Relation of the Indian Troubles in New England

To the Reader

THe occasion of my undertaking what is here presented, was a letter which I received from a worthy person, who upon the perusal of that brief historical Account of the war with the Indians in New England, published the last summer, importuned me to write the story of the Pequot War; Taking his motion into consideration, it came into my thoughts, that it would be a service and benefit for posterity, if all other general troubles which have happened by the Heathen in this land, were recorded and made known; & the rather, in that as to those first motions and commotions there are very few that know anything of them. Wherefore I set myself to make enquiry into those matters, and shall for the satisfaction of the Reader, give him an account where and from whence I obtained, what light and information touching these Indian troubles, I have been any ways able to arrive unto.

Such Books as I had by me, that relate anything of these affairs J have been willing to revolve. e.g. Johannes de Laet his Description of America, written in Latin; Also several of Cpt. Smith his books; And a relation of the discovery of New England, published by the President and Council of New England. Anno 1622. And the Relation or journal of the first planters in Plymouth together with several letters which some of them wrote to England, soon after their first coming into this country; and Mr. Winslow (then whom hardly any one that hath deserved more eminently from New England) his good news from New England, published Anno 1624. which relations are in the hands of but few in this country, & therefore I have been the larger in excerping things out of them. They are epitomized in Purchase his Pilgrims lib. 10. who declares that he had by him a description of the voyage made by Capt. Hanham to Sagaedehoc, and the written journals of Mr. Raleigh Gilbert, and of Mr. Harly, & Capt Hobson, who were in this land before any English plantation was settled therein. I doubt not but in those scripts a more full and particular account is given, of the first concerns with the Indians here. But I could not come by the fight of them, nor do I know certainly whether those things are extant. I have also perused Sr. Ferdinando Gorges narration of original undertakings here. Moreover J have read a large Manuscript of Governor Bradfords (written with his own hand,) being expressive of what the first planters in this country met with, whether from the Heathen or otherwise, from the year 1620. to the year 1647. As for the Pequot troubles, the world is beholding to the industry of Mr. John Allyn of Hartford (as is in the subsequent Relation acknowledged) for what is thus made public, respecting the great Commotions which then happened. Only I have been willing to ad some particulars out of a manuscript narrative of the Pequot war, which I lately met with in Reverend Mr. Davenports library, as also what Mr. Johnson, or Mr. Morton (out of Mr. Bradfords manuscript) hath heretofore noted. Touching the Narragansets; I have searched the public Records of the Colonyes, and from thence excerped the substance of what as here related, as to former troubles from them, or by their means procured. The Relation concerning Alexander and his brother Philip, wherewith this Narrative is concluded, I received from the present Honorable Governor of Plymouth (who succeeds his blessed Father, as in place, so in spirit) and from the faithful Secretary of that Colony. I am sensible that there is a reality in that which Erasmus doth (after his manner) wittily express Adeo nunc in omnes et omnia grassatur comitata furiis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ut non sit tutum ullum emittere librum, nisi satellitio munitum; wherefore I thought it necessary to give this particular account of the Authors from whom I received my information, respecting passages insisted on. Nor shall I seek for any other Guard against those, whose Genius is to calumniate endeavors of this kind.

I am not altogether ignorant of what is commonly and truly observed, viz. That those Histories which are partly Chronological are the most profitable; and that they that undertake a work of this nature, should go by the prescript of that so much celebrated verse,

Quis, Quid, Ubi, Quibus auxiliis, Cur, Quomedo, Quando. which I have endeavored to remember. Nor hath that maxim been wholly forgotten, Stylus Historicus quo simplicior eo melior. And J may expect that Ingenuous Readers will act according to that which a Learned man in his Historica layeth down as a Theorem, Historici legantur cum moderation et venia, h. e. cogitetur fieri non posse ut in omnibus circumstantiis sint Lyncei. J have done what I could to come at the truth, and plainly to declare it, knowing that that is (as useth to be said) the soul and sun of History, whose property is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

As for what concerns the Story of the late war with the Indians, there are who have propounded, that some meet persons might be improved in the several Colonyes, to collect what of moment hath happened in each Colony since this war broke forth. When Cassiodorus compiled an History out of the Collections of Socrates, Theodoret, Sozomen, it was of great use in after ages, bearing the name of Historia Tripartita; if such a course as hath been intimated should be attended, and the design finished, a Compleat History may ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .) be composed out of those collections, which J know not but that it may deserve the name of Historia Tripartita, and be no less beneficial to posterity, then some others have been. In the mean time, the Reader must be satisfied with what is already extant.

This following Relation was written near upon a year ago; since which a Reverend Author hath emitted a Narrative of the troubles which have happened by the Indians in New England, whose pains and industry doth (in my judgment) deserve acknowledgment. Nevertheless it hath been thought needful to publish this; Considering that most of the things here insisted on, are not so much as once taken notice of in that Narrative. And although the Pequot war be therein described (and that, as to the substance of the story, truly and impartially) it is not so fully done as is here to be seen. If this endeavor shall contribute any light or help in writing an History of New England, I hope they whose hearts are upon seeking out and declaring the works of God in the Generation which he cast them into, will accept of my labor, however mean and inconsiderable. I shall add no more, but pray that the blessing of heaven may be upon undertakings of this nature.

ERRATA.

P. 11. l. 39. dele How. p. 13. l. 25. dele there. p. 47. l. penult. dele All. p. 48. l. 35. r. disrested. ibid. ransacking. p. 63. l. 12. ad by. p. 64. l. 18. r. had never.

A RELATION OF THE FIRST TROUBLES IN New-England By reason of the INDANS there

IT is now above seventy years, since that Part of this Continent which is known by the name of NEW-ENGLAND, was discovered, and possession thereof taken by the English. No man that hath made it his Concern to be acquainted with things of this nature can be ignorant, that the Northern, (or to us Northeast ) parts of this Land were the first wherein were English Inhabitants; whence it was for some years known by the name of the Northern Plantation, until such time as King Charles the first (then Prince of Wales) gave it the name of New England.

For in Anno 1602. and in the year following, some of our Countrymen made notable discoveryes in that Land which lieth North and by east of Virginia, between the degrees of 43. & 45. Northern Latitude.

Four or five years after this that noble Lord, Sr. John Popham (then Lord chief Justice) sent out a ship into these parts to make further discovery, who arriving at the place designed, quickly returned, and made such a report of what they had seen, as did greatly animate the Adventurers to go on with their begun undertaking; whereupon in Anno 1607. A Gentleman whose name was Popham was sent into these Coasts, with two ships and an hundred Land-men, and Ordnance, and other things necessary for their sustentation and defense, in order to the making way for the settlement of a Plantation. But that noble Lord being taken out of the world by sudden death, also the Planters here meeting with sad disasters (for in the depth of winter, their lodgings and stores were burn • , and Capt. Popham died amongst them) when the next year a vessel arrived bringing the news of the Lord Popham 's death, the whole company of the English resolved upon a return home, which proved the death of the English Plantation, at that time designed in these parts of the world. Only Sr. Fr. Popham (son to the Lord chief Justice) sent diverse times to those coasts for trade and Fishing.

As yet there was not (so far as I can learn) any disturbance from the Indians, then the only Natives of this Land. But not long after this, an unworthy Ship-Master whose name was Hunt, being sent forth into these Coasts on the account of the Fishing trade, after he had made his dispatch and was ready to sail, (under pretence of trucking with them) enticed Indians into his vessel, they in confidence of his honesty went aboard, to the number of twenty from Patuxe • , since called Plymouth, and seven from Nosset (now known by the name of Estam ) these did this Hunt seize upon, stowed them under hatches, and carried them to the straits of G • braltar, and there did he sell as many as he could of them for 20 l. a man, until it was known whence they came; for then the Friars in those parts took away the rest of them, that so they might nurture them in the Popish Religion. The pernicious and avaricious Felony of this Ship-Master, in stealing and selling the Indians to the Spaniards, as hath been expressed, laid the foundation to great troubles which did after that befall the English, especially in the North-east parts of this Land. Yea that inhumane and barbarous Fact was the unhappy occasion of the loss of many a man's estate and life, which the Barbarians in those beginning times did from thence seek to destroy.

For when the Gentlemen Adventurers did again dispatch a vessel hither commanded by Capt. Hobson in order to erecting a Plantation and settling a Trade with the Natives here, Hunt 's forementioned scandal, had caused the Indians to contract such a mortal hatred against all men of the English Nation, that it was no small difficulty to settle anywhere within their Territoryes, And whereas there were two Indians called Epen • w and Manawet, who having been carried out of these parts of the world into England, had learned to speak English, that were returned in H • bsons vessel, as hoping they might be serviceable toward the design on foot, it fell out otherwise; since being exasperated by what Hunt had done, they contrived with their Country-men how to be revenged upon the English. Manawet died within a short time after the ships arrival. Epenow secretly plotted to free himself out of the English hands, which he effected though with great hazard to himself and other Salvages that were his fellow Conspirators, which came to pass after this manner.

Upon the Ships arrival, many of the Indians (some of them being Epenows kinsmen) came aboard and were kindly entertained by the Captain; at their departure they promised to return the next day, and bring some Trade with them. Epenow had not liberty granted him to go on shore, only much discourse (and probably a contrivement for his escape) was between him and the other Indians in the vessel, which nobody but themselves could understand. The Indians returned at the time appointed with twenty Canons, but were shy of coming aboard. Epenow cunningly called to them as if if he would have them come into the vessel, to trade, and suddenly did himself leap overboard: He was no sooner in the water, but the Indians sent a shower of arrows into the vessel, and came desperately near to the ship, and (in despite of all the English Musketiers aboard) went away with their Country-man Epenow.

Diverse of the Indians were then slain by the English, and the Master of the English vessel, and several of the Company wounded by the Indians.

Hereupon the Captain and the whole company were discouraged, and returned to England, bringing nothing back with them but the news of their bad success, and that there was a War broke out between the English, and the Indians. The time when these troubles happened, is controverted more then the things themselves. Johannes de Laet in his descriptio Indiae Occidentalis, writeth that it was between the years 1608 & 1615 So doth Purchase. Sr. Ferdinando Gorges relates that he sent Capt. Hobson into these parts in Anno 1614, and what Hunt did was before that, as being the Grand procuring Cause of the Broyle between the English and the Indians, which first began in that year.

After these things another vessel was sent into these Northern parts under the Command of Capt. Rocr • ft, he designed to winter there, but some of his own ships Company conspired against him, intending his death, he having secret intelligence of this plot against his life, held his peace until the day was come wherein the intended mischief was to be put in execution, then unexpectedly apprehended the Conspirators; he was loath himself to put any to death, though they were worthy of it. But therefore he resolved to leave them in the Wilderness, not knowing but they might haply discover something which might be advantageous.

Accordingly he furnished them with ammunition, and some victuals for their present subsistence, and turned them ashore to Sacodehock, himself with the rest of his Company departing to Virginia. Those English Mutineers got over to the Island of Monhegin, three leagues from the Main, where they kept themselves safe from the Fury of exasperated Indians, until the next Spring, when a vessel that came on the Coast on a Fishing voyage, found them all (except one person that died of sickness in this inter • m) alive, and carried them away back for England.

Not many years after this, viz. in Anno. 1619 a Gentleman whose name was Darmer was sent to prosecute the design of planting and settling a Trade in New-England, and to endeavor that a right understanding of matters between the Indians and the English might be accomplished.

He therefore brought with him an Indian called Squantum, who was one of those that Hunt had treacherously carried away from Patuxet, but was bought by an English Merchant, and lived some time with Mr. Slany a Gentleman in Cornhill, until he could speak broken English, and after that at New-found-land, where Capt. Mason was then Governor, who was willing that Mr. Da • mer should take Squantum with him to New-England. Upon his arrival here, he told his Countrymen very strange stories, giving them to understand what kind usage he had met with among the English where he had been, and how much the wicked Fact of that covetous Hunt was condemned, so that many of them began to converse with, and become friendly toward the English, and Mr Darmer conceited that he and Squantum had made a firm peace between the Nations. But, manet alta mente repostum — Indians are not wont to forget injuries, when once they have sustained any: so did that Gentleman find it to his after sorrow: For being near the place where Hunt had formerly betrayed the Indians aboard his vessel, they treacherously set upon him, and gave him fourteen wounds, so that he had much ado to escape with his life, And though he got to Virginia after this, some write that he never recovered of those wounds which he received of the Nausit Indians. And Epenow (before mentioned) was the cause of Capt. Darmers being so assaulted, whom he happened to meet with at his first landing in that place: The Indian being able to speak English, reported to Capt. Darmer the story of his escape out of Capt. Hobsons vessel, laughing heartily at the conceit of it. The Captain told him that Sr. Ferdinando Gorges was much troubled that he should meet with such ill usage as to put him upon a temptation to steal away. This Salvage after some enquiries about Sr. Ferdinando (and his Family) with whom he had sometimes lived in England, belike suspecting that Captain Darmer had a purpose to surprise him, he conspired with some of his Fellows to take the Captain, and laid hands on him, who did with his sword manfully defend himself against those barbarous and treacherous Assailants. What other particular mischiefs were done by the Northern Indians (or others) about this time, I cannot learn: Only Capt. Smith writeth that he met with many of their silly Encounters (as he calls them) but without any hurt. Also, a little before the first planters in Plymouth Colony arrived in this land, three Englishmen belonging to Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, were killed by these salvages, and two more narrowly escaped with their lives. And thus far we have a Cold account of the design respecting the advancement of a plantation in the Northern parts of New-England.

In Anno 1620. A company of Christians belonging to the Northern parts of England, who proposed not so much worldly as spiritual ends in their undertaking, aiming at the Conversion of the Indians, and the establishment of the worship of God in purity, did therefore transport themselves and families into this Howling wilderness. The first land they made was that of Cape Cod, Novemb. 9. where they came to an Anchor, and went on shore, Novemb. 11. Perceiving the Incommodiousness of that place for planting, they resolved to seek out for another that might be more accommodate. But their Shallop not being in trimm to be sent out upon discovery, some were desirous to improve the time, in making what searches they could upon the land thereabout.

Novemb. 5. Sixteen men well armed were set on shore under the conduct of Capt. Miles Standish. After they had gone about a mile near the shore, they descried five or six Indians, who like wild creatures ran away from them at the first sight, they followed them by the trace of their footings, about ten miles, til night came on, but could not come to any speech with them.

At last they met with a kettle, wherein was Indian corn, which after much consultation they seized upon, resolving that if they could come to speak with Indians, they would return them their Kettel, and give them full satisfaction for their corn, which they intended for planting, not knowing how else to be supplied. So did they return the next day, but lost themselves awhile in the woods, and as they were wandering up & down, they happened to espy a small tree that was bowed down, and some Acorns strewed underneath, whilst they were viewing of it, and wondering what it should mean, it gave a sudden jerk, whereby one of the Company was caught up by the leg, it being an Indian Deer-trap; the rest loosed him, and at last they found their way to the ship again.

After this, their Shallop being fitted for the purpose, they went a coasting upon discovery, but of some days could meet with no Indians. Albeit they found old deserted Indian Forts, and more of their corn and baskets, and a bottle of oil which doubtless some how was brought out of Europe.

About the tenth of December, they discerned the track of Indian feet upon the sand, and followed it, till they perceived where it struck up into the woods, at last they light upon an Indian path, which led them a great way up into the woods, and saw where there had been corn planted, and found Indian graves &c. but no man appeared.

So they returned to their Shallop, and some watching, others betook themselves to their rest. But in the night they were alarmed by the Sentinels crying Arm, Arm, supposing Indians to be near them. They heard a most hideous howling, but one in the Company persuaded the rest, that it was the noise of wolves and Foxes, which used (as he said) to make such a noise in New-found-Land where he had been, two gunns were shot off, at which the noise ceased.

But betimes in the morning, on a sudden they heard the same voices again, and one of the company cried Indians, Indians, and immediately arrows came pouring in upon them. This barbarous salutation was amazing to the English, but that which did most of all terrify was the horrid cry of those Salvages, whose note was after this manner, Woach woach ha ha hoch woach. A stout Indian who was thought to be their Captain, standing behind a tree let fly his arrows apace, and stood three shotts of a musket, until one took full aim at him, and (as tis supposed) sorely wounded him, upon which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and went away, and all the other Indians fled with him. Providence so ordered, as that none of the English received any hurt, though afterwards they gathered up eighteen arrows, (and many more were shot at them) some whereof were headed with brass, others with Harts-horn, others with Eagles Claws, and sundry of the English had their coats shot through & through.

Decemb. 19. The English landed and resolved to endeavor the settling of a plantation, at that place which is now called Plymouth. No Indians there as yet appeared to give them any disturbance: Yea though some were sent out to seek after them, they could find none.

There were not many days after this, two Englishmen who being by the side of a pond, happened to see a Deer, and having Dogs with them, they pursued the Deer until such time as they lost themselves in the woods, where they were forced to lodge that night, and were terrified with the yelling (as it seemed to them) of two Lions, who roared exceedingly, and a third that they thought was very near them: they betook themselves to a tree, purposing if the Lions should come, to climb that for their security; but they saw none. The next day they perceived that Indians had made fires thereabouts, but it was well they met not with any until they came home, being then unarmed and not fit for encounter with such Enemies.

Now it was that a special providence of another nature happened: For the English having built an house in Plymouth, a spark of fire flying into the thatch, it was instantly burnt down. Mr. Carver and Mr. Bradford were then sick, yet if they had not risen with good speed, they had been blown up with powder. The house was full of beds as they could lie one by another, and their muskets charged, yet (through the good providence of God) no hurt done.

Febr. 16. An English-man that was gone forth upon a fowling design, espied twelve Indians marching toward the English plantation, and heard the noise of many more not far off, he lay close until they were gone by, and then with all speed returned home and gave the alarm, but no Indians followed, only they took away the tools of those English, that had been at work in the woods.

The next day two Indians presented themselves on the top of an hill; two English went out to parly with them, but they ran away, and the noise of a multitude of them was heard on the other side of the hill.

In the beginning of March, an Indian called Samoset came boldly along the houses, which were newly built in Plymouth, and to their great amazement, spake to them in English, saying, Welcome Englishmen; This Indian was a Sagamore belonging to the Northern parts, about Monhiggen, where he had often conversed with English Fishermen, and had learned to speak broken English; He was the first Indian that they of Plymouth had opportunity to discourse with, He could tell them of the Hugg • ry (as he called it) i. e. Fight, which the English had with the Nausset Indians; and that the name of that place was called Patuxet, where a multitude of Indians had formerly lived, but they were all dead of the plague which had been there a few years before the English came. This Samoset within a few days after his departure returned again, and brought Squantum (whom that wicked Hunt had stolen away and sold for a slave) along with him; which Squ • ntum was born in that place. Samos • t and Squantum made it their business to bring the English into acquaintance with the next neighbouring Indians: • herefore they undertook to bring M • ssasoit (father to that • hi • p who began the War with the English Iun. 24. 1675.) to treat with the English at Plymouth.

Accordingly, March 22. Massasoit with his brother Quadequina came accompanied with about sixty of his men; and an agreement of peace between the English and Indians was then concluded on. This peace was in more respects then one singularly advantageous to the English, whilst they were thus but few in number, and strangers in this land.

And as for the reasons inducing Massasoit to this accord with the English, there were several things that prevailed with him thereunto; For Squantum had told him what a great Prince King James was, and how well he would take it if his Subjects were kindly entertained, and how ill if otherwise, and how easy it was for him to send over ships and men enough to destroy Massasoit and all his people. At that time also there was enmity between Massasoit, and the Narragansets, so that he hoped the English might be a defense to him against them. Thus did the feud which was kindled amongst the Indians one against another, advantage the poor Church in Plymouth. Sic Canes lingunt ulcera Lazari.

Moreover the consideration of the Guns, and other warlike Weapons, which ours brought with them, was terrible to the Indians, yea they had more formidable apprehensions thereof, then there was real cause for: They imagined that the English could by their great Guns cause the trees to fall down and kill the Indians. Furthermore Squantum did wickedly possess them with one delusion about the English, which had dismal Impressions upon the minds of these ignorant Barbarians; For whereas the plague (a disease which was never known in this land either before or since) had newly been raging amongst them, whereby many of their towns were totally depopulated, and desolated: he made them believe that the English kept the plague in a place under ground, and that they could let it loose upon the Indians when they would. An Indian called Hobbomock being one of Massasoits Counselors, observing in one of the English houses a kind of a Cellar, where some barrels of powder were bestowed, inquired of Squantum what that was, To whom he replied, that there the English kept the plague that he told them of, which they could let loose upon Indians at pleasure. When this Hobbomock became acquainted with the English, he seriously asked them whether they had any such power, they answered him truly that they had not, but withal added that the God whom they served had power to send that or any other disease upon those that should do any wrong to his people. The Consideration of that also, was some terror to the Indians.

In the Moneth of June 1621. The English sent Messengers with a Present to Massasoit at Pocanoket, By the way they were accosted with several of the Indians, who having them at an Advantage as they passed through a River, were ready to shoot at them. Only having Indian Guides and Interpreters in their Company, who gave them to understand that they were friends, no hurt was done. Being come to Massasoit, they presented him with a red Cotton Coat, whereon was some Lace, this he accepted with great thankfulness, and having put it on (saith my A • thor) He was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to behold th • i • King so bravely attired. He then promised to continue in amity with the English, and to take care that his men should not be Injurious.

About this time it was that an English lad (one John Billingto • ) lost himself in the woods, living five days upon Berries until he fell into the hands of the Indians. Some were (upon Massasoits Information) sent to N • ss • t to seek after him, when they came thither the Indians flocked together, many not having seen Englishmen before: Amongst others there was an old woman, judged to be an hundred years old, who when she saw the English fell into an extreme passion of bitter weeping, the reason whereof being demanded, answer was made, that she had three sons once living in that place, but they were all stolen away by that H • nt (before mentioned) and now she had no more left to relieve her in her old age: T • e English were much grieved to see the poor Creature in such a passion, but telling her that it was only one wicked man who did that Fact, and that they abhorred it, and withal giving her some trifles, she was satisfied. In fine the English lad was brought all bedecked with Peag, and the Sachim of that place (called Aspinet ) made peace with the English.

Now it was, that an Indian called Coubatant (who, though a petty Sachim under Massasoit, secretly conspired with the Narragansets against his Master) occasioned some disturbance, seeking to destroy those Indians that were friends to the English, especially H • bbomock & Squantum, saying if these were dead the English had lost their tongue, watching his advantage at a time when those Indians were at Namasket Co • batant took Squantum prisoner, and held a knife at Hobbomocks breast, who brake from him, and gave the English at Plymouth to understand what had happened; whereupon 14. men were sent armed to Namasket, in order to revenging Squantum's supposed death. They surprised the house where Coubatant was thought to be, declaring the end of their coming, & that they would hurt no man but him charging all others not to stir at the r peril til they had searched for their enemy; Consternation and trembling seyzed on the Indians: yet some of them violently brake away, whence they were wounded (and afterwards healed) by the English. Coubatant was not there, but fled to another place, but within a while Squantum was brought forth alive and set at liberty. After this diverse other Sachim sent gra • ulations to the English; yea those of the Isles of Capawack en • reated their friendship. Cou • atant used the mediation of Massasoit to ma • e his p • ace.

Things being brought to this peaceable sta • e, so did they continue for a little space, the Church in Plymouth being preserved by a miracle of providence, like a flock of sheep amidst a thousand wolves; much what as Luther saith the Churc • should be pictured. Their next neighbors amongst the Heathen did as hath been expressed of enemies become their friends, not showing any acts of Hostility.

Only in the latter end of the next year, Ca • onicus the Narraganset Sachim, sent an Indian to them, who inquired for Sq • antum, at that time gone somewhither else, whereupon the Indian left a bundle o • Arrows, wrapped in a rattle snakes skin, and departed. When Sq • antum was returned, He informed the Governor, that the rattle snake • skin signified Enmity, and that the design of this brutish salutation was to intimate a challenge; wherefore the Governor filled the snakes skin with powder and shot, and sent it back again, withal giving Canonicus to understand, that if he had shipping at hand, he would endeavor to beat him out of his Country. The Indians durst not let the powder & shot continue in their houses, but everyone was afraid to meddle with it, at last it came back again to plymouth. And there was an end of that matter. Only they at Plymouth were by this Bru • awakened to Impale their Town, and fortify, lest there should be an Onset from the enemy.

In the mean while Hobbomock (who resided with the English) informed that there was reason to suspect that the Massachuset Indians were Confederate with the Narragansets in their bloody designs; And Squantum in wicked subtlety, labored to make the English believe that Massas • it was false to them. Capt. Stan •• sh wit ten men was sent to Massachusetts: they had no sooner turned the point of the Harbor but there came an Indian running to some of the English that were from home, having his face woun • e • , and the blood fresh on the same ( Zopirus -like) calling to them to •• pair home, and oft looking behind him, as if he had been p •• sued by enemies, saying, that at Namasket there were many of the N •••• ganse •• , and Co • batant, and that Massasoit was Confederate with them, purposing to assault the town in the Captains absence, professing that he had received that wound in his face, because he had spoken on the English their behalf. Whenas all this was a piece of artificial and mischievous dissimulation, whereby the English were put into a sad fright, and the great Guns were discharged to remand the Captain-back again, who immediately returned. Hobbomock was confident that that Indian dissembled, for he was assured of Mass • soits fidelity; however that he would not engage in a thing of that nature, without consulting him who was one of his Panies's i. e. Champions and Counselors, and it was against the Indian custom for a Sachim to involve himself in War without them. Wherefore, H • bbomock privately, upon the Governors advice sent his Squ • w to M • ss • soit at Pocanoket, who seemed to be much troubled that the English, and he himself should be so abused. And upon enquiry, it was found to be Squantum's knavery, who sought his own ends and plaid his own Game; for he would in a clandestine way, make the Indians believe, that the English were resolved to cut them off, only he could prevent it, and so would obtain gifts from his countrymen to prevent their destruction by the English, insomuch that the blind salvage • began to have him in greater veneration the • their Sachims, taking him for their Protector. And he would deal with no less falseness towards the Engli • h then towards those of his own nation.

When Massasoit understood these things, he repaired to the English plantation, endeavoring to clear his innocence, desiring the Governor that Squantum, who had thus abused both Eng • ish and Indians, might be put to death for his Treason: The Governor pacified him as m • ch as he could for the present, and though he deserved to dy both in respect of English & Indians, yet desired he might be spared, because else they should want an Interpreter.

But not long after this, Massas it sent diverse Indians, who brought to the Governor, their • achim own knife (according to the Indian mode) that his enemies head and hands might he cut off therewith.

At that instant when he Governor was about to deliver Squa • tum into the hand • of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea, & there being even in those days Jealousies, that the French would join with the In • ians • o mischief the English, & some supposing that it mi • ht be a • rench vessel, he told the Indians, he would see what that wa • , before he delivered Squantum up to them. So did they go a • ay displeased.

But this wrought well for the English; For it made Squantum be honest whether he would or no; inasmuch as his own countrymen sought his life; he saw how it was his Interest to adhere to the English.

As for the boat mentioned, it proved to be one that belonged to a ship that was fishing about Monhiggen.

These things happened in May, 1622. in which year it was that Mr. Weston (a merchant of good note in London ) attempted the advancing a plantation in this Massachusetts Bay. He sent over two ships, and about sixty men to make a beginning. The most of them were for the present refreshed at Plymouth, whilst some few Coasters went out to seek a convenient place to sit down in. They pitched upon a place within Massachus • ts Bay, then called by the Indians Wessegusquaset, at this day known by the name of Weymouth.

Mr. Wirsl • w (who was afterwards Governor of Plymouth Colony) reports that the Westonians instead of proving an help to the other English Colony, had like within a few months to have brought ruin not only upon themselves, but upon their friends also: For complaints were quickly brought to Plymouth, that the English at W • ssegusquaset, d • d abuse the Indians by stealing their corn from them, yea and one of th • m was so brutish as to turn Indian.

Others of them were of such servile and slavish dispositions, as that they became servants to the Indians, who would hire them to work with them in making Canoos, which Canoos were intended for the surprisal of the English ship, in the day when they would execute their designed Massacre.

Some of the Thieves were stocked and whipt, yea one of them was at last put to death, to satisfy the Indians; but it was then too late.

By the end of February, they had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, nor would the Indians be induced to lend or sel them any, upon any terms, hoping they would be starved to death.

Wherefore, they purposed to take away the Indians store from them by violence, and therefore made preparations accordingly. Only some of the Company (at leastwise one of them who is yet alive) being more honestly minded then others were, advised John Saunders their Overseer, to write to Plymouth before they did actually attempt anything, which being done, they received letters from the Governor there, signifying great disapprobation of their intended proceedings, whereupon they desisted.

These motions must needs cause ill blood between the Nations: so that the Indians grew very insolent in their carriage, and there were secret conspiracyes to cut off the English. And inasmuch as they thought that if they should destroy the •• stonians, and leave the Plymoutheans (who had not wronged them) alive, these would take an opportunity to be revenged for those; where • ore they conc • uded to kill all before them, as was afterwards revealed by Massasoit, and by another Sachim called Wassapinawet, brother to Obtakiest, the then Sachim of the Massachusetts.

The English of Plymouth as yet being Ignorant of the bloody mischief, which the Treacherous hearts of the Indians had concluded against them, attended thei occasions as formerly.

Upon a time Capt. Standish going with some men in a Shallop, to buy Corn of the Indians at Nosse • , one of them stole certain trifles out of the Shallop; whereupon the Captain repaired to the Sachim, and told him, that if he did not immediately restore those things, he would revenge it before his departure, and so took leave for that night.

The next morning, the Sachim came accompanied with his train of salvages, saluting the Captain in such a manner as was hugely ridiculous to the English; For he put out his tongue, that one might see the root of it, and so licked the Captains hands, all his men doing the like, and endeavoring (according to the rude information they had received from Squantum ) to make him a leg, he did perform his Ceremony after such an odd manner, as the English were hard put to it to refrain from open laughter.

After these Complements were over, he restored the things that were lest; withal declaring, that he had much beaten the Indian that did Commooten (i. e. steal) the trifles mentioned.

But not long after this, the Captain was in no small hazard of his life in another place; For going to Manomet (now called Sandwich ) and being there entertained in the house of Kunacum, the Sachim there the Indians designed to cut off him and his men.

There was with him at this time, a Cap • -Indian called P • omet, who pretended friendship to the English, but was secretly joined in the bloody Confederacy. That he might not be suspected, he professed special affection towards the Captain, and would, as a gift, bestow some Corn upon him, and help him to carry the Corn to his boat, and would lodge in the Wigwam with Capt. Standisk, to manifest what love and honor he did bear towards him, having in the mean time promised the Indians to kill him that night, and when he was killed the rest were to dispatch his men.

Also whilst he was entertained in the Sachims house, there came in two Massachuset Indians, being desperate bloody villains. The name of the Chief of them was Wittawamet, who took a dagger from about his neck, and presented it to the Sachim, and made a speech to him (which the Captain could not understand) boasting of his own valor, and how he had been the death of Christians both French and English and what pitiful weak Creatures they were, that when they were killing, they died crying, and made sower faces, more like children then men, and that whereas they were determined to kill the English (who had injured them) of Mr. Westons plantation, the best way for their own security was, to kill them of P ymouth too, now their Captain being in their hands, having but six men with him, two or three in the Wigwam, and no more in the shallop, it was a good opportunity to begin.

The murderous Counsel of this Audacious Blood-sucker, was highly applauded; and the Indians waited when Capt. Standish would fall asleep, that they might attempt the bloody Tragedy. But God so ordered that he could not sleep that night. Also, an Indian secretly stole some Beads from him; which when the Captain perceived, he immediately called his six men together, and they beset the Sachims house, professing to him that as they would not do wrong to him, so neither would they receive any, and therefore as they valued their lives, they should forthwith restore the stolen goods. Hereupon the Sach •• bestirred himself to find out the Thief, and having done so, he cometh to the Captain desiring him to look into his boat, if the beads that he missed were not there, who looking found them lying openly on the Cuddy, the Indians having slily conveyed them thither. However this did so daunt the courage of the treacherous and cowardly Indians, that they attempted not their designed mischief.

All this while, they of Plymouth Colony had no certain knowledge of the evil that was intended against them, by the Heathen albeit the Conspiracy was very strong, for the Indians at Nosset, Pa • met, Sacon •• , Manomet, Mattachiest, A • a • a • , were all in this Confederacy to cut off the English. But God who hath a special eye of providence over his people: did at that time so order, that Mass • soit fell sick, whereupon the Governor that then was, desired Mr. Wi • sl • w, and another Gentleman to give the sick Sachem a visit, and administer some Physic to him. As they were upon their journey toward Poc • noke • , the place of Massasoits residence, the Indians by the way told that he was dead and buried. Which caused Hobbomock (their guide through the woods) to break forth into bitter Lamentations crying out N • en womasu Sagimus!

So that it would have made the hardest heart to have relented to hear him. Ye • they proceeded in their journey, being come so far as Metapois •• , they understood that Massasoit was not quite dead, but little hopes of his life.

When they came • o Po •• nobet, they found the Indians Powawing about Massaso •• , making such an hellish noise as was enough to make a well man sick, and therefore was very unlikely to make him that was sick well.

Hobbomock told him that the Governor of Plymouth had sent some friends to visit him in his sickness, and that they had brought some Maskiet i. e. Physi k, for him. Upon the receipt of which, he suddenly and strangely revived, and before their departure gave them great thanks for their love, saying, that now he saw that the English at plymouth were his real friends.

A they were ready to return home, he privately told Hobbomock of the plo • among the Mass • ch sets, and other Indians, to destroy the English, and how they had solicited him to join with them, but he said, that neither he, nor any of his men were in that Combination. He advised, that the Governor of plymouth would without delay, send and take off the Principal Acto •• in this wicked design, and then the rest would be afraid. And whereas the Governor had sometimes said they would not begin with the Indians, until the Indians began with them, he earnestly counseled him not to stay for that, lest it should be too late.

The first day whilst on their journey back again, they were accompanied with Coubatant the Sachim of Metapoyset (before mentioned) who was a politick and jocose Indian, and still suspected to be false to the English; He asked Mr. Winslow, how they, being but two, dared to trust themselves amongst so many Indians. Answer was made that love was without fear, and they wished well to the Indians, and therefore did not fear evil from them. But then, said the Indian, what is the reason, that when we come to P • tuxes, you hold the mouths of your guns against us; he was told, that as the English manner of entertaining their friends. A • which the Sachim shaked his head, withal declaring, that he did not l • ke such salutations. The next day, Hobbomock acquainted the Engli • h, with what Massasoit had revealed to him.

So then being returned to plymouth, It was on March 23. resolved, to hearken to M ssasoit advi • e; many other things at tha • juncture appearing, which confirmed the truth of what was by him discovered. And considering, that there was no dealing with Indians (as other nations do one with another) above board, it was thought most expedi • nt by policy, to catch them at unawares, as they are wont to do by others Wherefore Capt. Standish made choice of eigh • men, to go with him to Wesegusquaset, pretending to trade with them, and then to ta • e his opportunity to seyze upon the Ringleaders amongst the Conspirators.

Being arrived at the Massachusetts Bay, Two principal Conspirators behaved themselves very insolently. One of them called Picksuot, who was a Pan • es or Counselor, Jeered at Capt. Standish, because he was a man of little stature, and yet a Captain. Another called Wittawamat (before mentioned) cast out bloody expressions, showing a sharp knife, which had a woman's face pictured on the handle, saying, that he had killed French men, and English too, with that knife, and that he had another knife, whi h had a man's face pictured on it, and his two knives should marry shortly, and that by and by it should • at, though not speak. Likewise another Indian, and Wittawamats brother, who in bloodiness was like unto him, being present; Capt. Stan • i • h snatched Pick • uots knife from about his neck, and killed him with his own knife. At the same time his men fell upon Wittawamat, and the other Indian, and slew them, and took Wittawamats brother, and hanged him.

After this they set upon another company of Indians, and killed two or three of them, seeking still after more. At length they espied a file of Indians making towards them, but as the English came to the encounter, they (i. e. the Indians) ran behind the trees, and shot at Capt. Standish, until one as he was shooting, had his arm broke by a bullet, from one of Capt. Standish his soldiers, whereupon he, and the rest fled into a Swamp. The Captain dared the Sachim to come out, and fight like a man, but in vain.

At the time of these skirmi • hes, there was an Indian youth, who notwithstanding the slaughter made amongst his countrymen, came running to the English, desiring that he might be with them. He confessed that the Indians had resolved to cut off Mr. Westons men, and that they only stayed for the finishing of two Canoos more (which if Capt Standish had not so unexpectedly come upon them had been finished) that were intended for the surprisal of the English ship in the harbor.

Also an Indian Spye, who was taken prisoner and detained at Plymouth, when he saw Cap. Standish return with Wittawamats Head, looked on it with a guilty, gastred countenance, and then confessed the Plot that was in hand to destroy the English, and that Picksuot and Wittawamat, together with three Powaws, were the principal Conspirators. He was released, and sent to Oktakiest, the Sachim of the Massachusetts, to signify what he must look for, in case he should continue in hostility against the English. The Sachim being amazed, and terrified with the English successes, humbly begged for peace, pretending that he could not keep his men in order, and that it was against his will that evil had been done to, or designed against the English.

Furthermore, the effect of these things was, that the rest of the Indians were stricken with such terror, and dread of the English, that they left their houses, and betook themselves to live in unhealthful Swamps, whereby they became subject to miserable diseases, that proved mortal to multitudes of them. Particularly, Kunacum Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet Sachim of Nosset, Janowgh Sachim of Mattachiest, these all fell sick & died. This last Sachim said, that the God of the English was offended at the Indians, and would destroy them in his anger. And these signal appearances of God for his Church in Plymouth, must needs be a great conviction to the Heathen. Howbeit these motions ended in the subversion and ruin of Mr. Westons plantation; God who determines the bounds of men's habitations, having appointed, that another people out of England should come afterward, and possess that place, as at this day.

And thus far is Mr. Winslows Relation of these first Troubles by Indians in these parts, which I take to be undoubted verity: For he was one that had particular knowledge of those things, and a man of truth, and conscience, that would not for the world willingly falsify in any particular.

There is an old Planter yet living in this country, being one of those that were employed by Mr. Weston, who also hath given some account of these matters.

He doth relate, and affirm, that at his first coming into this country, the English were in a very distressed condition, by reason of famine, and sickness which was amongst them, whereof many were already dead; and that they buried them in the night, that the Indians might not perceive how low they were brought.

This Relator doth moreover declare, that an Indian Panies, who secretly purposed bloody destruction against the English, and made it his design to learn the English tongue, to the end he might more readily accomplish his hellish devices, told him, that there had been a French vessel cast away upon these coasts, only they saved their lives and their goods, and that the Indians took their goods from them, and made the Frenchmen their servants, and that they wept very much, when Indians parted them from one another, that they made them eat such meat as they gave their dogs. Only one of them having a good Master, he provided a Wife for him, by whom he had a Son, and lived longer then the rest of the French men did; and that one of them was wont to read much in a Book (some say it was the New-Testament) and that the Indians enquiring of him what his Book said, he told them it did intimate, that there was a people like French men that would come into the Country, and drive out the Indians, and that they were now afraid that the English were the people of whose coming the French man had foretold them. And that another ship from France came into the Massachusetts Bay with Goods to Truck, and that Indian Panies propounded to the Sachim, that if he would hearken to him, they would obtain all the French men's Goods for nothing, namely, by coming a multitude of them aboard the vessel, with great store of Beaver, making as if they would Truck, & that they should come without Bows and arrows, only should have knives hid in the flappets which the Indians wear about their loins, and when he should give the Watchword, they should run their knives into the French men's bellies, which was accordingly executed by the Indians, and all the French men killed, only Mounsier Finch the Master of the vessel being wounded, ran down into the Hold, whereupon they promised him that if he would come up, they would not kill him, notwithstanding which, they brake their word, and murdered him also, and at last set the ship on Fire.

Some enquiring of him how long it was since the Indians first saw a ship, he replied that he could not tell, but some old Indians reported, that the first ship seemed to them to be a Floating Island, wrapped together with the roots of trees, and broken off from the Land, which with their Canoos they went to see, but when they found men there and heard gunns, they hasted to the shore again not a little amazed. (Some write that they shot arrows at the first ship they saw thinking to kill it)

This Relator doth also affirm, that after jealousies began between the English of Mr. Westons plantation and the Indians, they built diverse of their Wigwam: at the end of a great Swamp, near to the English, that they might the more suddenly and effectually do what was secretly contrived in their heart • and an Indian Squaw said to them that ere long Aberkiest would bring many Indians that would kill all the English there and at Pa uxet. After which the Sachim with a company of his men came armed towards them, and bringing them within the Pale of the English Plantation, he made a speech to the English with great gravity saying,

Unto whom the English replied, that they desired, that he would first declare whether they had injured him.

The Sachim roundly rejoined, that either some or all of them had been abusive to him; for they had stolen away his corn, and though he had given them notice of it times without number, yet there was no satisfaction nor reformation attained.

Hereupon, the English took the principal Thief and bound him and delivered him to the Sachim, with all declaring, that he might do with him what he pleased. Nay (said he) Sachims do justice themselves upon their own men, and let their neighbors do justice upon theirs, otherwise we conclude that they are all agreed, and then fight.

Now the Indians some of them began to tremble, and beholding the Guns which were mounted on the English Fort, they said one to another (in their Language) that little guns would shoot through houses, and great guns would break down trees, and make them fall and kill Indians round about. So did they depart at that time dissatisfied and enraged.

The English now perceiving that the Indians were fully purposed to be revenged on them, they resolved to fight it out to the last man.

As they were marching out of the Fort, seven or eight men stood still. saying, this is the second time that the Salvages had demanded the life of him that had wronged them, and therefore they would have him first put to death, and if that would not satisfy, then to fight it out to the last, wherefore he was put to death in the sight of the Heathen; after which the English marched out towards them, but they dispersed themselves into the woods.

This Relator endeavored to give notice to them in Plymouth, how that the Indians had contrived their ruin, but he missed his way between Weymouth and Plymouth; and it was well he did so; for by that means, he escaped the savage hands of those Indians, who immediately pursued him, with a murderous intention Ere he could reach Plymouth, they were informed by Massasoit (as hath been declared) concerning what was plotted amongst the Indians.

Finally there were (as this Relator testifieth) three several skirmishes with the Indians. One at Wesegusquaset, before mentioned; another at a place where the town of Dorchester is since planted; and lastly at the Bay of Agawam or Ipswich; in all which engagements, the Indians were notably beaten, and the English received no considerable damage, so that the Sachims entreated for peace, nor were the English, (provided it might be upon terms safe and honorable) averse thereunto, Pacem te poscimus omnes.

These dark clouds being thus comfortably dispelled, and blown over, the first Planters in this Country received no considerable disturbance from the Indians a long time. It is true, that soon upon these motions, (viz. in August, Anno 1623.) a Gentleman arrived here out of England (namely Capt. Robert Gorges ) being attended, with many servants, as purposing the settlement of an English plantation in this Bay of Massachusetts; and although that plantation was quickly deserted and dissolved, other things, and not any anoyance from the Natives here caused those designs to prove abortive.

The like is to be affirmed concerning Mr. Wollastons plantation. For whereas he with several others, being persons of quality, did (in the year 1625) with a multitude of servants come into this Massachusetts Bay, as intending to settle a plantation therein, they met with such cross providences as did discourage them, and at last dissipate them, yet nothing from the Indians.

I have been informed, that this Gentleman considering the unhappy Catastrophe's attending Mr. Weston and Mr. Gorges, their plantings at Wesegusquaset, conceited that the Indian Powaws had brought that place under some fascination, and that Englishmen would never thrive upon Enchanted ground, and therefore they would pitch down their stakes in a place nearer to Boston; even where the town of Brantree hath since flourished; but the difficultyes of a Wilderness were too hard for them, that Mr. Wollaston removed a great part of his servants to Virginia, not having (so far as I can understand) received any molestation from the Indians here.

In Anno 1628. Mr. Endecot (who deserves to be honourably mentioned, as having been a Patriot in New-England ) arrived here with a Patent for the Government of the Massachusetts. He and others with him sat down at a place called Nahumkeik (as in a Parenthesis let me here observe, that that Indian word is also Hebrew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nahum signifieth Consolation, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 keik is hebrew for a Boosome, or haven, and it so falls out, that the English have happened to call that place by another name which is also Hebrew, viz. Salem ) There did they enjoy Peace. Howbeit there are Antient Planters, who testify that the Indians being possessed with some fears lest the English should in time take their Country from them, were conspiring to destroy them. And the small handful of Christians then in Salem, were alarmd with the report of no less then a thousand Barbarous Natives, coming to cut them off, and that upon a Lord's day, whereupon they discharged several great guns, the small shot wherein made such a terrible rattling amongst the trees afar off, that the amazed Indians returned not a little affrighted. And it was a wonderful providence of God, now to restrain the Heathen, since it so happened that about this time there were some Tumults about the English themselves. For whereas Mr. Wollaston and his Partners left some of their servants here, and gave order that a man whose name was Filcher, should command and oversee them. There was another whose name was Thomas Morton, he would needs take upon him to be Lord of Mis-rule, and having gained much by trading with the Indians, this Morton and his drunken Companions quickly wasted all in riotous living.

This was the man that taught the Indians in these parts the use of Guns, how they should charge and discharge them, and employed them in Hunting for him: And when they were instructed in the use of these instruments of death, they would purchase them at any rates, whereby the safety of the English was not a little hazarded.

In conclusion, the English at Plymouth and Salem, agreed to seyze upon this Morton, which was done Vi & armis, and he was sent over to England, there to receive such punishment as by the honorable Council for New-England should be thought meet.

All these tumults notwithstanding, the over-ruling providence of God kept the Indians quiet.

It is to be wondered at, that the Church in Plymouth should be preserved when other English Plantations could not subsist in this Country, but either the Indians, or the Lord's own hand brought them to a sudden end from time to time. But God who saw that they designed something better then the world, in their planting here, brought it to pass by such ways as these,

1. Massasoit (as was hinted before) was persuaded by Squantums information, that if the English should be his friends, he need not fear any enemies in the World; so did he become a wall to the English at Plymouth against other Indians. The Earth helped the woman that was fled into the Wilderness, whom the Dragon would have swallowed up.

2. The Lord made them very successful in their expeditions against those enemies that first sought their destruction.

3. They prevailed with God by Fasting and Prayer to look upon them and bless them with special mercy when it was a time of need, which did greatly affect and astonish the Indians: some of them therefore conceiving high thoughts concerning the English man's God, and his love to his people, that truly fear and serve him. That which Mr Winslow (and since him another) doth publicly testify concerning this matter, deserveth Commemoration, namely, that whereas after the First Indian Troubles were over, there was a sore drought on the land continuing for the space of six Weeks, insomuch that it was judged by some that the corn was withered and dead, past recovery, the Church in Plymouth set themselves by Fasting and Prayer, to seek mercy from the Lord in this thing. And although in the morning when they assembled themselves, the heavens were clear, and the drought as likely to continue as ever, yet before their solemn Exercise was ended, the heavens grew black with clouds, and the next morning these clouds distilled rain, and for the space of fourteen days together there were moderate showers, so that the drooping corn was revived to admiration.

A friendly Indian, before mentioned, known by the name of Hobbomock, living in the town of Plymouth, inquired why the English met together in that manner, it being but three days after the Sabbath; and being informed of the true cause thereof, and observing the gracious effects that followed, he was greatly affected, and told other Indians of it, who were also smitten with deep conviction, and the more in that, albeit in times of Drought the Indians are wont to Powaw and cry to their gods, sometimes for many days together, yet if rain follow, it is wont to be accompanied with terrible Thundring and Lightning and tempests, which often do more hurt then the rain doth good: whenas it was otherwise with respect to the showers which at this time came from Heaven, in answer to the Prayers of the Church in Plymouth, So that the Heathen confessed that the English man's God was better then theirs. And some amongst the Indians became faithful to the English, though as yet but a very few,

There having been (as was said) a Patent for the Massachusetts Government by royal Grant obtained, many out of England flocked into this Country almost every year. And for the most part, not so much on the account of Trade, or to prosecute any worldly interest, as on the account of Religion. These did God own, having wonderfully made way for their planting here by casting out the Heathen before them, with mortal Diseases, especially by the Plague amongst the Indians in Plymouth Colony, and the Small Pox among the Massachusetts.

In Anno, 1631. New jealousies arose concerning the treacherous Indians. Capt. Walker one evening had two arrows shot through his Coat, which caused an Alarm at Lyn, then known by the name of Sawgust: but no lives were lost, nor is there any certainty to this day who shot those arrows, whereby the Captains life was so eminently endangered.

About the same time the Indians began to be quarrelsome touching the bounds of the Land which they had sold to the English; but God ended the controversy by sending the small pox amongst the Indians at Saugust, who were before that time exceeding numerous; whole towns of them were swept away, in some of them not so much as one Soul escaping the destruction. There are some old Planters surviving to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians, even whole families of them all dead at once. In one of the Wigwams they found a poor infant sucking at the breast of the dead mother, all the other Indians being dead also.

Not long after this, when the town of Ipswich was first planted, it was vehemently suspected that the Tarratines (or eastern Indians) had a design to cut off the English there. For a friendly Indian called Robin came to an Englishman whose name is Perkins, acquainting him that such a Thursday there would come four Indians to draw him to the water side under pretence of trucking with him, and that they had prepared forty Canooes which should lie out of sight under the brow of an hill, full of armed Indians to cut off the English. The four Indians came at the time, and to the person mentioned, He instead of going to the water side to truck with them, spoke roughly to them, and caused an Alarm, so they immediately returned, perceiving their Plot was discovered, and presently forty such Canooes as the friendly Indian had given warning of, were discovered.

Besides the Particulars which have been insisted on, I cannot understand that there was any general disquietment raised by the Indians, until the year 1636. It is true that some particular mischiefs and private Murthers were committed before that, after the forementioned troubles were a • laid. For Mr. Weston, who himself, (under another name and the disg • as • of a Black-Smith) arrived here not long after his plantation was ruined, suffering ship wrack near Pascataqua hardly escaped w •• h his life, in respect of the Indians, who took his Goods from him, 〈◊〉 stripped him of his very clothes to the shirt on his back.

About eleven years after that, Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, with all their ships company, were barbarously murdered by the Pequot Indians (as is in the sequel more fully related.)

And two years after that, Mr. John Oldham was massacred by the Indians of Munisses, now called Block-Island; which things made way for the P • quot War, whereby the whole English Interest (yea the Interest of Christ, who had ere that taken possession of this land, and gloriously began to erect his own kingdom here) was threatened and endangered.

Great pit • y it is, that although it be now forty years since those motions, and albeit the works which God then wrought for his people were admirable, yet that no Compleat Memorial thereof, hath been published to this day. It is then high time, that something more should be done therein, that so both we and our Children after us, may see what great things, the Lord God of our fathers hath done for them, and for us.

And there is a Gentleman in this country (namely Mr. John Allyn, who is Secretary to the Council at Hartford, and one of the worthy Magistrates of that Colony) who hath been Industrious in gathering up the truth of things, about those troubles, being under peculiar advantages thereunto, by informations from him, who was principally instrumental in fighting the Lord's battles at that time against the Heathen.

This Narrative of Mr. Allyns I shall here insert and publish, as I received it, without making the least alteration as to the sense, and very little as to the words. It is that which followeth.

Thus far is Mr. John Allyn his Narrative of the Pequot troubles, which I take to be the most perfect account thereof that is extant, or that probably will be now attained, since few of those who were personally concerned in that war, and who are fit to give a Relation thereof, are at this day in the land of the living.

Nevertheless I have met with a Manuscript, in the Library of a learned and worthy person deceased, wherein the passages of the Pequot war, are described. The Author of the script I know not, nor can conjecture, saving that it was one who had a particular and personal acquaintance with those affairs. It doth in substance agree with that of Mr. John Allyns: only in some particulars, a more full account of proceedings, is expressed- For, this Manuscript Angnimus doth Relate as followeth, viz. That in Anno 1634. a Bark wherein was Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, with six men besides going up Connecticut River, were all killed by the Pequot Indians, and the Bark sunk near a steep Rock, which to this day bears the name of Capt. Stones Rock. In the year following a Bark going from the Bay, bound to Virginia, was by a Tempest cast away at Long-Island, certain Pequots there killed two Englishmen, the rest escaping.

In Anno 1636. A Vessel going from Connecticut towards the Bay, putting in at Block Island, the Indians coming aboard to trade, killed the Master. Another vessel coming from Connecticut, taken with a cross wind, intended to put in at Narraganset, but could not; being therefore forced upon Block-Island, they saw a bark with her sails up, driving too and fro, they hailed her, but no Answer was given; perceiving her full of Indians they suspected the English belonging to the Vessel were murdered, whereupon they discharged their guns, shooting bullets amongst the Indians, who, many of them immediately leaped overboard. The Master entered the Vessel, and lifting up a Cloth saw an Englishman dead, and discerning that many Indians were still in the hold, he returned to his own Vessel again, from thence pouring in small shot upon the Indians, for a while, until the wind coming fair; he sailed away to Boston, informing the Governor and Council there, concerning what he had seen, whence about an hundred Soldiers were forthwith sent to Block-Island. As they were landing, the Indians came down and shot violently at them, wounding one man, but as soon as one Englishman was landed, they ran away. The English pursued them two days, burning their Corn and Wigwams, but the Indians betook themselves to Swamps, thereby escaping with their lives. After this they resolved for the Pequot Country, having received some Intelligence of the Insolency and outrage of those Indians. As they were sailing up the River, many of the Pequots on both sides of the River called to them, desirous to know what was their end in coming thither, they were told that they desired to speak with S • ssacus, one of the • r Sachems; the Indians said he was gone to Long-Island; then it was demanded that Momanottuck another of their Sachems should appear. It was pretended that he was not at home neither. The English went a shore, and required the Indians to deliver up those that had murdered Capt. Stone, It was Answered, that they were also gone from home, but they would send after them, and deliver them to Justice, and that they might the better keep the English in parley, they said that their Sachem would presently come and treat with them. In the mean time they transported their goods, women and Children to another place.

At last one of the Indians declared plainly, that Momanottuck would not come. Immediately a Skirmish followed▪ wherein one Indian was killed, and an English man was wounded. The Indians fled, the English pursuing, set fire to their Wigwams, and destroyed their Corn, so did they return to their Vessel. A few days after this, going on shore again, as they were loading themselves with Corn, the Indians violently assaulted them, so that they were forced to leave their Corn and stand to their Arms, At this time an Indian was killed and two English men sorely wounded. The Indians attempted the Vessels, but were entertained with such Volleys of small shot as made them afraid to board any so the Barks arrived safe at S • y-b ••• Fort. The next day some of the Fort going up the River to fetch Hay, the Pequots privily came upon them took one man and afterward roasted him alive, anoher shot with five Arrows lived fourteen weeks and died, the rest escaped with much danger. After this the Pequots came near the Fort & destroyed many of the English Cattle. About two miles distant from the Fort th •• e • as an English house wherein were Soldiers. Their Comman • 〈◊〉 • harged them not to go out of doors, yet three of them would ve •••••• an • as they were a musket shot from the house, the Indians en ••• 〈…〉 them, and took two of them alive, the third being wounded 〈…〉 na • ed Sword escape through them to the house, relating to 〈◊〉 Com •• ny the sad Event, and that one of those English that were taken did first • ill two Indians. The next day all the English deserted that house and repaired to the Fort. The Indians then qu ckly burned that, and two other houses. They made towards the Fo • t as if they would have done some great matter; but a great Gun being discharged at them, they went quite away, and were no more seen at Say-brook for the greatest part of that winter. Only three miles up the River two men going in a Canoo to shoot Geese, the indians hearing the Report of their Guns, came upon them. Those two English sought to save their lives by padling, but the Indians pursued them with another Canoo shot at them and wounded one in his head, who fell overboard, the other shot stoutly at the Indians but at last being wounded and wearied, the Indians overtook him, he with his paddle cleft one of the Indians heads, but the rest took h • m, and tortured him to death.

Feb. 22. The Lieut. with nine Soldiers well armed, went out of the Fort to burn the woods thereabouts, being gone half a mile from home they were besett with about seventy Indians, who let fly their Arrows very fiercely; the English retreated, one man presently was shot in the neck and then did they lay hands on him, he drew his Sword, but that was taken from him; Then would he (as the Indians afterwards testified) have killed himself with his own knife, but that also did the Indians deprive him of and cut off his nose and hands, and put him to a cruel death; They shot down another English man with three Arrows, and a third had one of his ribs cleft with an Arrow, so that he died immeditaely. A fourth was mortally wounded, and though he got hom • alive, he died within fourteen hours, a fifth was sorely wounded, but afterwards recovered, and lived (the next year) to behead that very Indian who had shot an arrow into him. Yea, the Lieut. himself was wounded in this Skirmish. After this the Indians kept Leaguer before Say-brook Fort.

March. 9. A body of Indians, consisting (as was conjectured) of two or three hundred came with in musket shot of the Fort, challenging the English to come out and fight, mocking and upbraiding them with such words as the English used when by them tortured to death, and bragged that they could kill English men all one flies: But two great Gunns loaden with Carthages of musket bullets being fired at them, away they wont, and hearing that the Narragansets were invading their country, they visited Seybrook no more.

After these things, a shallop coming down from Connecticut, with three men rowing, was set upon by several canoes of Indians, the English fought stoutly so long as they could, but one of them being shot through the nose, so as the arrow went out at the crown of his head, fell overboard and died: The other two were taken by the Indians, who ripped them up from the bottom of the belly to the throat, and cleft them down the back throughout, and afterwards hung them up by the neck on a tree by the River side, that the English might see them as they passed by; the shallop they drew ashore and set on fire.

May. 15. 1637. Some of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one Prisoner, and brought him to the English Fort, which was great satisfaction and encouragement to the English, who before that exploit had many fears touching the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took Prisoner, was a perfideous Villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past lived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, had been at the slaughtering of all the English that were slaughtered thereabouts; He was a continual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he saw or could learn. When this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and burned to ashes; some of the Indian executioners barbarously taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withal singing about the fire.

It is also reported that before the Mistick, fight, a friendly Indian that was sent thither as a secret spy, brought word that the Pequots were singing, and dancing, and bessing their God, in that they supposed the English were gone from them; and that in the night the English came upon them, they were fallen into a deep sleep, by reason of their long dancing the night before, and their sentinel was gone out of his place to light a pipe of Tobacco, just as the English surprised them, and when our soldiers gave fire there was not one that missed; the Pequots so alarumed, in horror and amazement, crying Wannocks Wannocks, i. e. Englishmen; Englishmen; some of the old men taking hold of others that were willing to run away, and saying, as we have lived together, so let us dy together, the Wigwam which was first set on fire, being to the windward side carried all before it, (as is in the Narrative intimated) At that time there were two Eng • ish men slain, (one of which was thought to be shot by an English man) and twenty four wounded, whereof one died within few days. Also forty Indians that were friends to the English were hurt in that engagement. It was supposed that no less then five or six hundred Pequot souls were brought down to Hell that day. Moreover, it is therein added, that as the English marched towards their vessels in the River, still as they came near any swamp, they sent in a volley of shot, lest the enemy should haply be in ambush in those dark plaees of the earth, and some Indians have related that the English did by that means kill more men of war in their marching away, then in the fight at the Fort, whereby also Sassacus his plot to cut off the English as they passed by swamp-ambushments was utterly and happily frustrated.

It is further said, that an Indian called Wequosh did direct the English to the Fort at Mistick, which Wequosh was by birth a Sachim of that place b • t upon some disgust received▪ he went from the Pequots to the Narragansets, and became a chief Captain under Miantonimo; and that there were with those eighty English Soldiers, who engaged in this expedition against the Pequots, at first four hundred Indians, whereof three hundred were Narragansets. The day before the fight there was some agitation which Fort should be first assaulted, whether that of Mistick, or another eight miles further, where Sassacus himself resided. The English were an end to be upon Sassacus, but the Indians were afraid saying, that Sassacus was all one God, and nobody could kill him; this made the English yet more desirous to try what power was in this imaginary Deity, and that was the conclusion, whereupon many of the Narragansets withdrew, and returned all home, reporting that the English were cut off by the Indians; the fame of which was quickly at Boston; to the great affliction of the English until such time as the truth of things was certainly known. In this Interim one of Capt. Underhils Soldiers fell lame, not being able to go so far as the place where Sassacus was supposed to be; whence the Captain changed his purpose, and determined for Mistick; and Capt. Mason was not willing they should part asunder, so did they agree to make their Assault there; few or none of the Indians which were in the Fort escaped, whole companyes of them gathered together and were burnt to death; those that escaped the Fire, the English without the Fort slew them with the sword, so that round about the Fort, dead men lay, hideous to behold.

The Indians Goliath, even their only Champion, being a man of huge stature was then slain, he bra • e through the soldiers and although one Sergeant stroke him on the neck with his Cutlash, he got by him, and by five soldiers more, but the six •• le • 〈…〉

And those that escaped the sword, the friendly 〈…〉 passed the English took as Captives to the number o • .

This was done upon Friday, May, 26. Anno 163 • 〈◊〉 • emorable Day.

Upon this notable victory Sassacus his heart failed him his men of war being many of them cut off, so that he fled his Country, breaking down his Forts, and burning his Wigwams himself, he marched away by land, with some men, women and Children, their goods being sent away in Cannoo's. The English at Say-brook had notice of the Cannoos, and an advantage to stop their passage, but Capt. Kilpatrick delayed until the opportunity was gone, so that Sassacus with his routed train coming up to the Cannoos six miles from Say-brook Fort, was transported over the River, and fled towards Quinipiack. Being now enraged he solicited his men of War, that they might go, and fall upon the English at Connecticut, but some of them not consenting, that design of his was not put in execution; he therefore fled to the Mohawks, who (being as is supposed excited thereto by the revengfull Narragansets ) cut off his head.

Many of the Pequots before Sassacus his death returned to their Country again; but soldiers being sent from the Massachusetts the returned Pequots were presently distressed, ours ran sacking their country, and settling a garrison therein, quickly came back to Seybrook, with one of the Pequot Sachims, and other Indian Captives. After which a supply of men from Connecticut coming to the Massachuset Soldiers, they sailed westward in pursuit of the Pequots who were fled that way, sailing along to the westward of Mononowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, they cast Anchor, where two Sachems from Long-Island came to them, desiring peace and promising to deliver up whatever Pequots should fly to them for shelter, some scattering Pequo • s were then taken and slain, as also the Pequot Sachem, before expressed, had his head cut off, whence that place did bear the name of Sachems head. Being come near to Quinipiack observing a smoke, it was conjectured that the Enemy might be thereabouts, whereupon Indians were set on shore to hunt after them, but they could find no more then two, one of which was the Sachems son of that place, supposed to be Consederate with the Pequots. They promised to conduct the English to the Enemy, but failed in performance. After that they took another Indian Captive who likewise engaged to lead the English upon the Pequots, but he directed them into a quite contrary way, for which his life was deservedly taken from him. But an Indian called Luz, who was before taken Captive by our Soldiers in the Pequot Country, with two other Indians that were his kinsmen, promised if the English would give him, and his kinsmen their lives, He would conduct them to the Enemies they sought after. He did so, the Pequots with other Indians belonging to those parts, were found near a Swamp, into which they did betake themselves for safety, upon the approach of the English Soldiers. After a while, an Indian came out of the Swamp unarmed, with a present of Wampam, The English declared to him that they came not to take away the lives of the Indians nor their goods, if they would deliver up the murderers that were amongst them. After which ninety nine came forth with their Sachim, who offered as a present all the Estate he had to dispose of, and that was nothing but the Coat on his back, being a Bears Skin. He was sent into the Swamp again to signify to the Pequots there lurking, that if they would bring forth the murderers it should be better for them, which they would not do, but at last professed they had lived together, and they would dy together

There were about seventy or eighty Indians in the Swamp, amongst whom there were twelve murderers. So then the English besett the Swamp; and shot in upon them, and the Indians at them, some of which were furnished with Guns. One in special that was climbing up a Tree to shoot at the English, was espied by a Soldier, who sent a Bullet into him before the other could make his shot. In the night time the Indians brake away. Diligent search was the next day made in the Swamp for dead Indians, Not many, (as some have made Narration) but seven, and no more could be found. As for the Captives a Guard was appointed to look after them, they were charged upon peril of their lives not to attempt running away; yet one of them betook himself to his heels, but a Soldier shot after him, and killed him, which struck a Terror into the rest of the Captives, that no man durst make an offer to escape. These things do I find related by Anonymous, There is not much more additional to what is expressed in Mr. Allyns Narrative, some of these particulars insisted on confirming the truth of that. Only one thing more is contained therein which I have not elsewhere met with, which therefore it may not be amiss here to take notice of. It is this, Whereas on April • 3. 1637. The Indians coming upon the English at Wethersfield killed nine persons, and took two young women alive, and carried them away Captives, means were used to effect their deliverance, but at first, in vain.

On May 8. A Dutch Sloop came by Saybrook Fort, having on Board an Indian Captive, who said she was Momonottocks Squaw. The English there desired the Dutch-men to let them have the Squaw in order to redeeming the English Captives, offering to give them to the value of two hundred pound, provided that those Capt ves might be set at liberty. The Dutchmen hoping to gain much by such an Indian were some of them loath to part with her. In Conclusion Capt. Underhil (who then commanded the Fort) having obtained the Consent of the Master of the Vessel, did Vi & armis take the Squaw out of the Sloop. Afterwards when the Moheags came to Saybrook that Squaw appeared to be one belonging to them, whom the Pequots had Captivated, and she made the Dutch believe she was Momonottocks Squaw, hoping that thereby she should obtain the more courteous usage amongst those into whose hands she was fallen, so that the contest between the English and Dutch about her was needless. In the Interim the Dutch Governor sent another Sloop, with order to redeem the English Captives if possible, and those Dutch did in Conclusion wilily accomplish their design. For being arrived in the Pequot Country, certain Indians coming aboard to trade with them after they had been trafficking they were clapt under Hatches, and told they should not be set at liberty, except they would deliver the English maids that were Captivated, and presently hoysted Sayle, as if they would be gone. The Pequots on shore called to them, declaring that if they would come to an Anchor, the English Captives should be brought to them, which was done, and the men whom the Dutchmen had secured in their Sloop given in Exchange for the English Captives, who were also brought safe to Saybrook, May, 16. where our Soldiers waited for a wind to carry them to engage with the Pequots, and that Wind which for a few days kept the English from going upon their expedition, brought that Dutch Sloop to redeem those Captives, concerning whom there was no other hope (and that was a trouble to some) but that the English would be necessitated to destroy them amongst the Indians, in the day when their Fort should be attacqued,

Some have thought that in these Narratives, there is not due notice taken of what was done by the Massachuset Forces. The Truth is, the Conquest obtained over the pequots was wonderfully the Lord's doing, nor may we ascribe much to man therein, yet must it be acknowledged (and the Narratives deny it not) that Capt. Underhil (and those under his Command) who was sent from the Massachusetts did acquit himself worthily, when the Indians at Mistick Fort were cut off. It must also be owned that the Massachuset Soldiers did glean the Pequots after that, (and we know who to pacify those that were unreasonably dissatisfied, was ready to say, Is not the gleaning of Ephraim better th • n the Uintage of Abie • er; ) Likewise they had an equal hand with others in the Service done at the Swamp, where such a multitude of Indians were either slain or taken as Captives.

And besides these things insisted on, there are who have taken notice of some other specialtyes of Divine providence, relating to those Commotions which have been of momentous consideration, to the people inhabiting this wilderness, which it may not be amiss here to remark. It is then worthy our observation, that the guilty bloody Pequots after they had treacherously murdered Capt. Stone and his Company, brought presents of Wampam and Bever to the English at Boston, desiring their Friendship, pleading that Stone had (who was like enough to do it) offered some abuse to them, in surprizing divers Indians, and binding them, and forcing them to show him the way up the River, &c. — wherefore a peace was concluded upon condition they would suffer the English who desired to inhabit Connecticut, there quietly to live, and also deliver up those men who had been guilty of Stones death. These things were not performed by the Pequots. The Reason why they were the more willing to have peace with the English was, in that they were fallen out with the Dutch at Monhatus, as also with the Narrhagansets who were then potent and numerous; and at first they thought scorn to make Overtures of peace to them, proudly designing the subjugation of all their neighbor Indians, which wrought well for the English. Howbeit not unlike him that said, — Flectere • si nequeo superos Acheronta movebo. When they saw they could not attain their Ends with the English, except they would let Justice have a free passage, and having Contracted fresh bleeding guilt upon themselves, by new and outrageous murders, and crueltyes, they earnestly solicited the Narragansets to join with them in their wicked Confederacy against the English, Satan suggesting to them such Arguments as did almost prevail. For they told the Narragansets that if they joined with the English, they did but make way for their own Ruin, since after the Pequots were conquered, they would find an occasion to fall upon the Narragansets, and that they should not need to come to open battle with the English, only fire their Houses, and kill their Cattle, and lie in ambush to shoot them as they went about their occasions, so would they quickly be forced to leave this Country, and the Indians in the mean while not exposed to any great hazard. Had the Narragansets been overcome by these Arguments, it would have occasioned far greater Trouble and hazard to all the English Colonyes, newly settled in this Land; But therefore God in mercy to his people prevented it. Commissioners were then sent from Boston into the Narraganse • t Country, to endeavor that those Indians might be kept from Complyance with the enemy. There is one who having a little inquired into these things, doth Relate that the old Kanonicus did dissuade the Pequots from war, advising rather to deliver up the murderers. They made believe as if they would do so, and when a Band of Soldiers was sent into the Pequot Country for that end, they bid them stay a while, and the murderers should be brought to them, and certain Indians conversing with our Soldiers, did very much observe the Armor which was upon them and would point where they should hit them with their Arrows, notwithstanding. In fine, when a great Body of Indians appeared on an Hill not far off, those that were with the Soldiers went over to them, when they all came together, they gave a scornful shout, and so ran all away, making their boast to others, how they had deluded the English; So that Canonicus his advise to the Pequots took no effect. After which the Narragansets were not only prevailed with to decline joining with the enemy, but (as is intimated in the above written Narrative) they pretended they would fight for the English; albeit when it came to in good earnest, they proved themselves Cowards doing little against the enemies except by unmanly insultations when they saw them in misery: For whereas it was customary with the Pequots, when they had overcome their enemies insultingly to triumph, saying, O brave Pequots! The Narragansets seeing them wounded or consuming to death in their burning wigwams, would taunt at them and vaunt over them, saying, O brave Pequots! O brave Pequots! The more of a divine hand is there to be taken notice of in overcoming the Pequots by a small number of English and Indians. Also the Pequots were more furnished with Arms then before times they had been; since the Dutchmen had sold some Guns to them; and besides their bows and arrows they had an abundance of small hatchets, and Mohawgs -hammers made of stone, yet God would not suffer them to find their hands.

What special acts of valor were manifested by any of our Commanders or soldiers in this expedition, beyond what is expressed in the forementioned Narrative, I am not able to Relate; Nor am I (though willing that men's virtues should be duly acknowledged) disposed to say much on those accounts, respecting such as are yet alive, as knowing that however it may please some by nourishing a proud humor, it would be nauseous to others and deemed adulatory by wife and impartial Readers.

Only I remember Capt. Davenport (that good man, who was afterwards Commander of the Castle at Boston, and there slain by lightening) once told me, that himself, with two or three more engaged with no less then thirty Indians, and that there were seventeen arrows shot into his Coat, but having on a Coat of Male, none of those arrows hurt him, only one that happened to strike where he was not defended by his Coat.

Also he rescued a poor soldier, that was in extreme danger of being devoured by those Wolves; For two Mastive-Indians that lay in ambush, as a party of soldiers passed by, supposing they had been all past, snatched hold of him whom they thought to be the last man, and were running away with him upon their shoulders, Capt. Davenport followed them with his drawn Cutlash, but still as he lifted up his hand to strike at them these Gigantine Salvages held up the poor man they were running away with, whereby for a while they secured their own bodies from the blow, until at last missing the Englishman, Capt. Davenport smote one of the Indians, whereupon they threw down their prey, and ran for their lives.

He that giveth account of this last passage, doth also Relate another particular no less pleasant; namely, that whereas the Pequots observed, that the English, being willing to show as much mercy as would stand with justice, did only captivate and not kill the Squaws, some great Indian Boys would cry, I Squaw, I Squaw, thereby thinking to escape with their lives.

But to beserious. That which Governor Winthrop writeth in his Letter, published by Mr. Morton, is very memorable, viz. that in one sight, though the Indians coming up close to our men, shot their Arrows thick upon them, so as to pierce their hat brims, and their Sleeves, and Stockings, and other parts of their Cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them, as that (excepting three that rashly ventured into a Swamp after them) not one of them was wounded. And truly to set aside carnal Considerations, there are two Reasons obvious, that may be assigned as causes of that glorious and speedy success, which God gave to the English against the Pequot Indians.

1. The blasphemy of those Enemies. For some of them said, that English man's God was one Flye, which execrable blasphemy the blessed God would not bear from those his Enemies. Also when some English were cruelly tortured to death by them, they would in a way of derision bid them call upon God now, and blasphemously mock at them when they did so. Therefore did the Lord bring those bloody blasphemers in a moment down to Hell, yea, and damned them above ground, when they lay frying in the Fire that was kindled upon their houses, and making horrible Outcries.

2. There was a mighty Spirit of Prayer and Faith then stirring, both in those that staid at home, and in some that ventured their lives in the high places of the Field. That Reverend man of God Mr. Wilson (who excelled in those graces of Faith and Love) went forth with the Soldiers that were sent from this Colony. I think I have myself heard him say, (or if I have not, others have) that he was before he went out, as certain that God would give the English the Uictory over those Enemies, as if he had seen the Victory already obtained. Such great Faith did the Lord stir up in the Heart of that Holy man, and of other his Servants, and by Faith did they turn to Fight the Armies of the Aliens. So then, these Enemies being subdued, in such ways and by such means as hath been expressed, the Terror of God fell upon all the Heathen round about, and the English were dreadful to them: when they heard that the English had slain, and taken Captive seven hundred Indians, and killed Thirteen Sachims, (who are their Kings) there was no more Spirit left in them. The Pequots best friends were afraid to receive such as fled to them for Refuge. But happy was he counted that could make friendship with the English, so that two of the Sachims in Long-Island came to that worthy Gentleman Captain (afterwards Lieut. Colonel) Stoughton, entreating that they might be under our protection. Also two of the Napannet Sachims, addressed themselves to Governor Winthrop, seeking to be in favor with the English. These things deserve to be mentioned amongst the Magnalia Dei, which he hath wrought for his New-England-People.

Matters being again reduced to this peaceable state, that Land rested from war, and that for the space of almost forty years together. Howbeit Jealousies amongst the English grounded upon Treacheries and Conspiracies amongst the Indians, (and some particular acts of Hostility and Outrages by them committed) there have been, more than once or twice, since the Pequot Troubles were ended.

For in Anno 1638. the public peace was endangered by occasion of a murder committed by an English man upon an Indian. Thus it was. One Arthur Peach a young Desperado, who bad been a Soldier in the Pequot war, and done notable Service, being bold and forward in any desperate Attempt after he was returned home he was loath to go to work, wherefore he resolved to go to the Dutch Plantation, and enticed three persons, that were other men's servants, to run away with him. As they were travailing through the woods, they met a Narraganset Indian▪ and desired him to take a pipe of Tobacco, which the Indian was willing to do, Peach told his Comrades, he would kill him; they were afraid to do that, but let him alone to do as he would. When he saw his Time, He ran the Indian through with his Rapier, and took away his Wampam from him, supposing he had left him dead, but after they were gone, the Indian made a shift to get home, where he died of his wound within few days; But told other Indians that such and such English-men had mortally wounded him; The Sachims therefore presently found out these men (only one of them escaped) who had done the murder, and carried them away to the English, at Aquianet Island, where they were examined and committed. In the mean time the Narragansets were about to rise in Arms, some of them conceiving that they should find the Pequots words true, that the English would fall upon them, now the other were vanquished. To be short, the murder being confessed by the parties guilty, the Court in Plymouth did by advice from Magistrates and elders in the Bay, condemn and see execution done upon those three English men for murdering that one Indian, whereupon the other Indians magnified the Justice which they saw amongst the English, and peace was continued. Yet after this new fears and troubles did arise upon other accounts. For although the Narragansets, and the Moheags did Anno 1638. come under solemn promise that they would not engage in a war, either amongst themselves or with other Indians, until they had advised with, and obtained approbation from the English, Nevertheless Miantonimo, the chief Narraganset Sachim, was continually picking quarrels with the Moheags, designing to make them become his Vassals. Some ( viz. Mr. Gorges and Mr. Johnson ) have related that Miantonimo was set on by certain vagabond English, known by the Name of Gortonians, who being deep Apostates from, and bitter enemies unto the ways of Christ, professed by our Fathers, might easily be induced to animate motions of that nature, However Miantonimo chose rather to accomplish his ends upon the Moheags by Treachery, than by open war; and hired a Pequot Indian who was subjected to Uncas (the Moheags Sachim ) to assassinate him that was become his Lord, which the Indian attempted accordingly; insomuch as on a certain evening as Uncas was passing from one Wigwam to another, he was shot into the arm by an arrow, but recovered the house he intended, without receiving further hurt.

The Indian who was suspected about this matter, being called to an account about a great sum of Wampam-peag, by him possessed, could not give any tolerable account, how he came by his money, which augmented jealousies of his being hired by Miantonimo to kill Uncas. Uncas then made his complaint to the English; the issue was, that Miantonimo and the suspected Indian came to Boston, where he was examined, at first in the presence of Miantonimo, by whose help he had framed an Artificial Lye, saying, that one night as he came out of a thick swamp, Uncas desired him to say that he was hired by Miantonimo to kill Uncas, and that therefore he cut his arm with the flint of his Gun, that men might think he had been shot with an arrow. This pitiful story made the English suspect Miantonimo more vehemently then ever, and upon a further private examination (much against Miantonimo 's mind) they saw cause to believe that he was secretly designing mischief against the English, as well as against Uncas. Nevertheless, it was thought best to dismiss him for the present, only with an engagement to remit the suspected Pequot to his Master Uncas: He contrary to his promise, as he was returning home cut off the poor Pequots head, whereby he was made uncapable of discovering anything further about matters between Miantonimo, and him.

Being come home, he forthwith resolveth to be revenged upon Uncas, and with a thousand Narragansets gave him battle, but the Moheags, (though not half their number) worsted the Narragansets, and took Miantonimo, their chief Sachem, prisoner, and brought him to the Town of Hartford, desiring advise from the English concerning the disposal of him. The Commissioners of the united Colonies; considering that Miantonimo had shed blood by raising an unjust war against the Moheags their friends, to whom they had engaged protection, & that he was treacherous to the English, & peace not like to be settled among the Indians, nor continued with the English except he were dispatched (together with some other reasons, more fully expressed in the Declaration published by the Commissioners, Anno 1645.) they counseled Uncas to put him to death, withal prohibiting him to use any Crueltyes in the manner of his execution, it being customary with barbarous Indians (who like their Father the Devil are delighted in Crueltyes) to put their enemies to the greatest Tortures they can devise, when they kill them. The advice was followed Vncas led away Miantonimo as if he would carry him to another place, for custody and safety, and by the way very fairly cut off his head, as he not a year before had served one of Uncas his men. These things happened Anno 1643.

In the next year the peace of two of these Colonies, viz, those of Connecticut and New Haven was disturbed by the Indians.

For, first an English man running away from his Master, out of the Massachusetts was murdered in the woods near Connecticut by an Indian; & about six weeks after was discovered by another Indian, a Sagamore in those parts promised to deliver the murderer bound to the English; and having brought him to Uncaway a Connecticut Sachim, he was there unbound it seems by their joint consent, & left to shift for himself, whereupon ten English men, who were forthwith sent by Mr. Ludlow to the place, seeing the murderer was escaped, laid hold on eight Indians there present, amongst whom there was a Sagamore or two, and kept them in hold two days, until four Sagamores engaged themselves within one Moneth to deliver the Malefactor unto Justice; About a week after which agreement an Indian came presumptuously, and in the day time murderously assaulted an English woman, in an house in Stamford, and by three wounds (supposed mortal) left her for dead, and robbed the house. The Indians genera • lie in those parts demeaned themselves after an hostile manner refused to come to the English, or to attend Treaties of peace, departed from their Wigwams, left their Corn unweeded, and shot off Guns near some English Plantations in a Tumultuary way, and some Indians informed that there was a purpose to fall upon the English; so that there was watching and warding day and night, New-Haven and Hartford were sent unto, that relief might be afforded to the weaker Towns, also application was made to the other Colonyes for, Assistance. At last the Indians were persuaded to deliver the murderers up to Justice. So did these dark Clouds blow over.

Nevertheless, in this year ( viz. in Anno 1644.) the Rage of the Narragansets against the Moheags did break out again in greater violence than ever before, insomuch that Uncas was forced to betake himself to a Fort, and was there surrounded with multitudes of those Indians. The English thought it their concern, not to suffer him, to be swallowed up by those Adversaryes, since he had (though for his own ends) approved himself faithful to the English from time to time. The Narragansets perceiving that the English did (as they had Reason to) favor Uncas, began to be high and Insolent in their expressions & actions, threatening to destroy the English (only as to the English at Providence and Rhode-Island the Narraganset Sachims concluded a neutrality) as well as the Moheags.

Before these things, there being four Colonyes of English Inhabitants settled in this Country, viz. Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, (which is since become a part of Connecticut Colony) who were sensible of the common danger they were exposed unto, by reason of Indians throughout this Land, as also in that Dutch and Swedes, and French had seated themselves not far off, who might some of them probably prove evil Neighbors, and withal considering that, as he in the famous Poet expresseth.

Vis unita fortior, if they were all confederate it would tend to the safety of the whole: Articles of confederation were agreed upon, whence these were called the United Colonyes: And now was there an opportunity for them to act as became such; wherefore each of the Colonies did proportionably first send out Soldiers to keep Garrison with Uncas, and after that raised an Army in order to war with the Narragansets.

When a war was with good advice concluded on, forty men were immediately sent out of the Massachusetts to relieve Uncas, who upon the departure of Connecticut Soldiers (their time appointed them to keep Garrison with Uncas being expired) was presently set upon by the Narragansets; but further attempts upon him were prevented, by the coming of these from the Massachusetts. Also before the other Colonies could expedite what concerned the whole design, Forces were sent out of Plymouth, under the command of Capt. Standish, and marched as far as Rehoboth, that being near the borders of the enemy.

That worthy Commander, Major Edward Gibbons, was appointed as General, Mr. Thompson Pastor of the Church in Braintree, being in diverse respects eminently fitted for such a Service, was to sound the silver Trumpet along with this Army. They did solemnly take their leave of their friends and were solemnly commended to the Blessing of the God of Armies: But as they were just marching out of Boston, (their baggage being sent before towards the enemies quarters) many of the principal Narraganset Indians, viz Pessicus, Mexano, & Witawash Sagamores, and Awasequin deputy for the Nianticks, these with a large Train came to Boston, suing for peace, being willing to submit to what Terms the English should see cause to impose upon them.

It was demanded of them that they should defray the charges that they had put the English to and that the Sachims should send their sons to be kept as Hostages in the hands of the English until such time as the money should be paid. All this did the Narragansets yield unto,

Notwithstanding the Narragansets have dissembled friendship with the English, yet venom hath been in their hearts ever since these motions: Nor was there any other then Fides Graeca observed by them, in the performance of their engagements.

In the first place they endeavored to play Leger de main in their sending Hostages. For instead of Sachems Children they thought to send some other, and to make the English believe that those base papooses, were of a royal progeny, but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be so eluded. After the expected Hostages, were in the hands of the English, the Narragansets notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of what they stood engaged for. And when upon a partial discharge of the debt, their Hostages were restored to them, they become more backward than formerly, until they were by hostile preparations again and again terrified into better obedience. At last Major Atherton, (then Capt. Atherton ) of Dorchester was sent with a small party of English Soldiers to demand what was due. He at first entered into the Wigwam, where old Ninnigret (the Nyantick Sachim) resided, with only two or three Soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or three dropping in at once, when his small Company were come about him that Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been many more behind, he caught the Sachim by the hair of his head, and set a pistol to his breast, protesting whoever escaped, he should surely dy, if he did not forthwith comply with what was required. Hereupon a great tremb • ing and Consternation surprised the Indians, albeit multitudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their Bow-strings ready to let fly. The event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed. Nor was there (so far as I am informed) after this any open discovery of enmity in the Narragansets against the English until such time as Philip began his his great Rebellion. Yet it is evident that there hath been treachery, and secret Treason against the English, amongst them.

I have been told that a man of God (viz. Mr. Street, who formerly lived not far from those parts) observing the perfidiousness of those Narragansets, and their enmity against the Gospel, publicly declared that he foresaw the destruction of the Narraganset Nation, solemnly confirming his speech in saying, If God do not destroy that people, then say that his spirit hath not spoken by me.

Surely that holy man was a Prophet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Qui been conjiciet, hunc Vatem. And this is a Summary account of what hath in former years happened between us and the Narragansets.

Considering, that the Narraganset Troubles have been of no small concernment, it would be worth the while a little more fully to relate the Truth about those motions. Only it is already done in good part by that Declaration which was published by the Commissioners of these united Colonies Anno. 1645. (together with the Articles then consented unto, and subscribed by the Narraganset Sachims) Whoso pleaseth to consult those things will receive satisfaction concerning the War which was at that time fully intended, but not actually prosecuted by reason of the Indians Complyance as hath been specified.

In Anno. 1646. They failed in the performance of their Covenant above expressed, as to every particular therein conta ned.

It is also evident that they had by presents of Wampam been practicing with the Mohawks, and other Indians to engage them against Uncas, •• to whom they knew the English had promised protection. So that the English according to the Rules of Righteousness, might have righted themselves by the justice of War, yet being desirous rather to manifest Long-suffering towards these Barbarians, the Commissioners of the united Colonies contented themselves with sending a Declaration to the Narraganset and Niantick Indians, signifying that they should no longer delay the performance of what they had bound themselves unto, as ever they would not be looked upon as a trracherous and perfidious people, no more to be treated with.

This Year also there was Trouble and fears raised in the Country, by reason of the River-Indians, at Waranoke, & Norwo ••• ck, who it seems were secretly contriving the Death of those famous Worthies, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Hains, Mr. Whiting Magistrates in Conn cticut Colony. For I find upon public Record, that complaints and informations about that matter (in September, 1646) were brought before the Commissioners then assembled at New-haven, where an Indian testified that Sequasson the Sachim of Waranoke, had given him a sum of money on condition that he would murder the Gentlemen mentioned.

Before the Commissioners convened, Mr. Haines had twice sent to Sequasson; but he neglected to make his appearance: Wherefore Jonathan Gilbert was sent to him again, to signify from the Commissioners that they expected Sequassons appearance before them, and to answer what he was accused with and they promised him free passage both to and from New haven, withal intimating that his withdrawing himself would greatly augment the suspicion of his guilt.

The Messenger quickly returned, bringing word, that he could not speak with Sequasson, who he supposed had received notice of his coming by other Indians, and was thereupon fled.

But a few days after, Nipnisoit and Naimetayhu two Sagamores, came with some other Indians to Newhaven, declaring that they were friends to Sequasson, and pretended great respect to the English, and that they had brought Sequasson to clear himself, and that although one of them had him by one arm, another by the other, when he was come near the town, he brake from them and was escaped.

The Commissioners told them they intended Sequasson no hurt; but desired to bring him and his accusers face to face, that he should have a just bearing in their presence.

Some other Indians informed that Sequasson was within a mile of Newhaven, and it was conceived that he would gladly make his peace by some other means, rather then by a due examination and Trial. The two Sagamores said he was much afraid, and durst not come, though they confessed it was just he should come and clear himself, if innocent; all which being considered, the Commissioners conceived that Sequasson whether guilty or afraid of the English, would still be plotting against them and so prove dangerous; wherefore they thought fit, and ordered that all just and prudent means should be used (his life being preserved) to bring him to a trial, that the matter might be some way issued. In the mean time they thought good to examine Wotchiborow a Pocatuck Indian, Sequassons accuser, who waited to give in evidence against him. He being warned by Thomas Stanton the Interpreter, to speak nothing but truth) affirmed, that being this last Spring at Waranoke, in a wigwam with Sequasson, and ready to depart, Sequasson persuaded him to stay three days, thence he drew him to the Falls above Mr. Pinchons; when they had been there four days, Wotchiborow would have been gone to Moheag, to see some friends; Se quasson told him it was dangerous travelling that way he would be killed, walked along with him to a Spring, and there told him, that if ever he would do the said Sequasson a kindness now was a time, he was almost ruined, and the English at Hartford, the cause of it: He should therefore go to Hartford and kill Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Hains, and Mr. Whiting and he would give him a reward, and thereupon plucked out of his bag three girdles of Wampam, and gave them to him, with a piece of a girdle of wampam to play, and promised him much more. Wotchiborow said it was dangerous to kill an English Sachim, they would find out the murderer and pursue him to death; what could then wampam do him good? Sequasson said he had store of wampam, when the thing was done they would fly to the Mohawkes, but in the way, when they came to the Wampeag-Indians, he should give it out that Uncas had hired him for so much wampam, and that would set the English against Uncas, & then he the said Sequasson should rise again.

He further told this Examinate, that Naymetayhu, one of the forementioned Sagamores that came on the behalf of Sequasson, and his father, knew and approved of the said murder.

Wotchiborow further saith, that having taken the aforesaid wampam, he remembered that himself had formerly taken Bushe • g, and brought him to the English, who for a murderous attempt at Stanfo • d was put to death at Newhaven, that if he should kill any English Sachim he should go in fear of death all the days of his life, and that for bringing in Busheag, he had a Gratuity from the English, and for the discovery of this plot he should have their favor, and he thought the favor of the English with security, would be better to him then Sequassons Wampam with fear and danger; he therefore came first to Tunksus and the next day to Hartford, and discovered Sequassons practice.

He said further, that Sequasson hearing of the discovery, spake to Romanoke an Indian, and he sent another Indian called Sixpence to this Examinate, desiring him to hide and conceal as much of the Plot as he could and not to say all open, but he in anger bad the said Sixp • nce hold his peace, he had discovered it, and would hide nothing.

Thus much do I find upon Record, relating to Sequassons plot. What afterwards came of this business, or how it issued, I cannot say. There was also another trouble about the Indians this year.

For whilst the Commissioners were sitting at Newhaven, petitions were presented from Edward Elmere and some others, complaining that Indians had willfully and maliciously burned some quantity of pitch, and Tarr of theirs, together with some bedding, and a Cart with its furniture, and tools &c. in value above an hundred pounds. And particularly they complained of one Wasemose, a Waranoke Indian as guilty therein, as by sufficient evidence they thought they could prove; and that he hath since avoided all the English Plantations; and that he being sent for by a warrant from one of the Magistrates of Connecticut, fled; but being overtaken and seized by some of the English, he was rescued by the Indians, and the English by them jeered and abused, and particularly Chickwallop Sachim of Norwootuck: Whereupon Jonathan Gilbert and John Griffin, were sent to Chickwallop and Manasanes.

At their return, they informed that they could not meet either with Chickwallop or Manasanes, but the Sagamores and Indians at Waranoke carried it insolently towards the English, vaunting themselves in their Arms, bows and Arrows, hatchets and Swords, some with their Guns ready charged, before and in the presence of the English Messengers, they primed and cockt them ready to give fire, and told them, that if they should offer to carry away any men thence, the Indians were resolved to fight, yet the next morning the Sachim with some others offered the English Messengers eight Farhom of Wampam towards satisfaction, and promised to provide more. The Messengers not having anything to that purpose in their Commission, advised the Sachim to send to the Commissioners, but he refused. Hereupon, Naymetayhu one of the Sagamores of Waranoke, who, as before, came on Sequassons behalf, was questioned by the Commissioners about these proud Affronts to the English; At first he denied what was charged, and excused some part, but one of the English Messengers being present, and he hearing the rest should be sent for, he fell under most of the charge, professing that he intended no harm to the English, Thus concerning disturbance by the Indians in the yerr, 1646.

In Anno, 1647. New fears and troubles arose by reason of the Narraganset Indians, there being credible Informations that they were plotting, and by presents of Wampam engaging the Indians round about to combine with them against the English Colonyes, insomuch that a meeting of the Commissioners was called before the ordinary time; Being therefore convened at Boston, July 26. A Messenger was sent to Narraganset, signifying to Pesicus and other Sachims there, that the English Commissioners expected their appearance at Boston, and that if they did refuse or delay, they should no more be sent unto withal promising them safe conduct, in Case they duly attended. The Messenger being returned informed that Pesicus excused his not meeting the Commissioners at New Haven the last year, from his ignorance of the time. when he should attend, though that was falsely pretended by him. He also desired excuse for his not appearing at this time, because he said he was sick, and not able to come, (but the Messengers could not perceive that he was subject to any such sickness or disablement) Nevertheless, he had given full power to Ninnigret to act on his behalf. Moreover, he excused his not performing the Articles he had subscribed at Boston, two years before, by pretending that he was frighted into that Engagement, with the sight of the English Army, which was then ready to invade the Narraganset Country, and he thought they would follow him home, and there kill him if he did not promise to do as the English would have him.

August 3. Ninnigret with some Niantick Indians, and two of Pessicus his men came to Boston. At first he (though against his Conscience) made as if he were ignorant, and never been informed of the Covenants which the Indians had made to the English, and seemed to wonder that the English should ask such a Sum of Wampam, saying that he knew not that the Indians were in the Englishmens Debt. He was then put in mind, how that formerly satisfaction had been demanded of the Indians for the breach of Articles; and how the English Messengers had been ill entreated by them, and particularly by himself, who had used threatening and insolent, language, saying to the Messengers, that he knew the Commissioners would endeavor to keep them from warring upon Uncas, but they were resolved they would do it for all that, and nothing but Uncas his head should satisfy them; and that if the English did not withdraw their Garrisons from the Defense of Uncas, they would heap up their Cattle as high as their wigwams, and that he was the man that had given out that an Englishman should not step out of doors to piss but they would kill him. Ninigret not being able to deny these charges, and somewhat appalled thereat, began to comply with the reasonable demands of the English. A days time was allowed to him for Consideration and advice with the rest of the Indian Deputyes that were then in Boston.

The next day he declared that he was resolved to give the English Colonies due Satisfaction in all things, and that he would forthwith send some of his men to gather up the wampam which was yet behind hoping that within ten days it might be obtained, and that himself would stay with the English as security, until the money was paid. Accordingly, he dispatched his Messengers home for that end, who not many days after, came back to Boston, bringing with them two hundred fathom of Wampam, towards satisfaction of what they owed to the English. This falling very much short of what was expected, Ninigret pleaded that his personal absence from home was the cause of that defect, and therefore desired liberty to go home, withal adding, that if the whole were not paid by next spring, the English should take his head, and seize his Country. The Commissioners let him depart, and since he pretended so fair, did deliver to him the Children which were kept as Hostages, expecting from him, the more care to see engagements performed; and if they did find him real, that then former neglects should be charged upon Pesicus, and that they should expect his assistance, when it should be required, in recovering the whole remainder from Pesicus, all which things were cheerfully accepted by Ninnigret.

This year other Troubles happened by some of Vncas his Indians, who committed several Outrages upon the English in the Pequot Country. Mr. John Winthrop, & some with him, complained that Wowequay (Uncas his brother) with about forty Moheags, behaved themselves insolently hovering against the English Plantation in a suspicious manner, to the afrightment of the Inhabitants there; Also, although Uncas at first seemed gladly to entertain the English plantation at Pequot, yet his carriage since was such as if he designed by Alarums to disturb and break that plantation. In fine Unc • s was censured, and required to acknowledge his fault to the English plantation, (which he did) and pay an hundred Fathom of Wampam to make amends for wrongs sustained.

In September 1648. New complaints were brought before the Commissioners of the united Colonyes, (then sitting at Plymouth ) against the Narraganset Indians, Henry Bull of Rhode-Island petitioned for relief, informing that those Indians had beaten him, and other ways been injurious to him. Also Messengers from the Town of Warwick came with complaints in behalf of the whole Town, alleging that their neighbor Indians did kill their Cattle, abuse their servants when they took them alone, & sometimes would make forcible entry into their houses yea and strike the masters thereof, and steal, and purloyne their goods at pleasure. At the same time, informations were brought before the Commissioners, that the Naragansit Indians, instead of paying the Wampam, that was due to the Colonyes, had improved their Wampam o hire Indians to invade Uncas, and in case the English should defend him, to fight with them also. Particularly, that Ninnigret had given out, that if the English did protect Uncas, he would quickly burn the houses at Connecticut. The Narragansets were withdrawing their old men, women, and children into swamps, hiding their corn &c. The mercenary Mohawks were said to be about four hundred in number, all armed with guns, and three pound of powder for every man.

These Councils were so far ripened and prepared for execution, as that Thomas Stanton and other messengers from Connecticut, going to the Indians to inquire into, and (if it might be) stop proceedings, found them met at Pacomptuck their Rande • vouze, who acknowledged that they had received Wampam from the Narragansets to invade Uncas, and that they were met together to that purpose, expecting Mohawks and other Indians to make up their full numbers: But hearing that two Mohawk Sachims, were lately killed by the Eastern Indians, and that the English, who they thought were a just and warlike people, would defend Uncas, they did therefore stop their intended proceedings at this time.

But these things made it yet more evident, that the Narragansets were a false and treacherous people, not to be trusted, nor worthy to be treated with.

Ann • . 1649. Newhaven Colony was in apparent danger of being involved in trouble by reason of the Indians there: For at Stamford a man going forth to seek his cattle returned not home as was expected, nor could be found by the English that sought for him; but quickly after the Son of a Sagamore who lived near Stamford, came into the Town, and told the English that John Whitmore was murdered by an Indian called Toquattos, and to prove it, told them that Toquattos had some of his clothes; and particularly his shirt made of Cotton-linen. Hereupon the English and some Indians went into the woods to seek the murdered body for burial, but though they bestowed much time and labor, they could not find it. Diverse of the English at Stamford suspected the Sagamores son, to be either the Author or accessory to the Murder, but had not satisfiing grounds to seize and charge him.

About two or three months after, Uncas coming to Stamford, calling the Indians thither, and enquiring after the murdered body, the forementioned Sagam • res Son, and another suspected Indian called K • horon fell a trembling, and hereby confirmed the suspicion of the English, and wrought a suspicion in some of the Mohegin Indians, so that they said these two Indians were Matchet, meaning they were guilty. Notwithstanding the Indians thereabouts excused the Sagamores Son, and accused Toquattos, & intimated that if the Sagamores Son should upon suspicion be seized on by the English, the Indians would do the like by some English, until he should be set at liberty.

Likewise at South-hampton in Long-Island, the English were exposed to great difficulties and dangers by reason of a murder committed in that Town, so that they were necessitated to Arm themselves, and stand upon their own defense for many days; the Indians being gathered together in an hostile posture. This year also Uncas renewed his complaints against the Narraganset Indians, that notwithstanding all former engagements, they are still undermining his peace, and seeking his ruin, and in particular that to their late endeavor to bring the Mohawks upon him, when that failed, they sought by witchcraft to take away his life. A Narraganset Indian (called Cuttaquin ) in an English Vessel in Mohegin River, ran a Sword into Uncas his breast, whereby he received to all appearance a mortal wound, which murderous act, the Assailant then confessed, he was for a considerable sum of Wampam, by the Narraganset and Niantick Sachims hired to attempt, Ninnigret when examined utterly denied his having an hand in that fact but affirmed that Cuttaquin, who accused himself, and the other Sachims, was drawn thereunto, by Torture from the Moheags,

About four years after this ( viz. in Anno 1653.) there were great Troubles, and Commotions raised in the Spirits of men with reference to the Indians, it being generally believed that there was an horrid Conspiracy amongst the Indians throughout this Land to cut off all the English, and that they were animated thereto by the Dutch, there being at that time war between England and Holland. An Indian Squaw was sent by other Indians (that professed love and friendship) to one in Whether field on Connecti • ut, informing that there was a Confederacy between the Dutch and indians, to destroy the English Colonyes, and that the day of Election of Magistrates in the several Jurisdictions was intended for execution, because then the Towns would be left naked and less able to defend themselves. This Squaw moreover desired the Engli h to remember, how dear their slighting of her former information of the Pequots coming had cost them.

Also Uncas addressed himself to the Governor of Connecticut Colony declaring that Ninnigret had that winter been at Manhatos, and that he had given the Dutch Governor a great present of Wampam, and received from him twenty Gunns, with powder and shot answerable; and that during his stay in those parts he went over Hudson's River, gathered as many Sachims together as he could, made ample Declaration against the English, desiring their aid and assistance against them.

Yea moreover, there were no less then nine Indian Sagamores, who lived near Manhatos, did voluntarily without any notice or reward from the Eng • ish, send their Messengers to Stamford, declaring and affirming (even after they were urged by the English to testify nothing but the truth) that the Dutch had solicited them by promising them Gunns, Swords, Powder, Wampam, Wast-coats and Coats to cut off the English. The Messengers added that they would not lie, & were as the mouth of the nine Sagamores, who All speak they no lie, they would affirm it to the Dutch Governors face, and if the Dutch were angry, and should fight with them, No force &c. The next day, one of those Sagamores, with the Son and Brother of another of them came themselves to Stamford, and confirmed what their Messengers in their names had before reported.

This Spring also, the Indians in the Northern & Eastern parts generally grew insolent, and their carriage very suspicious, and they gave out threatening words, so that many Alarms were made, the peace of the English through the whole Country disturbed, they wearied with extraordinary Watchings and Wardings, hindered in their Plowing, Sowing preparations for Planting and other Occasions, to their exceeding great Damage. These things caused many sad thoughts of hearts, and some warlike Preparations; but when the Partyes accused were inquired of about these matters they would own nothing; as for Ninigret he pretended that his wintering amongst the Dutch was on the account of his health, and not at all out of design against the English. The rest of the Narraganset Sachims made themselves very ignorant of any Plot; the Dutch Governor likewise professed great abhorrency of so vile a thing as that would be, to hire barbarous Indians to murder Christians; withal adding, that if the Colonies fell upon him on that account, the righteous Judge would be his Defense, and that,

Also glad tidings of peace between the Nations at home arrived here so did these troubles vanish.

Albeit not many years after these things, the Indians in those parts made an horrible slaughter, not of English-m • n but of Dutch-men, who were treacherously massacred by them.

In the latter end of this year it was, that the Montauket or Long-Island Indians who were friends and Tributaryes to the English, complained that Ninnigret and the Nianticks had assaulted them, killing and taking Captive diverse of them. They were so far hearkened unto, as that the Commissioners of the united Colonies did apprehend themselves called of God to wage Warr against Ninigret, and such Indians as should adhere to him in his bloody proceedings, and accordingly did by vote conclude and determine the same, and that two hundred and fifty Soldiers should be forthwith raised, and sent forth by the several Colonies. But the Council at Boston not concurring in those Conclusions, the intended expedition failed at that time. Nevertheless the next year, it being known that Ninnigret persisted in his Warring upon the Long Islanders, and that he brake his Covenant, refusing to pay tribute for those Pequots that were by the English formerly placed under him, and that the lenity of the Colonies was abused to heighten his pride and insolency; upon these Considerations it was agreed by the Commissioners that there should be two hundred and seventy Foot Soldiers, and forty Horse, raised out of the several Cololonyes, in order to reducing Ninnigret to subjection and better obedience. Accordingly Forces were forthwith levied, and a small Army sent forth under the Christian and courageous Major Willard as Commander in chief.

Upon the approach of the English Army Ninnigret fled from the place of his usual Residence, and got into a Swamp, where it was not easy to pursue him. Most of the Pequots under his Jurisdiction then deserted him, and came to the English. Messengers were sent to demand a Treaty with him, but he was afraid to appear.

In fine, two Gentlemen, viz. Capt. Davis and Capt. Siely went to him requiring the delivery of the rest of the Pequots; to whom he replied that they were gone on hunting, but engaged that within seven days they should be delivered to Mr. Winthrop. He was moreover charged to forbear all acts of Hostility against the Long-Islanders, or any other Indians that were in amity with the English; and plainly told, that if he did not hearken to the advice and charge laid upon him, he must expect that ere long his head would be set upon an English pole.

So did the Messengers return and the Army also. These things happened in October Anno 1654.

After the English forces were withdrawn, Ninnigret did according to his usual manner, observe Fidem punicam in keeping the promises which at that time he had made and set his hand unto.

Not many years after this the Indians in the Southern and Western parts of this Land were involved in broils amongst themselves, raging with implacable feuds and wars one against another. The Nianticks, Mauntaukets, Mohegins, Norwootucks, all engaged in cruel and bloody quarrels. And the peace of these Colonyes was not a little disturbed and endangered thereby, inasmuch as the Indians would pursue one another to the English plantations, and sometimes into the English houses, and there kill one another. Some English at Wethersfield, and some inhabiting in the Moheag Country were by means hereof put into sad frights. In special, in Anno 1658, sundry English in divers places were disquieted by the insolence and outrage of the Pacumptick Indians. But when the Sachims were called to an account about it, they pretended that they were ignorant of what disorders were committed by their men, nor allowed of by them who desired to live in amity with the English, and were willing to give satisfaction for past injuryes, and to prevent the like abuses for the Future. So did those Troubles pass over. Not very long before this, at South-Hampton in Long Island some houses had been burned by a wicked Indian (and a Negro woman) who it seems after he had done this wic • edness, desperately killed himself, to prevent just execution. It was at first thought that more of the Indians there had had an hand in that burning, whence they were condemned to pay seven hundred pound in seven years, but afterwards that penalty was taken off, since it was judged unreasonable that those Indians who were not proved to act in, or consent to the mischief that was done, should be made to suffer as guilty.

In Anno 1662, Plymouth Colony was in some danger of being involved in Trouble by the Wampanoag Indians. After Massasoit was dead, his two sons, called Wamsutta, & Metacomet, came to the court at Plymou • h pretending high respect for the English, and therefore desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the Court there named Wamsutta (the elder brother) Alexander, and Metacomet (the younger brother) Philip; this Alexander (Philip's immediate predecessor) was not so faithful and friendly to the English as his Father had been. For some of Boston having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince who was then Governor of Plymouth, that Alexander was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicited the Narragangansets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Capt. Willet (who lived near to Mount-Hope, the place where Alexander did reside) was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next Court in Plymouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication he seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, who (he said) were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him, and he readily promised to attend at the next Court. But when the day for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narragansets his pretended enemies, which compared with other Circumstances, caused the Gentlemen at Plymouth to suspect there was more of Truth in the Information given, than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the Governor and Magistrates there, ordered Major Winsl • w (who is since and at this day the Governor of that Colony) to take a party of men, and fetch down Alexander. The Major considering that semper no cuit differ paratis, he took but ten armed men with him from Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the Towns that lay nearer Mount-Hope. But divine providence so ordered, as that when they were about the midway between Plymouth and Bri • gwater, observing an hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find Alexander and many of his men well armed, but their Guns standing together without the house, the Major with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians Arms, and beset the house; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the Sachim with the reason of his coming in such a way, desiring Alexander with his Interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the house, and then understood what Commission the Major had received concerning him. The proud Sachim fell into a raging passion at this surprise, saying that the Governor had no reason to credit Rumors, or to send for him in such a way nor would he go to Plymouth but when he saw cause. It was replied to him, that his breach of word touching appearance at Plymouth Court, and instead thereof going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine the Major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plymouth, and that (by the help of God) he would do it, or else he would dy on the place; Also declaring to him that if he would submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood, and with a Pistol at the Sachims breast, required that his next words should be a positive and clear Answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his Interpreter (a discreet Indian, brother to John Sausaman ) being sensible of Alexanders passionate disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the Sachim, before he gave his Answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a Sachim, with his men attending him, which (although there was some hazard in it, they being many, and the English but a few) was granted to him. The weather being hot, the Major offered him an horse to ride on, but his squaw and diverse Indian women being in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a complying with their pace, which was done, and resting several times by the way, Alexander and his Indians were refreshed by the English; no other discourse happening while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The Major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the Magistrates of that Colony as could; would meet at Duxbury; wherefore having there had some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they entreated Major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the Governor (who then lived at Eastham ) could come up. Accordingly he and his Train were courteously entertained by the Major. And albeit not so much as an angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield, yet proud Alexander vexing and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, he sudeenly fell sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller (the Physician) coming providentially thither at that time, the Sachim and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to do, but by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to help him, and therefore gave him a potion of wor • ing Physic, which the Indians thought did him good; but his distemper afterward prevailing, they entreated to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement of appearance at the next Court was granted to him, soon after his being returned home, he died.

And this is the truth and substance of what concerns Transactions with Alexander, concerning which so many fabulous stories have been spread abroad.

Alexander being dead, his Brother Philip (of late cursed memory) rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled Sachim, but immediately in the year 1662. there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English: Yet he professed otherwise, and making his personal appearance at a Court holden at Plymouth, renewed that Covenant which his father and Brother had confirmed with the English there. This Covenant he perfidiously brake: For in Anno 1671. it was evident that he with other his Confederates had been conspiring against the Colony, under whose protection and Jurisdiction he had submitted himself. He then armed himself and acted like a Rebel that intended a speedy rising, yea he ordered (as some Indians have sine • confessed) that if the English did send messengers to Treat with him, if above four came in company together they should be shot down, and appointed some to lie in ambush for that end; and behaved himself after a surly and provoking manner towards messengers that desired Treaty with him, and refused to appear, and give answer for his Insolencyes, his Covenant notwithstanding. Nevertheless, he at last conceded to meet the Governor and Magistrates of Plymouth, at Taunton; where sundry Commissioners of Boston were desired to be, and to hear the matters of difference between the English of Plymouth, and this Philip Sachim.— This meeting was attended in April, 1671. when Philip confessed his breach of Covenant, and that he had groundlessly taken up Arms against them, whom he had always found friendly to him; And surrendered some of his Arms, engaging for the delivery of the rest in due time. The English being tender of shedding blood, let him go upon promise of better behavior for the future. Soon after this, Philip (with some of his Counselors) repaired to Boston, endeavoring to possess the English there, with lying Informations, about Injuryes done to him by those of Plymouth. Wherefore the Council of that Colony entreated that Commissioners from Boston, and from Connecticut also might be sent to Plymouth, that so a fair hearing of differences before all the world might be attended. So then in September following the Governor of Connecticut, and several Magistrates from the Massachusetts, and some other Gentlemen met at Plymouth, where Phil • p appeared, and all his allegations were heard to the Conviction of Philip himself, and great satisfaction of all that Audience. The conclusion was, Philip acknowledged his offense, and was appointed to give a sum of money to defray the charges which his Insolent Clamours had put that Colony unto. The particulars which Philip then consented to were these.

1. That he would for the future be subject to the Government of Plymouth, and to their Laws.

2. He engaged to pay the Colony an hundred pound towards reparation of such wrong as they had sustained by his misdemeanors.

3. He was under obligation to send five wolves heads every year to the Governor of Plymouth in Token of his fealty.

4. That he would not make war with any without the approbation of that Government.

5. In case any future difference should arise between him and the English, he would repair to the Government there to rectify matters, before engaging in any hostile attempts.

6. That he would not dispose of any of his Lands but with the approbation of the English government there. So was he dismissed. Some of these Covenants were in part observed by him, and some particulars not at all—Thus did things rest between the English and him, until the year 1674. when in January an Indian Preacher, known by the name of John Sausaman, addressed himself to the present Governor of Plymouth, informing him that the Indians were complotting the destruction of the English, and that not only the Wompanoags, but the Narragansets, yea and the Mohegins were involving themselves in this Conspiracy. This Sausaman was by birth a Massachuset, his Father and Mother living in Dorchester, and they both died Christians: This their Son did for some time apostatize from his Christian profession, and lived like an Heathen, being Philip's Secretary (for he could write a very legible hand) and one of his Counselors, until at last God convinced him of his misery, and he manifested such evident signs of repentance as that he was, after his return from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and received as a member in one of the Indian Churches, yea and employed as an Instructor amongst them every Lord's Day. Nevertheless, his information (because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe them when they speak truth) was not at first much regarded, until by relation of Circumstances, he made it too apparent, that Philip was really hatching mischief. The effect was, the Governor of Plymouth advising with his Council, resolved once more to send for Philip, and to inquire into the truth of things: But before that could be accomplished, an Indian called Tobias, with his Son, and another Indian named Mattashinnamy, meeting with John Sausaman at a pond, cruelly murdered him; and that their villainy might not be discovered, they cut an hole through the Ice, and put in the dead murdered Body, leaving his hat and Gun upon the Ice, that so others might think that he had drowned himself. It being rumor'd that Sausaman was lost, the dead body was sought after, and found in the pond, and taken up and buried.

Jealousies being on the spirits of men that the other Indians had murdered him, on the account of revealing their Conspiracyes to the English: The Governor of Plymouth ordered the Constable of Middlebury (that being the nearest town to the Place where the murder was committed) to cause John Sausamans body to be taken up again, and to empanel a Jury as a Coroners Inquest, to make enquiry how he came by his death: And they found that he had been murdered, for his neck was broken by twisting of his head round; which is the way that the Indians sometimes use when they practice murders; also, his head was extremely swollen, and his Body was wounded in several parts of it, and when it was first taken out of the pond, no water issued out of it, which argued that the Body was not drowned, but dead before it came into the water.

Moreover, when Tobias (the suspected Murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh as if it had been newly slain-albeit it was buried a considerable time before that.

Afterward an Indian called Patuckson, came and testified to their faces that he saw Tobias and the other Indians murthering Sausaman: He also himself before his death had declared, that he was afraid those very Indians would at last prove his Murderers.

They were therefore apprehended & kept in Durance until Plymouth Court, which was held in June, 1675. and being found guilty of Sausaman 's Death, they were (one of them before his execution confessing the murder) condemned and executed. And then did Philip, being (as was verily supposed) privy to what Tobias (his Counselor) and those w th him had perpetrated upon John Sausaman, fall to open Rebellion and bloodshedding amongst the English at Swanzy, who were his next Neighbors.

But of the special Occurrences attending the late (and not yet ended) War between the English and the Indians, I have elsewhore given a brief account, and therefore shall not here add anything, that not comporting with my present design.

The Particulars which have been mentioned, are the chief (if not the only) Troubles which have happened by the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof by the English till the late Commotions. Some few private Murthers there have been, which are not insisted on in this Narrative, as namely those at Nantucket, and that by Matoonas his Son, and that at Woburn, but the public peace was not so endangered by those clandestine Revenges, as by the Conspiracyes, the Relation whereof hath been described.

It is easy to observe; from the History of these Troubles, that whereas there have been two sorts of men designing settlement in this part of America, some that came hither on the account of Trade, and worldly Interests, by whom the Indians have been scandalized, others that came hither on a Religious and conscientious account, having in their Eye, the Conversion of the Heathen unto Christ; the former have been attended with blasting ruining providences, these latter have be • signally owned by the Lord Jesus; for the like hath been rarely known in the world, that a plantation should be raised out of nothing, and brought to such considerableness in so short a time, whereas in the close of the last Century, there was not so much as one Christian in this Land, there are now above Fourscore English, and Six Indian Churches therein, besides many other Congregations calling upon the Name of the True God in Jesus Christ, although as yet not brought into Church estate, according to the order of the Gospel.

This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes.