Concerning the English Liturgy

SECT. I.

Three Reasons referring chiefly to the Doctor, why his English Letter was not presently answered: His mistake about the word Seraphical, the sense, rise, and use of it.

T O this Letter I made the less hast to return an Answer for three reasons.

1. Because the Doctor professed an unwillingness to hold an intercourse with me by Letter while he remained in this County.

2. Because a good part of it was a kind of retractation of what he had said, and for that (within a while after) I expected to speak with him again, to know where his mind would settle, for (comparing his precedent speeches and writings together) he seemed to me to fluctuate very much, not only in his passion, but in his opinion.

3. Because (notwithstanding his negative resolution forementioned) (about fourteen days after remaining yet where he was before) he sent me a Latin letter, to which I made answer in the same language, and in that I brought as much of the English Letter, (having translated the matter of it into Latin) as I took to deserve either Censure or Answer.

I had not then a thought of publishing anything of either, yet since now I find cause to do so, I conceive it also convenient, to make some Animadversions upon the most material parts of his English Letter, in English (as I have done to his Latin Letter in Latin) which I shall now apply to the Doctor in the second person, as directly written to him as my first Letter was, in these words, Sir, you have oft in my hearing expressed yourself a S • raphicall zealot for the Service-book: To which you Answer. That the title of Seraphical belongs to those new Bonaventures, who took upon them to castigate all other Churches, as he doth the Greek (in lib. 1. dist. 11.)

By that you say Sir, you seem not to understand, or not duly to consider the sense and use of the word Seraphical, which ariseth from an Hebrew Root, signifying an height of heat, even to burning: It was given per Antonomasiam to S ^t Francis of Assisum (the Founder of the Minorite Friars.) There was another S ^t Francis of Paula, (who had not the honor of that Angelical appellation) and he of Assisum was called Seraphical, for the zeal and fervency of his spirit and actings: as when he renounced all his right of inheritance, stripped himself of all his clothes, unto his shirt, and gave them to his father, saying, Untill this time I have called thee father, but from hence forth I will acknowledge no other father, but our Father in heaven: And when in zeal he went to preach in France, Spain, Egypt, and Syria, among the Infidels, that he might obtain the Crown of Martyrdom: And he was so called for the Seraphical vision they write he had, of the likeness of the six winged Seraphim burning with fire, and casting beams glittering exceedingly, which descended with great swiftness, and drew near to the place where he was, and between the said wings appeared the figure of a man crucified, whereupon he straitwaies, (as the Friars tell the tale) fell into an Extasie, as usually he accustomed in the meditation of the passion of Christ, to which he was devoted more then can be expressed: And at this time (Ovid like) they fain a metamorphosis, telling of a transformation of him into the similitude of Christ, the figure of his blessed wounds remaining imprinted in his flesh: Of him the Friars Minorites were called Seraphical Brethren, or Friars of the Seraphical Order. Thence is it that Erasmus puts the title of Exequiae Seraphi • ae, upon one of his Dialogues, wherein he discovers the pretended zeal and real hypocrisy of the Franciscan Friars.

SECT. II.

His Error (in calling Bonaventure a Seraphical zealot, because he castigated the Greek Church) refuted, and the right Reason shown, why he was so called.

NOw for your Bonaventure, whom you would have to be entitled a Seraphical zealot, because he did castigate the Greek Church, if you mean by castigating the Greek Church, 1. The opposing or refuting of the errors of the Greek Church, especially in respect of their opinion of the Procession of the holy Ghost (whereof the Schoolmen dispute in the first Book of Sent. dist. 11.) he should not more be called a Seraphical zealot for that, then many others who did the like, as well as he. 2. If you mean that Bonaventure did chastise the Greek Church with more vehemence and fierceness of spirit than other Writers did: I answer,

1. That cannot be proved, for though he accounted the Greeks in his time more erroneous then their Ancestors, from Damascene (who flourished in An. 730.) downward, called them an accursed offspring of their progenitors, adding to their parents madness (who were wavering, neither confessing nor denying the Procession of the holy Ghost from the Father and the Son) but holding, That the holy Ghost had only a temporal procession from the Son; and for this (saith he) the Church of Rome do • ms them heretics and schismatics. Yet the worst he saith of them he saith not in his own Name, but in the Name of the Roman Church.

So that he should be called a Seraphical zealot, for that, no more than the Pope or any Cardinal, or Bishop, or Doctor of the Church of Rome, who gives his consent to the Popes Excommunication of them, and they were Excommunicated by Pope Martin, as is remembered against them in the second Council of Lions. The truth is, as the Greek Nation had but an ill name of old among the ancient Romans, so since Damascens time the Greek Church was much distasted by the Latins, and they by them again. For 1. The Roman Orator (many hundred years before Benaventure was born) taxed them for levity, unfaithfulness, drunkenness. 2. That levity and unfaithfulness is charged upon the Greek Church, by the Roman Church; for in the 3 ^d Council of Latera • An. 1215. under Innocent the 3 ^d , the Greeks (after reconciliation with the Latins) became so adverse to them, that they would not consecrate upon their own Altars, after the Latins had used them, until they had washed them.

And the children which the Latins had baptized, they baptized again. And in the second Council of Lions, Anno 1274. (to which Bonaventure was sent by Pope Greg. 10.) though the Emperor Paleologus brought his Greeks to the Council, and they therein consented to the Latins (in the Article, touching the procession of the holy Ghost, from the Father and the Son) and submitted themselves to the Roman Church: yet as they had been so fickle and false (in what they undertook before that time) as to turn and revolt from what they had professed, no fewer then thirteen times, so it is not unlikely but that after this Council (when Bonav. was dead) even to the Council of Florence, An. 1438. (when the Latins and Greeks were again reconciled) there were many breaches betwixt them, which might make many Romanists as great Seraphical zealots against the Greeks, as ever Bonaventure was, yea or as those before his time, who used the Greeks more inhumanely at the taking of Constantinople, then the Saracens did the Christians at their taking Jerusalem: Therefore you have no reason from Bonaventures zeal against the Greek Church, to call him a Seraphical zealot, as by a special Title, yet a zealot he was, and Seraphical too, and might well be called a Seraphical zealot, (not as you mistake the reason of title) but for such as these: Because,

1. He was of the Order of the Seraphical Father S ^t Francis, to whom that denomination was principally appropriated.

2. He was not only of this Order, but devoted to it by especial vow of his mother, confirmed by miracle, for being sick (when he was a child) she vowed (if he recovered) to give him up to be a Franciscan Friar; God heard her prayer to the admiration of the Physicians (as the writer of his Legend recordeth) and she made good her vow.

3. He was when he came out of his minority (though still a Minorite Friar) a great zealot for the honor of his Founder S ^t Francis (and of his Order) For,

1. He wrote his Life.

2. He wrote of the six wings of the Seraph.

3. A declaration of the rule of the Minorites.

4. Two Apologies against the calumniators of the Fransc. rule.

4. Because, as Seraphical S ^t Francis himself, preached not with eloquent words, and worldly wisdom, but with much fervor of spirit, (as the Romanists write of him (so did Bonav. 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 utter not instant, earnest words, but flaming words, as Possevi • noteth out of Abbot Tritemius.

SECT. III.

The Doctor justly termed a Seraphical Zealot for the Service-book, his absurd Elogium of it, and Calvin's Censure upon it.

ANd in this sense I might (as I did) well call you a Seraphical zealot for the Service-book, for your discourse of it, and pleading for it, with me, hath been fierce and fie • y, (as when you said, If I preached against the Service-book in the forenoon, you would preach for it in the afternoon, if I would lend you my Pulpit) and your Letters, both this in English, and the other in Latin, show rather how fondly, then how devoutly you are addicted to that: You say in this Letter, How it was for many years the Church of England's chiefest robe, both for ornament among the Reformed, and for distinction against the unreformed Churches: And in your Latin Letter you call it, The most glorious household stuff of your father.

1. Robe, Ornament and Distinction: Three brave words, very meanly and impertinently brought in, as I believe any man of ordinary apprehension will easily judge: The word Robe you know signifieth a garment, Hath the Service-book any resemblance to that? If you had called the Surplice a Robe, you might have gone away with that word, without exception, though you might have met with a check at the next word Ornament, from such as with much contempt and scorn used to call that a rag: But (to let pass that gross 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of calling the Service-book a robe) How was the Service-book an Ornament among the Reformed Churches? What Reformed Church out of England and Ireland (except the exiles in Queen Mary's days, and not all of them neither) ever took it for an Ornament? If they had they would sure have adorned their Divine service with it, and have spoken of it rather as Honorable, then but tolerable, and that for a time; as Calvin did of the English Liturgy (saith he, writing to the exiles at Frankford) as you describe it, I see many tolerable toys, trifles, follies, unfitnesses; take which word you will to express his Latin word ineptiae, you will have as much ado to gloss or dress it up into an Ornament, as to make a Silver Pen of a Goose quill; unless you add gilding unto it, or some other decking of the Artificer upon the leaves and cover.

But to save you that needless labor, Calvin presently expresseth what he meaneth by these two words tolerabiles ineptiae, viz. That the Liturgy was not so pure as was to be wished, yet what faults could not be corrected the first day, (since they contain no manifest impiety) they were to be tolerated for a time, yet so, that it meet (saith he) that the Learned, good and grave Ministers of Christ do endeavor beyond it, to find out somewhat more refined, more pure, free to compose a new form of prayer, which may be most apt or fit for the use and edification of the Church: and saith, he knows not what to think of them to whom the dregs of Popery are so delightful, as not to be pleased with a change for the better: Nor have they any other cause of quarrel (saith he) but because they are ashamed to yield to better men, and better things.

SECT. IV.

The Service-book served, not for distinction of the Reformed Churches from the unreformed, as the Doctor saith: Too much conformity in it to the Romish Breviary, yet passed in the first Parliament of Q. Elizabeth, and why so.

FOr your third word, distinction, that is as ill applied to the Service-book, as the two former, for how serves that for a distinction of the Reformed against the unreformed Churches? If you call those unreformed Churches that have it not, you speak a new Dialect of your own, and as naught as new; wherein all Orthodox Protestants will be against you: If you mean by unreformed, those who are most unreformed, viz. the Roman Churches, the distinction was not so great, either in K Henry the 8 ^th his time, or K. Edw. the 6 ^th his time, or Q. Elizab. time, as it should have been: Not in K. Henry the 8 ^th his time, for then Card. Quignonius at the request of Pope Cl •• 7. then made the Popish Missal liker the English for a great part, then it was to the Roman Breviary: Not in King Edw. the 6 ^th his time, for when the Rebels were up in Devonshire, for the restitution of the Mass and other Popish matters comprised in several Articles: To that of the Service-book, (which was one of them) the Kings answer was, As for the Service (in the English tongue) it hath manifest reasons for it, and yet (perchance) it seemeth to you a new Service, and is indeed none other but the old, the self same words in English, which were in Latin, saving a few things taken out, which were so fond, that it had been a shame to have heard them in English, as all can judge that do report the truth. Not in Q Elizab. time, for Pope Paul the 4 ^th would have allowed of the Service and Liturgy, set out by her, if she would have received it by his authority: And for the English Service, as it first passed in Parliament, it was not such as was desired by the best, but such as could be obtained of the worst sort of Protestants, who made the major part in the first Parliament of Q Elizab. and who were so superstitiously devoted to that form of Service, that the Book would not have passed, if it had been so Reformed as it should have been: We have just ground for this conjecture out of the Conference at Hampton Court; where (upon, the debate betwixt King James and others, about the women's Baptism by warrant thereof) the King urging and pressing the words of the Book, said, they could not but intend a permission of women s • to do, the Bishop of Worcester said, that (indeed) the words are doubtful, because otherwise, perhaps the Book would not have passed in the Parliament; and for this he cited the testimony of the Archbishop of York.

Why then should those who have power to Reform what is amiss, be confined to such a form of service as this? which had i • been a perfect masculine issue, they who should (as Midwives) have holpen to bring it forth, would have been ready to strangle it in its birth.

Yet such as it was, with all its faults and defects, they gave their Vote unto it: but those who were truly wise and godly, never meant to set up their rest with such a Reformation: For it was both irreligious and unreasonable which some Prelates projected, viz. instead of proficiency towards perfection, to make us retrograde, to the state and stature of our Churches minority, and they might as well put down preaching, and bring up Homiles, and mere reading Ministers again, as make that form of prayer a standard to our public devotion.

Now for that you say in your Latin Letter, where you call the Service-book you lent me (before my Library was brought to Br.) the most glorious household-stuff of your father, which you say is precious in your sight, and so shall be forever. Methinks you honor that Book so much, as you must imply no little dishonor to your father, as if he had not a Bible in his house, and no less dishonor to the Bible, if he had it, and yet that were not in your eye a more glorious piece of household-stuff, then the Service-book was.

But though neither the Parliament, nor the Assembly did either admire or adore it, as you did▪ it should not have been so contemptuously used as it was, to use your own words.

SECT. V.

The Service-book not cast out by the Parliament or Assembly as a menstruous cloth, as the Doctor insinuateth, but laid aside with honorable remembrance of the composers of it, and with approbation of the Book itself in divers respects.

IT would have troubled my conscience, to have been an instrument of casting it away as a menstruous cloth 〈◊〉 : And if any Divines of the Church of England gave their advice for its opp • brious ejection, they must show a good reason why they altered their own judgment, before they may hope to have any powerful influence upon mine.

Who they be (if any Divines at all of the Church of England) who cast away the Service-book as a menstruous cloth, or gave advice for its opprobrious ejection, I know not, sure I am that I am none of them: and for my Brethren of the Assembly, they have at large, with much candor and fair dealing (though for that they have not been fairly dealt withal by some) expressed their sense, both of the Compilers, and of the Book itself: Of them they speak very honourably, for they say, In the beginning of the blessed Reformation, our wise and pious Ancestors took care to set forth an order, &c. Afterwards their words are, That what they did in laying aside the Service-book, was not from any love to novelty, or intention to disparage our first Reformers; of whom we are persuaded, (were they now alive) they would join with us in this work, and whom we acknowledge, as excellent instruments raised by God, to begin the purging and building of his House; and we desire that they may be had of us, and of posterity in everlasting remembrance, with thankfulness and Honor. Ibid. p. 6.

And of the Book itself, they say, That it occasioned many godly and learned men to rejoice much in it at that time it was set forth, because the Mass and the rest of the Latin Service, being removed, the public worship was celebrated in our own tongue: many of the common people also received benefit by hearing the Scriptures read in their own language, which formerly were to them as a book that is sealed. So Preface p. 1, 2▪ the worst they say of it comes from the abuse, and the worst abuse is, That it was made no better then an Idol, by many ignorant and superstitious people, who pleasing themselves in their presence at that service, and their lip-labor in bearing a part in it, have thereby hardened themselves in their ignorance and carelessness of saving knowledge and true piety, p. 4. whereof I find too much proof by sad experience in some of those who have learned of you to mistake erroneous superstition for religious devotion. But suppose that some of them had cast it away as a menstruous cloth, for the defects and errors in it, and the Idolatrous doting of many, if not of most upon it, is it any better then the best human righteousness? and did they think worse of it than the Prophet Isaiah speaks of that, where he saith, We are all of us an unclean thing, and all our righteousness are as filthy rags? Isa. 64. 6.

If I had served God in the use of that form without any conscience, I had been an hypocrite, and how can I now scorn and revile that against my conscience, and not be an Apostate?

It is true Sir, not only of you, but of any one else, and not of that form of Prayer only, but of any other, that he who formally worships God, either without his conscience, or against it, is an hypocrite, and to revile and scorn that (of which a man hath formerly thought honourably and spoken reverently) against his conscience, is to play the hypocrite also, and to add to his hypocrisy the sin of Apostasy: While you say this in your own name, if you mean it of others, particularly of the Ministers of the Assembly, or at least of some of them (as perhaps you do) you have answer to that calumniatory conceit already: If of yourself, your words imply that some have solicited you to scorn and revile the Service-book against your conscience, if you know any such (as for my part I do not) I doubt not but you will be more ready to scorn and revile them, then therein to be persuaded by them: for you are so far from all compliance in that kind, that you charge such as without scorn or reviling have laid it aside, with sacrilege and scandal, touching which I shall answer you, when the order of your words bring me to that charge.

SECT. VI.

The Doctor alloweth the laying aside of the Service-book, so far as justifieth the Parliaments and Assemblies removal of it, by the example of Hezekiah's breaking of the Brasen Serpent; yet with some mistake of that story.

TO lay it aside is one thing, to revile it another; that a godly Hezekiah may do, if he think it a Nehushtan, but this befits only a Rabshakeh; that may be out of obedience, this only out of peevishness or a worse principle.

To the reproach • r reviling of the Service-book I have answered already: that which I shall now observe, is your concession, that he that layeth the Service-book aside, if he be a Governor, may for all that be an holy Hezekiah, and an inferior employed in preparing for, and conforming to such a Reformation as that, may do it in obedience; which you seem rather to approve of, then disallow: If so, you have yet no just exception against the Assembly upon that account: for you may read in the fore-cited place, what they did in their own words: We have after earnest and frequent calling upon the Name of God, and after much consultations, not with flesh and blood, but with his holy Word, resolved to lay aside (mark your own words, to lay it aside) the former Liturgy, with the many Rites and Ceremonies formerly used in the worship of God; And they laid it aside, not as you mistaking say, Hezekiah did the Brazen Serpent, because it was Nahushtan, (i.e. brass or brazen) for that was not all, nor the chief cause, for which he brake it in pieces, for it was no better then brass (for the matter of it) when by God's appointment it was first set up by Moses, Numb. 21. 8. but because (even to those days) the children of Israel did burn incense unto it, 2 King. 18. 4. so the Service-book was laid aside, not so much for the matter of it, (though what was erroneous in it, and some error certainly there was, which was worse then pure brass, as bad as the rust or dross of that and other metals.)

But because (as the brazen Serpent) it was made an Idol, as hath been shown, so was the Service-book, and so is it by many to this day; which is not so much the fault of the Book, as the folly of those who so much doted on it, and so many dote on it, and so much, that (if it be not taken from them) the next generation is more like to be more infected with, then the present to be cured of their superstition towards it: and as Hezekiah called it Nahushtan, i.e. brass or brazen (by this Name giving the people to understand, that being (when it was the best) but a creature, now but a mere brazen figure of a Serpent, and not so much (when he had broken it in pieces, having no virtue of healing, as formerly it had) there neither was nor could be any deity in it, no not when it had a miraculous operation annexed unto it; and therefore, neither sacrifice was to be offered, nor incense to be burnt unto it (as then they did) so we may say (to such as Idolize the Service-book) that for the materials of it, being but Ink and Paper, visible letters, and legible words, and being not infallibly indicted by the Spirit of God, as the sacred Scriptures are, it should not be made such an object of worship, as by many it is: and now Sir, you have by this comparison degraded the Service-book so low as a piece of brass; How can you set so high price upon it, as to make it the most glorious household-stuff your father had? If the Inventory of his goods were but ratably prized to this particular, you would not take your Childes portion after that rate, but would require an higher valuation to be set upon them.

SECT. VI.

The constancy and ingenuity which the Doctor assumeth to himself (if he had been an Assembly man) acted by those who were chosen in that service.

HAd I been of the Assembly, I should have shown so much constancy to myself, as not to have easily changed my judgment; and so much ingenuity towards others, as not to have subdolously concealed it.

Had those (whose Office it was to make choice of men for that service (thought you a fit man to be called to it, I wish you had made one of that number, then your own experience would have shown you, many who changed not their judgment, when they changed their practice, in the dis-use of that Book, which they had formerly used, rather in a way of toleration, until the time of further Reformation came, then of approbation for perpetual use (as by an immutable Law of the Medes and Persians) who were (in that particular) of Calvin's mind (as is before mentioned) suffering what they could not then amend, and amending their own condition, by removal of it, as soon as the Divine providence offered a fit opportunity for that purpose; and who were so far from a subdolous concealment of what they thought of it, that (when it was most magnified by such as were Masters of Ecclesiastical Ceremonies, and would have Lorded it over our faith, if we would have been so tame as to submit our necks to such oppressive yokes, they did not forbear (before such) plainly to speak their opinions against it: and when the times were so far changed, as not only to cry it down, but all other set forms of prayer, they both disputed and preached for the lawfulness (though not for the universal conveniency, much less the absolute necessity of a set form of prayer) of this (for both parts of it) I can bring fair evidence of his sincere carriage in that cause, whom it may be you meant (at least obliquely) to tax for fickleness, in forsaking his first love, or for fallacy in sitting silent, when he should have freely spoken his mind and conscience on that behalf.

SECT. VIII.

The removal of the Service-book, as before shown, is neither Sacrilege, nor just cause of Scandal, as the Doctor suggesteth.

I Should have propounded some Considerations, before they had determined, though now I propound no Objections, after their determination: And my Considerations would have been specially these, which you do intimate of Sacrilege and Scandal, for it could not but have seemed unto me Sacrilege, to rob God of his worship, and it could not but have seemed Scandalous, to rob him of that worship which he had once solemnly devoted to his Sanctuary.

The former part of your speech seems so modest, that had you still contained your spirit in such moderation, as those terms imply, but you did not, the breaches betwixt us had never been so wide, nor so loud, as they have been, and as the sequel will show: for the present, to the Objection of sacrilege and scandal, I shall say little now, having in expectation a fitter occasion to speak to them more fully: Now it may be enough to say, First, Whereas you say, To take away the Service-book, is to rob God of his worship, which be had once solemnly devoted to his Sanctuary, may imply, either actively, that God himself devoted them to his Sanctuary, or passively, that they were devoted by others: the former I suppose you do not mean, though your words may bear such a sense; and for the latter, if you think that an outward particular form of worship so devoted, as that was, may not be taken away without Sacrilege, it is your error, for Christ hath prescribed no particular form of worship for his Church in the New Testament, as he did in the Old; if he had, all Christian Churches should have been bound to that, but since he hath therein left them free (except for the general rule of decency and order, 1 Cor. 14. 40.) and the short form of Prayer, commonly called the Lord's Prayer, but is not a prayer, say some, but only a pattern 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 of prayer (but the Directory of the Assembly saith it is both) they are at liberty to frame diversity of forms (so they be consonant to the sound doctrine of the Scripture) and what they frame themselves, they may correct or change, take away the old, and substitute a new Form, as they conceive may be most convenient for the honor of God, and the furtherance of godliness. Secondly, To call the taking away of an human form of Divine worship, Sacrilege, is • o reproach not only the present Reformation, but the precedent in the days of King Edward, for then there was one form of Service at Salisbury, another at Hereford, another at Bangor, another at York, another at Lincoln, but King Edward abolished them all, and established another form, which was to be the form of worship to the whole Realm. Thirdly, The Translations of the Bible, and singing Psalms turned into Meeter, were with the Service-book, devoted to the Service of God in his Sanctuary, so were the Books of Homilies; Was it sacrilege in King James to take away all precedent Translations, the Geneva especially, which was most in use before since his coming to the Crown of England, and had been Printed above 30 times by Queen Elizab. and his privileged Printers Christopher and Robert Barker, and making a new one to put the old out of use and office; or was it Sacrilege in King Charles to cashire the old Psalm-book, made partly by Thomas Sternhold, Groom of King Edw. the 6 ^th his Bed-chamber, and the rest, by men of the same relation and Religion, by authorizing his Fathers Edition of the singing Psalms to be published in the Churches of his Dominion.

Or were you guilty of Sacrilege, when you left off the Homilies which King James would have allowed, not only as Sermons deputies, but as their fellows in joint Commission with them?

Obj. But you will say, Change is no robbery, to take away a silver Chalice from the Communion Table, and to put a golden one in its place, or to bring a more perfect Translation of the Bible (for one less perfect) a more exact Psalm book, then that which hath been formed in ruder times, and to preach a Sermon, instead of reading an Homilie is no Sacrilege, but Religious Beneficence, but the new Reformation hath taken away the old Service, and hath not set up a new one, nor any other in the room thereof.

Sol. There hath been done so much in effect in the Directory, that there will be no defect in the public worship, if the Minister be but competently qualified, both for praying and preaching, as he should be; for by following the direction there given, he may as well make his own Prayer, as his own Sermon, especially if he give himself to both (as the Apostles did) Act. 6. 4. and make use of such helps, as God hath been pleased to furnish this age withal, above many of the former; and I doubt not but as at the first setting up of the English Liturgy, there was necessity to make use of many illiterate, yet well meaning upright-hearted Protestants to take the cure of many Parish Churches, for want of a competent supply of Learned-men, as Cambden observeth in his Hist. of Qu. Eliz. and in the Preface of the Homilies of the first Edition (to my best remembrance, for I have not the Book by me) it is said, There was scarce to be found, for every County, a well qualified Preacher, who without a Prayer book, and an Homil • e, could not pray to God for, nor Preach from God to the people: But now there will be, by God's blessing on means and helps (more then heretofore) a sociableness of proficiency, both for Praying and Preaching, so that Ministers shall have no more need to have their Prayers made for them, than their Sermons; and why should they not be able to make their own words in the reading Pew, as well as in the Pulpit; or why (as the manner of some is) may not all be done in one place.

For your second exception of Scandal, you know the usual distinction of Scandalum datum & acceptum, he that gives the Scandal is the offender, that is, he that doth anything he should not do, whereby another may justly be offended, but he that takes offense at a warrantable act, not he that acteth warrantably, is the offender: No doubt when Hezekiah brake the brazen Serpent, those who did so Idolize i • , as to burn Incense to it, were offended with his severity in breaking it, but that was their fault, not his, whose purpose was by that Reformation to remove a great occasion of Scandal from the eyes of the people, and that was their meaning who laid aside the Service-book, at which many godly persons took offense, because it was,

1. So conformable to the Popish Mass-book, as before hath been observed, whereof I can make more particular proof, and haply shall do in time convenient.

2. Because the Scriptures brought into it were taken out of corrupt Translations, even since there was a better set forth by King James his procurement.

3. Because Apocryphal writings were prescribed to be read, and much of the Canonical Scripture left out.

4. Because there were many particulars in it very liable to suspicion of an erroneous sense.

5. Because by it many of the best Christians, who durst not use the gesture of kneeling at the Sacrament, were excluded from the Sacrament, all which gave great occasion to the schism of the Brownists.

6. Because it was so strictly urged,

1. That by the 14 Canon it might not be lawful for a Minister to omit any part of it, though besides his Preaching, he had both Sacraments to be administered, and Catechism to be performed.

2. Ministers were enjoined to make it their Diurnall of Devotion, when D ^r Easdall Chancellor of York, D ^r Cousens and D ^r Wickam were Visitors at Chest. for Archbishop Neal, they required the reading of the Service book every day, and when it was objected the people would not come to partake with the Ministers; What of that, said D ^r Cousens to him that made the objection, do you come and do your duty; There be rivers in the wilderness where no man dwells, alleging Psalm 104. 10. but he forgot the following verse, They give drink to the beast of the field, the wild Asses quench their thirst.

7. Because divers godly and learned Ministers, who scrupled subscription and conformity to the Service-book (not without apparent reason) were in the year 1605, to the number of 277, called in question about it, 260 were under censure, some of Admonition, some of Suspension, some of Deprivation.

And it was matter of Scandal to the weak and wicked, as the brazen Serpent was; for as the Jews did by that, so do most ignorant and profane people do by this, Idolizing it so much▪ that they prefer a piece of Service-book at the grave, before Preaching of a Sermon in the Pulpit: I speak what I know by experience of some, who were so much offended at my refusal of the one, that they would not give me thanks for my pains in the other, and some are constant recu • ants from their Parish-Church, though they dwell very near it, because I am not constant to a set form of prayer, particularly to that of the Service-book.

I will conclude mine Answer to this Objection, with the conclusion of a debate betwixt D ^r Edw. Maynw. the last Chancellor of Chester, and myself (as I have observed in my Latin Answer to your Latin Letter) which we had many years before the beginning of the last Parliament, which was this, I having shown him what offense was given and taken by urging of the Service-book, such as it was, and how little appearance of just cause of exception there would be, if it were laid aside, he confessed at last and said, We shall never have peace and true charity in the Church, until it be taken away.

SECT. IX.

A set or composed form of Prayer, how far lawful or needful.

Obj. BUt the want of that, or of some other new composed form instead of it, causeth much scandal by many men's un-premeditated and extemporary utterance, whereby they speak that many times, which tends rather to the debasing of that holy Office, and to the offense of a prudent and pious hearer, then to the honor of God.

Sol. It may be so, yet 1. That must not prejudice the gift of God by the Spirit of grace and of supplication, Zech. 12. 10. which divers doubtless have, and give evident proof of it by their practice. I have heard it, and once before published it in Print (which I may here pertinently repeat) from a very faithful witness, that a man of high place in the Church, and of eminent parts and proficiency in all kind of knowledge, especially of Divinity, acknowledged, that he hath heard a layman in a leathern jacket pray by heart, without art or book, and with such an evidence and domonstration of the Spirit, as hath made him much ashamed of his own defects and disabilities to perform that duty of devotion in such a manner and measure as he had done.

2. For those that have not the gif • t, they may by premeditation and study compose a set form of prayer for themselves and their people, which may prevent the precipitation of any unfit or offensive expression.

3. Because most are loath to own their own wants, and to seem less able for their calling than other men are, who need not tie themselves to any set form of words, it might I conceive be expedient, as an help to such as are more weak in parts or spirit (for some have rather too much bashfulness, than too little ability for the service) and for a prevention of their errors, who are too presumptuous in boasting themselves in a false gift, Prov. 25. 14. pretending to have that they have not, and so undertaking beyond their power, as it is in the note upon the place, in the first Volume of the late large Annotations, as also to prevent presumption in some, and for evidence of consent of Churches in the service of God; and lastly, for a supply to the defects of the common people (who commonly are acquainted with no prayers, but those they hear in the Congregation) that a set form were composed instead of the old Service-book (but not so imperiously imposed, as that was) which might be so much better done in the present age (by the best gifted in that kind) as when the people are well acquainted with it, might give them better content than the Service-book did:

For as the Translations of the Bible are more perfect now, than in King Edwards reign they were, and Preaching more solid, more methodical and eloquent than in his days, (as will appear by comparing Latimer 's Sermons before that King, with others before Q. Elizab. the two late Kings, the long Parliament, which last amount to many Volumes now they are Printed;) And the singing Psalms are more exactly rendered in Meeter by divers in old England, and lately by our Brethren in new England, than those Thom. Sternhold, Will. Hopk and Rob. Wisd. so no doubt, if we compare Printed Prayer-books as old as the first English Liturgy, with those which have been set forth in our own time, we shall find as much pre-eminence as difference in the latter above the former, and if such a design should be so far taken to heart, as to proceed to effect, because most of the Reformed Churches of Christendom have found cause to frame a set form of prayer for themselves, yet I should never desire to have it so rigorously urged, as Calvin advised, nor so premptorily pressed to practice, as some Prelates have done, but that it were rather commended to the use of all (for the reasons before alleged) than strictly commanded to any, for many would act in a way of freedom, who would not come under a servile obedience, especially for that which is neither expressly prescribed nor prohibited in Scripture. By this proposal and plea for a set form of Prayer, I intend not to take off or cool any man's desires or endeavors to be able to walk without such a crutch: But for Preachers especially I 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 would have them give themselves to the doubt duty, wherein the Apostles exercised themselves, viz. Prayer and the Word of God, Act. 6. 4. as well that as this, that by God's blessing they may prove good proficience in them both. It was the great error and the mother in gross ignorance in former times, that Ministers pinion'd their devotion to the Service-book, when many who were but reading Levites, were so word-bound with it, that upon any occasion which they met not with in that road, they were at a stand, and as mute as fishes; which calls to my remembrance S ^r Thomas Holcrofts Curate, at the Vale-royal in Cheshire, to whom he went his house was on fire, desiring him to pray, the Curate betook himself with much hast to his Service-book, and finding out the prayer for Rain if time require, prayed according to the form thereof, That God would send such moderate showers, &c. Moderate showers Sir Humnet (so was the Curate called) said the Knight, that will do no good, it is a great fire, a very great fire: howsoever he had none other holy water to quench it: Thus he exposed two things (besides himself) to derision (which should be entertained with gravity and reverence) Calamity and Devotion.

SECT. X.

The Doctors pretended moderation and modesty (concerning the Service-book, and his seeking to defraud me of the people's favor,) Confuted.

THese (I might say) would then have been my Considerations, but I do not say they are now my Objections; yet haply they may be so to yourself in private hereafter, if you will faithfully promise me first your privacy, then your satisfaction.

Your choice of Considerations, before Objections, is prudent and methodical; I would it had been your manner to keep yourself in that good order, I should not then have had so much to object against your inconsiderateness both of speech and writing as now I have, nor should you have need to capitulate with me for a promise of privacy, your own discretion would have been your protection, if I had either not promised (as I never did, though in your Letters you impose a promise upon me) or had not kept your counsel, which upon a lawful promise no provocation should have made me violate, but you were commonly so confident in your high conceit of the Service-book , that (notwithstanding all that was said or done by the superior powers against it) you were willing to have appeared a public Champion for it in the Pulpit, so far were you from any need of my secrecy for your security in that matter, unless you counterfeited a courage then, as it may be you do a fear now: Howsoever to require me to give you satisfaction in what you shall object, is as unreasonable, as if I should condition with you to rest satisfied with whatsoever answer I should make to what you objected.

I shall desire to have no gall in my ink, and I hope to find none in yours, yet must crave leave to say that your making me a candidate of the people's applause, by endeavors to expose you and your performance to their dislike, savors of too much bitterness, if you do not believe it, and of too much credulity, if you do.

In this passage you deliver your own desire for yourself, and your hope of me, with a Dilemma against me; your desire you say, is to have no gall in your ink, and you hope to find none in mine; (that is a figure, for I know you would not be understood according to the letter.) Your mind is, that our writings might not be imbittered with uncharitable expressions, if you had stopped there, I might have thought that you had a better conceit of me than of yourself, because of yourself you say, but that it is your desire, and we may desire the Reformation of the lewdest, of whom there is least hope; but of me you say you hope, and hope is not without some appearance or ground of good, yet sure your desire of such a Christian temper is very faint, or comes upon you very seldom, since a very small occasion easily puts you into a passion, and your passion usually vents itself with much virulence, whether you write or speak, and your hope of me seems very light, since your Dilemma in the next words, tends to convince me of too much bitterness, if I believe not that you desire the applause of the people, to the prejudice of mine acceptation of too much credulity if I do.

To the first part of it I answer, 1. That if I should say you desired to be the people's Canditate, &c. and not believe it, this were hypocrisy, rather than bitterness, for if I were disposed to speak bitterly against you, I would not deal so mildly with you, as to lay so small a matter to your charge, as that you desire to be gracious in the people's eyes, whose Pastor you were, and that therein I may not be your Jacob to supplant you, which if you confess, more will be ready to excuse you, than to condemn you for it. To the other part, that it is too much credulity, if I do believe it, I say it were gross stupidity in me, if I did not believe it, having had abundant evidence of it, of several sorts ever since I first saw you.

SECT. XI.

The Doctor desires no intercourse by Letter with me, until he be removed out of the County, upon pretences false and frivolous.

FOr which cause I shall not desire any such intercourse of Letters whiles you are among those who have sworn themselves into an Antipathy against me, or I among them who seem to have a Sympathy with my Religion.

Of this passage I have observed somewhat, but that was only as a supersedeas to our enterchange of Letters for a time, and that time must be (say you) 1. While I am among those who have sworn themselves into an Antipathy against you, &c. Have you so soon forgotten your caution of bitterness, as to write thus bitterly of them (who upon their Oaths) did but discharge their consciences in matters criminal against you? and how can you say they swore themselves into an Antipathy against you? Was not their Antipathy as you term it, of an Ante -date (of three or four years time) before their swearing? Truly, Sir, for those whom you chiefly mean in this heinous charge (so far as I can judge of them, and I have had opportunity to know them better then you) they are so far from being too forward to swear falsely that in a cause of mine, they were very loath to take a true Oath, if otherwise they might be freed from it. 2. While you are among them who seem to have a Sympathy with your Religion. Your Religion Sir? I had thought you and your friends, and I and my friends had been all of us of one Religion; but if we be not, we differ (sure) chiefly in this, that we hold the Bible the best furniture of our houses and closets, and you the Service-book: If so Sir, we would not change our spiritual Birthright, or double Legacy in our Lord's Will and Testament, Old and New, for your Mess of red Pottage, your Rubric and Service-book, if we might have a world to boot.

For the first may increase more jealousy in you, the latter may raise more imputations on me.

However your Dichotomy of reason, for our not writing to each other, be made; I am sure it is misapplied, for imputations are the effects of the former, viz. swearing Antipathy, which you apply to the latter; and jealousy proceeds from the latter, viz. the Sympathy of your friends, which you apply to the former: And so you place them as improperly and impertinently, as if you should put a glove on the face, and a mask on the hand.

SECT. XII.

The Doctors contradicting of himself, calling me an Oracle, to whom he will have free approach, not when we are nearest together, but when we are farther asunder: How preposterously he prefers temporal interests before spiritual, and mistakes velitations as less then differences: His Epiphonema flat and feeble like the premises.

BUt after my removal out of the County (which at this instant takes up much of my thoughts and time) I shall be glad I may have free approach to such an Oracle, as yourself, and will not want good advice for want of asking it.

Of your removal out of the Country, you give me occasion to speak in another place, but where-ever you be, I shall never look you should, nor do I believe you ever meant to take me for your Oracle, or as you write (before) to depend upon me for solution of your doubts, but if ever you had so high thoughts of me, so humble an estimation of yourself, by what Circean charm have you changed me from an Oracle of truth into a teacher of Heresy, by whom the people under my charge may be rather poisoned then nourished (as in your oft recited and refuted, and ever to be abhorred slanderous Letter you do) for that you say, you will not want good counsel for want of asking: I can truly answer you, that you have been often offered good counsel, yet were not so ready to take it, as to take offense at him, who freely gave it you without asking: But how can you promise such free approach to your Oracle, when by removing yourself out of the County, you put yourself at further distance from him? it is not so easy for you to act contradictions, as to speak them.

Only first let temporal interests be fully settled betwixt us, then our spiritual velitations (for I will not call them differences, &c.)

First let temporal interest be fully settled. What temporal interests settled, first settled, fully settled, before we meddle with spiritual? This is the method not of Christians, but of worldlings, directly contrary to the counsel of our Savior, Matth. 6. 33. Then say you, our spiritual velitations (I will not call them differences.) Why so Sir, do you think difference imports more opposition then velitation doth? If you do, you are much mistaken for two may differ divers ways, and yet abstain from all strife and contention, but velitation is a striving or contentious difference, for Velites (from whom that word is derived) were soldiers, who followed the wars, and were substituted in the room of such as were dead, and they fought with slings and stones, and sometimes with spears, but without any defensive armor: Thus a man may say (without any cause of offense) that you and your wife do differ Grammatically in gender, and Logically in number, as you are a man, she a woman, as individuals do; and morally in qualities, for in mine observation you are more passionate, she more patient; she more silent, you more talkative: but it would be liable to just exception, (in a true understanding of the word) if he should say you had velitations betwixt you, when you live lovingly and peaceably together.

But were the word velitation a weaker word, I see no reason why you should wave the word difference in our case, and make choice of it as more remiss and moderate, since you make no less matter than of sacrilege and scandal to take away the Service-book, whereas I deny, and (I think) have already disproved both, and is not this ground enough to call our dissenting opinions and contestations, differences. But you that now seem so disposed to peace, as not to admit of a word of difference betwixt us, how is your calmer aequor, rufled up into a boisterous fretum at other times? How oft for one diminishing Meiosis of this kind, do you take up an aggravating Auxesis, and therein are so rampant, as if you meant to make me so afraid of your fury, as tamely to sacrifice mine innocence, to your tempestuous violence.

Then our spiritual velitations will begin with more freedom, continue with less prejudice, and conclude with the least inconvenience, which must be a special proviso and care of, &c.

Though you should not begin at wrong end (as you do) in giving precedence to matters temporal, before spiritual, the Epiphonema of your Le • ter may not pass without some Animadversions upon it. 1. Whereas you say, Our velitations will begin with more freedom, I suppose you mean freedom of speech, and that truly is a necessary condition of Scholastical debate, and cannot in justice be denied, while it keeps close to the matter and order of Dispute, and digresseth not from the dictates of reason to deviations of passion. But such a regulated freedom would be to you as Phocion to Demosthenes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an hatchet to cut off the superfluity of his luxuriant Oratory. For I have observed, not only in your pleading for the Service-book, but in your ordinary discourse (in which observation, such as you know are able to judge, have concurred with me) that you are so tongue-free, as that you use to speak, as soldiers measure plunder, by the long Ell, that is, by the Pike, as Phil. Commin. hath it, and will not allow others an inch of room or time to word it with you, though they be able to speak as wisely, and in their wisdom do rather choose to hold their peace, then to weary others with multiplicity of words, as you use to do.

2. For continuing with less prejudice that might be expected, if prejudice did not make a great forestalment of judgment, and prepare the mind and will for obstinacy, at the beginning as in yourself, (I am confident) it did; so that (as I said in mine answer to your Latin Letter) to labor to turn you from your pre-conceived opinion, is all one with the labor of the Popish Novice, who (at the command of his superior) watered a logge of wood a whole year together, as if it had been some lively plant, with hope of fruit.

3. For that you say of concluding with less inconvenience, it is like a feeble conclusion of a Syllogism from infirm premises, for there is no vigor in either of the precedent particulars, to invite to a spiritual velitation, after the settling of temporal interests, much less in this last; for who will undertake a matter of this moment, (upon such a poor and dull inducement) as the avoiding of some inconveniences, or abating them from a higher to a lower degree, when by a total forbearance he may totally shun them: Wise men will expect, that the managing of such a controversy should produce some good success or benefit, answerable to the pains bestowed upon it: and in your concluding Consideration, you should have sharpened your motive, that it might have been, as a goad and nail fastened by a Master of the Assembly, Eccl. 12. 11. but it falls flat like a bolt, or an arrow shot without an head, and so this Letter ends, and a worse should follow, with the refutation of it, but I hope to reserve them both to be divulged at a fitter season.

EJa age, Vir Doctissime, ex compromisso fi • t, ut quae inter nos est opinionum discordia (& opinionum ta •• ùm sit monebit me charitas, qui amisi • ea, monebit te multo magis justitia, qui possides) Latino idiomate agitetur.

Aequum enim est ut quae sunt propriae Scholasticorum discep • ationes, Scholasticorum more discuriantur. Quorsum autem Regina ac Domina Scientiarum Theologia utatur linguà servili & vernaculà? Quorsum loquelâ suâ Populum appellet, quae sensibus suis etiam literatissimorum captum transcendit? Quin etiam hoc peregrinum idioma aut me à metu Crucis liberabit, quia sedi • ionis accusationem (pene dixeram suspicionem) non patitur, aut saltem perducet ad Crucem Christi, quae linguam Latinam non minus quàm ipsam Hebraeam olim sanctificavit. Ubi contemplari potero (proh dolor) jesum meum rursus Crucifixum per Judaizantes Christianos; & Inscriptionem illam Hic est Rex Judaeorum, non atramento sed sanguine delineatam ab iis qui dicentes Hic est, derident; dum ostentant Christum, Crucifigunt. Hunc ego Regem, Hunc ego Caesarem Appello, qui potest & seipsum & M • indignum Peccatorem, salvum facere. Populum Appellari in in hâc cau • â, ab aliis, moleste fero; à me non Patior. Et proinde Intima • omnium Veritates, exoricâ (ut it à dicam) dialecto disserendas tibi offero; Ne vel Ego ad Faciendum Populum scripsisse videar, vel Tu ad Inficiendum; Ego ad faciendum Populum, dum pro antiquo Religions Exercitio atque Ritu disputo, quae Populi est spiritualis Haereditas; Tu ad inficiendum Populum, dum extemporaneam Colocynthidis farraginem, licite Ecclesiae obtrudi asseras in Cultu Publico, Animo licet detestandi Schisma, & Apostasiam, Calamo tamen Schismatica & Apostatica quaelibet Enthusiastarum figmenta defensuro; Utpote quae ex hâc spirituali sive Licentiâ sive Lasciviâ, sive Intemperantiâ sive Insaniâ (nescio enim quod dicam, nam & ipsi nesciunt quod dicant) tanquam ex impurissimo fonte emanabunt.

Et jam Liturgiam Anglicanam (in meo Libello, Patris mei 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , gloriosissimâ quondam supellectile) p • ae oculis expansam habes, quam ego prae oculis charum semper habui, & habere cupio. Expande ulteriùs, introspice, imô intimiùs specta, nihil invenies quod Idolum aut menti objiciat, aut oculis repraesentet; nisi forsan ipsa sculptura Literarum, pro superstitione Babylonica reputanda sit; & illud, Non facies tibi Sculptile, Attem Typographicam eliminare debuat e seculo, vetet{que} nos figuras & imagines Literarum exarare: (Quod metuo brevi Homunciones à solo spiritu edocti pro suâ autoritate determinabunt.)

Hookerum itidem habes, meâ manu notatum, tuâ indagine perlustrandum, Judicii paene Divin • , at Modestiae plusquam Humanae Hookerum, in cujus Judicio mille Theologos, Scholasticos mille mille reperies; in cujus Modestiâ unum paene Hominem desideres. Judicium ill suum Patribus nostris reliquit, O si & modestiam nobis Filiis reliquisset, non tam praepropero studio scripturientium. Theologastrorum Cacoethes dementati • epuli frontes Impudentiâ, Linguas blasphemià▪ Animos Apostasià obduxisset. Non tam Praeproperâ Audaciâ ipsi Paties suos, Religionem Patriam, Deum Patrium, imo suum, imo semetipses Abjecissent. Infandum s • clus, sed (ut a •• Propheta Jeremias▪ cap. 5▪ v. 30, 31.) Res stupenda & horrenda fit in teriâ hâc Prophet • e ipsi propherâtum salto, & sacerdotes dominatum exercent horum ope • â, & Populus meus ità amant • Inspiciamus Tremellium, Sacerdotes dominatum exercent horum • perâ. i • Dominos agunt in Hereditatem D • mini (ait ill) ut dicitur 1▪ Pet 5. 3. ideque Ministerio I seudoprophetarum, quos Sacerdotes ad conciliandam sibi Autoritatem submittebant. Putâsses Interpretem ipsum, non tantùm▪ Propheram, Prophetâsse de nostris his •• temporibus, quae ut: ultima, ità pessima sunt & vilissima degeneris & malignantis seculi. Sacerdotes (privatì, puta, sacerdote▪) Dominos agunt in Haereditatem Domini, i. in Cierum, ut lequitur S. Petrus, in universos, ut loqui amant sancti Populates. Loquamur & nos cum vulgo, ut ut sentiamus cum Apostolo & saplentibus, & dicamus, Dominos agunt in univers • m Haereditatem Domini, aut certo certiùs Ageren, íd{que} ministerio Pseudoprophetatum quos ad conciliandam sibi autoritatem submittebant, nisi quod Pseudoprophetae, qui a •• is poterunt • ut • ritatem conciliare, non tantùm autoritatem sed etiam Dominium-sibimetips •• & faciliù • concilisre poterunt, & meliùs conservare. Sed revetà utri{que} & Sacerdores & Pieudoprophetae conspirant in Haereditatem Domini, acsi • a • um staret, Populum Christianum candenti zelo (ut Ulysses Polyphemum candenti vecte) occaecare.

Intereà temporis delusum monstrum (nam & populus, Christianus lice • , est monstrum horrendum inform, ingens, si lumen ademptum) docent passim eboare, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . O amici nemo me interficit dolo ne{que} viribus. (nam & vim & do • os adhibuerunt, quae sunt arma Schismaticorum, ut •• eces & Lacrymas, quae sunt Arma Christianorum, ex Ecclesiâ Christi amolitentur.) Ridente, i • idem spirituali Ithaco, (qui multo magis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & mare terrám{que} circuit quaerens quem devoret.) quod non nomen suum, sed nomen Derad stupendam hanc fallaciam adhibuerit. Adeo ut quum Ulysses dixerit apud Poëtam,— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hostis ill humani generis (& nostri puto nunc plusquam omnis humani generis) possit verba ista sic mutare. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sed quo ferar mente & calamo? Videar enim non tam extra Comitatum Familiâ meâ obambulatoriâ, quàm extra Comitatem Ferociâ, non meâ, decursoriâ brevi peragraturus▪ si hâc morositatis viâ diutiùs incedam. Sed idem ipse qui venit pertare infirmitates nostras, noluit pati hanc Impietatem nostram. Idem ipse cujus Verberibus nos sanati sumus, facto flagello e funiculis istos fortiter verberavit, qui vendebant & emebant in domo Patris sui, Jo • 2. Quum tamen illi columbas & boves & oves vendebant, quae Deo accep • a erant in sacrificiis: Nos autem serpentes & aspidas & dracones in Domo Dei venditamus. Unde qui illis •• ellum construxit ex funiculis, certe nobis construeret ex scorplonibus. Christi factum •• : exemplum • mihi est, ità etiam apologia. Lubens agnesco quod zelus Domus tuae devoravit me, • ó{que} lubentiùs, Quod zelus meus devoravit Domum tuam. Zelus inquam meus, quia ipse maxima sum pars eorum qu • s perstringo, ut nemo mihi jure succenseat, quod mihimet ipsi displiceam in istâc impierate (impieta • autem isthaec est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) quâ sibi alii nimio nimis placent. Hinc est quod non i • à aegre ejectus e me • • entorio, inique tamen fero Deum meum ejici e suo Tabernaculo. Indigne tulit Salvator meus Domum Patris sui profanari, qui suam ipsius minime curavi • . Caeterùm ut in causâ Dei ex ipso verbo 〈◊〉 ; S • ipse Verbum Deus lequendi mihi norma, qui debet esse & •• quendi & 〈◊〉 finis. Sit ipse Lapis • ngularis pro fundamento Aedifici • , ne ista 〈◊〉 tu jure Canonic • , prep • ie de me dici videatur, Aedifici • , ne ista Catacir 〈…〉 . Nullam au • em Voc • m emis • : Verbum (quantum memini) 〈…〉 propositum nostrum, quàm illam quae huic historiae de 〈…〉 Marcus Evangelista, cap. 11. v. 17. Et docebat 〈…〉 est qui • • omus mea domus Orationis vocabitur omnibus Gentibus? vos 〈…〉 c • m spelun • am latro ••• . Quae verba mihi vide • •••• nia fere quae ad exerci •• um cultus publici spectant in recto ejusdem usu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in profane vel perverso ejusdem abusu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 audientibus inculcare. Sed mihi forsan vix licet dogmatice quicquam statuere, nec in istâ • aetat •• quae 〈◊〉 doct •• nam non feret, quod dolendum; nec in hâc Veritate quae ad sanitatem & Doctrinae & Vitae plurimùm conducit, quod & pudendum & dolendum. Esto igitur, pro tuis menitis sceptice dicam omnia; ut{que} in defensione Religions Eccl • siae Anglicanae eo modo progrediar, qu • a ••• am evertendam process •• um, Quaerendo scilicet. Non dico Novam R •• igionem, novum Christum, sed Quaerendo certe & investigando. Deus 〈◊〉 avertat▪ Inquisitio verbo tenus j • xtà est, sed reipsa (inquis) longe 〈◊〉 si Inquisitive loquar non definitive. Et quidem ipse Christus in hisce Verbis, Quae • endi methodum mihi suggerit, dum ai • S, Nonne Scriptum est? Q •• m enim ill per Interrogationes docere voluerit, quidni ego pet 〈…〉 velim?

Primùm igitu • Quaer • us, Qui • hì • dicitur Domus Dei? An quilibet locus in propatu ••• 〈…〉 Domum. An quaelibe • domus privata? a • hoc nihil ad D • um. 〈…〉 hominis, non Dei. An Templum deniqu • 〈…〉 aliq • id ad domum Dei, sed nihil ad omnes Gentes.

ACcepi non ità pridem abs te (vir egregie) post Literas Anglicanas primo Martii ad me datas, alias 15 ^to ejusdem mensis Latin exaratas, quae mihi priorum memoriam refricuerunt, ansam{que} praesentem praebuerunt priores Anglicas relegendi, & (quoad per varias occasiones licuit) utras{que} accuratiùs pensitandi. Post studiosam ambarum collationem subiit animum mirari, unde tanta tâm{que} repentina mentis tuae & styli (& non tantùm ut tu vis, idiomatis aut dialecti) immutatio. Nam

1. In Anglicis, Literarum commercium (quale ante habuimus) comperendinari voluisti, donec in alium Comitatum te transtuleris, (ubi • ec antipathia meorum, nec sympathia tuorum amicorum, suspiciones in me, aut imputationes adversum te ciere poterant,) & quae inter nos de temporalibus in ambiguo versantur agitationes comp •••• tur.

In Latinis autem (cùm res & rations nostrae in eodem plane statu essent quo priùs) en quaeso tu quantum mutatus ab illo, qui ea nunc arripis & anticipas quae in aliud tempus anteà distuleras, & Saulum refers retrogradum, comitatem cum ferociâ commutando.

2. In Anglicis enim videbaris pro Liturgiâ Anglicanâ sedato animo (ut pium Christianum & prudentem Theologum decuit) modestum Antagonistam agere; in Latinis Romani potius pugilis pre Missali suo impetuose decertantis personam geris. Nec tamen anteà non eras zelotes Scraphicus, (quem à te titulum conaris amoliri.) Saepius enim priusquam calamum ad scribendum arripu • sti, linguâ praefervidâ pro Rituali Anglico Anglice depugnâsti. Ne{que} veram rationem reddis cur B •• aventura dicatur Doctor S • rap •• cus. Non enim (ut tu male • ariolaris) illud ei indebatur cog • omentum, quod alias Ecclesias, praecipue Graecam (lib. 1. Sent. dist. 11.) castigaret, sed quod in devotionibus verba flammantia proferre consueverat, ut refert Tritemius apud Anton. Possevin. Apparat. Sac. Vol. 2. p. 232. & 233.

3. In Anglicis timide & circumspecte omnia proffers, quae Magistratum publicum qu • que • edo atti • gunt. In Latinis temere & audacter venenata spicula, (co •• umelias & calumnîas atrocissimas) jacularis, quae nemo sani cerebri alio (ex tuâ sententiâ) spectare sentiet, quam ut supremam hujus nationis autoritatem con • odiant, & populo reddant despicabilem, si Anglice (ut fama fert) perinde probre • e loquaris ac Latin scribis.

4. In Anglicis me non tantùm adeo civiliter sed & honorifice (longe supra meritum meum fateor) excipis, ut pro Oraculo habeas, quod subinde consulas. In Latinis, quasi scripturientem Theologastrum, & extemporancae 〈…〉 farragini • assertorem vellicas? quae verba tam a •• arulenta sun • ut colocynthidem omnino saptant expuendam.

His & aliis (haud modic • momenti 〈◊〉 ) • aepius apud me reputatis, valde dubius aninu per debt 〈◊〉 , eum ••• ere omnino consultius esset, an Responsionem ( 〈◊〉 possulabant Literae) adornare: quâ ver • bar ne aut 〈◊〉 verbis quàm natura & officium ferunt, aut lenioribus quàm causa exigit, uti coge • er. E contra etiani si taccrem metuendum mihi erat, ne gloriandi occasionem tibi darem, qui (qu • ntum ex dictis & dictatis tuis conjectare possum) eam avid • us quàm prudentiùs aucupatis, inaniter ossentando lingua • um perit •• m, quasi Anglice scribendo • on pessis ex •• e videri eruditus; cùm Graeci, à quibus omnium disciplinarum fontes, may ârunt, materno sermon ease tradiderint discendas: & inter eos Aristoteles, communi omnium suffragio & Hookeri judicio singulari, totius mundi Philosophorum Imperator, Greece sua varia velumina evulgaverit: & Lutherus Aphorismum suum de Linguis, cum comparatione inter Augustinum & Hieronymum, sic concludat: Non idio quisquam est vere sapiens (sic nec vere doctus) quia Graecus est, vel Hebraeus, quandoquidem B. Hieronymus, quin{que} linguis monoglossum Augustinum non adaequavit.

Hinc ut & labes eluam quas calamus tuus (bile tirctus) iis aspersit, qui de Religion & Republicâ be • e meriti sunt, deliberatum est mihi saepius, & nunc stat sententia, in binis Literarum exemplaribus praenotatis, ea obelo meo conflgere, quae animadversione meâ & retractatione tuâ dignissima esse judicavi: & hoc, hisce cancellis mihi circundatis.

• 1. De occasion & causis disseram, quas mutationi sermonis Anglici pro Latino praetexis.
• 2. De modo tuo tractandi controversiam Liturgicam.
• 3. De materiâ quae est
  • 1. Parergon
  • 2. Ad propositum
    • in Literis tuis,
    • praecipue Latinis.
• 4. De fine & effectu hujusmodi concertationem secuturo.

De quibus quoties tibi quicquam objicio vel respondeo, lineis Literarum tuarum (unde tua depromo verba) figuris Arithmeticis notabo.

Sectio 1. SCriptionis ansa. Literarum Anglicarum & Latina • um quas D. H. scripsit comparatio & contradictio. Rationes utris{que} respondendi

Sectio 2. Synopsis brevis totius R • sponsionis: & I. De occasion & causis quas D ^r mutationi sermon • s Anglici pro Latin • praetexit: ubi quaeri • ur, Consul •• ú • e • t vent la • e quaestiones de Caeremon Anglic Anglice an Latin.

Sectio 3. De Doctor is modo tractandi Controversiam Liturgicam. De parerg is, praecipue • o • e invectivis. 1. In Exe • citum. 2. In Parlam • ntum. 3 In Ministros. 4 In haereticos concionato es.

Sectio 4. Quinta Doctor is invectiva; quâ invehitur in Judices delegat • s, de Rectoriâ de Br. sibi ademtâ & in me collatâ, ubi processus legitimus ostenditur, & possesso is int • oitus ab injustâ & praeproperâ pr • nsatione vindicatur.

Sectio 5. De materiâ causae conjunct ore.

1. De Precibus conceptis false perstrictis.

2. De Hookero hyperbolice laudato à Doctore.

Sectio 6. De Liturg â Anglicanâ quam multa peccet Doctor.

Sectio 7. De variis Quaesitis Doctoris; praecipue duobus; quorum alterum est, Annon omnibus Gentibus necessarium sit instituere formam Orationis publicae.

Alterum, An forma Orationis publicae rite instituta possit omnino exterminari sine scandalo & sacrilegio.

Sectio 8. De fine & effectus dissertationis de Liturgiâ: & de confession Doctor is fucatâ & frivolâ.

Imprimatur, Joseph Caryl.