast partly removed our darkness; suppressed Idolatry; and taken from above our heads the devouring sword of merciless strangers, that so it would please thee to proceed with us in this thy grace begun. And albeit that in us there is nothing that may move thy Majesty, to show us this favor; yet for Christ Jesus, thy only well-beloved Sons sake, whose Name we bear, and whose Doctrine we profess; we beseech thee never to suffer us to forsake or deny this Verity which now we profess. But seeing that thou hast mercifully heard us, and hast caused thy Veritie to triumph in us; so we crave of thee continuance to the end, that thy godly Name may be glorified in us thy creatures. And seeing that nothing is more odious in thy presence (O Lord) then is ingratitude and violation of an Oath and Covenant made in thy Name. And seeing thou hast made our Confederates of England the Instrument by whom we are now set at this liberty, and to whom in thy Name we have promised mutual faith again. Let us never fall to that unkindness (O Lord) that either we declare ourselves unthankful unto them, or profaners of thy holy Name. Confound thou the Counsel of those, that go about to break that most godly League contracted in thy Name, and retain thou us so firmly together by the power of thy holy Spirit, that Satan have never power to set us again at variance nor discord. Give us thy grace to live in that Christian charity, which thy Son our Lord Jesus hath so earnestly commended to all the members of his body, that other Nations provoked by our example, may set aside all ungodly war, contention and strife, and study to live in tranquility and peace, as it becometh the Sheep of thy Pasture, and the people that daily look for our final deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Jesus. To whom with thee and the Holy Spirit be all honor, glory and praise now and ever. Amen.
Hereafter were the Commissioners of Boroughs, with some of the Nobility and Barons, appointed to see the equal distribution of Ministers to change and transport, as the most part should think expedient. And so was John Knox appointed to Edinburgh, Christopher Goodman (who the most part of the troubles had remained in Air ) was appointed to Saint Andrew's, Adam Heriot to Aberdeene, Master John Row to Saint Johnston, Paul Meaffen (to whom was no infamy then known) to Iedburgh, William Christison to Dundie, David Fargeson to Dunfermelin, and Master David Lindsay to Leith. There were nominated for Superintendents, and Overseers, that all things in the Church should be carried with Order, and well, Master John Spottiswood for Lowthian, Master John Wyram for Fife, Master John Willock for Glasgow, the Laird of Dun for Angus and Mearnes, Master John Carswell for Argyle and the Isles. These to be elected at the days appointed; unless that the Countries whereto they were to be appointed, could in the mean time find out men more able and sufficient, or else show such causes as might disable them from that employment.
The Parliament approaching, due advertisement was made by the Council, to all such as by Law and ancient Custom had, or might claim to have Title therein. The assembly was great, notwithstanding some, as well of those that be called Spiritual as Temporal Lord's, contemptuously did absent themselves. And yet the chief Pillars of the Papistical Church gave their presence, such as the Bishops of Saint Andrew's, Dumblane, and Dunkell, with others of the inferior sort, beside those that had renounced Papisterie, and openly professed Jesus Christ with us, such as the Bishop of Galloway, the Abbots of Lindrosse, Culrosse, Saint Colmes Inch, New-battle, Halyrud-house, the Prior of Saint Andrew's, Coldinghame, Saint-Mary I will, the Sub-priour of S. Andrew's, and divers others, whom we observed not. At the same time of Parliament John Knox publicly Preached upon some Texts of the Prophet Haggai, the Doctrine was proper for the time. In application whereof he was so special and so vehement, that some (having greater respect to the world then to God's glory) feeling themselves pricked, said in mockage, We may now forget ourselves, and bear the Barrow to build the house of God. God be merciful to the speaker, for we fear yet he shall have experience, That the building of his own house (the house of God being despised) shall not be so prosperous, and of such firmitie as we desire it were. And albeit some mocked, yet others were godly moved, who did assemble themselves together, to consult what things were to be proposed to that present Parliament: And after deliberation, was this subsequent supplication offered.
The Barons, Gentlemen, Burgesses, and other true Subjects of this Realm, professing the Lord Jesus within the same.
To the Nobility and States of Parliament presently assembled within the said Realm, desire Grace, Mercy and Peace, from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the increase of his holy Spirit.
PLease your Honors to call to remembrance, how divers and sundry times, we (with some of yourselves) most humbly Petitioned, at the feet of the late Queen Regent, for freedom and liberty of Conscience, with a godly Reformation of abuses, which by the malice of Satan and negligence of men, are crept into the Religion of God, and are maintained by such as take upon them the name of Clergy. And albeit that our godly and most reasonable suit was then disdainfully rejected, whereof no small troubles have ensued, as your Honors well know, yet seeing that the same necessity yet remaineth, that then moved us; And moreover, that God of his mercy hath now put into your hands, to take such order; As God thereby may be glorified; This Common-wealth quieted; And the Policy thereof established: We cannot cease to crave of your Honors the redress of such enormities, as manifestly are (and of long time have been) committed by the place-holders of the Ministry, and others of the Clergy within this Realm. And first, seeing that God of his great mercy hath by the light of his Word manifested to no small number of this Realm, That the Doctrine of the Roman Church, received by the said Clergy, and maintained through their tyranny by fire and sword, contained in it self many pestiferous errors, which cannot but bring damnation to the souls of such as therewith shall be infected; such as are the Doctrine of Transubstantiation; of the Adoration of Christ's Body, under the form of Bread, as they term it; of the Merits of Works, and Justification that they allege cometh thereby; together with the Doctrine of the Papistical Indulgences, Purgatory, Pilgrimage, and Praying to Saints departed, which all either repugn to the plain Scriptures, or else have no ground in the Doctrine of our Master Jesus Christ, his Prophets and Apostles.
1. We humbly therefore crave of your Honors, That such doctrine and Idolatry as by God's Word are both condemned, so may they be abolished by Act of this present Parliament, and punishment appointed for the transgressors.
Secondarily, seeing that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ are most shamefully abused and profaned by that Roman Harlot and her sworn vassals; and also because that the true Discipline of the ancient Church is utterly now amongst that Sect extinguished: For who within the Realm are more corrupt in life and manners then are they that are called the Clergy, living in whoredom, adultery, deflowering Virgins, corrupting Matrons, and doing all abomination, without fear of punishment. We humbly therefore desire your Honors to find remedy against the one and the other.
3. Thirdly, Because that man of sin falsely claimeth to himself the titles of, The Vicar of Christ, The Successor of Peter, The Head of the Church, That he cannot err, That all power is granted unto him, &c. By the which usurped Authority, he taketh upon him the distribution and possession of the whole Patrimony of the Church, whereby the true Ministry of the Word of God long time hath been altogether neglected, the godly learning despised, the Schools not provided, and the poor not only frauded of their portion, but also most tyrannously oppressed: we likewise hereof desire remedy. And lest that your Honors should doubt in any of these premises, we offer ourselves evidently to prove, That in all the rabble of the Clergy there is not one lawful Minister, if God's Word, the practices of the Apostles, the sincerity of the Primitive Church, and their own ancient Laws, shall judge of lawful Election. We further offer to prove them all thieves and murderers, yea, rebels and traitors to the lawful Authority of Emperors, Kings and Princes, and therefore unworthy to be suffered in any reformed Common-wealth. How maliciously they murdered our brethren, for no other cause, but for that they offered to us the light of God's Word, your Honors cannot be ignorant; and into what hazard their tyranny hath brought this whole Realm, the Ages after will consider. If ye look for other fruit in times to come, then ye have seen in them whom we accuse, we are assured ye shall be deceived. Now hath God, beyond all expectation of man, made you, who sometimes were suppliants with us for Reformation, Judges, as it were, in the Cause of God: At least, he hath so subdued your enemies unto you, that by violence they are not able to suppress the Verity, as heretofore they have done. We therefore, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, crave of your Honors, That either they may be compelled to answer to our former accusations, and unto such others as justly we have to lay to their charges; or else that all affection laid aside, ye pronounce them such by censure of this Parliament, and cause them to be so reputed, as by us most justly they are accused: Especially, that they may be discerned unworthy of honor, authority, charge or cure in the Church of God, and so from henceforth never to enjoy voice in Parliament: Which if ye do not, then in the fear of God, and by assurance of his Word we forewarn you, That as ye leave a grievous yoke, & a burden intolerable upon the Church of God in this realm, so shall they be thorns in your eyes, and pricks in your sides, whom after, when ye would, ye shall have no power to remove. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give you upright hearts, seeking his glory, and true understanding, what this day he who hath delivered you from Bondage both Spiritual and Temporal, craveth of you by his servants, and your Honors answer most humbly require.
This our Supplication being read in audience of the whole Assembly, divers men were of divers judgments; for as some there were that uprightly favored the Cause of God; so were there many that for worldly respects abhorred a perfect Reformation (for how many within Scotland who have the name of Nobility, and are unjust possessors of the Patrimony of the Church) and yet were the Barons and Ministers called, and commandment given unto them, to draw into plain and several Heads the sum of that Doctrine which they would maintain, and would desire the present Parliament to establish, as wholesome, true, and only necessary to be believed, and to be received within the Realm: Which they willingly accepted; and within four days presented this Confession as it followeth, without alteration of any one sentence.
The Confession of Faith professed and believed by the Protestants within the Realm of Scotland, published by them in Parliament, and by the Estates thereof Ratified and Approved, as wholesome and sound Doctrine, grounded upon the infallible Truth of God.
MATTH. 24.
The Preface.
The States of Scotland, with the Inhabitants of the same professing Christ Jesus his holy Gospel,
To their natural Country-men, and unto all other Realms and Nations professing the same Lord Jesus with them, Wish Grace, Mercy, and Peace, from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Spirit of righteous Judgment, for Salvation.
LOng have we thirsted (dear Brethren) to have notified unto the world the sum of that Doctrine which we profess, and for the which we have sustained infamy and danger. But such hath been the rage of Satan against us, and against Christ Jesus his Eternal Verity lately now again borne amongst us, that to this day no time hath been granted unto us, to clear our consciences, as most gladly we would have done: For how we have been tossed a whole year past, the most part of Europe (as we do suppose) doth understand. But seeing that of the infinite goodness of our God (who never suffereth his afflicted utterly to be confounded) above expectation, have we obtained some rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this brief and plain Confession of such Doctrine as is proposed unto us, and as we believe and profess; partly for satisfaction of our Brethren, whose hearts, we doubt not, have been, and yet are, wounded by the despiteful railing of such as yet have not learned to speak well: And partly for stopping the mouths of impudent blasphemers, who boldly condemn that which they neither heard nor understood: Not that we judge that the cankered malice of such is able to be cured by this simple Confession; No, we know that the sweet savor of the Gospel is and shall be death unto the sons of perdition. But we have chief respect to our weak and infirm Brethren, to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts, lest that they be troubled or carried away by diversity of rumors which Satan spreadeth against us, to the defeating of this our most godly enterprise; Protesting, That if any man will note in this our Confession any Articles or sentence repugning to God's holy Word, that it would please him of his gentleness, and for Christian charities sake, admonish us of the same in writing; and we upon our Honors and fidelity do promise unto him satisfaction from the mouth of God (that is, from his holy Scriptures) or else Reformation of that which he shall prove to be amiss. For God we take to Record in our consciences, That from our hearts we abhor all Sects of Heresy, and all teachers of erroneous doctrine; And that with all humility we embrace the purity of Christ's Gospel, which is the only food of our souls; and therefore so precious unto us, that we are determined to suffer the extremest of worldly danger, rather then that we will suffer ourselves to be defrauded of the same. For hereof we are most certainly persuaded, That whosoever denieth Christ Jesus, or is ashamed of him in presence of men, shall be denied before the Father, and before his holy Angels. And therefore by the assistance of the mighty Spirit of the same our Lord Jesus, we firmly purpose to abide to the end in the confession of this our Faith.
The first Article. Of GOD.
WE confess and acknowledge one only God, to whom only we must cleave, whom only we must Worship, and in whom only we must put our trust; who is Eternal, Infinite, Unmeasurable, Incomprehensi • le, Omnipotent, Invisible, one in Substance, and yet distinct into three Persons, The Father, The Son, And the holy Ghost; by whom we confess and believe all things in heaven and earth, as well Visible as Invisible, to have been Created, to be Retained in their being, and to be Ruled and Guided by his inscrutable Providence, to such end as his eternal Wisdom, Goodness and Justice hath appointed them, to the manifestation of his own Glory.
II. Of the Creation of Man.
WE confess and acknowledge this our God to have Created man (to wit, our first Father Adam ) of whom also God formed the Woman, to his own Image and Similitude; To whom he gave Wisdom, Lordship, Justice, free-Will, and clear Knowledge of himself; so that in the whole Nature of man there could be no imperfection: From which Honor and Perfection Man and Woman did both fall; the Woman, being deceived by the Serpent; and Man, obeying to the voice of the Woman, both conspiring against the Sovereign Majesty of God, who in express words had before threatened death, if they presumed to eat of the forbidden Tree.
III. Of Original Sin.
BY which transgression, commonly called Original Sin, was the Image of God utterly defaced in Man, and he and his Posterity of Nature became enemies to God, slaves to Satan, servants to Sin, insomuch that Death everlasting hath had, and shall have power and dominion over all that hath not been, are not, or shall not be regenerate from above; which Regeneration is wrought by the power of the holy Ghost, working in the hearts of the Elect of God an assured Faith in the Promises of God revealed to us in his Word; by which Faith they apprehend Christ Jesus, with the Graces and Benefits promised in him.
IIII. Of the Revelation of the Promises.
FOr this we constantly believe, That God, after the fearful and horrible defection of man from his obedience, did seek Adam again, call upon him, rebuke his sin, convince him of the same, and in the end made unto him a joyful Promise, to wit, That the Seed of the Woman should break down the Serpents head ; that is, He should destroy the works of the devil: which Promise, as it was repeated and made more clear from time to time, so was it embraced with joy, and most constantly retained of all the faithful, from Adam to Noah, from Noah to Abraham, and from Abraham to David, and so forth to the Incarnation of Jesus Christ; who all (we mean the faithful Fathers) under the Law, did see the joyful days of Christ Jesus, and did rejoice.
V. The Continuance, Encrease, and Preservation of his Church.
WE most constantly believe, That God Preserveth, Instructeth, Multiplieth, Honoureth, Decoreth, and from death called to Life his Church in all Ages, from Adam, till the coming of CHRIST JESUS in the Flesh: For Abraham he called from his fathers Country, him he instructed, his Seed he multiplied, the same he marvelously preserved, and more marvelously delivered from the Bondage of Pharaoh ; to whom he gave his Laws, Constitutions and Ceremonies. Them he possessed in the Land of Canaan, to them after Judges, and after Saul, he gave David to be King; to whom he made promise, That of the fruit of his Loynes should one sit forever upon his Regal Seat. To this same people from time to time he sent Prophets to reduce them to the right way of their God, from the which oftentimes they declined by Idolatry. And albeit for their stubborn contempt of Justice, he was compelled to give them into the hands of their enemies, as before he threatened by the mouth of Moses : Insomuch that the holy City was destroyed, the Temple burnt with fire, and the whole land left desolate the space of seventy years; yet of mercy did he reduce them again to Jerusalem, where the City and Temple were reedified, and they against all temptations and assaults of Satan, did abide till the Messias came, according to the promise.
VI. Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus.
WHen the fullness of time came, God sent his Son, his eternal Wisdom, the substance of his own Glory into this World, who took the nature of manhood, of the substance of a woman; to wit, of a Virgin, and that by the operation of the holy-Ghost, and so was born, The just seed of David, The Angel of the great council of God, The very Messias promised, whom we acknowledge, and confess, Immanuel, very God and very man, two perfect natures united and joined in one person. By which our Confession, we condemn the damnable and pestilent Heresies of Arius, Martion, Eutiches, Nestorius, and such others, as either deny the Eternity of his God-head, or the Veritie of his human nature, or confound them, or yet divide them.
VII. Why it behooveth the Mediator to be very God and very man.
WE acknowledge and confess, That this most wondrous conjunction betwixt the God-head and Man-hood of Christ Jesus, did proceed from the eternal and immutable Decree of God, whence also our salvation springeth and dependeth.
VIII. Of Election.
FOr that same eternal God, who of mere grace elected us in Christ Jesus his Son, before the foundation of the world was laid, appointed him to be our Head, our Brother, our Pastor, and great Bishop of our souls: But because that the enmity betwixt the justice of God and our sins, was such, That no flesh by itself, could, or might have attained unto God; It behooved that the Son of God should descend unto us, and take himself a body of our body, flesh of our flesh, and bones of our bones, and so become the perfect Mediator betwixt God and man; giving power to so many as believe in him, to be the sons of God, as he himself doth witness. I pass up to my Father and your Father, to my God and unto God: By which most holy fraternity, whatsoever we have lost in Adam, is restored to us again. And for this cause are we nothing afraid to call God our Father, not so much in that he hath created us (which we have common with the reprobate) as for that, that he hath given to us his only Son to be our Brother, and given unto us grace to embrace him for our only Mediator, as before is said. It behooved further the Messias and Redeemer to be very God and very Man, because he was to suffer the punishment due for our transgressions, and to present himself in the presence of his fathers judgment, as in our person to suffer for our transgression and disobedience, by death to overcome him that was Author of death. But because the only God-head could not suffer death, neither could only the Man-hood overcome the same, he joined both together in one person, that the imbecility of the one should suffer and be subject to death (which we had deserved) and the Infinite and Invincible power of the other; to wit, of the God-head should triumph, and purchase unto us life, liberty, and perpetual Victory: and so we confess, and most undoubtedly believe.
IX. Christ's Death, Passion, Burial, &c.
THat our Lord Jesus offered himself a voluntary Sacrifice unto his Father for us; That he suffered contradiction of sinners; That he was wounded and plagued for our transgressions; That he being the clean and innocent Lamb of GOD, was condemned in the presence of an earthly Judge; that we might be absolved before the Tribunal Seat of our God: That he suffered not only the cruel death of the Cross (which was accursed by the sentence of God) but also, That he suffered for a season the wrath of his Father, which sinners had deserved. But yet we avow, That he remained the only well-beloved and blessed Son of his Father, even in the midst of his anguish and torment, which he suffered in body and soul, to make the full satisfaction for the sins of his people. After the which, we confess and avow, That there remains no other sacrifice for sins; which if any affirm, we nothing doubt to avow, That they are blasphemous against Christ's Death, and the everlasting purgation and satisfaction purchased unto us by the same.
X. Resurrection.
WE undoubtedly believe, That in so much as it was impossible that the pains of death should retain in bondage the Author of life, that our Lord Jesus Crucified, Dead, and Buried, who descended into hell, did rise again for our Justification, and destroying him who was the author of death, brought life again to us that were subject to death, and to the bondage of the fame: We know that his Resurrection was confirmed by the testimony of his very enemies. By the Resurrection of the dead, whose sepulchers did open, and they did arise and appeared to many within the City of Jerusalem. It was also confirmed by the testimony of Angels, and by the senses and judgments of his Apostles and others, who had conversation, and did eat and drink with him after his Resurrection.
XI. Ascension.
WE nothing doubt, but that the self-same Body, which was born of the Virgin, was Crucified, Dead and Buried, and which did rise again, did ascend into the Heavens, for accomplishment of all things: Where, in our names, and for our comfort, he hath received all power in heaven and in earth: Where he sitteth at the right hand of the Father, enthronized in his Kingdom, Advocate and only Mediator for us; which glory, honor, and prerogative, he alone amongst the Brethren shall possess, till that all his enemies be made his foot stool, as that we undoubtedly believe they shall be in the final judgment, to the execution whereof, we certainly believe that the same our Lord Jesus shall visibly and apparently return, as that he was seen to ascend. And there we firmly believe that the time of refreshing and restitution of all things shall come, insomuch that those that from the beginning have suffered violence, injury and wrong for righteousness sake, shall inherit the blessed immortality promised from the beginning. But contrary ways the stubborn, cruel, inobedient, oppressors, filthy persons, adulterers, and all sorts of unthankful men, shall be cast into the dungeon of utter darkness, where their worm shall not die, neither yet their fire be extinguished: the remembrance of the which day, and of the judgment to be executed in the same, is not only to us a Bridle, whereby our carnal lusts are reserved, but also such inestimable comfort, that neither may the threatening of worldly Princes, neither yet the fear of temporal death and present danger move us to renounce and forsake that blessed society, which we the members have with our Head and only Mediator Christ Jesus; whom we confess and avow to be the Messias promised, the only Head of the Church, our just Lawgiver, our only High Priest, Advocate and Mediator. In whose honors and Offices, if a man or Angel presume to intrude themselves, we utterly detest and abhor them, as blasphemous to our Sovereign Governor Christ Jesus.
XII. Faith in the Holy Ghost.
THis our faith, and the assurance of the same proceedeth not from flesh and blood; that is to say, from no natural powers within us, but is the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, whom we confess, God equal with the Father, and with the Son, who sanctified us, and bringeth us into all verity by his own operation, without whom we should remain forever enemies to God, and ignorant of his Son Christ Jesus. For of nature we are so dead, so perverse and blind, that neither we can feel when we were pricked, see the light when it shineth, nor assent to the will of God when it is revealed, only the Spirit of the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is dead, removeth the darkness from our minds, and boweth our stubborn hearts to the obedience of his blessed will, and so as we confess that God the Father created us when we were not, as his Son our Lord Jesus redeemed us, when we were enemies to him; So also we confess that the Holy Ghost doth sanctify, and regenerate us without all respect of any merit proceeding from us, be it before, or be it after our regeneration. To speak this one thing yet in more plain words, as we willingly spoil ourselves of all honor and glory of our own Creation and Redemption, so do we also of our regeneration and sanctification; for of selves we are not sufficient to think one good thought, but he who hath begun the good work in us, is only he that continueth us in the same, to the praise and glory of his undeserved grace.
XIII. The cause of good works.
SO that the cause of good Works we confess to be, not of free Will, but the Spirit of the Lord Jesus, who dwelling in our hearts by true faith, bringeth forth such good works, as God hath prepared for us to walk in; for this we most boldly affirm that blasphemy, it is to say that Christ Jesus abideth in the heart of such, as in whom there is no spirit of sanctification; and therefore we fear not to affirm, that Murderres, Oppressors, cruel Persecutors, Adulterers, Whoremongers, filthy Persons, Idolaters, Drunkards, Thieves, and all workers of iniquity, have neither true faith, neither any portion of the Spirit of Sanctification, which proceedeth from the Lord Jesus, so long as they obstinately continue in their wickedness. For how soon so ever the Spirit of the Lord Jesus (which God's Elect Children receive by true faith) taketh possession in the heart of any man, so soon doth he regenerate and renew the same man, so that he begins to hate that which before he loved, and beginneth to love that which before he hated; and from thence cometh to that continual battle, which is betwixt the flesh and the Spirit in God's Children, while the flesh and natural man (according to their own corruption) lusteth for things pleasing and delectable to itself, grudgeth in adversity, is lifted up in prosperity, and at every moment is prone and ready to offend the Majesty of God; but the Spirit of God which giveth witnessing unto our spirit, that we are the sons of God, maketh us to resist the Devil to abhor filthy pleasures, to groan in God's presence for deliverance from this bondage of corruption, and finally to triumph over sin, that it reign not in our mortal bodies. This battle have not the carnal men, being destitute of God's Spirit, but do follow and obey sin with greediness, and without repentance, even as the Devil and their corrupt lusts do prick them. But the Sons of God (as afore is said) do fight against sin, do sob and mourn when they perceive themselves tempted to iniquity, and if they fall, they rise again with earnest and unfeigned repentance: and these things they do not by their own power, but the power of our Lord Jesus (without whom they were able to do nothing) worketh in them all that is good.
XIIII. What works are reputed good before God.
WE confess and acknowledge, That God hath given to man his holy Law, in which not only are forbidden all such works as displease and offend his godly Majesty, but also are commanded all such as please him, and as he hath promised to reward. And these works be of two sorts; the one are done to the honor of God; the other to the profit of our neighbors: And both have the revealed Will of God for their assurance; To have one God, To worship and honor him, To call upon him in all our troubles, To reverence his holy Name, To hear his Word, To believe the same, To communicate his holy Sacraments, are the works of the first Table. To honor father and mother, Princes, Rulers, and superior Powers, To love them, To support them, yea, To obey their Charges (not repugning to the Commandment of God) To save the life of Innocents, To repress tyranny, To defend the oppressed, To keep our bodies clean and holy, To live in sobriety and temperance, To deal justly with all men, both in word and deed; and finally, To repress the appetite of our neighbors hurt, are the good works of the second Table, which are most pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those works are commanded by himself. The contrary thereof is sin most odious, which always displeaseth him, and provoketh him to anger; as, Not to call upon him alone when we have need, Not to hear his Word with reverence, To contemn and despise it, To have or to worship Idols, To maintain and defend Idolatry, Lightly to esteem the reverent Name of God, To profane, abuse, or contemn the Sacraments of Christ Jesus, To disobey or resist any that God hath placed in Authority (while they pass not over the bounds of their Office) To murder, or consent thereunto, To bear hatred, or to suffer Innocent blood to be shed, if we may gainstand it; and finally, The transgressing of any other Commandment in the first or second Table, we confess and affirm to be sin, by the which God's hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankful world: So that good works we affirm to be those only that are done in Faith, and at God's Commandment, who in his Law hath expressed what be the things that please him: And evil works we affirm, not only those that are expressly done against God's Commandment, but those also that in matters of Religion, and worshipping of God, have no assurance, but the invention and opinion of man, which God from the beginning hath ever rejected, as by the Prophet Isaiah, and by our Master Christ Jesus, we are taught in these words; In vain do they worship me, teaching doctrines which are the Precepts of men.
XV. The perfection of the Law, and the imperfection of man.
THe Law of God we confess and acknowledge most just, most equal, most holy and most perfect, commanding those things, which being wrought in perfection, were able to give life, and to bring man to eternal felicity. But our Nature is so corrupt, so weak and imperfect, that we are never able to fulfill the works of the Law in perfection; yea, if we say we have no sin (even after we are regenerate) we deceive ourselves, and the Verity of God is not in us. And therefore it behooveth us to apprehend Christ Jesus with Justice and Satisfaction, who is the End and Accomplishment of the Law to all that believe, by whom we are set at this liberty, that the curse and malediction of the Law fall not upon us, albeit we fulfill not the same in all points: For God the Father beholding us in the Body of his Son Christ Jesus, accepteth our imperfect obedience, as were perfect, and covered our works which are defiled with many spots, with the Justice of his Son. We do not mean that we are set so at liberty, that we owe no obedience to the Law (for that before we have plainly confessed) but this we affirm, That no man in earth (Christ Jesus only accepted) hath given, giveth, or shall give in work, that obedience to the Law, which the Law requireth; But when we have done all things, we must fall down and unfeignedly confess, That we are unprofitable servants. And therefore whosoever boast themselves of the merits of their own works, or put their trust in the works of Supererogation, they boast themselves of that which is not, and put their trust in damnable Idolatry.
XVI. Of the Church.
AS we believe in God the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, so do we most earnestly believe, That from the beginning there hath been, now is, and to the end of the world shall be, A Church; that is to say, A Company and Multitude of men chosen of God, who rightly worship and embrace him by true faith in Christ Jesus, who is the only Head of the same Church, which also is the Body & Spouse of Christ Jesus, which Church is catholic, that is, Universal, because it containeth the elect of all Ages, all Realms, Nations and Tongues, be they of the Jews, or be they of the Gentiles, who have Communion or Society with God the Father, and with his Son Christ Jesus, through the Sanctification of his holy Spirit; and therefore it is called, Communion (not of profane persons) but of Saints, who are Citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem, have the fruition of the most inestimable benefits; to wit, of one God, one Lord Jesus, one Faith, and one Baptism; without the which Church there is neither life nor eternal felicity: And therefore we utterly abhor the blasphemy of those that affirm, That men that live according to equity and justice shall be saved, what Religion soever they have professed: For as without Christ Jesus there is neither life nor salvation: so shall there none be participant thereof, but such as the Father hath given unto his Son Christ Jesus, and those in time to come to him, avow his doctrine, and believe in him (we comprehend the Children, with the faithful Parents) This Church is invisibly known only to God, who alone knoweth it, whom he hath chosen, and comprehendeth as well (as is said) the Elect that be departed (commonly called the Church triumphant) as those that yet live, and fight against sin and Satan, as shall live hereafter.
XVII. The immortality of the Souls.
THe Elect departed are in peace, and rest from their labors, not that they sleep, and come to a certain oblivion (as some fantanstick heads do affirm) but that they are delivered from all fear, all torment, and all temptation, the which we and all God's Elect are subject unto in this life, and therefore do bear the name of the Church militant. As contrary always the reprobate and unfaithful departed, have anguish, torment and pain, that cannot be expressed, so that neither are the one nor the other in such sleep, that they feel not joy or torment, as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth of Luke, his words to the Thief▪ and these words of the souls crying under the Altar: O Lord, thou that art righteous and just, how long shalt thou not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth, doth plainly testify.
XVIII. Of the Notes by the which the true Church is discerned from the false, and who shall be Judge of the Doctrine.
BEcause that Satan from the beginnig hath labored to deck his pestilent Synagogue with the Title of the Church of God, and hath inflamed the hearts of cruel murderers to persecute, trouble and molest the true Church and Members thereof, as Cain did Abel, Ishmael, Isaac, Esau, Jacob, and the whole Priesthood of the Jews, Jesus Christ himself, and his Apostles after him. It is a thing most requisite, that the true Church be discerned from the filthy Synagogue, by clear and perfect Notes, lest we being deceived, receive and embrace to our own condemnation the one for the other. The Notes, Signs, and assured Tokens whereby the Immaculate Spouse of Christ Jesus is known from the horrible Harlot the Church malignant, we affirm, are neither antiquity, title usurped, lineal descents, place appointed, nor multitude of men approving any error; For Cain in age and title was preferred to Abel and Seth. Jerusalem had prerogative above all places of the earth, where also were the Priests lineally descended from Aaron, and greater multitude followed the Scribes, Pharisees, and Priests, then unfeignedly believed and approved Christ Jesus and his Doctrine; and yet (as we suppose) no man of whole judgment will grant that any of the forenamed were the Church of God: The Notes therefore of the true Church of God, we believe, confess, and avow, to be first the true preaching of the Word of God; in which God hath revealed himself to us, as the writings of the Prophets and Apostles do declare. Secondly, the right administration of the Sacraments of Christ Jesus, which may be annexed to the word and promise of God, to seal and confirm the same in our hearts. Lastly, Ecclesiastical discipline uprightly ministered, as God's Word prescribeth, whereby vice is repressed, and virtue nourished, wheresoever then these former Notes are seen, and of any time continual (be the number never so few above two or three) there without all doubt is the true Church of Christ, who according to his promise is in the midst of them; not of that universal (of which we have before spoken) but particular, such as was in Corinthus, Galatia, Ephesus, and other places in which the Ministry was planted by Paul, and were of himself named the Churches of God: and such Churches we the Inhabitants of the Realm of Scotland, professors of Christ Jesus, confess us to have in our Cities, Towns, and places reformed: For the Doctrine taught in our Churches, is contained in the written Word of God, to wit, in the Books of the New and Old Testaments; in those Books we mean, which of ancient have been reputed Canonical, in the which we affirm that all things necessary to be believed for the salvation of mankind is sufficiently expressed. The interpretation whereof, we confess, neither appertaineth unto any private nor public person; neither yet to any Church for any preeminence or prerogative personal or local, which one hath above another, but appertaineth to the Spirit of God, by the which also the Scripture was written. When controversy then happeneth for the right understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for the reformation of any abuse within the Church of God, we ought not so much to look what men before us have said and done, as unto that which the Holy Ghost uniformly speaketh within the body of the Scriptures, and unto that which Christ Jesus himself did, and commanded to be done. For this is a thing universally granted, That the Spirit of God, which is the Spirit of unity, is in nothing contrary to himself. If then the interpretation, determination or sentence of any Doctor, Church or Council, repugn to the plain Word of God, written in any other place of Scripture, it is a thing most certain that there is not the true understanding and meaning of the Holy Ghost; supposing that Counsels, Realms, and Nations have approved and received the same. For we dare not receive and admit any Interpretation, which directly oppugneth to any principal point of our faith, to any other plain text of Scripture, or yet to the rule of charity.
XIX. The Authority of the Scriptures.
ANd we believe and confess the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct, and make the man of God perfect, so do we affirm and avow the Authority of the same to be of God, and neither to depend on men nor Angels: We affirm therefore, That such as allege the Scriptures to have no authority, but that which is received from the Church, to be blasphemous against God, and injurious to the true Church, which always heareth and obeyeth the voice of her own Spouse and Pastor, but taketh not upon her to be Mistress over the same.
XX. Of the General Councils, of their Power, Authority, and Cause of their Convention.
AS we not rashly condemn that which godly men assembled together in General Councils, lawfully gathered, have approved unto us: So without just examination dare we not receive whatsoever is obtruded unto men, under the name of General Councils, for plain it is, that as they were men, so have some of them manifestly erred, and that in matters of great weight and importance. So far then as the Council proveth the Determination and Commandment, that it giveth by the plain Word of God, so far do we reverence and embrace the same. But if men under the name of a Council pretend to forge unto us new Articles of our Faith, or to make Constitutions repugning to the Word of God, then utterly we may refuse the same, as the Doctrine of Devils, which draweth our souls from the voice of our only God, to follow the Doctrines and Constitutions of men. The cause then why General Councils convened, was neither to make any perpetual Law (which God before had not made) neither yet to forge new Articles of our belief, neither to give the Word of God authority, much less to make that to be his Word, or yet the true interpretation of the same, which was not before by his holy Will expressed in his Word. But the cause of Councils (we mean of such as merited the name of Councils) was partly for Confutation of Heresies, and for giving public Confession of their Faith to the posterities following, which both they did by the authority of God's written Word, and not by any opinion or prerogative that they could not err, by reason of their general assembly. And this we judge to have been the chief cause of General Councils. The other was for good policy and Order to be constituted and observed in the Church, in which (as in the house of God) it becometh all things to be done decently, and in order: not that we think that one Policy, and one Order in Ceremonies can be appointed for all ages, times, and places; for as Ceremonies (such as men have devised) are but temporal, so may, and ought they to be changed, when they rather foster superstition, then that they edify the Church using the same.
XXI. Of the Sacraments.
AS the Fathers under the Law, besides the verity of the Sacrifices had two chief Sacraments; to wit, Circumcision and the Passover, the despisers and contemners whereof were not reputed for God's people: so we acknowledge and confess, That we now in time of the Gospel, have two Sacraments only, instituted by the Lord Jesus, and commanded to be used by all those that will be reputed to be Members of his Body; to wit, Baptism; and, The Supper, or Table of the Lord Jesus, called, The Communion of his Body and Blood. And these Sacraments (as well of the Old as of the New Testament) were instituted of God, not only to make a visible difference betwixt his people, and those that were without his league; but also to exercise the Faith of his children, and by participation of the same Sacraments, to seal in their hearts the assurance of his • romise, and of that most blessed Conjunction, Union, and Society, which the Elect have with their Head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterly condemn the vanity of those, that affirm Sacraments to be nothing else but naked and bare signs: No, we assuredly believe, That by Baptism we are engrafted into Jesus Christ, to be made partakers of his Justice, by the which our sins are covered and remitted. And also, That in the Supper rightly used, Christ Jesus is so joined with us, that he becometh the very nourishment and food of our souls. Not that we imagine any Transubstantiation of Bread into Christ's natural Body; and of Wine into his natural Blood (as the Papists have perniciously taught, and damnably believed) but this Union and Communion which we have with the Body and Blood of Christ Jesus in the right use of the Sacraments, is wrought by operation of the holy Ghost, who by true Faith carrieth us above all things that are visible, carnal, and earthly, and maketh us to feed upon the Body and Blood of Christ Jesus, which was once broken and shed for us, which now is in the heaven, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us. And yet notwithstanding the far distance of place which is betwixt his Body now glorified in the heaven, and us now mortal in this earth: Yet we most assuredly believe, That the Bread that we break is the Communion of Christ's Body; and, The Cup which we bless, is The Communion of his Blood. So that we confess and undoubtedly believe, That the faithful in the right use of the Lord's Table, so do eat the Body and drink the Blood of the Lord Jesus, That he remaineth in them, and they in him: Yea, That they are so made flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones, That as the eternal God-head hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus (which of the own condition and nature was mortal, and corruptible) life and immortality, so doth Christ Jesus Flesh and Blood eaten and drunken by us, give to us the same prerogatives; which albeit we confess, are neither given unto us at that only time, neither yet by the proper power and virtue of the Sacraments only; yet we affirm, That the faithful in the right use of the Lord's Table hath such conjunction with Christ Jesus, as the natural man cannot comprehend: yea, and further we affirm, That albeit the faithful oppressed by negligence, and manly infirmity, doth not profit so much as they would at the very instant action of the Supper, yet shall it after bring forth fruit; as lively seed sown in good ground; for the holy Spirit which can never be divided from the right institution of the Lord Jesus, will not frustrate the faithful, of the fruit of that mystical action; but all this we say cometh by true Faith, which apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who only maketh his Sacraments effectual unto us, and therefore whosoever slandereth us, as though we affirmed or believed Sacraments to be openly naked and bare signs, do injury unto us, and speak against a manifest truth. But this liberally and frankly we must confess, That we make a distinction betwixt Christ Jesus in his natural substance, and betwixt the elements in the Sacramental signs. So that we will neither worship the signs, in place of that which is signified by them, neither yet do we despise and interpret them, as unprofitable and vain, but do use them with all reverence, examining ourselves diligently before that so we do, because we are assured by the mouth of the Apostle, that such as eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup unworthily, are guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord Jesus.
XXII. Of the right administration of the Sacraments.
THat Sacraments be rightly ministered, we judge two things requisite: The one, that they be ministered by lawful Ministers, whom we affirm to be only they that are appointed to the Preaching of the Word, or unto whose mouths God hath put some Sermon of Exhortation, they being men of lawful choosing thereto by some Church. The other, That they be ministered in such elements, and in such sort as God hath appointed. Else we affirm, That they cease to be right Sacraments of Christ Jesus. And therefore it is, that we flee the society with the Papistical Church, in participation of their Sacraments; First, because their Ministers are no Ministers of Jesus Christ (yea, which is more horrible) they suffer women, whom the holy Ghost will not suffer to teach in the Congregation, to Baptize. And secondly, because they have so adulterate, both the one Sacrament and the other, with their own inventions, that no part of Christ's action abideth in the original purity, for Oil, Salt, Spittle, and such like in Baptism, are but men's inventions, Adoration, Veneration, bearing through Streets and Towns, and keeping of bread in Boxes, are profanation of Christ's Sacraments, and no use of the same: For Christ Jesus said, Take and eat, &c. Do ye this in remembrance of me. By which words and charge he sanctified Bread and Wine to be the Sacrament of his Body and Blood; to the end, that one should be eaten, and that all should drink of the other, and not that they should be kept to be worshipped and honored as God, as the blind Papists have done heretofore, who also have committed Sacrilege, stealing from the people one part of the Sacrament; to wit, The blessed Cup. Moreover, that the Sacraments be rightly used, it is required, That the end and cause why the Sacraments were instituted, be understood and observed, as well of the Minister as the Receivers: for if the opinion be changed in the Receiver, the right use ceaseth: which is most evident by the rejection of the sacrifices (as also if the teacher teach false Doctrine) which were odious and abhominable unto God (albeit they were his own ordinances) because that wicked men used them to another end then God hath ordained. The same affirm we of the Sacraments in the Papistical Church, in which we affirm the whole action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterate, as well in the external form, as in the end and opinion; What Christ Jesus did, and commanded to be done, is evident by the three Evangelists who speak of the Sacrament, & by S. Paul ; what the Priest doth at his Altar, we need not to rehearse. The end and cause of Christ's institution, and why the self-same should be used, is expressed in these words, Do ye this in remembrance of me, as oft as ye shall eat of this Bread, and drink of this Cup, ye shall show forth (that is, extol, Preach, and magnify) the Lord's death till he come. But to what end, and in what opinion the Priests say their Masses, let the words of the same their own Doctors and Writings witness; to wit, That they are Mediators betwixt Christ and his Church, to offer unto God the Father, a Sacrifice propitiatory for the sins of the quick and the dead: Which Doctrine, as blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and making derogation to the sufficiency of his only Sacrifice once offered for purgation of all those that shall be sanctified, we utterly abhor, detest, and renounce.
XXIII. To whom Sacraments appertain.
WE confess and acknowledge, That Baptism appertaineth as well to the infants of the faithful, as unto those that be of age and discretion; And so we condemn the error of the Anabaptists, who deny Baptism to appertain to children, before that they have Faith and understanding. But the Supper of the Lord we confess to appertain only to such as have been of the household of Faith, can try and examine themselves, as well in their Faith, as in their duties towards their neighbors. Such as eat at that holy Table without Faith, or being at dissension and division with their brethren do eat unworthily. And therefore it is, that in our Churches Ministers take public and particular examination of the knowledge and conversation of such as are to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus.
XXIV. Of the Civil Magistrate.
WE confess and acknowledge Empires, Kingdoms, Dominions and Titles, to be distincted and Ordained by God, the powers and authorities in the same (be it of Emperors in their Empires, of Kings in their Realms, Dukes and Princes in their Dominions, or of other Magistrates in free Cities) to be God's holy Ordinance, ordained for manifestation of his own glory, and for the singular profit and commodity of mankind. So that whosoever goeth about to take away, or to confound the holy state of Civil Policies, now long established; We affirm the same men not only to be enemies to mankind, but also wickedly to fight against God's express will. We further confess and acknowledge, That such persons as are placed in authority, are to be loved, honored, feared, and holden in most reverent estimation, because they are the Lieutenants of God, in whose Session God himself doth sit and judge (yea, even the Judges and Princes themselves) to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise and defense of good men, and to revenge and punish all open malefactors. To Kings, moreover Princes, Rulers, and Magistrates, to affirm, that chiefly and most principally the reformation and purgation of Religion appertaineth, so that not only they are appointed for civil policy but also for maintenance of the true Religion, and for suppressing of Idolatry and Superstition whatsoever, as in David, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah, and others highly commended for their zeal in the cause, may be espied. And therefore we confess and avow, that such as resist the supreme Powers (doing that which appertaineth to their charge) do resist God's Ordinance, and therefore cannot be guiltless: And further we affirm, that whosoever deny unto them their aide, counsel, and comfort, while the Princes and Rulers vigilantly travel in the executing of their Office, that the same men deny their help, support and counsel to God, who by the presence of his Lieutenant craveth it of them.
XXV. The gifts freely given to the Church.
ALbeit that the word of God truly preached the Sacraments rightly ministered, and discipline executed according to the Word of God, be the certain and infallible signs of the true Church, yet do we not so mean, that every particular person joined with such a company, be an Elect Member of Christ Jesus, for we acknowledge and confess that Darnell, Cockle, and Chaff may be sown, grow in great abundance, lie in the midst of the Wheat, that is, the Reprobate may be joined in the society of the Elect, and may externally use with them the benefits of the Words and Sacraments. But such being but temporal professors in mouth, but not in heart, do fall back and continue to the end. And therefore have they no fruit of Christ's death, resurrection and ascension. But such as with heart unfeigned believe, and with mouth boldly confess the Lord Jesus (as before we have said) shall most assuredly receive these gifts, first in this life remission of sins, and by faith only in Christ's blood, in so much, that albeit sin remain and continually abide in these mortal bodies, yet it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and covered with Christ's justice. Secondly, in the general judgment there shall be given to every man and woman resurrection of the flesh For the Sea shall give her dead, the earth those that therein be enclosed; yea, the Eternal our God shall stretch out his hand upon the dust, and the dead shall arise incorruptible, and that in the substance of the same flesh that every man now bears, to receive according to their works glory and punishment, for such as now delight in vanity, cruelty, filthiness, superstition, or idolatry shall be adjudged to the fire inextinguible, in the which they shall be tormented forever, as well in their body, as in their souls; which now give to serve the devil in all abomination. But such as continue in well doing to the end, boldly professing the Lord Jesus, to whose glorified Body all his Elect shall be like, when he shall appear again to Judgment, and shall render up the Kingdom to God his Father, who then shall be, and ever shall remain All in All things God blessed forever: To whom, with the Son, and with the holy Ghost, be all Honor and Glory, now and forever. Amen.
These Acts and Articles were read in face of Parliament, and ratified by the three States of this Realm, at Edinburgh the 17 day of July, in the year of our Lord 1560.
This our Confession was publicly read, first in audience of the Lord's of the Articles; and after, in the audience of the whole Parliament, where were present, not only such as professed Christ Jesus, but also a great number of the adversaries of our Religion, such as the forenamed Bishops, and some other of the Temporal State, who were commanded in God's Name to object, if they could say anything against that Doctrine. Some of our Ministers were present, standing upon their feet, ready to have answered, in case any would have defended Papistry, and impugned our affirmatives. But while that no objection was made, there was a day appointed for concurrence in that and other Heads. Our Confession was read every Article by itself over again, as they were written in order, and the voice of every man was required accordingly. Of the Temporal State, only gave their voice on the contrary, the Earl of Athol, the Lord's Simmerwaile and Borthwicke: And yet for their disassenting, they produced no better reason, but, We will believe as our Fathers believed. The Bishops (Papistical we mean) spake nothing. The rest of the whole three States by their public Votes, affirmed the Doctrine; and the rather, Because that fain the Bishops would, but durst say nothing on the contrary; for this was the Vote of the Earl Marshall; It is long since I have had some favor unto the Truth, and since that I have had a suspicion of the Papistical Religion. But I praise my God, who this day hath fully resolved me in the one and the other: For seeing that the Bishops, who for their learning can, and for their zeal that they should bear to the Verity, would, as I suppose, have gainsaid anything that directly repugneth to the Verity of God. Seeing, I say, the Bishops here present speak nothing in the contrary of the Doctrine proposed, I cannot but hold it for the very Truth of God, and the contrary to be deceivable Doctrine. And therefore so far as in me lieth, I approve the one, and condemn the other: And do farther ask of God, That not only I, but also all my posterity, may enjoy the comfort of the Doctrine that this day our ears have heard. And yet more I must Vote, as it were by way of Protestation, That if any person Ecclesiastical shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confession, that they that have no place nor credit; considering that they having long advertisement, and full knowledge of this our Confession, none is now found in lawful, free, and quiet Parliament to oppose themselves to that which we profess: And therefore if any of this Generation pretend to do it after this, I protest he be reputed rather one that loveth his own commodity, and the glory of the world, then the Truth of God, and the salvation of men's souls.
After the Voting and Ratification of this our Confession by the whole Body of the Parliament, there were also pronounced two Acts; the one against the Mass, and the abuse of the Sacraments; and the other against the Supremacy of the Pope. The Tenour whereof followeth.
An Act against the Mass, and the Sayers and Hearers thereof.
The said Parliament being continued to the first of August next thereafter following, with continuation of days, upon the twenty fourth day of the said month of August, the three States then being present: The which day, forsomuch as Almighty God, by his most true and blessed Word, hath declared the Reverence and Honor which should be given to him; and by his Son Jesus Christ hath declared the true use of the Sacraments, willing the same to be used according to his Will and Word; By the which it is notorious, and perfectly known, That the Sacraments of Baptism, and of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, hath been this long time past, corrupted by the Papistical Church, and by their Ministers. And at this present time, notwithstanding the Reformation already made according to God's Word; yet nevertheless, there is some of the same Popes Church that stubbornly persevereth in their wicked Idolatry, saying Mass, and Baptizing conform to the Popes Church, profaning therethrough the Sacraments aforesaid in quiet secret places, regarding therein neither God nor his Word:
Therefore it is Decreed and Ordained in this present Parliament, That no manner of person or persons, in any time coming, administrate any of the Sacraments secretly, in any manner of way, but they that are admitted, and having power to that effect; Nor say Mass, nor yet hear Mass, nor be present thereat, under the pain of confiscation of all their goods, and punishing of their bodies at the discretion of the Magistrates within whose Jurisdiction such persons happeneth to be apprehended for the first fault; banishing out of the Realm for the second fault, and chastising by death for the third fault. And Ordaineth all Sheriffs, Stewards, Baylies, and their Deputies, Provosts and Bailiffs of Burroughs, and other Judges within this Realm, to make diligent suit and inquisition within their Bounds, where any such usurped Ministry is used, Mass-saying, or they that be present at the doing thereof, ratifying, and approving the same, and take, and apprehend them, to the effect, that the pains above written may be executed upon them.
Extractum de Libro Parliamenti, per me, &c.