The Garden of Wisdom Book 2
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The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.
This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.
Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.
However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.
This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.
Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org
The second book of the Garden of wisdom, wherein are contained wytty, pleasant, and net sayenges of renowned personages collected by Richard Tauerner
Anno. M. D. XXXIX. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum.
Richard Tauerner to the gentle readers.
I Confess myself a debtor unto you, gentle readers, in y t I promised in my for mer boke to add the second Assuredly, although I have marked that this argument of writing is not ingrate unto you, as well for the variety of the matter, as for the sharpness of the sentencies (for which consideration they were called of the Greeks Apophthegmata, that is to say, short and quycke speakynges) yet for my sundry occupations where with I am dyuersly interrupted, I shall not be able to make my promise good, namely, in such sort as I may satisfy, either youre expectation, or mine own. Wherefore I must desire you, not only to pardon myn incondite and gross phrase, on which ye shall happen to stomble, but also to wynke at the cōfuse order herein. For order in this boke, I protest, I keep none, but according to the proverb that first cometh to the hand that I write. And thus fare you well, and se ye favor mine honest endeavours.
Here followeth the seconde boke of the gardē of wisdom conteynyng wytty and pleasant saienges of renowned persons, selecte by Richard Tauerner.
Of Achilles.
A Chilles was asked of Aiax which were y e greatest & hardest labors y t ever he toke vpō him. He answered, those y t he sustained for his friends. Again Aiax asked him, which wer the most pleasant labors, y t ever he suffered, He answered even those same. Meanyng herby, that a noble and worthy personage adourned in deed with heroical virtues, brenneth with a certain wonderful desire and lust, to further y e common weal, with which desire being pricked and inwardly, tickeled he valiaūtly ventureth upon most high and ieoperdous maters, naught regarding his own private weal, but his countries utility and benefit. Whē with this noble corage with this ardēt zeal and stomach he is thus rapte, doubtless no thing is sweater, then upon things most diffycile and weyghtye to enter pryse and to go through in, even as unto a musicien nothing can be more pleasant, then the moste connynge exercises of his art
Alfonsus king of Aragon.
A Certain knight had ryottously & prodigally wasted all his patrimony & lands which were very great, and moreover had indebteh him self excedyngly moche. His friends in the court were suitors to y e king for him, y t at least his body might not be imprisoned for his debts. Alfonsus maketh them this answer. If he had bestowed this so great riches either in y e service of me his prince or vpō the commune weal of his country, or in releuynge of his kynsfolkes, I could hear your suit. Now sith he hath spent so great substance upon his body, it is mete, that his body suffer for it. Let this be a lesson to all prodigalities children to pluck back their fete betymes ere all be wasted, lease if they do not, they hap̄ to be served as this wise gentylman was.
When he herd say, that a certain king in Spain should say, that learning was not comely for princes and noble men, he made an exclamation and said, this was never no man's voice but an oxes. Assuredlye although perchaunche all kind of letters be not mete for princes: yet the study of God's laws, the political sciences, moral letters, and the reading of Cronicles be so necessary unto them, that without these, it shall be very hard for them, to furnysh and dyscharge the offices whereunto they be appointed.
He was accustomed to say, that wedded persons may thus pass over their lives quietly and without complaynynges, if the husband become deaf, and the wife blind. Signifyenge, that womankynde is much subject to the sycknes of gelousie, whereof undoubtedly springeth great variaūce & playntes. Agayne, that the husband is very sore noyed and greuen with the iangelyng and unquiet tongue of the wife, which greuaunce he should lack, if he were deaf, nether should she be vexed with the suspicion to be made Cokequen, if she wanted her eye sight. But to this commodity may wise mē & womē without detrimēt & blemishe of their body very well attain, if the husband will not hear that he heareth, nor the woman see that she seeth.
This king Alfonse was wonderful courteouse and familier with all that resorted to his court. Wherefore on a time certain his specyall friends coūsailled him to beware, least his ouermuche familiarity might bread him cōtempt, & of cōtempt might ensue great peril, and consequently destructiō to his person. He answereth. Nay, it is more to befeared, least severity and roughness get us the envy & grudge of our comons whereupon hangeth a greater peril of destructiō, than vpō gentle behavior.
When one of his knights was always crauynge somewhat of him & nevertheless forthwyth lasshed out again whatsoever he received at the kings hand: Verily {quod} the king, if I would continue to give y e such things as thou askest, I should sooner beggar myself than enriche the. For he that giveth y e , doth nothing else but pour water into a botōles tub.
Demaunded whom of his subjects he had moste dear unto him, he answered, those that fear rather for me thā me. He meant, that those only be the hartye friends, which rather love their prince, then fear him.
Also when he was asked whether he was more bound to his books thā to his weapons or arms, he answered: Out of my books I have learned both arms and the laws of arms knowlegyng by this saying that he might impute all together unto learning.
This Kyng Alfonse delited much in his cognisaūce, which was a Pelecane diggyng her breast with her byll and launchinge out her own blood to feed therwyth her young. To this picture he added this inscriptiō Pro lege & pro grege, that is to say, for the law and for the flock. Signifyenge, that a prince ought with a noble courage to vēture vpō all dangers, as well for the defense of his people as for y e auaūcemēt of true godliness & religiō.
Of Athanasius.
A Thanasius was an invincible defendour of y e catholic truth, whō because y e most pestilent sect of the Arriēs could not overcome w t scriptures & arguments, they had conspired to lay feloniouse crimes to his charge, & so to put him down. Wherefore through their maliciouse suggestiōs they had so kyndled y e emperor Constācius against this most godly bysshop, y t he straight awarded out his commission unto such as they them selves named, to sytte upon him. Two principal crimes were laid to his charge, the one was, that he had rauyshed a woman, the other, that he had cut of, a dead mansarme to serve for enchauntement. For the proof of y e first, they had hired a womā, to give evidence against him y t he had ravished her. For the probation of the other crime, they had gotten one Arsenius sometime Athanasius lcctour, which for fear of the bishops chastenynge, whom he had offended was fled away from him. Thys fugitive Arsenius the Arians had hyd out of men's syghtes for a good space to the intent it might be the better believed that he were dead. Neuertheles this Arsenius when he had learned througly what they had in hand against his old master, whether he abhorred their detestable cōspiracye, or whether he was desyrouse by this occasion to come in favor again with his bishop, pryuily by night stead his way out of the secrete place where he was hidden, and arriuyng at Tyre came to Athanasius, unto whom he opened all the matter. Here this noble prelate as he was passinge holy, so also being of a right sharp wit (for according to the Lord's commandment he had joined the simplicite of the dove with the prudence of the serpent) he gave Arsenius in commandment to hyd him self, till time he should be called forth for the purpose. To be short, the council is assembled, the commissyonred, the woman appeareth, the biere of a dead man to the terrible sight of all that were present is brought in, a dead man's arm cut of being laid upon the biere, is shown forth. Men's minds were stryken at the sight hereof with indignation and hatred. For who would have thought that these things had been feigned, namely of priests? The womā which had her lessō ready taught her before, beginneth to tell, how on a time she harboured this bishop athanasius in her house, and how in y e night season when she suspected nothing les then any such matter, she was by him rauyshed perforce. Athanasyus was brought forth to make answer to this accusatiō. Here Athanasius of an exceeding pregnaūt wit, secretly warned Timothy his priest to coūterfeyt him & make answer in his stead to the womā. For he perceived full well y t the womā knew him not so much as by sight. Whē she had ended her accusatiō, thē thus beginneth Timothy in his masters name Sayest thou, womā, I had ever carnally to do with the & that also by force? Yea even thou, {quod} the woman, thou I say if thou rememberest in such a place at such a time didest forcybly rauyshe me. Some of them were ashamed seeing y e woman's sklander thus so easily detected and auoyeded. Yet nevertheless they did not acquitte Athanasius neither punish y e womā for her sklaunder, because the self same were his judges and his accusers. They came thā to the other crime loo, say they, this mater is to plain, here ye se y e arm of Arsenius, which to what purpose it was by the, cut of, declare thou Athanasius unto us. Here with like sharpness of wit the prudent bishop asketh thē, whether they ever well knew Arsenius. Some of them make answer they knew his face very well. Athanasyus desireth leave to send for one that he should have need offor this mater. They granted him. To make short tale, Arsenius is brought forth, & his face discovered, Loo {quod} y e bishop here is Arsenius a live, behold his right arm, behold his left, hole & sownd, now howe yonder arm cometh cut of, declare you. Let this example of this moste holy lyuer admonyshe us to fence our selves ayenst the wily and crastye foxes with columbyne prudency, for all hasardes and chaunces.
Sigismund Themperour.
T He emperor Sigismūd had in his court many years a servant, upon whō he never bestowed any notable benefyte for all the service he did him. On a time as themperour rode through a water it chanced his horse to stale. At which thing his old servant lawghed & said to his companions riding with him before thenperour, y t thenperours horse had like property w t his master. Themperour by chance hearing this, asked what he meant, Mary, {quod} the servant. As your horse by his stalyng addeth more water to the rywer where is already abundance of water, even so doth youre Maiestye. For to such as be wealthy already & flowe in riches ye give more riches. Here thenperour perceyuynge he was closely touched of illiberatye, in that he never rewarded his old servant with any worthy benefyte, answered in this wise. Assuredly, I never wanted a good will to further & auaunce my friends and trustye servants, but ye must consider that gifts of princes happen not always to them that have deserved them, but to such only as the fatal providence of God appointeth. And this God wylling, shall I evidently declare unto the, so soon as, my business dyspetched, I shall have gotten any opportunity and leyser. A while after, leyser to his desire obtained, he commandeth two boxes of like fascion and proporcion to be brought forth, he fylleth thone with gold, the other with lead of like weight, he byddeth his said servant to chose whether box he would. The servant peysyng now this, now that box, stryken with great perplexity which he might best take, at last chase that which contained the lead which when he opened & saw y t lead, thou seest now, {quod} Themperour, that the fault is not in me that thou were not amongst other promoted of me, but in thy own mysfortune. Declarynge herby very prudently, that the happy success of things only chaūceth unto men from God above.
Thys Emperor being much praise worthy for other things, in this one thing was excedynglye to be commended, that like as his self loved the knowledge of tongues and of good letters, so he always studied to auaunce and promote men that excelled other in learning. For which thing whē he was blamed of certain princes of Almayne which hated good letters, that he so exalted men of low birth for the commendacion of learning: Why, {quod} he, should I not love such as nature would have excel the rest of men? The Almaynes do attribute very much to nobility of blood. But y e prudent Emperor observed, that in learned personages was a thing of much more worthiness & noblenes, then in stocks. They have the walls of their houses portered with arms, with conisaunces, and with the images of their ancestors, learned mē have their mind furnyshed and decked with good disciplines. Wherefore, as by nature the mind is more excellent, then y e body, so the ornamētes of y e wit be far fairer, then the badges of outward nobility. He that hath nothing else, then the arms and images of his ancestors, in opinion is noble rather thē in deed. But who so is adourned & decked with virtue, frō whens floweth also that vulgare nobility, hath the true and unfeigned nobility. The trouthe of this mater declareth to all the world the moste noble king Henry the eyght, who to y e most royal nobility of stock hath also joined the most true & veray nobility that is to say renown of learning, of prudence, of grave iugement mete for so noble & magnifycent a prince. Wolde god all other noble mē of birth would take example of his Maiestye to purchase unto them this renown.
Plotinus.
P Lotinus a philosopher was desired by a certain paynter named Amelius y t he would suffer him to porture & draw out the form & pycture of his body. The philosopher would in no wise suffer him saying: Is it not enough for men to carry about with them these images (pointynge to their bodies) but they must also leave behind them to their ofsprynge and posterity the images of their images to be looked and gased upon? Thys panym philosopher iuged with Pithagoras, that man's body is but a sheathe or case as it were of the mind, which after a manner it expresseth and resembleth, and that he seeth y e least part of man, which seeth and marketh nothing else but the body. Assuredlye though pyctures, as well of the living as of the dead do offentymes stir and move the dulle mind of man, yet it cannot be denied, but that pyctures or images of the body without records and monumētes of the mind to put men in remembrance of the noble virtues of such as be represented by y e images, be much more hurtful, then profitable. Images of sayn tes be lay mens books I grant, so that lay men be taught and instructed, what great faith in Christ, what example of good living, what patience what bearing of Christ's cross, they had, that be resembled by those images, while they were conuersaunts here in earth.
Cyrus the elder.
C Yrus king of Persia was wont to say y t no man ought to take vpō him to rule other unless he were better, thē those whom he toke upon him to govern. Meanynge, that this is the principal office and function of a prince, to forse for others, and to counsel for the publyke profytes and commodities, but this cannot be done, unless he surmount & excel the rest of men in wise dome, in vigilauncie, in honestye, holy nes of mind in godliness. Now it is not the birth of man that bringeth this to pass, but right institution, good letters, experience of things.
When y e Persians, because their country was hylly and rough, coveted to change it with a champyon & more gentle soil, their king would not suffer them, saying, that even as graftes & sedes be, so be the manners of men changed according to the nature of the country. Meanyng hereby that he would have hard men, painful and such as should be given to labor. For a delicate and fyrtyle region gendereth delicate and slothful persons.
Cyrus abstained his eyes frō beholdinge of the fair ladye Panthea. And when Araspus said unto him, that the woman was of an excellent bewtye, and worthy for the eye sight of a prince, the king answered: Even for this self cause O Araspus we ought the rather to abstain from looking upon her. For if now I obeyeng thy counsel should resort unto her while I am as yet at leyser, perchaūce she mought so persuade me y t I should repare often̄ unto her yea evē when I should have no leyser, and so be fain to sytte still by her side, my seriouse business and affairs neglected. Featly he shyfted away the argument that seemed lasciuiouslye to entice a king or ruler to love a bewtyfull woman, from loving such. Let Chrystiane magistrates and rulers take here an holsom document and lesson of a pamym prince, sensuality set a part, earnestly to remember their functiō and office whereunto they be called of god almyghty, & unto whō for the same they shall render just accounts, be they now never so halt and careless.
Artoxerxes.
A Rtoxerxes Kynge of Persia surnamed the mindful, when a certain pore mā presented him with a very great apple, he received it exceeding thankfully, and said: Now in faith this fellow seemeth to me to be such a person that if a man would commytte a city to his keeping, he could make it of a little a great one.
At another time a certain other vplandyshe man perceyuing that diverse men brought diverse presents unto the king, & having none other thing to present him with, he toke out of y e next river both his hands full of water & with a cheerful countenance offered it unto the Kynge. The king herwith being delyted, commanded a potte of gold to be given him & rewarded him furthermore with a great sum of money. Let other nations wonder at this Artoxerxes. English men which have king Henry theygt to their Sovereign Lord think this but a tryfle to his incomparable humanity.
When Adides Japson had railed all at large very despitefully upon the king with vnfyttyng and opprobriouse words, y e king thus farforth revenged him, he pronounced by the Capitayne of his garde, that it was lefull for Japson to speak upon the king what he would, but again it was lefull for the king upon Japson both to speak and to do what he would. Truly we are very straytly charged by gods commandment in no wise to rail nor gest vpō our rulers forasmoch as they represent unto us the parson even of god himself. Yea & he adourneth them with the honora ble title of his own name calling the God's.
Whē Artoxerxes being on a time put to flyghte, & all his provision of vittayles taken awey, was fain to eat dry fygges & barley bread, O Lord, {quod} he, frō howe great pleasure have I hitherto been kept back? Here y e king proved it true that Socrates the wytty Philosopher was wont to say. Optimum condimentum, fames, that is to say, hungre is the best sauce. Assuredly nothing better savoreth meats & drynkes, than hungre and thrust, beside that it is both moste holsom to the body and most profitable to the sowle. For surfette and dronkenes not only cast the body in to sundry maladyes and sicknesses, but also do distempere the mind, make man no man, but worse then a brute beast, and (that is worst of all) bring gods most terrible curse and displeasure upon him.
The same Artoxerxes being on a time very sore pressed with thurst & in manner lost for lack of drink, Peribarzenes his chamberlayne seeking about for drynk and not fynding any other, brought at last frō a shepherd a greasye botel of water not all of the clearest. Thys water when the king had drunk quite and clean up, being asked whether that drink lyked him well, he called God to witness, y t he never drancke wyne more pleasant, then was this water, nor never water, were it never so pure, more sweet then this seemed. And afterward, the king espyenge the sheparde in his court, which had given him this water, made him of a pore sheparde a rich gentylman. Suche a thing it is to give a benefyte in time.
Orontes.
O Rontes son in law to king Artaxerxes, whē the king was grievously displeased & angry against him, he was not only utterly rejected & thrust out of y e court, but also condemned. Which exceeding unkindness did not a little vex him. At last considering the mutability and vnstablenes of men's things in the world uttered these words to such as stood about him. O friends take hede of the brykylnes and slyppery change offortune, trust not the flatterye of the world, name lie of the court. For like as the fingers of auditors when they cast accounts can lay otherwhyles an in fynite number, & otherwhyles again but one, even so the friends of kings now can do all, and now nothing. Here ye shall note that in old time they made their accounts w t their fingers, as now with counters.
Duke Memnon.
W Hat time the valyaunt capitayn Memnon held wars against y e great Alexander on the behalf of Darius king of Persia, it chanced that a certain hired sowldiour in the army of Memnon made very moche raylynge upon king Alexander. Memnon hearing him, laid him on the pate with his spear and thus rebuketh him. I give the wages, syr knave, and meat and drink to fight with Alexander and not to rail upon him. Let Chrysten men at lest way take example herby, to leave their fowl and detestable raylynges far unworthy for such as profess Christ's doctrine, that forbiddeth us to call our brother but fole. Some we call Pharisees, we beknaue, we defye as naughtye papists w t other like opprobriouse words, unmeet for Chrysten men's ears, but as for to fight against them, and to confound them with pure doctrine and good living, that we wool not. Agayne other some, we beheretike, we call Lutherans, and all that naught is, but to show them charitably where they err, & rightly to instruct them, we wool not.
The Egyptians.
T He Kynges of Egypt, according to the custom of their countreye were wont to take an oath of such as were made judges, that although the king him self would command thē to judge any thing that should be against right & equytie, they should not judge it. So greatly they thought it expedient for the common wealth, that the people should have just judges. But howe can that people have just and incorrupte iuges, where (as is reported) y e prince selleth the office and power of iugyng for a great some of money.
In England thanked be God, in the iuges of the law there is as little corruption as in any other regyon. And if any default in this behalf be, it is sooner in inferior courts, where the iuges be appointed not by y e Kynges Maiestye, but by others, amongst whom if any corruption were found I would wish, for y e terrible example of other they might be served as a certain iuge of whom I shall now make relation.
Of Cambyses.
C Ambyses Kynge of Persia was otherwise a very wicked and cruel tyraunte.
Yet there is no prince of so disperat an hope of so naughtye a life, but that at the lest way otherwhyles doth some ho nest act. For gods propertye is, to garnyshe & exornate the office of the magistrate & rulers, & he causeth, that for the cōseruatiō of civil gouernaūce in the common weal, sometime excellent and profitable works be of necessity done of thē that bear rule. But to my purpose, Cambyses in all histories is commended for this one fact, for which no doubt he deserveth praise. In the former parte of Asia he had a deputy named Sisam nes, now he was credibly infourmed that this Sisamnes being corrupted with bribes & rewards, had falsely judged against the kings laws & against good right & conscience. The mater being examined & found true, sorthwyth he commanded he should be put to death, and y t the skynne of his body should be plucked of, & laid over the judgment seat, where he gave the false judgment, & in his room he did set Dtane the said judges son to succeed his father in office which was admonished by cōtemplacion of his fathers skin, y t he should succeed him also in like kind of punyshmēt if he followed his fathers steppes.
Thys example teacheth them y t bear office & rule to remember, y t god suffereth not injustice nor injury unrevenged. But for as much as I have entered to speak of Cambyses, which otherwise as I have said, lived a very tyrānouse & wicked life: I think it here good to report certain his notoriouse crimes and his ende, to thyntent all rulers, what so ever they be, may take example at him, to fear God, to preserve the common weal, to execute justice and judgment, to use their subjects as men and not as beasts. This Cambyses began to reign, after that Cyrus his father had made his viage against the Scithians. And albeit at the beginning he subdued & conquered Egypt, yet anon he forgatte all goodness and degendred quite & clean frō the renowned & excellent virtues of his father Wherefore when Prexaspes one of his chosen counsaylours aduertysed him very freely and said unto him, that the Persians praised him very much, but this one thing dyspleased them, that he was so subject to the vice of drunk̄nes, anon he commanded the chyefe estates & lords of thenpyre to be called together, and asked of thē, whether in any thing he were worthy to be reprehēded? They espyeng how thankful & plausible a thing flattery is, answered, no, but y t in virtue & prowess, he also excelleth his father Cyrus, forasmuch as unto his empyre and dominion he had gotten by way of conquest the kingdom of Egypt. But contrary wise Cresus a worthy lord, unto whose cure and governance Cyrus had tōmytted his son Cambyses to be instructed and brought up in honesty and virtue, by cause he would merylye, as much as might be borne, abate the kings pride, answered, & said, that Cambyses might not be yet compared to his father Cyrus, forasmuch as there is not yet begotten such a son of him, as Cyrus left Cambyses. Thys thing then, as featly spoken, pleased the king welynough. Thus the coūsail being parted, whē none of the lords had blamed any thing in him, he commanded Prexaspes to be called afore him, & bad him bring unto him his younger son. For he would declare, how well he could seme sobre even when he had most of all drunken for he said he would evē whē he were drunk̄ with his bow shote at Prexaspes son, & if he might with his arowe stryke through his heart, thē it might be judged, that in the mids of his cups he wāteth not the practice of coūsaylle, & judgment of reason. If not, y t he were worthy to be called a drōkard. To be short, whē Cāhyses had thoroughly washed his brains with wyne, he shot at the child as at an appointed mark, and strykynge him through the heart, he cōmaūnded it should be cut out, and so he shown it to y e father Prexaspes, saying, that the chyldes heart was well hit, wherefor he mought esteem full well herby, y t he was no drōkard. So barbarouse, so savage, and so tyrannical manners, doeth drunkenness bring upon the minds of men, although they were before ryghtly institute and brought up, like as it is no doubt, but that king Cambyses was at the beginning in his youth brought up in most honest manners. And albeit this drōkarde was not ignorant of the seat of shotyng, yet in the mean season he could not use the right coūsaylles of reason, but lacked those virtues which be wont to allure men unto gentle sobriete & to the study of honest renown. Such manner exemples must be propowned unto young men, which for y e most part be givē to the foul vice of drunk̄nes for what ende followed of these manners, a lytell hereafter shall be dedared. He murdered also his own brother smerdis, whō he privily caused to be put to death, lest he might at any time be king. Furthermore he toke to wife his own suster germayne, whereas nature abhorreth from such kind of copulation. Now it befell so, that when king Cambyses sat at a feast with his syster the queen, for their sport and pleasure he set a young lyon and a very eger dog together by the ears, so whē the lyon in strength and fyercenes had prevailed, another dog no les fyerce, brastyng his bands wherewith he was bound did help the dog his brother & vaynquyshed the lyon. The king was excedyngly delyted with this sight for the faythfulnes of y e dogs between themselves. But by the same fact the queen being moved began very largelye to weep and pour out tears and to water her tender chekes. The king toke this her wepynge very heuely and demanded of her the cause of her sorrow, she answered in this wise. Certes, my dere husband and brother, even so great a feythfulnes might have chanced unto us of our brother as we se here between these two dogs that be of all one lytter. The king grievously taking this answer, commanded she should forthwith be taken out of his sight and put to death. But such manners could not long have success. For God speaketh in the scripture. Blowdy men and wylye shall not fynyshe half their days upon the erthe.
Wherefore not long after, with a grievous vengeance, God plagued him. For as he was coming out of Egypt in to Persia, when he should mownt on horsbacke, his swerd felle out of the skaberd and sore wounded him in such wise that he died of it. This exēple testifieth, that god wool not longe suffer tyrants to reign. For not long after y e death of Cyrus above y e space of one yere lived Cambyses, neither left he any heir of his kingdom.
Of Darius king of the Persians.
A fter the death of Cambyses, the chief lords assembled together and began to consulte, whom they might best make their hed & king. Seven were appointed to deliberate upon this moste weyghtye matter. Fyrst, stood up Otanes, & coūsailed, that no mo kings should be chosen, but that by league and sure cōfederacie made between them, all the lords might rule alike, so should liberty be maintained and kept one every side and every mā at freedom. For before, it was well proved by examples, that where one man is Lord of so many, and so great things, he may easyly be to proud and hawtye, and sone grow out of kind and degendre unto tyranny, even as now of late it was seen of Cambyses.
After him stood up Megabysus, which disalowynge this counsel of Otanes, affyrmed, that such lybertie was moche more hurtful and pestiferous to the common weal, then tyranny should be. For noble men and cities if they lack a lord and hedde they cannot but abuse this liberty unto private offection and lust. But to thentent no such thing should ensue, his counsel and advise was, not to chose someone Kynge, but to appointe certain noble men, with whom might always remain the title, prerogatyue, and right of the Imperial power.
The sentences of these both, the third lord named Darius disallowed & coūsailed to chouse one king. For albeit in this kind of governance like as in all other human things, many and great incōmodities may chance, yet no rule, no governance is so stable, so sure, as is a monarchy that is to say, where one ruleth in whose hands is put the charge of the hole kingdom. Verily albeit these three counsayles be all both honest and good, yet if they be compared together, sure it is, that nothing can be found either fairer or more profitable then the governance of one person called a Monarchy, for as moche as it moste resembleth the divine and heavenly kingdom of God. Furthermore it cannot be, that concord can longe be kept amongst free princes & cities, or there, where to the administration of a moste ample and mighty empyre, be a sort of lords chosen in lieu of one Kynge, and that because of the diversity of moste grave and wyghtye affairs, which ever among, in so large a dominion should chance, upon which y e princes should not ever agree within them selves. Besydes all this, there should not want also amongst these self princes an inordinate study and desire of dignity & dominion above the rest, over whom someone would labor to have power as over his subjects or iferiours. And these were in effect the causes, which Darius brought forth for the prove of his purpose, unto which the other four princes subscribed, and so at last it was determined after the old usage to chouse a king. But least any dissentiō might arise between y e seuē princes, they thought it best, to committee the lotte of the election unto God. It was a greed upon, that upon a morning very erly the princes on horsbacke should mete together at a certain place, & that he whose horse first neyghed, should be forthwith proclaimed king. The princes returned everyone to his home. Darius shown the counsel and determination of the princes unto the Stuard of his house, who forthwith toke the mater upon him, to bring his lords purpose to good pass. Wherefore the euenynge before the day appointed, he bringeth his lords horse and a mare unto the place appointed, and there committed the horse and mare together, to thentent, that the next morning, the place know̄, the horse might for desire of the mare, which then should be absent, neyghe according to his property.
The morning ensuynge, according to thappoyntmēt, at the hour prescribed, y t said princes do march forward on horsbacke unto the said place. They were not sooner there, but loo forthwith Darius horse beginneth to neyghe, and that they should not doubt, but it was the divine providence of God to have Darius to their king, incontinent in an open and clear wether without any manner tempest, it both lyghtened and thondered while the horse neyghed. By and by the other princes leapynge of from their horses exhibited unto Darius kyngly honors, and saluted him king. Thus by this accasyon was Darius auaunced to the kingdom and empyre of the Perssans, which he afterward with high praise administered.
Kyng Darius was wont in praise of him self to say, that by wars & adversities, he was made the wiser and more prudent. Certeynlye, though this be commonly true, for experience is mother of prudence, yet such prudence & wysedom cost the common weal much. Wars for defense of y e country be necessary & much to be preferred afore cowardly peax & quiet. And again, I grant, such troubles and storms do engendre wisdom and experience of things. But doubtless, out of the case of necessity far better it were and also moche more godly, to fetch wisdom out of wise men's books, then to gather wretched prudence with experimentes and such hasardes as put the hole country in danger.
The same Darius, whē he had imposed laid & a tribute vpō his subjects, he sent sodeynly for his collectours, and asked them, whether the trybute which he had assesed, seemed to grievous and ouerchargeable to the commons. When they answered that it seemed mean and indyfferent, he commanded they should demand but the half of y t which was assessed. The prudent king in deed intended at the beginning to have had no more. But if he should have taxed thē forthwyth at no more, he perceived they should not have been so well wylling to have paid it, as they were now, when he assesed them at the double and after released them of the one half.
When this king had cut a very great pome granate, one asked him, of what thing he would wish to have so great a nonebre as there were graynes or kernels, he answered, of zopyres. Thys zopyre was the son of Megabyses, which was one of the said seven princes, a very good man, & a right trusty and assured friend to king Darius. Signifyeng by this, that to a king nothing ought to be dearer nor more precious, thē good & faithful friends. This zopire did cut of his own nose & ears, & so, not be yng aknowen whom he was, fled away, like a fugitive person, unto the Babiloniās, which at y t time were at mortal war w t king Darius, faynynge that he was most cruelly hand led of Darius. The Babiloniās believing him, & being persuaded by his colorable words, that his tale was true, espyeng him a very wise & hardye mā, made him one of their chief captaynes. He seeking his occasion, delivered up y e hole city of Babylō unto Darius. After which seat, Darius was accustomed oftentimes to say y t he had rather have one zopyre hole & soūde, thē to cōquery an hundred Babylones Babylon at that time was a city moste floryshyng, & flowynge full of all richesse, yet preferred he one friend, afore an hundred Babylones.
Of queen Semiramis.
S Emiramis queen of y e Cariās which is cronicled to have builded Babylon, caused to be written vpō her tōbe this saying: What king so ever shall have need of money, let him open my grave & take so moche, as he wool desire. Darius after he had won the city, giving credit to the title, with much ado at last remouyug away y e great stone, wherewith the grave was covered, money he found none at all, but on the other side of y e stone, he found this inscripciou. Unless thou haddest been an evil man & with money vnsatisfyable, thou wouldest never have moved the graves of the dead.
Of king Xerxes.
B Etwene Xerxes y e sonne of Darius and Arimenes his elder brother but borne afore Darius was chosen king, was great strife, who should be king. So whē Xerxes had knowledge, that his brother was coming from the country of the Bactrians, he sent unto him rich presents and to them that bare them he gave in commandment that they should say in his name thus unto his brother. Wyth these rewards thy brother Xerxes at this time honoreth the, but if he may be onesproclaimed king, thou shalt be w t him y e chyfest of all other. Arimenes assuaged with this exceeding humanity, left his contention, & his brother being now pro claimed king, forthwith he saluted & honored him as king and moreover did set the crown upon his hedde Agayne Xerxes y e king for his part gave him the next place unto him. Ye shall rede a like thing of Jacob & Esau in the boke of Genesis.
Thys king being sore agreued w t the Babiloniās, because they traytorously shrunk frō him, & renounced him for their lord: after he ones had brought them under again, forbad them to bear anymore weapēs, and further commanded they should sing at the lute & shalmes, keep harlottes, haunt taverns & alehouses and use wyde & longe garments, to thintent that being molifyed & made effeminate with pleasures, they moughte no more study to fall away frō their lord. By this prudent fact of a panim & hethen prince we be taught, what is the success of delicate and voluptuouse living.
When he saw all Hellesponte full of shyppes, and all the see coostes and playnes of Abydon, filled with men, he boasted himself to be blessed and fortunate, y t he had so great power at his commandment, and anon he wepte a good pace. Artabamus y e kings uncle woēderyng at so sodayn change, asked the cause. Then xerxes the king thus answereth.
Oh uncle, a right depe thought entereth my mind, how short mans life is, sith of so passynge great a multitude of men that I now see, w t in an hundred years not one shall be left a live. Undoubtedly if mā would thus consydre y e shortness of his time, and in what state God hath set him here in earth, he would not run so headlonge to all kinds of myschyefes. Thys Xerxes what time he purposed to give battle to Grece, called to gether all the princes of Asya & thus said unto them. Lest I mough • seme to enterprise this thing of my own private counsel, I have gathered you together, but I wool ye remember that ye must obey me rather, then counsel me. Thys oratiō of Xerxes is not here recounted, to thintente it should be followed. For without doubt it is tyrannical, and that two manner ways, first because he abused the assembly of his lords for a color, to cast a myste before men's eyes, making them believe that all he did was done by thaduyse and counsel of his lords, second, that he would venture upon a matter so daungerouse to the hole people, being enforced rather of his own sensual lust, then induced by sage and wise counsel.
When this king was vexed and almost put to the worse but of. iii. hū •• Lacedemonians where as he himself had with him a very great multytuue of soldiers: He confessed himself deceived in this, that he toke with him many mē, but few soldiers. He perceived well that it forceth not so much howe many there be, as howe well assayed, pyked, and tried men there be.
When the espyes of the Greeks were taken in his host, he would do thē no manner harm at all, but moreover bad them mark and view diligently his hole army, which thing when they had done, he licenced them to depart without hurt of any person. An example of a singular confydence and affyaunce in him self and in his power.
Of Kyng Artoxerxes with the longe hand.
A Rtoxerxes the son of Xerxes surnamed with the longe hand because his one hand was longer then the other, was wont to say that it is more Kynglyke to put to, than to take awey. Regalius est addere quam adimere. Meanyng that it is more worthy for a prince and ruler of the people, to augment the honor and riches of such as he hath rule over, rather then to diminyshe the same.
When Saubarzenes his chamberlayne begged a thing of him, which was skarse lawful, and the king parceyued y t he was provoked unto it by one that promised him. xxx. thousand coygnes of that country money for thobteyning of the suit, the Kyng commanded his treasauroure to bring him thyrtie thousand coins called Darikes, which so sone as they were brought him, he gave thē all to Satibarzanes, saying. Hold here o Satibarzanes. For while I give the this I shall not be the porer, but I should be the worser and the vnrightuouser man, if I should have granted the thing that thou demaundedst. The most noble and excellent king, had devised, howe he might, neither make sad his friend, nor deflecte from right and equytie.
Cyrus the younger.
C Yrus y e younger, what time he should pitche hisfeld ayenst his enemies, his friend Clearchus coūsailled him to kepehim self behind the Macedonians, & not to cast himself in to the danger of y e wars. What sayest thou clearchus {quod} the king? Dost thou connsaille me that where as I couette a kingdom, I should show myself unworthy for a kingdom?
Of Cresus.
I N y e time of Cyrus y e great which was the first king & monarche of y e Persians, of whom we have heretofore sum what spoken, reigned the riche Cresus over the Lydians, & in y e first part of Asia he warred ayenst king Cyrus, but Cyrus vaynquished him, conquered his land, & toke him prisoner. Now, when Cresus saw the soldiers of Cyrus spoylyng, brennyng, and making havoc of all that was in the city which they had taken, he asked Cyrus what they dyde. Cyrus answered, marry they destroy thy city, and spoil thy goods: No no, {quod} Cresus, Nothynge here is now mine, it is thine that they destroy, These words wyttyly spoken moved Cyrus to call back his sowldiours from spoil.
But when by the commandment of Kynge Cyrus he should be burnt, even when he should now goo to the fire, he cried out with a very lamentable and weeping voice, O Solon, Solon. Kynge Cyrus wonderynge what these words should mean, bad one of his servants ask him, for what cause with so great sorrow, he cried thus and named Solon. Then Cresus drawing a great syghe even from the botome of his heart answered in this wise. Solon, sometime amongst the Athenians was a very wise man, unto whom Jones when he was with me did show and exhibit moche kindness and worship. I shown him all my power and treasures, which doon I asked him whether he thought that ever any adversity or misfortune cowld hap̄ unto me, being furnyshed and fenced with such power and riches ayenst all chaūces of fortune, or force of enemies. But to this, answered Solon, rebukyng me for my security and careless mind & said: No man in the world o king Cresus is so happy and fortunate in this lief, that he can be called thoroughly & in every parte blessed, afore he die, neither is there any mā I assure the, be he never so mighty, but some aduersitye may come vpō him & overthrow him or he be aware. But at that time trusting alas reche lesly vpō my happy luck & success of things, I despised his words, neither cowlde I fere this so exceeding a fall, as now I find. Wherefore because now first I understood the sentence of Solon, therefore now afore my death I named him. And I do wysshe all mē in prosperity not to be vnmyndful of misfortunes and calamities that may chance, lest they become over hawlty by reason of their present felicity, & gready to attempt things headyly y t by occasion may be their utter cōfusiō. These things whē Cyrus y e king herd, he was not a little touched with pytie & clemency towards Cresus, & said, he would not hereafter show him self to hard upon Cresus, which was sometime a right mighty king, for he remembereth that he himself also is a man, and that it mought chance him to have need of other men's aid and mercy. After that, he commanded Also Cresus to be brought unto him whom he enterteyned like a noble prince and used his aduyse and coūsaille in all his affairs & procedinges
Thys Cresus after he was taken prisoner of Cyrus, by this argument preferred peax before wars, that in time of peax, the sons be wont to burye the fathers, but in wars contrary wise the fathers burye the sons.
Of Amyntas and Alexander his sone.
W Hyle y e Persians were a lofte & had the chief empire and y e monarchy of the world they went about also to subdue all Grece & Macedonye. But because god hath prefixed the certain limites to every kingdom which cannot be passed over, therefore y e kings of y e Persiās could never subdue unto their dominions neither the Macedonyans nor the Greeks. Neuertheles on a time the Persyans sent their ambassadors unto Amyntas then king of Macedony and required him to yield him unto them. Kynge Amyntas fearing the power of the Persians, voluntarily in manner submittyng himself, promised to do what so ever they would have him, and interteyned the Ambassadors with all kind of humanity. Now, when to the ambassadors desire a solempne feast was ordained, they required that for the furniture of the feast certain noble matrones & their daughters might be brought thither. Amyntas durst deny them nothing but commanded they should be brought to the feast. So when the Persians had well fauoredly wasshed their throats with wine, forgettyng all honest sobriety they began to dally w t the Ladies so vnshamefastsly, that Amyntas and the younger king Alexander his son were not a little abashed and weary to se their shameful demenours. Alexander desired his father for the reverence of his age, that he would depart from the banket, and go to his rest, saying, that he would keep thembassadours company. When he had thus conveyed away his father, he pretended great mirth, and suffered the Persians to dallye & sport with the ladyes at their pleasure. At last he desired them they would rise for a while, and lycense the ladyes to depart a little, for they should come in again forthwyth much more gorgi ously arrayed. The lords of the Persians were very well content herwith In the mean season the yōge king caused a pyked sort of young men that had good faces, to be decked like ladyes, and to return to the banket, to whom he had given in commandment, that everyone should have under his clothes a sword, wherewith in the mids of the dalyaunce they should kill the Persians, which thing was done in deed. For of these young men the Persiās were slain everyone, and by this means was their knauerye grievously punished. Chys Alexander is numbered among the ancestors of Alexander the great.
Of king Scilurus.
S Cilurus king of the Scythiās having four score sons, when he lay on his deadebed, called them all afore him. A 〈…〉 ended a bounche of rods to be brought unto him, which forthwyth he delivered first to one and then to another to break. When everyone of them refused it, because it seemed impossyble, himself toke in his own hand rod by rod and so easily brake them all, & monyshynge his sons with these words: If ye shall continue together in love & concord, so shall ye remain strong and invincible, but contrary wise if ye dysseuer yourselves by debate & sedition, so shall you be weak and easy to be vaynqueshed.
Gelo.
G Elo king of Sicily at a certain banket when according to y e guyse of the country the lute was carried about and all the rest did sing at the lute in order, for that was among 〈…〉 es counted a thing of great comendacion and honestye, whē it came to the Kynges course to play upon the lute, he commanded his horse to be brought into the bankettynge house and forthwith he easily and lyghtelye lepte upon him. Signifyenge by this his doing, that chyualrye is much more princely and mete for a king, then to sing at the lute, albeit in very deed lutynge is an honest pastyme and mete for gētylmen, so that it be moderately used and be no impediment to thexercyses of chyualrye.
Thys king on a time exacted money of his comons, whom when he perceived in a hurly turly for the same, and ready to make an insurrection, he thus sodaynly appeased, he sent them word that he would but borowe the money that he required of them, for he would restore it them again within a certain time. Thā they willingly gave their money. By this gentle sufferance and pollecie he brought about, that he wanted not money necessary to his wars, and nevertheless he had his comons hearts fast unto him. Whych thing brought to pass, y t he anon had the victory over his enemies, where as peradventure if in that sodeyne tumulte and roar, he had continued to exacted of his obstinate comons vnexpedyētly the thing y t had been nevertheless leful, he might have chanced sooner in y t rage & fury of the people, to have been destroyed of his own commons, then by his comens to have vaynquyshed his enemies. Suche a thing it is, otherwhyles to give place to a multitude, & by wise dome to compass that thing, which by dyrecte means could not elles be brought about. Albeit in deed, this king, when the wars were fynysshed, considering the grea 〈…〉 ueryshynge of his subjects 〈◊〉 by continual wars and gre 〈…〉 e exactions they had sustained, he repaid them their lone. Paul willeth us to render unto all men that is due, to whom tribute, tribute, to whom custom, custom, to whom fear, fear, to whom honor, honor. He byddeth us be subject to our prince not only for fear of the princes indignation, but even for conscience.
And for this cause he saith we pay trybutes. Thys I write to thintent we should pay our duties willingly to our prince and obey him as gods ministre, for so Paul calleth him, to the terrible damnation of the most cursed Anabaptystes, which at this day go about to pluck men from their allegiaunce and due obedience unto their prince.
Of Hieron.
H Ieron which succeaded the for said Gelon in the kingdom of Sicily, said that noman that freelye spake his mind unto him was either importune or grievous. But such as blabbed out men's secretes: those he thought hurted them also unto whom they blabbed them, for as much as we hate not only thē that dysclose our coūsails, but also them that have heard such things as we would not have known.
One vbrayded him, y t his breath did stynke. He conuneth home and chydeth his wife, because she never shown him, that his mouth sauered Verily, {quod} she, I thought that all men had sauered in like wise. These words declared an exceeding great chastity of the woman, which never in all her life, had approached so nere unto any man that she 〈…〉 de feale the breath of his mouthe, save only her husband.
Thys king also because in the queen his wyfes presence the poete Epicharmus spake certain rybawdouse words, set a fine on the poetes head. If hethen princes thus punish knavery and wanton words, what ought Christians do, which be expressly by Christ's mouth threate ned to yield accounts for every idle word that proceedeth forth of their mouths?
Demetrius the son of Antigonus.
K Ynge demetrius was of such exceeding clemēcie, that whē he had reconquered the Athe nians which sediciously had shrunk from him and perceived they were welnere famyshed for default of corn he calling them together, in an open assemble granted them freely a great quantity of grayne. And when in his spekyng of these things to the people, he chanced to commit a barbarysme, pronouncyng a certayneword otherwise, then it ought to have ben pronounced, and one of thassemble interrupted him in his speaking and shown him howe to pronounce that word ryghtly: Truly, {quod} he, for this correction, I grant you other fyftye thousand busihelles. I doubt in this fact whether we may marvel at the greath benignity of this prince towards them which alytle tofore were his enemies, or rather at his exceeding courtesye and ciuylitie which not only toke in good parte that one of his subjects corrected him in his words, but also esteemed the same worthy of so great a reward.
When this king Demetrius had won the city of Megara, and his men of war had despoiled & made havoc of all together, according to their manner, it was shown him that an excellent philosopher named Stiibon was amongst them. The king which ever had learning in high price and admiracion, bad that y e philosopher should be brought forth unto him. He came, the king him lovingly received & after he had awhile with gentle communication interteyned him, he asked him if his soldiers had taken any of his goods from him. Nomā, {quod} the philosopher, hath takē awey our goods For I could espy nomā that despoiled us of our lernyng and knowledge. Meanynge, that only the goods of the mind (which be the true goods) be not subject to y e violence of wars.
Demosthenes.
D Emosthenes y e moste famous and excellent Dratour amongst the Atheniās, of whō in my former boke I have made mention, on a certain time while he was making an oration in the parlyament house amongst the commons of Athens, of moste weyghtye things belonging to the common wealth & perceived that the people gave no ear unto him, but rather murmured ayenst him to make him hold his peax he stynted of his oration and said he would brefely telle thē a new pleasant and pratie tale. The people now beginning to lift up their ears attentifely unto him: There was, {quod} he a certain young mā, which had hired an asse, upon whose back he might carry certain stuff from Athens to Megara. In his journey the heat of the day being very fervent (for it was in the middes of somer) because he could find no shade under which he might defend him self from the breunynge heat of the son, he toke the fardelle down of the asses back and sittynge under the Ass, by this means covered himself with the shadow. Which thing when the Hakeney man which did let him his Ass, espied, (for he went with him to bring home his asse again) he would in no wise suffer him, but pusshed him awey from under the shadow, saying he hired not of him his asses shadow, but his asse only. The other contented on the contrary side, that forasmoche as the shadow is a thing so annexed & knyt to the body that it cannot be severed from it, he ought by his bargayne to have also the shadow. Thus between these two arose a very sharp and bitter strife, in so moche that at length the mater came to strokes giving, y e one stiffly affirming that the asses shadow was not hired, the other as styffely aunswerynge that the shadow also was hired. At last they go to law together. When Demosthenes had spoke this and had perceived that the people now gave good ear unto him, suddenly he began to depart out of the parliament house. The Athenians holding him still and desyering him to tell up the rest of his tale, he smiled and maketh thē this answer. And are ye so desyerouse to hear of an asses shadow, and when I speak of ernest maters ye wool give no ear? Cruly I would wysihe that Christian men might not be lykened to these Atheniās. The tales of Robyn hode, of Beues of Hampton, of syre Guy of warwyke with such other fables are gredily red and red again. But the holy Bible of God, which treateth of ernest maters, that is to wit, of our belief in Christ, of true repentance, of the worthy fruits of the same, of the difference between God's law, and man's tradition, and of such other things touching our gostly health and saluaciō, we set little by, yea we discouragemen and wemē from reading of it. If we begin a little to talk of scripture, anon we be heretics. But 〈…〉 long as we common De as • i vmbra, of Robin good fellow, or of the Fayrye we be good Chrystians.
Whē it was laid to his charge that he studied eloquence unmeasurably, he thus avoided thē. In y t I study eloquence I declare y t I am under awe & law, & y t I wol use no extort power Contrariwyse they y t despice y e study of eloquence be commonly such as loke to rule y e people perforce, & which go about not to persuade mē w t words but to cōpelle thē with swords. Assuredly, I am afraid, lest amongst Christian men there be not a few which in Councelles & assembles seek rather to enforce w t threttes and power thā with approved reasons to parsuade other to agree unto them.
The commons of Athens on a time required Demosthenes that he would accuse a certain person, which thing to do when he refused, the people began to cry out (as their custom is) ayenste him as though they would have killed him. Then Demosthenes rysynge up, thus began to speak unto them. A counsailour ye shall have of me (o ye men of Athens) whether ye wool or not, but a sklaunderour ye shall not make me, though ye would. Here is to be noted the exceeding great stomach & honest heart of Demosthenes whom the Commens of Athens (for in them at that time was the governance) could not bow frō the path of justice for all their manacies. And shall Chrysten men's mouths then be stopped frō professyng the trouthe or be enforced to speak vntrouthes for heuy lokes?
When Kyng Alexander of Macedonye offered peax under this condition unto the Athenians, if they would yield unto him. viii. cititens, amongst whom was Demosthenes, Demosthenes began to tell them a fable of the wolf, which upon this condition offered peax to the sheep, if they would yield up the dogs, by the wolf he understood Alexander, by the dogs those that then had charge of the people's maters, by the sheep the commons of Athens. This tale of Demosthenes very witty steyed the Athenians to deliver up from them their wisest coūsailours, which with their vigilaūcye and prudence might chase away their enemies. Let this fable monysh comonalties what so ever they be, to keep ever amongst thē some witty & sage Counsaylours against all cyaunces and storms.
Thys moste eloquent Dratour in his youth, when he first should begin to exercise the office of a common counsaylour, was wont to say to his familiares, that knowing within him self howe great envy, grudge, fear, sdaunder and danger hangeth over his hedde now approchynge to the ministracion of the common wealth, if it were in his election to choose the one of the two, he would rather run to his death, then go to speak in the parliament house or in judicial matters.
Demosthenes for his high eloquence and wyte was I said, chosen of the people to be one of their Coūsaylours, which office, considering the nature of the people, he said he had leuer forbear then bear. The respect of God, the love of a man's country may work much. But surely elles, this regard taken away, what man unless he were worse then mad, would be a Counsaylour to a cōmonaltye or chief ruler, if he might choose? If he bear him self a good man and upright in all things, his counsaylle and proceadynge cannot please the blind & ignorant multitude, whose judgment is ever overthwart and crooked. If he be an evil dysposed man and careth neither for god nor man (as many be) he shall be hated & abhorred both of god & man And truly it is very hard to please a multitude, either with godliness or with worldly policy & wit, which thing they know well enough that have had thexperience. I speak not this to dyscourage Christian officers and rulers from doing their mynistration, which is both godly and gods own ordinance, as Paul testifieth, but rather to comfort them in their calling, remembrynge, that the more troublesome a charge it is & subject to dyspleasures, enuyes, and grudgynges of the people, the more thank it deserveth of him that at length rewardeth all things done with a simple and pure eye.
Of Cato the sage.
C Ato y e elder was wont to say, that he had leuer for a good tourne have no reward: thā for an evil turn have no punishment. Signifyenge, that nothing is more perilouse to a common wealth, then impunity, which always allureth mē to do worse and worse.
The same Cato also said, that he forgave all mē that offended save him self. Now that man doth pardon and forgive himself which reap̄teth not him self of that he hath mysdone And again he taketh punyshmente of him self, which with diligence redresseth the thing that by negligence was committed.
Adhortyng officers and rulers to punysh offenders, & malefactors, he said, such as might restrain wicked doers and wolle not: ought to be stoned to death.
He said, he hated that souldyour which in walking moved his hands and in fyghtynge his fete, and which louder routed in tente, then cried in field. And that Capitayne or Ruler was stark naught which could not rule him self.
He said he loved rather those yongmen that blusshed then y t waxed pale, because blusshynge is token of an honest nature, but palenes not so.
He said that every man ought most to stand in awe of himself, because no man can at any time depart from himself. So should it come to pass, that what so ever we durst not do in presence of other, we would be abashed to do the same, when we be alone.
When he saw other Senators and lords of Rome set up gorgiouse images in memory of them selves: I had leuer, saith he, that men should ask and marvel at me, why Cato hath no image set up for his memorialle, then why he hath one. Sygnifyenge, that he had rather do worthy acts to thyntent in time coming, men knowing, that he deserved an image to be erected in memory of him, mought wonder why he hath none set up in his commendacion and memory.
He admonyshed, such as be of great power to use skantly their power, that they may use it ever. Meanynge that power by clemeneye and gentylnesse is made longe, by roughness, short.
Suche as defrauded virtue of her due honor, he said, take away virtue from youth. Meanynge, by rewards and promocion young mens minds be kindled unto virtue which if ye pluck away: anon virtue wol ware faint and quale.
He said, a Magistrate or judge ought neither to be prayed for good men, nor entreated for evil men. By thyshe meant, that it is a great lack in the judges if they must be prayed to be indyfferente unto good men scythe they ought of their own mere mocion favor honest persons Now for vnryghteous persons a man to be a suitor, it is a token perchance of humanity, but a judge to be entreated for such, surely is a part of a shrynker of justice.
He said that injury although it bringeth no danger to the worker of it, yet is it dangerous vniuersaily to all men. Meanynge, that thexemple of injury unpunished threateneth injury to every man. For if it were lawful to do hurt without punishment there should be no man sure frō the violence of the wicked and deuelyshe persons.
He said an angry body doth nothing dyffer from a mad mā but in the tariaunce of time. Signifyeng that wrath is (as Horace the poete saith) a short frensye.
Suche he said as moderately & soberly could use the auauncemente of fortune: be nothing at all assaulted with the grudge or envy of the people. For he said mē envy not us but our godes wherewith they se us adourned and flowynge. Outwarde goods be out of mā, but the vice of vsynge them proudly, is within mā.
Suche as accustom them selves to be ernest in tryfles, he said shall be in ernest matiers, trifelynge.
He blamed the cytizens, because they committed their offices ever to all one persons. For me think, said Cato, ye either little esteem the offycies of your city, or else ye iuge few worthy to have thē. Wherof the one was to iuge amiss of the public power, the other to have an evil opinyon of the citizens.
He exhorted young men, that those which were come up to dignity and promotion by indifferency, good demenours, prowess & virtue: should not now foully grow out of kind & degedre unto worse, but if they were come to worship by ambition and extorcions, they should now yet frame them selves to a better kind of life. For so, said he, should it come to pass, that both they should increase their glory, & these abolish and wear out their blots w t their well doings.
Thys prudent Senator Cato, the more he studied and traueled for the weal of the city of Rome, the more the vnthanfull Romans hated and spyted him. Whyche thing when he espied, he said openly to the people, that of his enemies he was therefore enuyed because he continually rysynge every night, and setting aside his own private affairs, traueled in the maters of the common weal, notyng the ingratitude and vnthankfullnes of the people. Assuredlye this is the nature of that beast af many heddes I mean of the people, for so the Poete Horace calleth them not without cause. England hath at this day a Prince incomparable Henry the eyght, she hath vpō his majesty Counsailours attendant not a few even the moste prudent and grave parsonagies that could be pyked out of the realm to give holsom counsel, she hath bysshops, she hath teachers a great many, both learned and godly, yet her ingrate chyldern have not refrayned from treasons, from sedicions, from both preuie and aperte grudges and furies, frō sklaunderouse reapportes, from blowyng abroad and brutynge of moste shameful and detestable lesynges & things never doon, spokē, nor yet ones thought upon, as they were ymagined to have been. O ingrate England. O eroked & paruerse generation. But I return to my purpose.
This Cato very wyttyly also said that fools bring more utility & profette unto wise men, than wise men to fools. For the prudent and wise persons, while they sone espy the errors and misedemenors of fools and eschew the same: they become the warer, but fools not so, for the things that they se well doon of wisemē, they have not the wit to follow.
A certain person which studied for nothing elles but to fare well, coveted much to be familiare with Cato. But Cato refused him utterly, saying he could not live with him that sauered better in his palate thē in his heart.
A lovers mind, he said, lived in an others body, agreynge to the eōmō proverb that saith. Anima illie potius est, vbi amat quā vbi animat. The soul or mind of man is rather there where it loveth, then where it liveth.
Of three things doon in all his lyef he said he repented him, first, if he committed any his secreates to a woman, second, if to onye place he were carried by water, whither he moughte have goon by lande. The third, if any day had eskaped him by negligence without fruit.
Thys Cato for all he was one of the chiefest lords of Rome, yet his chief delight and pleasure was in husbandrye, in so much that he wrote also books of husbandrye. For he said that of husband men be engendered most strong men, most hardy soldiers & parsonnes least replete with gyle & malice. And when he was demanded what gains was most certain & best, he answered, to grease or pasture well, what next, to pasture metely well, what third, to clothe well what fourth, tyllage. Why, {quod} one that stood by, what is it to gain by vsaunce or lone of money? what is it {quod} Cato, to kill a man?
A certain person which rose erly in the mormynge and found his hose knawn and eaten of the rattes being troubled with this sight, thinking it a pronosticatiō & tokē of some misfortune: He cometh to Cato to ask his coūsails & to know of him what evil this thing portended and sygnified. Cato maketh him this answer. Certes my friend, it is no mōstruouse sight to se rattes eat mens hoses, but if thy hose had eaten the rattes that had been a monstrucuse sight.
The Table of the first boke of the gardeyn of wisdom.
| Agasicles | Fo. ii |
| Ageselaus | Fo. iii |
| Agis | Fo. iv |
| Lycurgus | Fo. v |
| Socrates | Fo. ix |
| Aristippus | Fo. xvij |
| Philip king of Macedonie | Fo. xix |
| Aleaudre the great | Fo. xxij |
| Antigonus | Fo. xxiij |
| Augustus Lesar | Fo. xxv |
| Phocion | Fo. xxviij |
| Demosthenes | Fo. xxix |
| Dionysius | Fo. xxx |
| Agathocles | Fo. xxxij |
| Archclaus | Fo. xxxiij |
| Themistocles | Fo. xxxiij |
| Aristides | Fo. xxxiij |
| Diogenes | Fo. xxxviij |
| Aristotle | Fo. xli |
| Thales | Fo. xlij |
| Solon | Fo. xliij |
| Pittacus | Fo. xliiij |
| Antistherres | Fo. xliiij |
| Anacharsis | Fo. xlv |
| Seno | Fo. xlvi |
| Cleanthes | Fo. xlvij |
| Isocrates | Fo. xlvij |
| Philoxenus. | Fo. xlviij |
| Achilles | Fo. ii |
| Alphonsus king of Aragone | Fo. iii |
| Athanasius | Fo. vi |
| Sigismuno Temperour. | Fo. viii |
| Plotinus. | Fo. x |
| Cyrus the elder | Fo. xi |
| Artoxerxes | Fo. xiii |
| Orontes | Fo. xv |
| Duke Memnon | Fo. xv |
| The Egyptians | Fo. xvi |
| Cambyses | Fo. xvij |
| Darius Kynge of the Persians | Fo. xxi |
| Semiramis | Fo. xxvi |
| Serxes | Fo. xxvi |
| Artoxerxes with the long hand | Fo. xxix |
| Cyrus the younger | Fo. xxix |
| Cresus | Fo. xxx |
| Amyntas & Alexander his son | Fo. xxxij |
| Scilurus | Fo. xxxiij |
| Belo | Fo. xxxiiij |
| Dieron | Fo. xxxv |
| Demetrius the son of Antigon{us} | Fo. xxxvi |
| Demosthenes | Fo. xxxviij |
| Cato | Fo. xlij |
Prynted at London by Richard Banks.
Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum.