Commentary on Genesis and Exodus

QUEST. VI. Of the divers kinds of idolatry.

MAke us gods. 1. There are divers kinds of idolatry, which may be brought to these four heads: 1. When either that is worshipped for a god, which is nothing; such were the Idols of the Heathen, the imaginations of their own blind hearts. 2. When the divine honor is given unto any creature, as to Angels, or Saints. 3. When any divine power is ascribed to the images of God, or Saints. 4. When the true God is worshipped, but otherwise than he hath prescribed; as Ahaz caused an Altar of a strange fashion to be reared up unto God, and such were their traditions of the Pharisees, Simler.

2. Or idolatry may be thus distinguished; it is committed two ways: 1. When, res extra Deum coluntur, &c. when things beside God are worshipped; and that either externally, by bowing unto them, or inwardly, in putting trust and confidence in them. 2. Quando Deus aliter colitur, quam ipse instituit ; When God is otherwise worshipped, than he appointeth; which is also done two ways: either when men devise unto themselves a form of worship not prescribed: such are the Processions, Pilgrimages, Vigils, and such like used in Popery: or when the worship which God instituted, alio fine observatur, quam est institutus, &c. be observed upon another end than is appointed, as thereby to merit at God's hand: as the hypocrites in Israel thought to please God, by the external act of their sacrifices; and so do now the Romanists by their idolatrous Mass, Marbach. The idolatry of the Israelites was of all these sorts, communicating with part of each: for they outwardly set up an Idol, and inwardly put their confidence in it; and did seem yet in this Idol to acknowledge God, so worshipping him after another mannner, than God himself had prescribed.

QUEST. VII. Why they say, Make us gods, not god.

MAke us gods, &c. The word is put in the plural, Elohim, gods. 1. Whereupon some of the Fathers do gather, that the Israelites here fell away into the idolatry of the Gentiles, who brought in a multiplicity of gods. But that is not so, for they did proclaim an holy day unto Jehovah, verse. 5. 2. Gloss. interlinear. giveth this exposition, that although there was but one idol made: yet he that falleth to idolatry, doth fall into all vices, & tot diis & daemonibus, quot vitiis, servit, and so serveth as many gods or devils, as vices. But it is not put in the plural number in any such sense, because of that which followeth: which may go before us ; but their vices and corruptions could not be said to go before them. 3. Some refer it to the idols, which they desired to have made; they would have many, but Aaron made but one: neither is this like to be the reason: for then Aaron should not have contented them. In that therefore Aaron satisfied their desire, it seemeth he knew their mind, that one idol would serve their turn. 4. Some think, that because Elohim in the plural, is taken for the true God, therefore it is so used here: Quia uni Deo hunc cultum instituerunt ; Because they instituted this service to the true God, Simlerus. But by gods, here it is evident, they understand not God himself: for they were not so absurd to think, that God could be made with men's hands. 5. Therefore the plural here is taken for the singular, according to the Hebrew phrase, Oleaster. As so the Lord saith, I have made thee Pharaohs god, chap. 7.1. where the word is Elohim, in the plural: and sometime a word of the plural number is joined with an adjective of the singular, as Isai. 19.4. I will deliver the Egyptians into the hands, adonim kasheh, Dominorum duri, of Lord's hard: where the adjective is put in the singular: sometime the adjective that is joined with it, is put in the plural also, but the relative in the singular, Josh. 24.19. Elohim kadashim his, he is holy gods, that is, an holy God: so likewise sometime Elohim is put with a verb singular, as Gen. 1.1. Bara Elohim, creavit Dii, God created: sometime with a verb in the plural, as in this place, asherjeeben, which may go before us. So then, Elohim, gods in the plural, is here put for the singular: Make us a god, Tostat. qu. 4.

QUEST. VIII. How the Israelites would have their god to be made to go before them.

TO go before us. 1. It is evident by this, wherefore they desired a visible god to be made; not to that end, that they might with greater liberty eat and drink, feast, and play before the idol, which they could not do before the Lord: for the Lord did allow them to rejoice before him in sober and seemly manner. Nor yet because they be like unto other nations, to have some visible image to worship: but they show the end thereof, that they might have some visible presence to go before them, Tostat. qu. 6. 2. And whereas Moses being absent, they might have desired some other guide in his place to direct them: they do not so, both because they know, none could be given them like unto Moses: and if such an one might be found, he was subject to the like danger, as they imagined Moses to be fallen into: they desire rather some visible god to be given unto them, Tostat. qu. 8. 3. Neither were they so senseless to think, that an idol made of silver or gold, which hath eyes, and seeth not, ears, and heareth not, could go before them. 4, And Tostatus conceit is too curious: that because they had seen images in Egypt, which had, as they thought, a certain divine power in them, speaking sometimes, and making answer unto demands. And among the rest, the Egyptian God Apis, which was like a pide bull, did appear once in a year unto them, and used to go before them unto Memphis, and all the Egyptians followed after, playing upon their harp • and other instruments: he thinketh, that the Israelites desired the like god to be given them; that they might have an image made, endued with some divine power to go before them. But they never had seen any image in Egypt made with men's hands, to stir, and move, and walk before them. The Egyptian god, Apis, was either a very pide pull indeed, or the devil in that likeness: therefore they having seen no such president in Egypt, it is not like they imagined any such thing. 5. Wherefore, these Elohim gods, which they desire to be made, were none other but images, as Laban so calleth his little images, gods, Gen. 31. Gallas. This then is the meaning, that some image may be made them, quae admoneret eos praesentiae divina, which should admonish them of the divine presence, Osiander. And they say in effect but thus much, Institu • nobis cultum, &c. Appoint us some kind of worship, that God may be reconciled unto us, Vt pergat nos praecedere ; That he may go forward still before us, as he hath begun, Ferus. So then their meaning is not, that the idol to be made, should still go before them; but that God represented, and reconciled thereby, might go on still with them.

QUEST. IX. Why the people came to Aaron, rather than to Hur his fellow governor.

BUt it will be here questioned, why the people demand this rather of Aaron, than of Hur, who was joined with him in the government, chap. 24. 1. R. Salom. maketh this the reason, because that the people had killed Hur, because he resisted them; and this he saith, was the manner of his death: all the people came and spet into his mouth, and so choked him. But it is not like, if Hur in so good a cause had given his life, that it should have been omitted: Phinehas fact in slaying the adulterer, and adulteress, is commended, and honorable mention is made thereof: but Hur had been more worthy to have been recorded, for not killing, but in suffering himself rather to be killed in defense of God's pure worship, Tostat. qu. 3. 2. Neither yet is it to be supposed, that Hur was dead: for some mention then is like to have been made of his death, being a principal governor, and of the people's lamentation for him. 3. Therefore, although Hur may be thought to have yielded and consented to their motion, as well as Aaron, as not being a more holy man, than he; yet because Aaron was the chief, and more principal, he only is mentioned, Tostat. qu. 3.

QUEST. X. Whether at this time the Israelites wanted the presence of the cloud.

FUrther, whereas they desire gods to be made to go before them: it will be here objected, that they had the presence of the cloud, which went before them; and they therefore needed not to have had any other guide. 1. Oleaster therefore thinketh that the cloud might at this time be taken out of their fight: but this opinion is briefly confuted before, quest. 4. the cloud did not leave them till they came into the land of Canaan, when the manna also ceased, Josh. 5. 2. Some make the blind curiosity of the people, the cause why they regarded not that ordinary sign of God's presence, but requested some figure and representation of God, answerable to their vanity, Calvin. So also Chrysostom, Adhuc i • spicis, quod miraris, & oblitus es largitoris, Thou seest daily that which thou wonderest at, (namely, the manna, which fell every morning) and thou forgettest the giver. 3. But this also may be joined to the former reason, they had stayed 40. days in a plat, and the cloud stirred not; they had continued as long in this place about mount Sinai, even forty days, as they had been in all the mansion places, since their coming out of Egypt: and so they might doubt, that this cloud should be their direction no longer to go • before them into the promised land, and therefore they desire another guide.

QUEST. XI. Why they say they knew not what was become of Moses.

Vers. 1. FOr of this Moses, &c. we know not what is become of him, &c. 1. R. Salom. thinketh, they supposed he had been dead, and that Satan had made such an apparision in the air, as if they had indeed seen a coffin, as if Moses had been dead, and his body put into it. But if they had conceived that Moses were dead, they would not have spoken so doubtfully, as not knowing what was befallen him, Lyranus. And beside, God would not have suffered Satan in the same place, where he gave them signs of his glorious presence in the clouds, to have practiced his cosening and counterfeit tricks. 2. They show their contempt, not vouchsafing to call him by his name; Contemptim virum illum appellabant, &c. They in contempt call him the man, &c. Lippoman. 3. They also bewray their infidelity, that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna, could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also forty days, without any supply of food from them, Simler. 4. They show their oblivion and forgetfulness, that having seen Moses go up into the mountain, and entering into the thick cloud, talking with God: they now begin to imagine, that he might be consumed, and devoured in those flames, Osiander. 5. This their apostasy, and falling away from God, and despising of his Prophet, did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ, Ferus.

QUEST. XII. Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings.

Vers. 2. THen Aaron said, pluck off the golden earings, &c. 1. Some think, because the people made great account of their jewels and earings, that Aaron by this means did think to have turned them from their purpose. So Augustine; Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse, ut isto modo ab illa intention revocaret ; He may be thought to have commanded them hard things, to revoke them from their intention, &c. So also Tostatus, Lyranus. 2. And Calvin further addeth, that he required this, lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle, to find gold for this idol; and he might think the people would have been more hardly drawn unto it, because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle already. But Calvin is herein deceived, for the Tabernacle was not yet made: Moses being not come down from the mount, where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle. 3. Further, Aaron might think, that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels; and that there might have risen by this means, some tumults and stirs in their families, by which means this attempt should have been stayed, Siml. Oleast. And this is very like, that Aaron used all means secretly to have put off the people: but herein was his great fault, that he dissembled in so weighty a matter, and did not plainly and openly stay the people.

QUEST. XIII. Whether Aaron's sin here is to be excused.

SOme go about to excuse, or extenuate Aaron's offense here. 1. Bernard allegeth, that Aaron was forced thereunto: Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus ; He gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his own mind. So also Theodoret, Vitulum formare necessario coactus est ; He was forced of necessity to frame a calf. And so he excuseth himself afterward by the people's outrage, verse. 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to do evil: he should have feared God, rather than man; and chosen to die, before he would see God dishonored.

2. Ambrose saith, Ne{que} excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus, ne{que} condemnare audemus, We can neither excuse so great a Priest, nor yet dare condemn him. But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him, and the Lord would for this have slain him, Deut. 9. there is no question, but that he most grievously sinned.

3. Some allege by way of excuse, that all Aaron's courses tended to have sought delays till Moses coming, in that he called for their earings, which he thought would have been gathered with much trouble, and business, then he casteth them altogether, and melteth them, and then caused it to be fashioned with a graving tool: after that he made an Altar, and deferred the solemnity till the next day, Oleaster. But all this being granted, it is so far from excusing Aaron, that perfidiosior est assensus, &c. his consent is so much the more treacherous, dissembling his conscience, when he saw idolatry so grounded, and rooted in the people, than if he had given a simple assent, Iun. in Analys.

4. Procopius saith, Quasi convitienda exprobrat, &c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them, and scoffingly say unto them, These are thy gods, &c. but neither were these the words of Aaron, the people so said; neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them, would have scoffed with them: wherefore that Aaron • sin was very grievous, and inexcusable, doth now follow to be shown in the next question.

5. Theodoret addeth, Primo populi impetum verbis comp • scere tentavit, &c. That first he tried to pacify the heat of the people with words. But this is not expressed in the text: it may be he would have dissuaded them, but that he saw them so violently carried, that there was no speaking unto them.

QUEST. XIV. Of the greatness of Aaron's sin.

AArons sin then is made manifest, & set forth by these circumstances. 1. In respect of his person, he had often conference with God, and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt: therefore his example was so much the more dangerous, and his fall the greater. 2. The thing that he consented unto, was a breach of the first table: it was not theft or adultery, or such like, but wicked idolatry: for, Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt; Spiritual evils are more grievous, Ferus. 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit, signum est effoeminati & servilis animi ; In that he taketh their earings with his own hands, it was a sign of an effeminate, and servile mind, Calvin. 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation: when for fear he against his own conscience dissembled, and so betrayed the truth, Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth, that he sinned two ways beside, in usurping a lawgivers office, which belonged unto Moses: and in bringing in new ripes, and worship which God had not commanded. But Aaron offended not in the first, because Moses had left him governor in his place till he returned: but in the latter his presumption was great. 6. Aaron's fall also appeareth in this, that after he made a golden calf, seeing it to be pleasing unto the people, he was so forward afterward, both in making an Altar, and proclaiming a solemnity, Pelarg.

QUEST. XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall.

NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall. 1. Vt humiliaretur, that he might be humbled, lest he might afterward have been too much lifted up, being called to be high Priest, Ferus. 2. By this example we do see, Sanctissimos interdum faede labi, &c. that holy men may sometime grossly fall, Borrh. 3. This showeth, that Aaron's Priesthood was not perfect, nor able fully to reconcile men unto God, seeing he himself was a sinner, Marb. Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret? How should one captive deliver another, Ferus. Or one sinner make reconciliation for another? 4. And for this cause also, it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall, Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat, that no man should presume of his gifts or strength: but let him that standeth, (as the Apostle saith) take heed lest he fall, Ferus. 5. And by Aaron's presumption, we see how dangerous a thing it is, to bring anything into God's service without his warrant, Borrh.

QUEST. XVI. How the golden calf is said to be fashioned with a graving tool.

Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving tool, and made thereof a molten calf. 1. The word here translated a graving tool, is chereth, which is sometime taken for a bag or purse, as 2 King. 5.22. where it is said, that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags, & gave them to Gehazi: and so some think that Aaron put all the people's jewels and earings in a bag together, lest they might think he had converted any part thereof to his own use, Cajetan: but the other word vajat • ar, he fashioned, is against this sense. 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny, style, or graving tool: and so some think, that Aaron with this instrument did draw a pattern, making the proportion of a calf, which the workmen should follow in their casting. So R. Salom. Osiander. Lyranus. 3. Others think, that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay, or such like matter, and the metal cast into it received that form, Tost. q. 10. Oleast. 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving tool, Vnum in formand • typo, alterum in perpoliendo operefuso ; One in making the mould, the other in polishing the work after it was cast. 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius, that thinketh here is an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a transposing of the words, putting the latter first: for the golden calf was first cast and melted, and then polished and trimmed with a graving tool, as workmen use to do.

6. This calf was made by Founders work: there are three ways to make and frame things of metal; either by hammering and beating them to some fashion; as the Cherubs upon the Ark were made; or by joining the pieces and joints together, which are sunderly made; or by casting and melting it in a mould: and so was this golden calf made, Tostat. qu. 10.

QUEST. XVII. Why Aaron caused the likeness of a calf to be made, rather than of any other thing.

Vers. 4. A Molten calf. 1. Some of the Hebrews give this ridiculous reason, why the image of a calf was made rather, than of any other thing: when the Israelites were coming out of Egypt, and intended to bring out Joseph's bones with them, as they did, they say Nile had overflowen the place where his bones were, and so Moses did make the picture of a calf in a certain golden plate, which floating upon the water shown the place where Joseph's bones lay: which plate, they say, was brought among other jewels to Aaron here, and cast into the fire, by virtue whereof the whole mass of gold was turned into the shape of a calf. But here are many fables couched together. 1. It is a very tale, that Joseph's bones were found out by any such means. 2. The people only brought their golden earings, therefore no such plate. 3. Neither was there any such virtue in that golden plate, if there had been any such to convert or change the whole mass. 4. Neither was there any such cause, seeing the molten calf was cast in a mould, Opere fusario, by Founders work, as the Latin translator readeth.

2. R. Abraham seemeth to think that this figure of a calf was made, rather than any other, as ap • est at that time to receive some divine and celestial influence: but though Aaron were at this present grossly blinded and deceived, yet it were impiety to think that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations, as to make figures to derive some secret supernatural influence and virtue into, by the celestial constellations.

3. Some think, that Aaron caused a calf to be made, to deride them, as Helias did Baals Priests, supposing they would not be so absurd, as to ascribe divine virtue unto a calf, Procopius. But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest, by that which followeth, in that he set up an Altar, and proclaimed an holy day.

4. It is further alleged by some, that Aaron intended not to make anything of the gold, thinking that the fire might consume it: but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike, and by the operation of the devil, caused the image of a calf to come forth, Ex Fero. But it may appear, verse. 24. by Aaron's confession unto Moses, that he intended to make them an image, when he cast the metal into the fire: and to what end else served the graving tool, but to fashion it? he would not have polished and trimmed the devils work.

5. Some further think they would have a calf made, because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest: and thereby they thought the better to please God. But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to do that which was pleasing unto God, seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his own mouth forbidding them to make any kind of image to worship.

6. It is therefore most like, that Aaron according to the desire of the people, made a Calf like unto the Egyptian god Apis, which they had seen the Egyptians to worship: and therefore they were drawn by the corrupt imitation of them, to have the image of a Calf made, Lyranus. Calvin. Simler. Gallas. Augustine addeth further, that the Egyptians had set up the image of an ox or bullock by Joseph's tomb, which they worshipped. So the Interlin •• ry gloss giveth this reason: Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto ; Because they had used to worship a bullock in Egypt. And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead, under the form of a live bullock, Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46.

QUEST. XVIII. Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calf to be the God that delivered them.

THen they said, These be thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of Egypt. 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron, and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt. But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people.

2. Lyranus thinketh, that the people attribuebat idolo, did attribute unto this idol it self those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance: and therefore for honor of this idol, they speak in the plural number, as men used to do to great persons. But it is not like they were so mad, as to think, the golden Calf brought them out of Egypt, cum res esset inanimata, it being a thing without life, Ferus. And men use to speak for more honor sake in the plural number, in the first and second person, not in the third: and though the pronoun or verb be put in the plural, yet the noun is not: as the use is to say, nos sumus Rex, we are the King, not Kings, as here in the plural they say, These are thy gods, Tostat. The plural therefore is taken here for the singular, according to the Hebrew phrase, as before is shown, quest. 7.

3. Tostatus thinketh, that the people did not in so saying, consider so much of the golden Calf, as of the divine virtue and power of the true God: quam latere putabant in illa vitulo aurea, which they imagined to be in that golden calf. For they could not be ignorant, that the true God, the God of their fathers, brought them out of Egypt. And they knowing this, it is not to be thought, quod totus populus vellet publice mentiri, that all the people would agree in a lie, Tostat. But what divine virtue could they imagine to be in the Calf, which they saw to be made presently before their eyes of their earings?

4. Thoring in his replies, saith, the judgment of the people was so blinded, and swallowed up, Vt rem crederent penitus inanimatam esse Deum ; That they thought a thing altogether without life to be God. So Rupertus; Veritatem quam cecinerant, dicentes, &c. The truth which they sung, saying, let us sing unto God, for he hath triumphed gloriously; In mendacium commutarunt, &c. They turned into a lie, saying, these are thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of Egypt. He thinketh that they took this very calf to be the god, that delivered them.

But be it admitted that the people were so gross, it cannot be thought that Aaron could be so grossly deceived. And where as Thoring objecteth that place, Psal. 106.20. They turned their glory into the similitude of a calf, &c. they forgot God their Savior, which had done great things in Egypt, &c. hence it cannot be gathered, that they had cast off all knowledge or memory of God: for then Aaron that made the calf should have fallen into the same oblivion. But they had forgotten their obedience, which should have been yielded to God's commandment, as it is said before in the same place, verse. 13. when as yet they had not made the molten calf, Moses being then with him, Incontinently they forgot his works, they waited not for his counsel. So Gregory expoundeth the pulling off their earings, Vt inobedientia ipsorum ostenderet ad cultum idolorum esse perventum ; To show, that by their disobedience they fell to the worship of idols.

5. Therefore, in that they say, These are thy gods, they have relation unto God himself, In cujus honorem extruxerunt vitulum ; In honor of whom they set up the calf, Ferus. They give the name of the thing signified to the sign: as if they should have said, Hoc Dei illius signum est, &c. This image is a sign of that God which brought us out of Egypt, Marbach. They thought that God's honor was hereby more set forth, Quia sub externa imagine ipsum colerent ; because they did worship him in an outward image, Calvin. He that giveth any honor unto this image, prastat gratissimum cultum Deo illi, &c. doth yield acceptable service unto that God, which brought us out of Egypt, Osiander.

And that the Israelites in the golden calf had respect unto God, unto whose honor they made it, may further be declared by these reasons: 1. Because the Gentiles themselves had not that imagination of their images, to think them the very gods, but only representations of them; their gods they held to be in heaven. 2. To call the images of God, Elohim, gods, by a certain metonymy, was usual among idolaters, as Laban calleth his images, Elohim, gods, Gen. 31.30. Gallas. 3. Non probable est tam crass • s fuisse, &c. It is not probable they were so gross, to think a new god could be made, Calvin. Or to think the calf delivered them, being a thing without life, Ferus. 4. And that Aaron saith tomorrow shall be an holy day to Jehovah, Cognitus est Deus hic, &c. It is evident that God was known unto them, that made the molten calf, Borrh.

QUEST. XIX. Why Aaron proceeded to build an Altar before the golden calf.

Vers. 5. WHen Aaron saw that, he made an Altar, &c. 1. R. Solomon, whom Paulus Burgensis followeth, who had been sometime a Jew himself, hath here this assertion: that as soon as the calf was made, it went alone, and therefore Aaron seeing such a great wonder, did make an Altar for the honor of this calf; to this purpose they allege that text, Psal. 106.20. They turned their glory into the similitude of a calf that eateth hay, that is, of a living calf. Contra. 1. This text is flat against them, that this calf was made only in the similitude of a calf that eateth hay, not that it did eat hay, or exercise any other work of life, but it was made like unto it, Thoring. 2. And this golden calf wanting joints and sinews, instruments of motion, and chaps and jaws, which are the means of feeding, could not go, nor feed of it self: it might have been moved, and carried by some spirit, but of it self it could not be made to walk. 3. And if Aaron should have set up an Altar to this calf, as thinking any divine virtue to be in it, he should have consented to most abominable idolatry, Tostat. 4. And whereas they wrest those words of Aaron, verse. 24. Thereout ran this calf, as though it came walking out of it self: the meaning is, Egressus fuit operefusorie ; It came forth by the melting, and casting of the workman.

2. Yet it is not to be thought, that Aaron was so forward, as of himself to please the people yet more, to build an Altar before the idol, as Simlerus thinketh, and Cajetan is in the same opinion, Aaron primatum nolens perd • re, aedificat altare coram vitulo, non expectans rogari; Aaron because he was loath that any should be before him, doth build an Altar, not staying to be entreated, &c. For if Aaron had been thus willing, he could not have so excused himself afterward, by the violence of the people: which he saith, were set on mischief, verse. 22.

3. Nor yet did Aaron of himself make an Altar, Vt tempus tereret, to spend time, that he might have put off his business till Moses coming, Ex Fero. For then, what pretence soever he had, he should have given them occasion of greater idolatry, as it followeth afterward.

4. But the truth is, that Aaron made this Altar, not only being thereunto, rogatus, asked of the people, Osiander. but impulsus, compelled, Marbach. For now they have an idol, they must have an Altar, and sacrifices, and an holy day, and all things belonging to this superstitious service, Gallas. So also Calvin, Cum videt populum fic furere, when he saw the people so madly bent, &c. or when he saw that they would kill him, Nisi Altare construeret ; unless he would build an Altar: then he proceeded, Tostat. qu. 12.

QUEST. XX. How Aaron proclaimed an holy day unto the Lord.

Vers. 5. TO morrow is the holy day of the Lord. 1. Some think that Aaron of purpose did put off this solemnity to the next day: Quia sperabat Mosem rediturum, &c. because he hoped Moses would return before the next day, Vatablus, Tostat. But Cajetans opinion is here more probable, that noteth great forwardness in Aaron to keep this solemnity (the people no doubt urging and in a manner forcing him:) Non poterat festum citius indici ; The feast could not be sooner appointed, than against the next day. So by this it rather may be gathered, that Aaron to satisfy the people's desire, when he saw they would not be gainsaid, proclaimed this solemnity upon a very short warning.

2. But Cajetans opinion in the rest is very harsh, that Aaron was herein more besotted than the people: for whereas the people gave but the common name, Elohim, to the idol; Ipse ineffabile & incommunicabile nomen attribuit ; He attributeth unto it, that incommunicable name, not to be uttered, &c. he meaneth Jehovah: and that, Nullo instigante ; none pricking him forward, Et voice publica ; and with public proclamation.

Contra. Aaron was not so profane and irreligious, as to ascribe the name Jehovah unto an idol: but he would seem to do all this for the honor of God, Ill • culium hunc institutum indicat ; He showeth that this solemn worship was instituted for God, Simler. Gallas. Osiander. Calvin. Like as Micah having made him images, and gotten a Levite into his house, thought that God was thereby well pleased, and would surely bless him, Iud. 17. And with the like superstitious devotion, they sacrificed unto God afterward in high places, thinking that service to be acceptable unto God: as here Aaron would seem to celebrate this solemnity unto the Lord, Ferus.

QUEST. XXI. Of the sacrifices, who, and what was offered upon the Altar that Aaron made.

Vers. 6. SO they rose up the next morning, and offered burnt offerings, &c. 1. Here their diligence is observed, that early in the morning rose up to keep this idolatrous and impious solemnity, Simler. Cajetan. 2. And whereas the Priests of the Levites were not yet consecrated to the Priesthood: it is like, that according to the ancient custom, the first borne offered sacrifices, as it is observed, c. 24. how Moses sent certain young men of the children of Israel to sacrifice. 3. And though as yet the laws and ordinances were not delivered them concerning sacrifices, yet herein they followed the ancient practice continued among God's people, in offering sacrifices, and that of clean beasts: for that distinction of clean and unclean beasts, was of old time observed, even before the flood, as is evident, Genes. 7. 4. They offer but two kind of sacrifices, burnt offerings, which were wholly consumed upon the Altar, and peace offerings, part whereof they did eat which brought the sacrifices, and therewith the people did feast now: sin offerings they brought none, because they had not seen Moses hitherto to have offered any sacrifice for sin, but only of the two former kinds. And the people did flatter themselves, that herein they did well, and were far off from acknowledging their sin: and therefore thought not of any sin offering, Tostat. qu. 16.

QUEST. XXII. What is meant, in that it is said, They rose to play.

Vers. 6. THe people sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to play. 1. Whereas this word tzachak to play, signifieth four things, either play and sport, as children use to play, as Ishmael did with Isaac. Gen. 21. or to dally as man and wife, as Isaac sported with Rebekah, Gen. 26. or to fight, as Abner spake to Joab, that the young men might play together, in which sword play the one killed another, 2 Sam. 2. or to commit idolatry: Here R. Solomon, whom Tostatus followeth, doth think it to be taken in the last sense: as the Apostle seemeth also to affirm, 1 Cor. 10.7. Neither be ye idolaters, as were some of them, as it is written, they sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to play. But this their wanton and lascivious playing, was a fruit rather and effect of their idolatry: they first had committed idolatry, in offering sacrifices before the golden calf: then, Ex idololatria ad gulam prorumpunt, ex gula in lasciviam ; From idolatry they fall to gluttony, from gluttony to wantonness. And the Apostle doth not conclude their idolatry out of that word: but Ludos illos inter idololatrica sacra recenset ; Rehearseth their play among the ceremonies and rites of idolatry, Osiander. They were idolaters, because they did all these things in honor of that idol.

2. By their playing therefore properly is understood, their dancing, singing, and leaping before the golden calf, as appeareth by the noise, which was described by Moses, and Joshua, before they came at the campe, Iun. Tostat. Simler. Thus the people turned all upside down: their earings and jewels, which God had given them from the Egyptians, they bestow upon an idol: with the same feet wherewith they walked thorough the red sea, they dance before the golden calf; and with the same mouth wherewith they sung praises unto God, after the destruction of the Egyptians in the red sea, they now sing unto the idol.

3. But although by play is chiefly meant here, the mirth and melody which they made; yet they by all likelihood fell into a further degree of wantonness, and lascivious behavior; as when Israel joined themselves to Baal peor, they did not only commit spiritual fornication in bowing unto their gods, but defiled their bodies also with the daughters of Midian. Such were the sacrifices of the Gentiles set forth with obscene spectacles: in their sacrifices called floralia, the harlots were brought forth naked upon the stage, Simler. So Procopius: Immunditia conspicitur in idololatrarum solemnitatibus ; Uncleanness and filthiness is seen in the solemnities of idolaters.

4. Where it is said, they did eat and drink, Calvin saith, Inscite multi ad crapulam torquent ; Many unskilfully do wrest it, to show their riot and excess, and thinketh thereby only to be signified simply, that they feasted. But I rather here approve Simlerus judgment, Credo hoc convivium immodestum fuisse & intemperans, &c. I believe rather that this feast was immodest and intemperate. And so Ambrose expoundeth it, Nemo se luxui committit, nisi qui recedit à praeceptis Dei ; No man giveth himself over to riot, but he which departeth from the precepts of God: and then he allegeth this place.

QUEST. XXIII. Whether this sin of Aaron and the Israelites can any way be excused.

BUt now, all this fact of Aaron and the Israelites, in making a golden calf, sacrificing, and dancing before it, some go about to excuse. 1. There are, which do thus qualify the first petition of the people, Make us gods, that because the word Elohim, gods, is applied to Magistrates and great men, as well as unto gods: they say their meaning was, to desire only some guide, and governor to be given them in Moses place. But this cannot be so, for these reasons: 1. Aaron could not make them a man to be a governor or guide, but by generation; which could not have been done, but in continuance of time: 2. And if that had been their request, to what purpose should Aaron have demanded their earings? 3. And the golden calf being made and set up, why did they worship and dance before it, if it were not their meaning to have such an one made? Tostat. qu. 10.

2. Quidam ajunt hostiam non esse mactatam in honorem vituli, &c. Some think, that the sacrifice was not slain for the honor of the golden Calf, but to be an expiation of their sin, Ex Proc • p. But the contrary appeareth, verse. 8. the Lord himself saith, they offered unto it: and if they had sorrowed for their sin, they would not have leaped and danced as they did.

3. Some Hebrews say further, that Aaron and the Israelites intended not to worship the Calf, but did keep that solemnity unto Jehovah, as Aaron caused to be proclaimed: God was offended with them, because they offered sacrifices, being not commanded to do it, &c.

Contra. 1. Though they had not worshipped the golden Calf, yet it was a great impiety in them, to cause it to be made with any such intent, to be a scandal and offense. 2. They sinned concerning the Calf, in singing praises unto it, and in sacrificing unto it: saying, These are thy gods, &c. And the Lord himself saith, They offered unto it, verse. 8. 3. And Moses himself calleth the calf, their sin, and stamped it to powder, Deut. 9.21. and made them drink thereof: all which showeth, that they sinned concerning the Calf, Tostatus qu. 14.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the lawfulness of play and recreation, and how it must be moderated.

Vers. 6. THey rose up to play. By occasion of this word, here it shall not be amiss to insert somewhat concerning play, recreation and delight, how far it may be lawful. 1. Like as the body being wearied with labor, had need of some rest, so the mind being with much study and contemplation dulled, requireth some refreshing: quies anim • est delectatio, the rest of the mind is recreation and delight; as it is reported of John the Evangelist (as Thom. Aquin. writeth) that certain were offended, seeing him playing with some of his disciples: then he bad one of them draw a bow and shoot an arrow, and after that another asking him, if he could do so continually: they answered, No, for then the bow would break: So, saith he, would the mind of man be broken, Si nunquam ab intention sua relaxaretur ; If it should never have intermission from serious study.

2. But here three things specially must be observed, concerning the moderation of delights and recreation: 1. This delight must not be, in operationibus, vel verbis turpibus ; in unseemlie and unclean words, or actions, for that were obscene scurrility. 2. We must have a care, that the mind be not wholly given over to sport, and delight, as Ambrose saith, Caveamus, ne dum animum relaxare volumus, solvamus omnem harmoniam, tanquam concentum honorum operum ; Let us take heed, lest while we would recreate the mind, we do not dissolve the harmony, and consent of profitable works. 3. It must be carefully seen unto, that our recreation, congruat tempori, personae, & loco, do agree unto the time, person, and place.

3. Whereas then Chrysostom saith, Non dat Deus ludere, sed diabolus ; God is not the giver and author of play, but the devil; and thereupon he allegeth this text, They sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to play: He must be understood to speak of those, qui inordinate ludis utuntur ; which use plays inordinately: which abuse and excess consisteth in two things: 1. Ex ipsa specie actionum, &c. In the very kind of actions, wherein the delight consisteth, if they be illiberal, obscene, and uncomely. 2. Secundùm defectum debitarum circumstantiarum ; If there be a defect in the due circumstances of time, person, or place, Sic Thomas.

QUEST. XXV. Why the Lord biddeth Moses get him down.

Vers. 7. THen the Lord said to Moses, Go get thee down. 1. Cajetan thinketh, that Moses having received the tables of the law, and the Lord having left talking with him, that Moses was now going down. But it is not like, that Moses would have departed before the Lord spake unto him, to bid him go. The Lord had ended all his former communication, Sed nondum dicitur discessisse à colloquio Dei ; but he was not yet departed from the presence and speech of God, Simler. 2. Rab. Solomon thinketh that this is to be understood of the great dishonor, which Moses sustained by the disobedience of the people, as if the Lord should have said, Descende de honor ; Descend from thine honor. But it is evident, in that Moses presently upon these words came down from the mount, that the Lord spake of his local descending. 3. Tostatus giveth this reason, why he is bid to descend: because it was not necessary, that Moses now should stay any longer, to receive laws and precepts for the people: for they should be given in vain to such a disobedient people. But the Lord even at this instant had given Moses the tables of the law; therefore that was not the reason. 4. But he is willed to go down quickly, Vt effraenem populi licentiam cohiberet ; That he might stay the unbridled licentiousness of the people, and to chastise them for their disobedience, Gallas. He sendeth him down, Ad puniendum corum peccatum, &c. to punish their sin, Lyranus. Ferus.

QUEST. XXVI. Why the Lord saith to Moses, Thy people.

Vers. 7. FOr thy people, which thou hast brought, &c. 1. Some do expound it thus, Tuus, cognition carnis, vel affectu sollicitudinis ; Thy people, in respect of the kindred of the flesh, or loving care, Interlinear. But more is thereby signified. 2. Some think by this which is added (thy people) Mosem quodammodo vocari in partem criminis, &c. That Moses here after a sort is brought into the crime to try his patience, Calvin. He saith, (thy people) ad cumulum criminis, ut etiam ipsum Mosem peccasse significetur ; To accumulate the crime, thereby to signify, that Moses in a manner had sinned in them, Cajetan. But Moses could no way be touched with their sin, being not at all accessory unto it.

3. The most do make this collection; that God, who, while they were obedient, vouchsafed to call them his people: now doth renounce them, calling them, not my people, but thy people: Quia me peccando deseruit ; Because they have forsaken me by their sin: as the Angel Gabriel saith unto Daniel, thy people, in the same sense, Seventie weeks are determined upon thy people, to finish their wickedness, Dan. 9.24. Jerome, Dum sancte vivimus Domini sumu • , cùm peccamus nostri sum •• ; While we live well, we are the Lord's, but when we sin, we are our own, Lippom. Pelican. So also, Osiander, Simlerus, Ferus. Though Calvin mislike this sense, yet it is warranted by that place, Deut. 32.5. They have corrupted themselves, not being his children, Junius.

4. And beside, the Lord in this speaking doth tax their ingratitude: thy people, whom thou hast wrought all these wonders for, and done so much for, they have corrupted themselves, Pelarg.

5. And in that the Lord doth attribute unto Moses their deliverance, which was wrought by his own hand, and calleth them his people: this he doth, to make Moses more careful for the reformation of the people, Vt ipse videns omnia sibi • ncumbere, tanquam suos diligent • r castiget ; That he seeing all to lie upon him, should diligently chastise them, and see unto them as his own, Tostat. Gallas.

QUEST. XXVII. Of the greatness of the sin of the Israelites, as the Lord himself describeth it.

Vers. 7. HAth corrupted their ways, &c. 1. That is, of themselves, being not seduced by others, but of their own corrupt inclination, they have committed this great iniquity, Simler. 2. Like as a wife corrupteth her self by adultery, so had they falsified their faith toward God, by their spiritual fornication, Oleaster. 3. They were soon turned out of the way, there were not fully six weeks passed since the law was delivered, Ferus, Simler. 4. And from the way which God commanded them, with thunder and lightning, and some of those terrible signs remained still in their sight: as the thick cloud in the top of mount Sinai, into the which Moses was entered to speak with God, Simler. 5. Then followeth the particular description of their sin: 1. They had transgressed directly against the first and second Commandment, in making a molten image, Ferus. 2. And the same an image of a brute beast, being more brutish and without understanding themselves, Simlerus. 3. They had not only made it, but worshipped it: 4. Yea offered sacrifices unto it, Tostat. 5. And more than that, Beneficium meum idolo imputarunt ; They have ascribed my benefit of their deliverance to an idol, Interlinear. 6. Obtulerunt vitulo, quae ipsis dederat ; They offered toward the calf, the things which he had given them, their jewels and earings, which they received of the Egyptians, the Lord having so moved their hearts, Ferus. 7. And to make up the measure of their sin; the Lord saith, they were a stiffnecked people, intractable, and incorrigible, Simler.

QUEST. XXVIII. Why they are called a people of a stiff-neck.

Vers. 9. I Have seen this people, and behold it is a stiff-necked people. 1. Deus loquitur more human, &c. God speaketh here according to the manner and phrase of men; for we do not upon one fault condemn a man of stubbornness: but after we have had sufficient experience, and see there is no amendment, then we will pronounce him contumacious and stubborn. So the Lord in respect of his own knowledge, knew in the beginning what this people was, Per suam cognitionem simplicem & aternam uni •• intuitu omnia comprehendit, &c. By his everlasting knowledge, at once he comprehendeth all things. But in respect of us now, he saith, after he had had experience of this people's perverseness, who had divers times before murmured against him, and tempted him, and now they had proceeded from evil to worse, he now at the length pronounceth them to be a stiff-necked people, Tostat. qu. 16.

2. Some think this similitude is taken from them, that make haste in running, and will not turn their neck, to hear or regard those that call them back, Tostat. But allusion is rather made here unto stubborn bullocks, not used to the yoke, which will not yield their neck unto the collar. So this people refused the Lord's yoke of obedience, Simlerus, Borrhaius, Junius.

3. And hereby is signified, not only their intractable nature, that they were a stiff-necked people, Non recipiens correctionem ; not receiving any correction, or showing any hope of amendment: but this is a preamble to their punishment, Vbi talis est durities, non superest ven •• locus; Where such hardness and obstinacy is, there is no place for pardon, Calvin. There is nothing remaining, Qu • m ut extrema internecione deleatur, than that they be utterly destroyed, Gallas.

QUEST. XXIX. Why the Lord did not prevent the sin of the people at the first.

BUt it will here be demanded, seeing the Lord might have kept the people from sinning, why he did it not. 1. The Lord thought it good in his wisdom to leave this people a little to themselves, and not to call them back at the first: 1. Quia non ita conspicua esset eorum nequitia, &c. Because their wickedness should not have so fully appeared, Gallasius. 2. And if they had presently recovered themselves, De justitia sua praesumpsissent ; They might have presumed of their own righteousness: and therefore God suffereth them to fall, that they might thereby be humbled, and learn to know themselves, Marbach. 3. And God herein also, Tentat fidem Mosis, doth try the faith of Moses, who having received the tables, might persuade himself, that all was now in good case: and suddenly in his greatest joy, he hath a pull back, hearing of this grievous sin of the people, Calvin, Marbach. 4. And God suffered it so to be, that Moses hereby might interpose himself, as a mediator between God and his people; Vt imitaretur Chrystum, to imitate Christ, (and to be a perfect type and figure of him) who hath dissolved the wrath of God hanging over our sins, Proc • pius.

2. But whereas God sometime winketh at men's sins, and suffereth them to go on, till their wickedness be at the full, and then punisheth them: herein God's mercy appeareth, Qui tempestive occurrit exitio populi, &c. which in time preventeth the destruction and ruin of the people, Gallas.

QUEST. XXX. Why and in what sense the Lord saith to Moses, Let me alone.

Vers. 10. NOw therefore let me alone, that my wrath may wax hot, &c. 1. Which the Lord so speaketh, not, Ac si libere non posset exequi vindictam suam, &c. As though he could not freely take revenge, unless Moses gave him leave: but the Lord by this manner of speech showeth, quanti astimet servum, &c. how much he esteemeth his servant, ascribing so much to his prayers, as though they were a let and hindrance unto him, Calvin. 2. Some think, that the Lord by this speech should discourage Moses from praying; because their sin was so great, as the Lord forbiddeth Jeremiah to pray for the people, Ier. 7.16. 3. But the Lord rather hereby showeth, that he remembereth his mercy in judgment, signifying, se posse teneri, that he could be stayed, Ferus. 4. Yea hereby he encourageth Moses rather to pray for the people: like as a father being angry, and making as though he would smite his son, saith to one standing by, Ne retineas me à percussione ; Hold me not from smiting, meaning the contrary, that he would have him interpose himself, and mediate for his son, Lyranus. Tostat. Mosen hortatur, ne cunctotur precari &c. He exhorteth Moses not to defer to pray for the people, Procopius. Because he otherwise might have been afraid to have prayed, considering the greatness of their sin. So also to the same purpose Gregory, Quid est serv • dicere, dimitte me, nisi deprecandi ausum prabere? What is it for the Lord to say unto his servant, Let me alone, but to make him bold to pray? But indeed, Non his verbis mandat, &c. God doth not command Moses to pray in these words directly, but showeth what it was that would stay him from punishing, Junius. 5. And now the Lord was contented to accept of Moses prayers, because he was not in his secret counsel appointed to destroy them. But the same Moses, who at this time appeased the wrath of God toward the people, could not pacify him concerning himself, when he provoked God at the waters of strife: because prayer then will not serve the turn, Cum semel Deus aliquid ab intimis irascendo disponit, When once God being thoroughly provoked, hath determined to do a thing, Gloss. ordinar. Ex Gregor.

QUEST. XXX. Whether the Lord changed his mind, in saying, I will destroy them, and yet destroyed them not.

Vers. 10. FOr I will consume them. Yet God consumed them not. 1. Not that there is any mutability or changing in God; as though afterward he saw which he did not before: for these comminations, Secundùm hypothesin accipienda sunt ; are to be taken conditionally: and sometime the condition is expressed, sometime it is understood: as the Lord suspendeth the execution of his judge • ents, either upon men's repentance, or being entreated by the prayers of his servants: Et propter Mediatorem veniam dat ; But most of all he giveth pardon for the Mediators sake, Simler.

2. And thus the Lord threateneth, yet stayeth his hand, Quia necessarium est nosse nos, benignitatis, qua in Deo, eminentiam, & quanta vis orationum sanctorum ; Because it is necessary for us to know, the exceeding great loving kindness which is in God, and what force there is in the prayers of the Saints, Cyril.

3. And further, this was not, the will of God to destroy them, that will of God, qua vocatur beneplaciti ; which is called the will of God's good pleasure, because this is always fulfilled: but it was, volunta • signi, his signified, or revealed will, according to the which he shown, that they had deserved to be destroyed. But in his secret will he had ordained, that Moses should pray for them, and that he would be entreated by his prayer, Tostat. qu. 16.

QUEST. XXXI. How the Lord promiseth to make a great nation of Moses.

Vers. 10. I Will make of thee a mighty people. 1. Some think that God indeed did perform this promise to Moses: for now the Christian world, which far exceedeth the people of Israel, Mosi obtemperat, obeyeth Moses, Rupertus. Ferus. So also Gloss. interlinear. by this mighty people understandeth, Generationem sanctorum ; The Generation of the Saints. But that which the Lord promiseth here to Moses was conditional, that if he at that time destroyed the people, he would make a great nation of Moses seeing the first was not done, neither did he perform the second.

2. Bernard saith, Ego hoc munus puto servatum spons • ; I think this gift (to become a great nation) to be reserved for the spouse, the Church now dispersed over all the world. But this upon the former reason is not the meaning.

3. Tostatus thinketh the meaning to be this, that, Deus proponeret cum in ducem genti magna ; God would set him over a great nation; not that a great nation should come of him. So also Vatablus, Lippom. Tostatus reasons are these: 1. Because, if the Lord should promise to increase Moses to a great nation, he should have no great comfort by it, seeing he was old, and could not see many generations. 2. Whereas the Lord saith in the like words, Numb. 14.13. I will make thee a nation mightier than they: there is comparison made between the nation, which should come of Moses, and the nation of the Israelites: but the seed of Moses could not be distinguished from the seed of the Israelites: for he also was of Israel. 3. And the Lord promiseth Moses a recompense: Ne grave ei sit tam nobilem principatum amittere ; Lest it should be grievous unto him to lose such a noble principality and government, Calvin. But if his posterity only had been multiplied, there should have been no recompense made for that loss.

Contra. 1. Moses expected not, neither desired any greatness in the world, but only the fulfilling of God's promise toward Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob: and therefore though Moses had not presently seen this promise effected in his time, yet he might have comforted himself, as Abraham did, in the very propounding and making of so gracious a promise, by faith relying upon God for the fulfilling thereof. 2. Moses posterity might have been as well compared with Israel, as Jacob and Esau's offspring are; of whom the Lord saith, one people shall be mightier than another, Gen. 25.23. and as it is said, Ephraim shall be a greater people, than Manasseh, Gen. 28.28. 3. Moses, that wished himself for Israel's sake to be raced out of the book of life, expected no compensation of his principality, if it had seemed so good unto God, to destroy Israel.

4. Therefore the meaning is, that God would so increase and multiply Moses posterity, as that he should grow into a great nation: 1. Because in the same sense the Lord saith to Abraham: Faciam te in gentem magnam, Genes. 12.2. I will make of thee a great nation, Gallas. Oleast. 2. And the Lord saith in effect, Inte praestiturus, quae majoribus promisi. I will perform in thee, that which I promised to the fathers. But if in the other sense the Lord should only have set him over a great nation; then had not God's promise to Abraham been performed, Borrhaius.

QUEST. XXXII. Of Moses prayer in general, and the manner thereof.

Vers. 11. THen Moses prayed, &c. why doth thy wrath wax hot against thy people?

1. Although the Lord seemed unto Moses to be purposed to destroy the people: yet Moses in praying doth not oppose himself to God's will: for his prayer, Dei promissione nititur, was grounded upon God's promise made unto the fathers: this therefore shown a singular faith in Moses, that giveth not over, no not when, verbum Dei inter se committitur, the word of God seemeth to fight with it self. But as Abraham in the like temptation, when God's former promise, and his present commandment seemed to be contrary, yet shown his obedience, not doubting of the truth of God's promise: So Moses relieth upon the same ground and foundation of God's promise; though the Lord seemed for the present to be otherwise minded, Simler.

2. He prayeth therefore, first, directus spiritu, being guided by God's Spirit so to do, Gallas. and God moved Moses to pray two ways; primo interius incitando, first by stirring him inwardly to pray: then, movebatur exterius verbis Dei, outwardly he was moved by God's words, though not directly, Tostatus : for the Lord in saying, Let me alone, as he did not directly bid him pray, so secretly thereby he did insinate, that by prayer his judgment might be stayed, Junius.

3. Moses prayeth with a vehement interrogation, Why doth thy wrath wax hot? which is not an expostulating with God's justice, but rather, admonentis de benignitate, of one admonishing God of his clemency and gracious promise, Borrhaius. Neither doth Moses thus speak, why, &c. as though God had no cause to be angry: for it was well known to Moses, that God had but too just cause at this time against his people: but though God had just cause, his meaning is, Non debere irasci, quia redundaret in ipsius dedecus, That he ought not now to be angry, because it would redound to God's dishonor, Tostat.

4. Further it is said, that Moses entreated the face of God; as the Hebrew phrase is: whereby is signified the earnestness of Moses in his prayer; Et magnamentis elevatio us{que} ad faciem Dei, And the great elevation of his mind, even unto God's face and presence. And in that it is said, Elohai, to his God, whom he calleth also Jehovah, Magna describitur fiducia orantis ; Hereby is shown the great confidence of Moses in his prayer, Cajetan.

5. And whereas Moses regardeth not the personal promise made to him, that the Lord would make a great nation of him: therein he showeth his great charity and love to his people; as Chrysostom well noteth, Ne id audire sustinuit ; He endured not to hear any such thing; Sed potius una cum his, qui sibi crediti erant, perire, quàm sine illis salvus esse, & ad majorem dignitatem assumi, praetulit ; But rather chose to perish together with those which were committed to his trust, than without them to be advanced to greater honor.

QUEST. XXXIII. How the Lord is said to be angry.

WHy doth thy wrath wax hot? God is not subject to wrath and anger, and other human passions, as man is. But he is said to be angry, when he taketh revenge of sinners. 1. Vltio divina furor vel ira dicitur ; The divine revenge is called rage or anger, Jerome. And this is spoken to our understanding, and after the manner of men, Quia homines non puniunt, nisi irati ; Because men use not to punish, but when they are angry: therefore God is said to be angry when he punisheth, because he so seemeth to be unto us, Tostat. qu. 16. 2. Another reason, why God is said to be angry, is in respect of us: Quod nos, qui delinquimus, nisi irascentem audicrimus, Dominum non timeamus ; Because we, when we sin, unless we hear that God is angry, will not fear and stand in awe of him. 3. Again, God is said to be angry, for the more ample commendation and setting forth of his mercy: Facillimus enim ad deponendam iram ; For he is most ready to lay aside his anger: not like unto earthly Princes, that being angry will admit no reconciliation, Cyril. This therefore doth more set forth the mercy and clemency of God, that being as it were inflamed with anger, is so soon turned unto mercy, as in this place, his anger is mitigated by the prayer of Moses.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the reasons, which Moses useth in his prayer.

AGainst thy people, &c. Moses useth divers forcible and effectual reasons to persuade the Lord, in this his earnest and zealous prayer. 1. Non excusat peccatum, &c. He doth not excuse their sin, but acknowledgeth and confesseth it, Ferus. 2. His second reason is, à pecul • o & haereditate, from the peculiar inheritance of God: he calleth them, thy people. Pelarg. Occurrit sermoni Domini & pie corrigit, &c. He doth as it were correct the Lord's speech in a pious and dutiful manner: the Lord had called them Moses people; but Moses returneth that speech unto the Lord, and calleth them his people, Lippom. Not therein contradicting the Lord, but relying upon his promise. 3. From the memory of God's benefits, ( which thou hast brought out of the land of Egypt ) all which should have been in vain, if the Lord would now destroy his people, Pelarg. Iun. 4. From the inconvenience that would ensue, that while he thought to take revenge upon his enemies, saviret in se, he should in a manner rage against himself; the hurt would redound unto God, his name would thereby be blasphemed, Oleaster. So, praetendit gloriam Dei, he pretendeth the glory of God, which was like to be obscured, and hindered by this means; for the Egyptians would take occasion hereby to blaspheme, and to accuse the Lord of malice against his people, and of weakness and impotency, Junius, Pelarg. This argument is most forcible, and therefore our blessed Savior teacheth us to pray, Hallowed be thy name, Ferus. 5. Lastly, he putteth God in mind of his promises made to Abraham, Izaak, and Jacob, which promise the Lord bound with an oath: and two things the Lord promised, the multiplying of their seed, and the inheritance of Canaan. And so Moses saith in effect, if thou change in these things, Nemo tibi amplius credet, No man will give credit unto thee hereafter, Ferus.

QUEST. XXXV. Why the Egyptians were more like thus to object, than any other nation.

Vers. 12. WHerefore shall the Egyptians speak, &c. 1. Other nations likewise might so object, as the Amalekites, Moabites, Edomites, Canaanites, which were all enemies unto Israel, and were afraid of them, as Moses saith in his song of thanksgiving, chap. 15.15. Then the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed, and trembling shall come upon the great men of Moab, all the inhabitants of Canaan shall wax faint-hearted: and therefore they would have rejoiced likewise in the destruction of Israel. 2. But instance is specially given of the Egyptians in this place (and yet Numb. 14.14. both the Egyptians, and other the inhabitants of Canaan, are brought in thus speaking) for these causes: 1. Because they had endured more for oppressing the Israelites, than any other nation: even those ten grievous plagues sent upon Egypt. 2. They had lost more than any other people, in a manner half their substance, when they gave unto the Israelites at their departure jewels of gold, and silver: 3. They for Israel's cause were overthrown and drowned in the red sea. Therefore they had a greater spite at Israel, than ot • er nations, and would have been most ready thus to have objected, Tostat. qu. 17.

QUEST. XXXVI. In what sense the Egyptians would say, The Lord brought them out to slay them.

Vers. 12. HE hath brought them out maliciously, or, of an evil mind; Iun. Or, for a mischief (rather,) Vatab. Oleast. To slay them in the mountains. 1. Not because the Egyptians might imagine, that God could not slay them in Egypt, the constellations of heaven, and aspects of the planets hindering the destruction of the Hebrews there, and serving fitly in the wilderness and mountains: for, seeing no such constellation could hinder the servitude of the Israelites, but that the Egyptians most cruelly oppressed them; much less could it prevent God's judgments. And if the constellation had been against the Hebrews, after they were come out of Egypt into the desert: how came it to pass, that the red sea gave way unto them, the Egyptians there were drowned, Manna from heaven was given, and water out of the rock? all these things were for Israel in the desert, and against the Egyptians, Tostat. quast. 18. 2. Neither do the Egyptians so say, because some of their Astrologers, by calculating the time of the Hebrews departure (as some Hebrews affirm) did prognosticate, because they went, malo sydere, in an evil sign, that much blood should be shed in Israel, and that many of them should die in the wilderness: and therefore when Joshua had circumcised the Israelites in Gilgal, the Lord said he had taken away the shame of Egypt, Josh. 5.9. because that which the Egyptians had foretold was now turned, ad sanctitatem, non opprobrium, not to their shame, but their holiness, and honor. Contra. 1. By shame is there meant no such thing, but only that their uncircumcision was then taken away, which is called the shame of Egypt; because therein they were like unto the uncircumcised Philistim • . 2. And if it had been spoken in any such sense, this had been to confirm, and justify the superstitious calculations and prognostications of the Egyptians. 3. The Israelites indeed perished in the desert, but not all, only those which were above twenty year old: and they died not by any natural death, which only may be foreseen, and in some sort by prognostication guessed at; but their death was procured by their sin: then as their sin being an act of their will, could not by any such constellation be foretold; so neither could their extraordinary death caused by their sin, be foreseen by any such means. And this being an act of God's justice, like as man's will, and the acts thereof, are not wrought upon, nor ruled by constellations, much less are the Lord's judgments, which he worketh most freely, Tostat. qu. 19.

3. Neither could the Egyptians say thus, as though the Lord could not have destroyed the Israelites in Egypt, seeing he plagued both the Egyptians and their gods; or that he could not for want of power have brought them into the land of Canaan, as the heathen would have objected, Numb. 14.16. For he that was able to overthrow Pharaoh and his host, and all the power of Egypt, and that wrought such great wonders for them in the desert, was of power sufficient to plant them in the land of Canaan, casting out their enemies before them, Tostat. qu. 17.

4. But the Egyptians of malice only, without any ground, nay against their own knowledge, Occasione saltem levissima, licet omnìa falsa cognoscerent, quaecun{que} tamen possent, in Deum Hebraeorum probra conjicerent ; Upon a light occasion, although they knew all to be false, would upbraid what they could, the God of the Hebrews, Tostat. qu. 18.

QUEST. XXXVII. Why Moses maketh mention in his prayer of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob.

Vers. 13. REmember Abraham, &c. 1. The Hebrews think that mention is made of these three, to escape a treble punishment: as if the Lord were to bring down fire from heaven upon them, Abraham was cast into the fire in Hur of the Chaldees: if the Lord would punish with the sword, Isaac had offered himself to be slain in sacrifice by his father: if with exile and banishment, Jacob had before endured it; and therefore these three are mentioned, that by their merits and deserts, the people might escape these three judgments, Sic Lyranus. Lippom. But Tostatus well refuteth this conceit: 1. Because these three are mentioned, as well when any blessing is craved of God, as when any judgment is prayed against: 2. God hath other judgments beside these, whereby to punish his people: therefore in other eases the mentioning of these had been insufficient, Tostat. qu. 20.

2. Yet Tostatus also misseth the mark, saying, that I • meritis istorum fiebat salus posteris eorum, For the merits of these, their posterity were preserved; for Abraham himself was not justified by merits, but by faith, as the Apostle showeth, Rom. 4. Abraham believed God, and it was counted to him for righteousness: therefore much less was his posterity saved by his merits.

3. Therefore Moses in bringing in Abraham, Isaac and Jacob only, putteth God in mind of the promises made unto them, which proceeded only of the mere grace and favor of God toward them, as the Lord himself saith, Because the Lord loved you, and because he would keep the oath, which he had sworn to your fathers, the Lord hath brought you out with a mighty hand, Deut. 7.8. Simler. Osiander.

QUEST. XXXVIII. How the Israelites are promised to possess the land of Canaan forever.

Vers, 13. THey shall inherit it forever. 1. This promise, that the Israelites should inhabit the land of Canaan forever, may diversely be understood: 1. It is taken for a long time, not limited nor determined: and so they enjoyed that land many years, about 1400. Tostat. qu. 20. 2. Or it may be likewise understood during the time of the Law and ceremonies, which were to continue but until Christ: as Aaron's Priesthood is said to be forever, chap. 28.43. and the keeping of the Passover is said to be an ordinance forever, Exod. 12.17. Tostat. 3. Or it may be applied to the spiritual seed of Abraham, which are the heirs of the true Canaan, Genevens. a • not. Gen. 13. verse. 14. 4. But in these temporal promises a secret condition rather must be supplied: that if they had continued in obedience to God's Commandments, then they should have had a perpetual inheritance in Canaan. And this is the best interpretation, as appeareth by the like, Psal. 132.10. If thy sons keep my covenant, and my testimonies, which I shall teach them, thy sons also shall sit upon thy throne forever. Tostat. qu. 20. See this question handled more at large, Hexapl. in Genes. cap. 13. verse. 12.

QUEST. XXXIX. How the Lord is said to repent.

Vers. 14. THen the Lord repented of the evil. 1. This is spoken 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , according to the passions and affections of men: yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as it is convenient to understand of God; who seemeth to repent and change, sin • motu, quod nos sine motu nostri non possumus facere ; without any motion or passion at all, which we cannot do without passion, Iun. We could not understand how the Lord turneth from his wrath, unless the Scripture should speak to our capacity, Pelarg. 2. So indeed the Lord is immutable and unchangeable in himself: but, Dicit se mut • re sententiam, non in homines▪ sed in opera, quae mutata sunt ; He is said to change his sentence, not toward men, but in respect of the works or things that are changed: For God is not angry with men, but with their sins, which ceasing to be, nequaquam p • nit quod mutatum est, God punisheth not that which is changed, Jerome. God is said to repent, cum rem mutet, consilium non mutet, when he changeth the thing, not his counsel, Gloss. interlin. 3. But it will be said, that God is here changed indeed, that whereas he purposed to destroy Israel at once, yet he doth it not at Moses intercession. It may be answered: 1. That God here had determined no such thing, sed loquebatur per modum optantis, but he spake after a wishing manner, let me alone, Tostat. qu. 20. 2. We must understand that the divine sentence is of two sorts; one is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , with a condition: such was the proclamation against Nineveh, that within forty days they should be destroyed; and the message sent by Isaiah to Hezekiah that he should die: for in these sentences there was a secret condition included, in the one of the Ninevites repentance, in the other of Ezechiahs intercession: so there is here a condition understood, that the Lord would be entreated by Moses. The other kind of sentence is absolute, without any condition; such was the decree for the destruction of the old world by water, and of the overthrow of Pharaoh and his host in the red sea, B •• rh.

QUEST. XL. Whether Moses at this time was kept in suspense, or indeed obtained pardon for the people.

Vers. 14. REpented of the evil, which he threatened to do unto his people. 1. Some think that an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is here to be admitted, because Moses obtaining nothing at this time, but at his second entreaty, as is shown in the end of the chapter: Et nullo accepto veniae responso suspensum venisse ; And that he came down in suspense, having received no answer for any pardon, Calvin, Gallas. But it is not like that Moses would have given over and gone away, till he had known the Lord's mind in part.

2. Junius thinketh, that Deus distulit, donec Moses vidisset, God only deferred his sentence, till Moses had seen what might be done with the people; and, consilium fustinuit, suspended his counsel. But the Text showeth more, that God at Moses request actually repented of the evil which he had threatened: Moses therefore is here put out of doubt for that, that the people at this time should not be destroyed.

3. Cajetan thinketh that Moses only entreated, quod non tunc fiat punitio, quam populus meretur, that the people at that time be not punished as they deserved. But Moses reasons tend to that end, that the people at all should not utterly be destroyed, because of God's promise made to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob: and so much he obtained.

4. But Oleaster goeth somewhat too far, that Moses did not only entreat God not to punish; sed ut cum poenite at voluisse punire, but that he would repent him that he had purposed to punish. But that had been too great boldness in Moses to have presumed so far; and it was enough that he by his prayer obtained a pardon of that great punishment.

5. Wherefore Moses obtained only by his prayer now at this time, that the Lord mitigated his sentence, ne • totum populum per dere velir, that he would not destroy the whole people, Marb • ch. and he only repenteth of the evil which was threatened: that is, ne totaliter deleret, that he would not wholly destroy them: yet God might not withstanding consume them, per partes ; by parts as he did afterward in the desert: for if Moses had obtained an absolute and general pardon, he needed not have solicited the Lord again, as he did in the end of the chapter; nay, he continued his supplication unto God for the people forty days and forty nights, Deut. 9.29. Tostat. qu. 20.

QUEST. XLI. What was written in the tables of stone.

Vers. 15. THe tables were written, &c. 1. Some Hebrews think, that beside the moral Law, which consisted of ten Commandments, there was written the exposition, as a commentary of the Law. But that is not like: 1. Because the Commandments being certain, evident, and known principles, grounded upon the light of nature, needed not to receive any exposition by the Law-giver himself; but afterw • rd the same were explained, and amplified by Moses. 2. If there had been any such exposition, Moses when he declared to the people the ten Commandments, Deut. 5. would not have omitted them, being a part of God's writing. 3. Seeing the tables were to be kept in the Ark, never to be brought into the people's sight, it was requisite, if there had been any such exposition, that it should have been set down in some of Moses books, that the people might have taken knowledge thereof, Tostat. qu. 22.

2. Therefore there was no such exposition, nor any other thing written in the tables, beside the ten Commandments: 1. Not because, as some think, there were yet no other laws delivered to the people: for it is evident, that Moses before he came down from the mount, when the Lord had uttered with his own voice the ten Commandments, received also other laws, judicial and ceremonial of the Lord, as they are set down, chap. 21, 22, 23. and writ them in a book, and read them to the people, Exod. 24. therefore other laws were given before to Moses, before he came down with the tables of stone. 2. And the reason which Isidore giveth, why the ten Commandments were there only written, is both curious and without ground: Vt per eundem numerum figura crucis exprimeretur, that the figure of the cross might be thereby expressed: for the Roman X signifieth ten, and doth also represent the figure of the cross: for neither doth this figure in the Hebrew tongue signify ten, neither was there any such figure written in the tables.

3. These reasons rather may be yielded, why the moral precepts only were written in these tables: 1. Because these only the Lord pronounced with his own mouth, the other were delivered by Moses. 2. The moral precepts are most evident and manifest, as grounded upon the light of nature. 3. They were so pronounced, as that all the people were witnesses thereof, and therefore least exception could be taken unto them, Tostat. quaest. 21.

QUEST. XLII. Why there were but two tables, neither more, nor fewer.

THe two tables, &c. The reasons why there were two tables were these: 1. Because if all the Commandments had been written in one table of stone, it would have been too large, and so too heavy and cumbersome for Moses to bear; whereas being now divided in two, they need not be so great in thickness, or breadth, and so were more portable for Moses, that he might carry them without a miracle, which some Hebrews unnecessarily conceive: for they being tables of stone, in form and fashion made like unto writing tables, but larger, not thick or gross, but plain, and of no great thickness, but so much as might suffice for the depth of the letters, might well be taken up, and borne in Moses hand. 2. But the special reason of this division of the tables into two, is to distinguish the Commandments, which concerned our duty toward God, and the other towards our neighbor: The first being written in one table, and the other in the second, Tostat. qu. 23.

QUEST. XLIII. How the tables were written on both sides.

Vers. 15. THey were written on both sides. 1. R. Solomon thinketh that each table was so written, that the letters might appear on both sides; and so be read indifferently on each side. But this opinion is improbable: for two unlikely things are here presupposed; one that the stone whereof the tables were made was transparent, that what was on the one side written might be discerned on the other: and beside, whereas the letters appearing on the backside must be read backward: these letters by another miraculous work must on both sides appear all one.

2. Lyranus. Tostatus, and Lippoman think, that the tables were written each on both sides: as in the first table there might be the three first Commandments, which Tostatus maketh but two, graven on the one side, and the fourth on the other: so in the second, four on the one side, and two on the other, which he divideth into three: or he thinketh that the same Commandments might be written on the inside, and repeated again on the outside. So also Gallasius, aversa & adversa parte scriptas fuisse, that they were written on the near and ofward side, both of them: such writing the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ written behind, and before. But the words of the text will not bear this sense, for thus the tables should have been written on their four sides: whereas it is said, they were written, mishene, on the two sides.

3. Therefore the meaning is no other but this, that these tables were written on the two sides, namely, the two inward, or foresides. And so Oleaster noteth by the signification of the word gheber, which he pronounceth without any asperation at all, eber ▪ which signifieth properly, not the side, but the forepart, because so the word ghabar, or abar, signifieth to go over, or pass on before. So also Vatablu • translateth, ab utraque faecie, on both the foresides. And thus the writing might better be preserved, one table lapping over another like unto a book, Oleaster. But this further may be gathered, that these tables were written full within, that no spare place was left, which signified that the Law of God was perfect: Et nullum locum nobis relictum aliquid addendi, That no place was left for us to add anything to his Law, Simler.

QUEST. XLIV. Why the tables are called the work of God.

Vers. 16. ANd these tables were the work of God, and this writing was the writing of God. 1. Some Hebrews think, because it is said before, verse. 15. that they were written, and here again mention is made of the writing; that the first writing was of the Commandments only, the second was the exposition of the Commandments. But that there was no such exposition, is shown before, quest. 41. 2. But in that the tables are said, both to be the work of God, and writing of God, to signify that God both prepared those tables, and was the writer also; he was both artifex tabularum & scriptor ▪ the workman of the tables and the writer, Cajetan. The second tables were fact • opere Mosis, made by Moses workmanship, and written only by God, Tostat. qu. 23. 3. And whereas they are said to be God's work, we are not to think with some, that these tables of stone were of purpose now created of God anew: Vocatur factio Dei non creatio, sed delatio ; The work of God is not said to be the creation, but the fashioning and preparing of them, Tostat. 4. And this was not done by the work of Angels, as Tostatus thinketh, aut scalpello, non calamo, or was graven with a knife, not written with a pen, Cajetan. For the Lord needed no such instruments: but it was written with the finger of God, chap. 31.8. that it, as Ambrose expoundeth, Spiritu suo dedit legem, He gave his Law by his Spirit, whereby it is written in the fleshy tables of our hearts. See more, chap. 31. verse. 18.

QUEST. XLV. How many precepts each table contained.

COncerning the order observed in the writing of the Commandments in the tables, there are divers opinions: 1. Some think that the negative precepts were written in one table, and the affirmative in another. But this cannot be admitted, for these causes: 1. There are but two affirmative precepts, the fourth concerning the Sabbath, and the fifth, Honor thy father and mother: so it would follow, that two precepts should only be in one table, and eight in another; and so the one table must needs be very large, • he other very little. 2. Thus also the precepts which concern our duty toward God, and the other belonging to our neighbor, should be mingled together. 3. And the greatest inconvenience of all is, that the order of the Commandments should be inverted, and that they were not written in the same order wherein they were delivered, Tostat. qu. 24.

2. Rab. Sal • mon, and so also Josephus do think, that five Commandments were written in the first table, and five in the second: and to the four first they join the fifth, Honor thy father, &c. in the first table. But by this means the precepts of divers kinds, which command love toward God and our neighbor, should be put together, which are better distinguished into two tables.

3. Tostatus with other, do distinguish the Commandments well in respect of the tables; placing in the first those which contain our duty toward God, and in the second, those which are to be practiced toward our neighbor: but the Commandments he rightly divideth nor, making of the two first but one, and so counting but three in the first table, and dividing the last into two, which is but one. But these two points are handled before at large, that it were superflous to treat of them here again: the first, quest. • , 10. general, before the Commandments, chap. 20. and the second, quest. 1. upon the 10. Commandment.

4. Wherefore the Commandments are thus best sorted: that to the first belong four, prescribing our duty toward God; to the second six, touching our neighbor: the last, Thou shalt not covet, &c. being but one entire precept, as is shown in the places before quoted.

QUEST. XLVI. Whether the writing of the tables were the first writing in the woe • ld.

Vers. 16. ANd the writing, &c. Ferus inferreth upon this, Quod▪ Deus fuerit primus author scripturae & literarum, &c. That God was the first author of writing and letters: 1. Because Cadmus that is said to have invented the letters among the Greeks, was long after, in the time of Oth •• iel, one of the Judges; and Nicostrata, or Carmentis, which found out the Latin letters, was in the time of Jair ; another of the Judges. 2. And it was fit that no other should be the author of so profitable a thing, but God: for there is nothing that bringeth us nearer to the knowledge of God, than writing: therein is contained the history of things past and present, and the declaration of things to come. And thereby God speaketh unto us, and declareth his will. 3. So this is the third gift that God hath given unto man, to bring him to the knowledge of himself: the first is to meditate in the mind, of God: the second to express the meditation of our mind by speech: the third to commit to writing, sic Ferus. Wherein, as Ferus in something collecteth well, that the invention of the Hebrew letters was more ancient than the times of Cadmus, or Carmentis, and that so profitable an invention came from God: yet two things he affirmeth, the one being uncertain, whether this invention proceeded from God, media • ely, or immediately: the first is more probable, as other arts of graving and working in brass, and such like, were invented by men, Gen. 4. yet through God's gifts: the other is untrue, that this writing of the tables was first of all: for before this, chap. 24. it is said, that Moses wrote all the words of the Lord in a book. And although Moses is held to have been the most ancient writer in the world, as is proved before, qu. 7. in 2. Exod. yet it is like, and very probable, that letters and writing were in use before Moses time: as is likewise shown before, quest. 13. upon the second chapter.

QUEST. XLVII. Where Joshua stayed all the while Moses was in the mount.

Vers. 17, ANd when Joshua heard, &c. 1. It is evident that Joshua went not up with Moses into the top of the mountain, for then he should have heard what the Lord had told Moses, concerning the making of the golden Calf, which he was ignorant of, as it appeareth afterward by his speech to Moses, Ferus. 2. But whether he returned to the camp, or not, during this space of forty days and forty nights, some make it doubfull, as Hugo de S. Victor. because only, in ascensu & descensu legiturfuissaecum Mose, he is read to have been with Moses in his going up and coming down: yet it is evident▪ by th • se reasons, that Joshua all this while returned not to the camp: 1. Seeing Joshua met Moses in the uppermost part of the hill, when they had no sight of the camp, but only heard a noise a far off, as the next words show: it had been too laboursome for Joshua every day to go down, and come up again so high into the hill. 2. He not knowing the time of Moses return, by this means might have missed of him, and so failed in his attendances, Tostatus qu. 25. 3. If Joshua had been in the camp, he could not have been ignorant of that which was done there, as it appeareth he was, by his speech to Moses: Junius, Cajetan.

3. Therefore Joshua stayed in that place where Moses left him, when he was called up into the thick cloud: Joshua followed Moses up still into the hill, after Aaron and his two sons, and the Elders were departed, chap. 24. and when Moses was called up after six days into the top of the hill, there Joshua stayed, where he had stood waiting with Moses. But how Joshua was occupied these forty days and nights is not expressed, nor whereof he lived: he might feed of the Manna, which might fall also in that place, Tostatus. Without eating anything it is not like he continued, as Moses did, such a miracle would not have been omitted, as it is so written of Moses.

QUEST. XLVIII. Whether Joshua first heard the noise.

Vers. 17. ANd when Joshua heard the noise, &c. 1. Tostatus here noteth, that Joshua first heard the noise and shouting, because it is likely he was quicker of hearing than Moses, who was now 80. years old, and Joshua about 39. or 40. But seeing Moses immediately maketh answer, that it was not the noise of war in the host, it seemeth that his ear was not heavy, in that he discerned the noise what it was: and Moses must be supposed to have been very deaf, that could not hear such a confused noise and shouting: the reason why Moses, though he heard the shouting as well as Joshua, yet first spake not, was, for that he had revealed nothing yet to Joshua, concerning the sin of the people: Iosuae verba indicant silentium Mosis, Joshua's speech declareth Moses silence, Lippoman.

2. Lyranus thinketh that Moses discerned of the noise what it was, propter vivacitat •• sensus, &c. because of the quickness of his sense in his old age: for being 120. years old, his eye was not dimmed, nor his natural force abated, Deut. 34.7. But although Moses at these years had fresh and quick senses, it is not like that they were more lively than Joshua's, at half his years.

3. Tostatus thinketh that Moses immediately after Joshua's speech, did not discern the noise, but after some pause, as they went on still walking he perceived more. But in that Moses maketh answer unto Joshua, it seemeth there was no long pause made, but that Moses in the same place having listened with his ear, gave judgment of the noise.

4. The very cause therefore, why Moses guessed right what this noise meant, was for that God had revealed to him before, what the people had done: Moses pramonitus intelligebat quid sonus populi vociferantis portenderet; Moses being premonished did understand what the noise of the people shouting out did portend, Lippom. Gallas. Lyranus also toucheth this reason.

QUEST. XLIX. Why Moses anger was kindled at the fight of the Calf, and not before.

Vers. 19. AS soon as he came near, &c. he saw, &c. so Moses wrath waxed hot, &c. 1. Gallasius thinketh that Moses, Satis ira accensus audita populi defectione, was sufficiently angry and moved already, as soon as he had heard that the people had fallen away, and that this anger was more increased by that which he saw. But although Moses, when the Lord told him what the people had done, was inwardly grieved: yet seeing the Lord so much provoked to anger, it was not for him also to show his anger too; but rather to express his love, in pacifying the Lord's wrath: Non oportuit in Dei praesenti • indignari, sed furorem Dei deprecari, &c. It was not for Moses in God's presence to be angry, but by entreaty rather to pacify his anger.

2. Now then, whereas there are duo impetus in ira, two forcible motions in anger: the one when we know anything by hear-say, which may worthily move us to anger: the other, when by our sense we perceive it; so was it here with Moses, he was inwardly moved when first the Lord declared unto him the sin of the people. But this motion he suppressed, when he saw the Lord bent to destroy the people, amor vicit iram, love in him overcame his anger: but afterward, when first by hearing he perceived their singing and rejoicing, and further by his eye beheld the Calf which he had made, then his anger was vehemently kindled, Tostat. qu. 26.

QUEST. L. Whether Moses sinned in his anger.

Vers. 19. MOses wrath waxed hot. 1. It may seem at the first that Moses wrath was immoderate, because in his haste he cast the tables of the Law out of his hand. And this may be thought more probable, because Moses long after this sinned in his hastiness, when he smote the rock in anger, Numb. 20. and if this had been a sudden passion in Moses, it had not been so much, now being so vehement and fervent, it should seem to bewray some infirmity. But Moses cannot be convinced by these reasons, to have offended in this his anger. 1. Though Moses sinned at the waters of strife, it followeth not that he was overseen here: for there the Scripture noteth Moses infirmity, but here no such thing in him is reproved. 2. And anger though it be exceeding great, if it be in God's cause, is commendable: Sicut enim amor Dei non circumscribitur terminis, &c. For as the love of God is not limited, nor hath any bounds, so neither hath zeal in God's cause, Simlerus.

2. This then was a just anger, and an holy rage in Moses. There are two kinds of anger, one is inconsiderate, rash, seeking private revenge: there is another, which is for God's cause, when we see his honor called in question, and his glory defaced: this anger is pleasing unto God, when we are angry with men's vices, not with their persons: which kind of anger is discerned by this; Si postquam quis se correxerit, eum odio habeat, &c. If one hate a man still after he hath amended his fault, it is a sign he hated not his vice, but his person. But if he return in love again, the fault being redressed, it showeth his anger was only for God's cause: such was Moses here, who after he had taken revenge of the people for their sin, continueth his prayer unto God for them, Tostat. qu. 27. Such was the zeal of Phinehas, in slaying the adulterer and adulteress; and of Helias against Baals Priests; and of our blessed Savior, when he cast the money-changers out of the Temple, Ferus. So Calvin concludeth well, that Moses anger, Cum manaverit à Spiritu sancto, which proceeded from the holy Spirit, was a virtue praise-worthy: though it must be confessed that the affections of the Saints are not so perfect, but that they may s • vour a little of the leaven of our corrupt nature.

QUEST. LI. Whether Moses offended in breaking the tables of the Law.

Vers. 19. HE cast the tables out of his hand. 1. Some think that Moses being carried away with heat of anger, did not well consider what he did, Et prae infi • mitate tabula • e manu excidisse, And that through infirmity the tables fell out of his hand. But the text showeth that Moses cast them out of his hand: and Deut. 9.17. he saith, I took the two tables, and cast them out of my two hands: it was then a voluntary and advised act.

2. R. Solomon to excuse Moses saith, that of a sudden the writing of the tables was wiped out, and Moses seeing them to be then for no further use, cast them out of his hand. But this fable contradicteth the text, which describeth the tables at the very same time when Moses carried them, to be written on both sides; which is expressed of purpose, to show what a precious monument the Israelites were deprived of.

3. Some make it simply an act of Moses rage, that, Furore turbatus tabulas fregerit, &c. Being distempered with rage, he brake the tables: which oversight of Moses in their opinion may seem to be proved by these reasons: 1. Because the tables of the Law were a most holy monument of God's Covenant with his people, in so much that Moses would not commit them to Joshua, but carried them in his own hands: so that Moses in breaking the monument of the Covenant, might seem to offend against God the author of the Covenant, and of that writing. 2. It may be thought also to have been done rashly and hastily of Moses ▪ so that therein he could not be blameless. 3. Like as if a Princes letter should be cancelled by his messenger that was sent with it: so the Lord might be herein angry with Moses for defacing this writing.

Contra. 1. The tables indeed were a most holy and worthy monument, when Moses received them of God, but now inuntiles factae sunt, they became unprofitable; the Covenant being broken by the people, the sign of the Covenant was needless and of no necessary use, and therefore it was no offense to break them. 2. Neither did Moses it suddenly or rashly, but with good advisement, he cast the tables out of his hand, judging the people unworthy of them: and he did it not without the instinct of God's Spirit. 3. It is no wrong to the Prince to have his letters cancelled, where he meaneth they should serve to no use, but his mind is they shall be reversed. So Moses knew that God would not have the tables of the Covenant offered at this time to the people, that had broken his Covenant.

4. This fact then of Moses in breaking of the tables, may be thus justified: 1. Id fit asslatu peculiari Divini Spiritus ; It was done by the peculiar motion of God's Spirit, Simler. Iun. Though Hugo de S. Victor. make some doubt of it, Vtrum ex humano affectu, vel divino instinctu, hoc fecerit, non patet ; It is not evident whether he did it of an human affection, or a divine instinct. But seeing God was not angry with Moses for doing it, but biddeth to prepare the like tables again, chap. 34. it is certain that it was no human motion in him to do it. 2. Moses in respect of himself brake them, Recusans esse paedagogus inobedientis populi, Refusing to be the schoolmaster of such a disobedient people. 3. Moses thought the people unworthy of such a benefit, In poenam populi indigni beneficio tabularum, &c. He brake them, to be a punishment of the people unworthy of such a benefit, Cajetan. 4. Beside, the equity thereof appeareth, that as they had broken the Covenant on their part, so it was fit the monument of God's Covenant should be broken, Tostat. qu. 29. And Moses shown by this, that they by their apostasy, tabulas legis rupisse, had broken the tables of the Law first, Marbach. So Chrysostom saith, Moses thought it an absurd thing, si populo ebrio, &c. legem afferet, if he should have brought the Law to a drunken and besotted people. Theodoret to the same purpose, Quia dotalium libeliorum typum tabulae gerebant, &c. Because the tables were as the libels, or bills of dowry, and the spouse, before the marriage was solemnized, had committed adultery, jure optimo dotalem libellum freg • sse existimandus est, he may be thought by good right to have cancelled the bill of dowry. 5. Testari etiam voluit, &c. And Moses would hereby testify unto them, how they deserved to be cast off, and forsaken, Pelarg. And God hereby for the time, Per manum Mosis repudiavit populum, Did by the hand of Moses cast off his people, Calvin. 6. And this was done, ad majorem terrorem populi, for the greater terror of the people, who was more moved with signs than with words, as when Samuel declared unto the people their sin, he prayed, and there came thunder and lightning, that the people by those terrible signs might be the more moved, 1 Sam. 12. So Jeremiah to show after a more lively manner the destruction of Jerusalem, brake the earthen bottle before their face, signifying that the Lord would break them as a potters vessel, Ier. 19.11. Ferus, Gallas.

QUEST. LII. What the breaking of the tables signified.

7. ANd by the breaking of the tables, the Lord would have other things signified. 1. Fractio tabularum signum fuit evacuationis legalium in adventu Christi, The breaking of the tables was a sign of the evacuating of the legal ceremonies in the coming of Christ, Lyranus. The first Law delivered in mount Sinai continued not, Lex nova ei successit, the new Law of the New Testament succeeded in place thereof, Tostat. qu. 29. 2. It was a sign, Regnum Iudaeorum ad Gentes transiturum, That the kingdom of the Jews should be translated to the Gentiles, Ferus. That the Ark, Tables, Temple, Altar should be dissolved, and taken from the Jews, Simler. 3. The breaking also of the tables signified, that it was impossible for the Law to be kept, Donec Christus per Spiritum sanctum, &c. Untill Christ should renew the same in our hearts by his holy Spirit, Marbach. Osiander. 4. Augustine further maketh this signification of it: that as the tables which God made were broken, and yet those which Moses prepared, did continue: So God created man with reason and understanding, and freedom of will: Sed ease homo confregit, cùm Diabolo acquievit, & se illa gratia indignum reddidit : But man brake those tables, when he gave place to the Devil, and made himself unworthy of that grace: But now the second tables must be made, that is, enitatur elaborare ad virtutes, man must endeavor to labor for virtue, &c. Ex Gloss. ordinar. Seeing man lost the graces of his creation, which were given him without his labor, he must by his endeavor and labor (God's Spirit so working in him) seek for the renovation of grace by faith in Christ.

QUEST. LIII. In what part the tables were broken, and what became of the fragments.

COncerning other circumstances observed in this action of the breaking of the tables: 1. That is a ridiculous and unsavourie fable of the Hebrews, that Moses took the fragments of those broken tables, which they say were made of a precious stone, and sold them, and became very rich thereby: for this were to lay a grievous imputation of covetousness upon Moses, which he was not in the least manner touched with. 2. Some think that Moses took those fragments, and put them in a chest, which was used to be carried before the host, Numb. 10.35. But the Ark there spoken of was the Ark of the Covenant, ibid. verse. 33. 3. That also is a light conjecture, that the tables were broken about the place, where the fourth Commandment concerning the Sabbath was written; because that precept only of the ten was ceremonial, and not to continue: for both the tables were broken, and not only the first, wherein that Commandment was written.

QUEST. LIV. Why the tables were broken at the bottom of the mount.

Vers. 19. HE brake them in pieces beneath the mountain. Why the tables were broken in this place, at the foot of the mountain, these reasons may be given: 1. Because Moses was now come to the bottom of the mountain, before he saw the golden Calf, through the indignation of the fight whereof, being moved in zeal, he forthwith brake the tables. 2. Also the people when they came forth to meet the Lord, and to hear his voice, were suffered to come so far to the foot and bottom of the hill, chap. 19.17. in the same place therefore where the Law was given unto the people, it was convenient that the tables of that Law should be broken, which they had first transgressed and broken themselves, Tostat. qu. 30. 3. Beside, it may have this mystical signification: that as the Law was given in the mount, and broken at the bottom of the mount; so if we will know the Law, oportet nos altius ascendere, we must ascend higher into the mount, and mortify the old man, Simlerus.

QUEST. LV. Whether the Calf were burned to powder in the fire.

Vers. 20. HE took the calf, and burned it in the fire, and ground it to powder, &c. 1. This golden Calf was more than melted in the fire: Deformavit liquefaciens igne ; He deformed the fashion thereof, melting it in the fire. As Junius: for if it had been only melted, it would have run into a lump, and so have been the more unfit to fall to powder. 2. Tostatus thinketh that Moses might apply certain herbs unto the gold, which if they be used in the melting of gold, in cineres redigetur, it will fall to ashes, quest. 30. But such conjectures having no ground out of the text, are better rejected than received: whence should Moses have such herbs, here in the barren desert? and to what purpose should they be used, seeing the gold not by burning, but by stamping and beating was brought to powder? 3. Some think, that by the very burning it self, the gold was made powder: as Sa. upon this place saith, that he saw at Millaine gold in a founders shop burned in the fire to powder. So also thinketh Osiander. But it is evidently gathered out of the text, that beside the burning the gold was beaten to powder, yea it was stamped, and ground small as dust, Deut. 9.22. 4. Wherefore it was first cast into the fire, not only to be melted, and the fashion thereof to be defaced; but it was burned, that is, so long kept in the fire, that by the burning it was made brittle, as wood when it is burned to a coal; and so being taken out, it was pounded and beaten. So also Tostatus adding somewhat to his former opinion.

QUEST. LVI. Why the powder of the golden Calf is cast into the river.

Vers. 20. HE strowed it in the water. 1. Cajetan thinketh, that as everyone took of the water of the river, and did drink, modicum pulveris spargebatur super aquam, a little of the dust or powder was strowed upon the water: for if it had been any while in the water, it would have sunk down to the bottom, and so the people should not have drunk of it. But this had been too great a labor for Moses, as everyone drunk, to have sprinkled a little of the gold powder in the place, where he took up the water to drink. And Moses saith, Deut. 9.21. that he cast the dust into the river: it is like it was all at once thrown into the river, and the people being afraid to do otherwise than Moses commanded, were ready as the powder was cast into the water, to take thereof and drink. 2. Augustine findeth out here a mystery; by water, understanding Baptism, which signified the conversion of the idolatrous Gentiles unto the faith of Christ; Ille vitulus per ignem z • li, aciem verbi, & aquam Baptismi, ab eis, quos absorbere conatus est, absorptus est ; The golden Calf (that is, the idols of the Gentiles) by the fire of zeal, the edge of the word, and water of Baptism is devoured, which sought to have devoured them, &c. But this seemeth too curious. 3. The historical meaning is this rather: the dust is cast into the water, which they had received not long before out of the rock, in that dry and barren place, Pelarg. Junius. Thereby to upbraid their unthankfulness, which in the same place where they had received so great a benefit, forgot God and fell away from him.

QUEST. LVII. How the Israelites were brought to drink of this water, and why.

Vers. 20. ANd caused the children of Israel to drink of it, &c. 1. This was done for some special signification, though it be not expressed. For it is not to be thought, that so holy a man as Moses being directed by God's Spirit, would cause all this to be done, the golden image to be burned, and beaten to powder, and cast into the water, and the people to drink thereof, and all in vain, Tostat. qu. 31. 2. And the people, though they knew that this was no good sign unto them, to drink water mingled with such ashes, and beside, it was a bitter and unpleasant water; yet durst not gain-say Moses, as neither before did they resist him, when he so used their new molten god: for both they were stricken with a conscience of sin, and inward terror, and God had set in Moses an evident Majesty and authority, which made them all to fear and tremble before him: as it appeareth afterward, when a few of the Levites armed themselves against all the host, which consisted of six hundred thousand fighting men, and killed whom they met, none daring to resist them. 3. Such like authority and Majesty appeared in our blessed Savior, when he whipped the money-changers and merchants out of the Temple, and none durst oppose themselves against him, Tostat. qu. 31.

QUEST. LVIII. Wherefore the people were compelled to drink the powder of the idol.

NOw these reasons are given, why Moses compelled them to drink of this bitter water: 1. Ambrose saith it was done, Vt omnia impietatis aboleret vestigia, To abolish all the relics of impiety, &c. So also Gregory N • ssen, Materia quae eorum peccato subministravit, deleta est ; The very matter which ministered occasion to their sin, was taken away. 2. By this means a kind of judgment was shown upon the very instrument of their sin; for otherwise it had been sufficient, if he had done as Jacob did, Genes. 35.4. to have defaced it, and hid or buried it in the ground: therefore this was done, ut in eo sceleris pateret judicium, in quo scelus patratum fuerit, that there might be shown a sign of their sin in that, wherein it was committed, Tostat. quaest. 30. 3. This was done to show the baseness and vileness of that idol, Vt contemnere discat, quod in secessum projici videat, To contemn that which they saw cast out in the draught, Jerome. So also Borrh. That they should think no better of such idols, than of their dung and excrements: simulque testator idoli impotentiam, and withal it shown the impotence and weakness of that idol, which they saw consumed to dust. 4. Hereby was also signified, Quod corpora & animos inquinaverant, That they had defiled their bodies and souls with this sin: that by drinking of the ashes of the idol, they might understand, non cuti tantum adharere, that this sin did not cleave only to their skin, sed defixum in visceribus, but that it was fastened to their very bowels, Calvin. So also Procopius, to show, Animos ipsorum infectos idololatria, that their very souls were infected with idolatry. 5. Voluit ut pulveribus idoli sui saetiarentur ; He would have them glutted and satiate with the dust of their idol: as when they lusted for flesh, they had such plenty, that it came out at their Nostrils, Numb. 11. So here, as with greediness they desired an idol to be made, Moses will have their greedy desire satisfied and filled, even with drinking it, Oleaster. 6. And by this was signified, Maledictionem àse exha • riendam & potandam, That they should drink and draw out their own malediction, and sup up the very dregs; if the Lord were not more merciful unto them, Iun. That as this bitter water was heavy to the stomach, so their sin was like to stick by them. And this shown, calicem hibere perpetuae infoelic •• atis, that they should drink the cup of perpetual misery, as when they cried unto Pilate, wishing Christ's blood to be upon them and their seed, Lippom. Pelican. And so Moses Gerundens. one of their own Rabbin's confesseth, Non accidit tibi O Israel ultio aliqua, in qua non sit vel uncia de iniquitate • vituli; There hath not happened unto thee O Israel any revenge, where there is not an ounce, or some part of the iniquity and sin of the Calf.

7. Augustine maketh this mystical signification of it: that as the Israelites did drink and receive into their bodies the golden Calf; so the Gentiles, qui erant corpus diaboli, credendo transirent in corpus Christi, which before were as the body of the Devil, while they were idolaters, should by believing be graft into the body of Christ, &c. Like as Moses serpent devoured the Magicians serpents: sic diabolus consumitur amissis membris suis, so the Devil is devoured, his members being lost and taken from him. So doth Rupertus understand by this image bea • en to powder, Eos, qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam confracti, &c. Those which having been as of the body of the Devil, are broken by repentance.

8. Gregory maketh this action prophetical, to signify the general destruction of idols thorough the world: Cernas oculis, qui hui • vanitati erant prius dediti, templa sua diruentes, &c. You may see with your eyes, that they which trusted before in their idols, do now pull down their temples. And Procopius by the drinking thereof with the mouth, understandeth the true confession of the faith: quae ore fit, which is done with the mouth: whereby idolatry is overthrown. But the other historical reasons are rather to be insisted upon. And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder, was rather an evil sign unto them, as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman, Numb. 5. than a signification of any good.

QUEST. LIX. Whether by the drinking of the water, any visible sign of difference was made among the people, who had most deeply offended about the golden Calf.

BUt some further affirm, that this drinking of the water served to another end, than that thereby some sign of difference might be made between the Ring-leaders unto this idolatry, and the rest, that they might easily be discerned of the Levites, when they went up and down in the host, killing those whom they met. 1. Therefore R. Solomon thinketh, that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell, that were guilty of this great sin: but to the rest it was pleasant and wholesome water: like as the water of jealousy, Numb. 5. did cause the adulterous woman's belly to swell, and her thigh to rot: but if she were not guilty, it made her fruitful. 2. Others think that the sign was this, every ones beard that consented unto this idolatry, was coloured yellow like unto gold: and by this mark the Levites knew them from others. But if there had been any such visible mark set upon them, seeing most of the camp consented unto this sin, there should have been more found guilty, and more slain than three thousand, verse. 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some external and visible sign caused by drinking of the water, though he will not determine what it was, because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another. And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the water had not that mark, because the Lord pardoned his sin, because he was thereunto drawn by compulsion. This instance of Aaron showeth, that the drinking of the water did make no such sign; for then Aaron should have had it, whose sin was not yet pardoned: neither had Moses yet entreated for him, having not yet examined him. The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way, than by any such visible sign. See more of this, quest. 70. following.

QUEST. LX. How far Moses fact herein is to be imitated.

BUt whereas Moses did not only put down this abominable idol, but made it altogether unprofitable for any use, burning and beating it to powder, the question is, how far Moses herein is to be imitated. 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extraordinary in demolishing this golden Calf; for as Moses did take away this public stumbling block, so it belongeth unto Princes, e m • dio tollere, to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the worship of God: as Hesekiah did likewise break down the brazen Serpent, after it began to be abused to idolatry, Ferus. Who addeth further, I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church: Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus, sed multos: For we have not one (golden) calf, but many. Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papal Church. 2. But this is extraordinary in Moses example, that he converteth not this golden idol unto any use, but consumeth it to powder. Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example: for Moses fact herein was singular, ad majorem detestationem, &c. for the greater detestation of idolatry. Now it is lawful to convert things consecrate to idolatry, to some profitable use, ut juventur membra Christi, that the members of Christ may be helped and relieved, Gallas. 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idol, which none else attempted to do (yet it may be thought that many in Israel were offended with it) so, magistratus officium est, non privatorum hominum, it is the office of the magistrate, not of private men, to take away idolatrous images, Osiander.

QUEST. LXI. How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sin.

Vers. 21. WHat did this people unto thee, that thou hast brought, &c.? 1. Moses layeth this sin upon Aaron, though he were not the first author of it, because he being left in Moses place, stayed not the people by his authority: therefore he is worthily reproved, tanquam author sceleris, quod passus est admitti, as the author of this sin which he suffered to be committed, Calvin: so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit, atque commissio ; the permitting of sin is as well in fault, as the committing, Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrews, in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people, as seduced by the Egyptians, do labor in vain, seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principal doer in it. for if he had not grievously sinned, why should Moses here make him the cause of this sin, and the Lord be so offended with him, that he purposed to slay him, if Moses had not entreated for him, Deut. 9.20. And in these three things Aaron sinned: 1. In not staying the people, and stilling them. 2. In that besides consenting unto them, he is an agent, in making a Calf for them. 3. And being made he approved it, and set up an altar before it. So that Aaron is no more here to be excused, than Peter in the Gospel, which denied his Master, Oleaster.

3. Yet Aaron sinned not, as the people did; but as there were degrees of offenders among the people: some encouraged and persuaded others, some only gave consent, and were seduced by others persuasion, to commit idolatry: and some did neither, but only went with the multitude for company to desire a Calf to be made. So Aaron's sin differed from the rest, timore ductus fabricavit vitulum, he made a Calf being drawn by fear, Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people. Aaronem verbis redarguit, populum cecîdit gladio ; He rebukes Aaron in words, the people he slayeth with the sword, Ferus.

4. But yet Aaron's sin cannot be so much extenuated, as to free him from the sin of idolatry: as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned, Nec tamen sequitur ex hoc, quod fuit idololatra, and yet it followeth not hereupon, that he was an idolater: for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart, the very making of an idol to be worshipped, erecting of an altar, and offering sacrifice unto it, all which Aaron did, do proclaim him guilty of external idolatry.

QUEST. LXII. Why idolatry is called a great sin.

THis great sin. 1. Idolatry is counted a great sin, even in the highest degree, because it is a sin committed directly against God, not as other sins of the second table, which are done against our neighbor: which are also against God, because they are against his Law, but not directly against God's honor, as the sins against the first table are. 2. And among all the sins of the first table, there is none which so directly impugneth the honor of God, as idolatry; for he which taketh God's name in vain, or profaneth the Sabbath, is an enemy to God's honor: but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to be God, as idolaters do, Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offenses are against the King, because they are against his Laws: but those which are against his person, are most directly against him, and among them treason specially, which is intended against his life: of the same nature is idolatry, which is high treason against God. 4. Thomas saith, Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius, quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur: A sin is so much the more grievous, the further we are thereby removed from God: but by infidelity and idolatry one is furthest separated from God. 5. Idolatry also is a great and grievous sin, in regard of the judgment and punishment which it bringeth with it: for here Aaron, as much as in him lay, a •• er▪ fit ultimam cladem, had brought upon them utter destruction, Calvin, if Moses had not turned the Lord's wrath, they had all been at once destroyed.

QUEST. LXIII. Why Moses only rebuketh Aaron, and forbeareth further punishment.

NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment, and only rebuked him: 1. Some make this to be the cause, for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aaron's sin in the mount, before he came down, at what time Moses prayed also for him, seeing the Lord bent to kill him, Tostat. qu. • 5. But that entreaty for Aaron was afterward, at Moses second going up to God, when he fasted forty days and forty nights, as before: at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron, Deut. 9.20. And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation, and so Aaron could not escape: Moses now only prayed in general for all Israel, that God would not destroy the whole nation.

2. Others think that Moses did after a mild manner reprove Aaron: quiae sic arguendi praelati, because Prelates (and Ecclesiastical Governors) are so to be reproved, Ferus. he thinketh he was now the high Priest: So also Oleaster calleth him, Pontificem summum, the chief Priest. But as yet Aaron was not consecrated, as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons, Quia non illi improperatur consp • r • atum sacerdotium ▪ He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this means: neither do we read of his reconciliation afterward, which should not have been omitted in such a case of irregularity.

3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time, and afterward likewise, when he repined against Moses, cum propter alias causas, tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros: Both for other causes, as also for those holy men's sakes which should come out of his loins. But if this had been the reason, all the tribes should have been spared likewise: because out of all of them came holy and worthy men, Judges, Prophets, or Kings.

4. But the causes rather were these: 1. Aaron confessed his sin, and therefore Moses inclined to favor him. 2. Moses afterward entreated the Lord for him, and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sin, the punishment also was remitted, Simler. 3. Add hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest: order was taken for his priestly apparel and his office, what it should be, and how he and his sons should be consecrated: all which had been in vain, if Aaron now had perished. 4. Beside, Moses had direction from God, to put divers of the people to the sword for this offense, but for Aaron he had no such commandment. 5. But Augustine yieldeth the best reason, Novit ill cui parcat, &c. God only knoweth whom to spare for amendment, and whom not to spare at all, or for a time, for his ways and judgments are past finding out, qu. 148.

5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth, that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount, because then the Lord did specially reveal unto him his sin: for otherwise Moses had known nothing of Aaron's doings, as he did, as it appeareth by this reprehension: it may be answered, that it is not necessary for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have been given unto Moses in the mount: for either Moses might by examination and inquiry after he came down learn out the truth: or which is rather like, Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat, had left Aaron his deputy governor, when he went up into the mount, Simler. and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not be attempted in the host, without Aaron's permission at the least and sufferance.

QUEST. LXIV. What things are to be commended in Aaron's confession, what not.

Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered, &c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aaron's confession: 1. His modesty, that being Moses elder brother, yet he calleth him Lord, and submitteth himself unto him: whereof these two reasons may be yielded: both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron, both as a Prophet and Governor of Israel, Tostat. qu. 32. and his own conscience accused him, agnoscebat sejure argui, he knew he was worthily reproved. 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault, in saying, Let not the wrath of my Lord wa • f • erce: Agnoscit crimen, he therein yieldeth himself to be in fault, Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner, rem gestam libere confi • etur, he freely openeth all the matter how it was done, Pelarg. both what the people required, and upon what reason and ground, what he did, and what came thereof: rem ut gesta est simpliciter narra • , he simply declareth the matter as it was done.

2. But Aaron in some things showeth his infirmity: 1. Peccatum & culpam in alios trajicere studet: He seeketh to turn over the sin and offense upon others, laying the fault upon the people, Ferus. 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisy, that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can, being afraid, n • aliquid de existimatione sua decodat, lest he should lose anything of his credit, Simler. 3. He showeth his ignorance, thinking himself excusable, because he was urged and compelled through the importunity of the people to do it: Importunitas populi eos levare non potest, &c. The importunity of the people cannot ease them anything, who should have been more prudent and circumspect in their government, Gall • s. 4. In excusing he accuseth himself; for in that the people were bent to mischief, he ought to have been so much the more vigilant over them. And whereas they asked to have gods made to go before them, and alleged, they knew not what was become of Moses ; he should have told them, that the Lord was their guide, and have declared where Moses was, Simler. 5. In saying, thereof came this calf; frigida & exili narratione culpam tegere, &c. he goeth about by a cold and slender narration to hide his fault, Calvin.

QUEST. LXV. Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainly, that he made the Calf.

Vers. 24. I Did cast it into the fire, and thereof came this Calf. 1. The Hebrews seeking to excuse Aaron's fault what they may, say that he intended not to make a Calf, but cast in the golden ear-rings into the fire to consume them: but by the operation of Satan, working by certain Egyptian Magicians in the camp, the form of a Calf came forth. But that Aaron had an intention to make a Calf, appeareth by the former narration, verse. 4. how Aaron, after it was molten and cast, caused it to be fashioned with a graving tool. See more hereof, quest. 17. before.

2. Some think that Aaron, mentitur tim • re perterritus, maketh a plain lie, being overcome of fear, Oleaster. So also Lyranus. But Aaron would have been ashamed publicly to make a lie, as though he had purposed to make a Calf, seeing it was not well known to all the people to be his doing.

3. Tostatus is of opinion, that Aaron herein is not faulty at all, but that he simply confessed that he made the Calf, being through fear of the people thereunto compelled: Sed Scriptura, qua breviloqu • est, &c. hic eum breviter tangit: But the Scripture which is compendious, because the narration hereof was set down before, doth but briefly touch it here. But it might as briefly have been set down, that Aaron made the molten Calf, as it is expressed before verse. 4. therefore the brevity of speech is not the cause.

4. Augustine thinketh that Aaron himself, compendio locut •• est, used this compendious speech, and that he lied not at all, because Moses, eum de mendacio non arguit, doth not reprove him for lying. But as Aaron is not convinced here of a manifest lie, yet some colouring and dissimulation appeareth in his speech, because he doth not plainly confess he did it: Substantia facti narratur, tantummodo faciendi: He confesseth only the substance of the fact, concealing the manner. Moses reproveth him not for this dissembling, no more he doth for any other infirmity here shown, because he replieth not again.

5. Hugo de S. Victor. would have the meaning of Aaron's words to be this: Thereou • came this Calf, opere scilicet hominis, non miraculo, by the work of man, not by any miracle. But the manner of his speech showeth that Aaron sought to extenuate his sin.

6. I therefore here rather consent to those, which think that Aaron coloured his fault by this speech: R • m ita refert, ac si praeter ipsius intentionem formatus sic vitulus : He so reporteth the matter, as though the Calf were formed beside his intention, Marbach. Iejune & simpliciter narrat: He maketh a dry and slender narration, Simler. Exili narratione culpam tegere, &c. By a slender report he would cover his sin, Calvin. Quicquid sit, atten • at quantum potest culpam: Whatsoever it is, in these words he extenuateth his sin what he may, Lippoman. And this seemeth to be more likely, because Aaron maketh a colorable defense and excuse of his fault throughout, as is shown before, quest. 64.

QUEST. LXVI. In what sense the people are said to be naked.

Vers. 24. MOses saw therefore, that the people were naked, &c. 1. Some understand it of their jewels of gold, which they were deprived of, being bestowed upon the idol, Lyranus. Hugo de S. Victor. But we read in the next chapter, that they were, splendide ornati, they had goodly ornaments, Calvin, Marbach. Therefore they were not stripped of all. 2. Some think that they were disarmed: for Aaron fearing some mutiny and rising among the people, had taken away their armor, Cajetan. But in that it is said afterward, that the Levites girded their swords to them, verse. 27. it appeareth that their weapons were not taken from them, Simler. 3. Some expound it of the manifestation of their sin: that whereas hitherto they were counted the true worshippers of God, now they should be known to be idolaters, and so defamed among the Heathen, R. D. Kimbi, Oleaster, Vatab. 4. Some give this sense: Aaron had made them naked, that is, laid all the fault upon the people. 5. Or they were naked, because they went about obstinately to defend their sin: but in this sense Aaron could not be said to have made them naked; for he would not have encouraged them to stand in defense of their sin, having himself confessed it. 6. The Chaldee translateth, Moses saw the people were idle, that is, gave themselves to eating, and drinking, and playing, and neglected the fears of war, which would have been unto their shame, if their enemies should encounter with them.

7. But beyond the rest, this is the most proper interpretation: that they were naked, gratia & prasi • lio Dei, of the favor, help and assistance of God, Junius. Nudatus erat gratia & protectione, they were naked of his favor and protection, Ferus. Therefore, Si tunc corruissent hosts, proculdubio eos ignomi • iose delevissent. If then the enemy had fallen upon them, they had most shamefully foiled them, Gallas. As the Canaanites overcame the Israelites, when they set upon them willfully, God being not among them, Tostat. qu. 34. So also Calvin: Significat rejectos esse à Deo, He signifieth they were rejected of God, under whose protection they were. To the same purpose, Osiander, Borrhaius, Lippoman, Simlerus.

QUEST. LXVII. Why Moses stood in the gate, and what gate it was.

Vers. 26. MOses stood in the gate of the camp. 1. Cajetan thinketh that the camp had gates to enter in by, Quia castra munita eran • tanquam civitas, because the camp was fenced about like a city: and Simlerus thinketh that the camp was compassed about with a ditch, and by the same there were certain passages and entrances into the camp. But that is not like that they always entrenched themselves, seeing they were to remove at all times, as the cloud before them removed, which was sometime the same day, sometime within two days, Numb. 9.22. so that they could have no time to make any such ditch or trench, Tostat. qu. 34. 2. Who therefore thinketh right, that these gates were only the places of entrance into the great streets which went thorough the camp; for the host lay in such order, as that they had ways and streets between their tents, as we see now in cities and towns: as Josephus also describeth the situation and disposing of the camp. 3. Now Moses stood in the gate or entrance, not because the use was to give sentence and judgment in the gates, Lyranus. Borrh. Or because Moses would have the Levites to give the onset in the beginning of a street, and so to go thorough, as Tostat. ibid. But this was the reason: Moses tabernacle or tent was without the camp, and so upon that occasion Moses stood in the entrance of the camp, going now to his own tent, Iun.

QUEST. LXVIII. Whether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatry.

Vers. 26. ANd all the sons of Levi. R. Salom. to whom consenteth Tostatus, thinketh, Quod nullus de Levitis aliquid peccaverit, That none of the Levites sinned in this great transgression; because it is said, All the sons of Levi gathered themselves unto him: and if the Levites had sinned, • s other tribes, there had been no more cause to advance them to the Priesthood, than other tribes.

Contra. 1. If that general particle, all, be pressed, then it would follow, that the children and all came, which could not be; for they were not able to use swords: the meaning then is not that all the Levites came, but all which came were Levites, Iun. Sa. Or, all, is taken for many, as this speech is usually restrained in Scripture; as all nations are said to have come, and bought corn in Egypt, Gen. 41. 2. The Levites were more of God's favor and grace, than of their desert, separated and selected for the Priesthood: yet it is evident, that this tribe was freer from consenting to this idolatry, than other tribes: and for this their courage and readiness in God's service, they received a blessing.

2. Some think that even these Levites, which armed themselves against their brethren, were not altogether, immunes à reatu, free from this sin, but while they did it for fear, levius peccarunt, their sin was the less: and so the mercy of the Lord appeared so much the more, not only in pardoning their sin, sed gloriam suam eorum manu asserere dignatus est, but he vouchsafed by their hand to maintain his glory, Calvin, Simler.

But it is not like that God would use their ministry in the punishing of others, which were guilty of the same punishment themselves, and their own conscience accusing them, they would have had no such courage to revenge the Lord's cause upon their brethren: it had been also very offensive to the guilty parties, to be punished by them, which had been alike guilty. And Moses proclaiming, who pertaineth to the Lord, let him come to me, did mean, that they only should come, who had been faithful unto God, and had not consented to that sin.

3. Some Hebrews do help the matter thus, that because they cannot avoid it, but that some of the kindred of the Levites were guilty of this transgression, because they did not spare their own sons, verse. 29. that because it was lawful for any of the other tribes, to take unto them the wives of Levites, their husbands being dead, those children which they had by them might be said to be the sons of Levi ▪ that is, grand children on their mothers side. But this shift is taken away, because Deut. 33.9. it is said that the Levites knew not their own father, or mother, or children: therefore they must needs be understood to be Levites, not by marriage, or in some removed degree of kindred unto them, but the immediate fathers, and sons of Levites.

4. Therefore the best opinion is, that all of the tribe of Levi were not free from this sin of idolatry: many of them kept themselves, as it is like, at home, and consented not: but that a great sort even of Levi offended, it may thus appear: 1. Because both Aaron himself was a ring-leader, who can by no means be excused from this sin, Lyranus. 2. It could not be avoided, but that many of the Levites were drawn away by Aaron's example, Iun. 3. But yet it is more evident, because they consecrated their hands upon their own sons and brethren; yea their fathers and mothers, that divers of the tribe of Levi fell away with the rest, Lyranus. Iun.

Tostatus here answereth, that the name of brethren is taken largely, Pro fratribus, qui sunt de filiis Israel ; For their brethren which were of the children of Israel. qu. 35. Contra. 1. If it be allowed that the name of brethren is sometime so taken, what saith he to the other names of father, mother, son? These must be taken for the names of kindred; or else we shall never have any certainty in Scripture, when we should by these names understand natural fathers, mothers and children. 2. The other words, companion and neighbor, show that the first is a name of kindred: the first word ach signifieth here a brother in affinity; the second, r • ah, a companion and friend: the third, karob, Vicinia ration conjunctum, him, that was a neighbor in dwelling, and vicinitie or nearness of place, Simlerus.

5. It is evident then that some of the Levites were accessory to this great impiety, because they were punished among the rest. So that R. Solomon is herein greatly deceived, who thinketh that the Levites, though they were blame-worthy in not resisting the idolaters, yet were not idolaters themselves: neither consensu mentis, nec facto exteriori, in consent of mind, nor in any outward fact, &c. for the Levites had been unjustly punished, if they had been innocent. Nay, R. Moses Egyptius goeth further, saying, that although the Israelites often are found to have committed idolatry: yet Levita nunquam idolatraverunt, the Levites never committed idolatry. But the contrary is evident by Aaron's fall: for he apparently was an idolater in his external act, in building an altar unto the golden Calf, and offering sacrifice before it. Paulus Burgensis in his reply proceedeth yet further, that when our blessed Savior was put to death, the Levites, as they are distinguished from the Priests, were not principe • in crimine illo p • ssimo, principal agents in that wicked crime: whereas it is evident that the Priests were the chief enemies that Christ had: the Levites indeed are not named: but seeing the high Priest with the other Priests, which were of the tribe of Levi were the contrivers of Christ's death: then cannot that whole tribe be exempted from this villanous act, which is the intendment of Burgensis, a great favourer of that nation.

QUEST. LXIX. Of the authority which the Levites had, to do execution upon the idolaters, and the rules prescribed them.

Vers. 27. THus saith the Lord, &c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that it is not necessary here to understand, that Moses had any special commandment from God, but because he had received a Law from God, that idolaters should be put to death, in executing that Law he might justly say, that God commanded it, quest. 35. But seeing Moses was faithful in all God's house, we must not think that he would pretend the name of God, without God's special warrant: yet whether Moses received this commandment from God by revelation, or by manifest vision, is not expressed, Pelarg. The latter is more like, as God used to speak to Moses at other times face to face. 2. And Moses maketh mention of God's commandment, both to deliver himself from all suspicion, that he did not give this charge of hatred toward the people, and in rage, Simler. As likewise the Levites were encouraged hereby to enterprise this work, which otherwise they would have been hardly drawn unto, Tostatus.

3. Certain rules are given them to observe: 1. They must go to and fro, non solum transire jussi sunt, they are not only bid to pass thorough, but to return, to go every way, ut in omnes populi partes animadverterent, that they should in every place take punishment of the people, Gallas. 2. They must go from gate to gate, that is, thorough the streets and common ways; Non committitur istis ut ingrediantur tentoria ; It is not permitted them to enter into their tents and houses, Cajetan. 3. And every man is commanded to slay his brother, &c. not that everyone had a brother or kinsman to slay, sed ut occidat indifferenter, but he must indifferently kill both one and other whom he met, that was to be killed, not respecting kindred, affinity, or acquaintance, Tostat. qu. 35.

QUEST. LXX. Whether the Levites did not make some difference among the people, as they went and killed.

Vers. 27. SLay every man his brother, &c. 1. Some think there was an outward mark of difference made among the people, by the which the Levites discerned who were to be killed, and who to be spared. And here are divers opinions. 1. Ab. Ezra, with some other Hebrews, think that by drinking of the water, their faces or bellies did swell, that were the chief actors in this sin. But then many more should have been killed than 3000. See this conceit overthrown before, quest. 59. 2. Gallasius thinketh that by the drinking of the water Moses perceived, quibus idolum displiceret, who they were which were displeased with this idol, and repented of their sin: and who were obstinate by their refusal. But it is not like that any of the people trembling now, and being afraid at Moses presence, durst so publicly and openly show their contempt. 3. Simlerus inclineth to think, that there were some seditious persons in the camp, that went about to make a commotion among the people, and that the Levites did slay these 〈…〉 . But it is evident, verse. 35. that they were not slain 〈…〉 , but for the golden Calf, Gallas.

2. Some think there was no other sign of difference, but in the notice and 〈…〉 of the Levites: it is probable, Minime Levitas latuisse quinam primi esse •• 〈…〉 Levites were not ignorant, who were the chief Captains of this perverse counsel, 〈…〉 been hard for the Levites, who as it is like kept themselves at home, and were not present with the people, of themselves to know, in so great a multitude, and in so short a time, who were the ring-leaders. Cajetan resolveth, that the Levites were so directed by God, who commanded this to be done, Et qui cunct • recte disponit, and who rightly disposeth all things; so that no innocent man was put to the sword. But this needed not to be feared, seeing all the people in general consented in this sin, and few or none of them were innocent.

3. Wherefore their opinion is most probable, who think that seeing all the people were guilty only of this sin, a few only excepted, that the Levites could not do amiss, whomsoever they killed as they met, without making any difference: that whereas all had sinned, it was not unjust, if a few were singled out from the rest, to pacify the wrath of God, and to terrify the rest. 1. Ambrose giveth this reason, Quia melius est pancorum supplicio universos eximi, quàm in omnes vindicari ; It was better by the punishment of a few, for all to escape, than all to be punished. 2. Gregory Nyssenus saith, Omnes sine dispositione punito • , that all were punished without any difference, quia una omnes admalum conspirantes, quasi unus effecti sunt, because all of them conspiring together in evil were now but as one, &c. Like as when one is chastised for his fault, Non hoc aut illud affligit membrū, he that beateth him doth not make choice of one part rather than another, knowing that wheresoever he is whipped, ad totum corpus sensum doloris transiturum, that the sense of the grief will reach to the whole body: so was it here. 3. Lippoman addeth, because all the people were culpable, Vt & totus populus aliquando punitus videatur ; That the whole people might seem to be punished: it was more to God's glory, and the honor of the tribe of Levi, Si praceptum 〈◊〉 generaliter factum intelligamus ; If we understand this precept of Moses generally without any difference to have been executed. 4. Oleaster further so thinketh, Omnes occurrentes sine delectu, &c. That the Levites killed all they met without any choice, quem • dmodum in aliis punitionibus accidi • , as it happened in other general punishments, when some were plagued for all. 5. Calvin and Simlerus make mention how the like thing was in use among the Romans, that if a whole band or company of Soldiers had run away, or committed any grievous offense, the Emperor would tithe them out, and put every tenth man, as he was drawn out by lot, to death. And thus the Thebean Legion, which consisted all of Christians, was twice tithed out by that cruel Emperor Maximinus.

4. Now the contrary reasons, why some think that there was some difference made, are these. 1. Deus caco & turbulento impotu, &c. God would not have revenge taken in his cause upon a blin • e and disordered heat, Simler. 2. By this means it came to pass, ut placid • totus populus quiesceret, that all the people was well pacified, when they saw only certain pestilent men to be taken out of the way, Calvin. 3. Otherwise, if there had been no such difference made, there would have no respect been had of those, which shown themselves penitent for their sin, Gallas.

Contra. 1. Here need no disorder or confusion to be feared, seeing all the people were guilty, the sword could not light upon any unjustly; and in that three thousand only of six hundred thousand were slain, it showeth that the Levites executed Moses sentence with great discretion and moderation. 2. The people might as well be pacified, when they saw a few for examples sake, to be punished among such a great multitude. 3. They which were penitent, it is like kept them within, sorrowing for their sin: the busy-bodies, and careless people went up and down in the streets, whom the Levites, as they met, killed.

QUEST. LXXI. Why non • came unto Moses, but only of the tribe of Levi.

Vers. 28. SO the children of Levi did, &c. 1. Some think, that others, which feared God in the campe, might join themselves also unto the Levites, who might be spared, Gallasius. But the text saith, verse. 26. that they were all Levites that came unto Moses: there were none then but of Levi, to whom Moses gave this thing in charge. 2. Calvin saith, Credibile est Levitas nominatim fuisse vocatos ; It is credible that the Levites were called by name, which is the cause that none of any other tribe came. But Moses proclamation was general: Who so pertaineth to the Lord, let him come unto me. 3. Therefore this rather may be the cause, why none of any other Tribe came, though it is not to be doubted, that some among them feared God, and were not polluted with this sin of idolatry: yet because they were not many of a Tribe, it is like being ashamed of their paucity and small number, they did forbear to show themselves: likewise this was done, singulari Dei consilio & tractu, by the singular counsel and instinct of God, who drew the Levites unto him, and put it in their mind to come, that because the Lord had already appointed them for the Priesthood, voluit Deus aliquo singulari facto eos reddere sacerdotio dignos ; God would by some singular fact make them worthy of the Priesthood: and that by their zeal Aaron's fall might be somewhat covered, Simler. And by this means, eluitur infamia, ipsi Levi & posteris inusta. &c. that blot and infamy is done away, which did cleave unto Levi and his posterity for the slaughter of the Shechemites: for the which he received a curse of Jacob instead of a blessing: which curse is now taken away, and they are rewarded and honored of God for this their zeal: for the which Moses pronounceth a blessing upon them, Deut. 33.8. Gallas.

QUEST. LXXII. Of the number of them which were slain, whether they were three thousand, or twenty three thousand, as the vulgar Latin readeth.

Vers. 28. ABout three thousand men. 1. The vulgar Latin text readeth after some copies, which Lyranus and Tostatus follow, 23. thousand: after other, triginta tria millia, 33. thousand, as Vatablus and Osiander set down the Latin text: which oversight of the Latin Translater is diversely defended: 1. Some think that the Hebrew text making mention but of three thousand, meaneth the principal only which were slain: the Latin in the number of 23. thousand comprehendeth the number of the whole. 2. Rab. Solomon thinketh, that there were divers slaughters of the people, some died of drinking the bitter water: others were slain by the Levites, and some were smitten and plagued of God: and that all these are summed together in the number of 23. thousand: those which the Levites only killed were three thousand. So also Ferus. But if all this should be granted, yet cannot the Latin Translater be excused, in setting down 23. thousand, whereas three thousand only are named in the original. 3. Tostatus allegeth, that whereas the word in the original is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cishlosheth, as three thousand, the first letter caph, which is used for a note of similitude, may here stand for number of twenty. But he himself misliketh this answer; because neither is it the use of the Hebrews to set down their numbers by letters, the Greeks and Latins do: and beside, the Latin text doth express here a note of similitude, quasi, as it were, or about 23. thousand. 4. Wherefore Tostatus resolute answer is, that in this place the Hebrew text is corrupt, and that the Latin is the truer: as the Talmudists themselves confess, that in fifteen places the Hebrew text is corrupt, per errorem scriptorum, by the error of the Writers. But this is a very absurd shift; rather than they will acknowledge any error o • oversight in the Latin, to lay the fault upon the original: 1. Both the Septuagint and Chaldee do read in this place three thousand, which translations are more ancient than the Latin: therefore in the original the error is not. 2. There may be some scapes in the original by the ignorance or negligence of the Writers, as in the mistaking of a letter, or such like: but to put in one word for another, both of unlike signification and sound, cannot be the Writers error, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 shelosheth signifieth three, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 geserim, twenty: there is no affinity between these words. 3. The Latin translation hath many such like scapes, as Gen. 8.4. whereas the Hebrew hath, the seventeenth day of the month; the Latin readeth, the seven and twentieth: and many such places may be noted in the Latin, which cannot be justified: as is elsewhere shown at large. As therefore it erreth in one place, so it may be subject to error in another. 4. And how should the Latin text come to be privileged from error? the writings of the Prophets only, which were directed by the Spirit of God, have that privilege: but the Latin Translater had not a Prophetical spirit. 5. The Hebrew is more ancient than the Latin: and the Latin is translated out of the Hebrew fountain: and the Jews have been most careful to preserve the original copies pure: therefore in all likelihood the Latin is more subject to corruption than the Hebrew.

2. Wherefore the ingennous modesty rather of those Popish Writers is here to be commended, which confess the Latin text here to be corrupted: as Montanus, who hath herein amended the Latin, and Cajetan, Vatablus, Lippom. Whereof this is an evident argument; because the Latin copies disagree, some have triginta tria millia, 33. thousand; some, viginti tria, • 3. thousand, as is before shown: some tria millia, three thousand, as that which Montanus followeth in the great Philip's Bible.

QUEST. LXXIII. How the Levites are said to consecrate their hands.

Vers. 29. COnsecrate your hands unto the Lord, &c. 1. The Latin Translater readeth, Consecrastis manus ; Ye have consecrated: but it being put in the imperative mood, consecrate ye, showeth that these words were spoken not after the slaughter was made, but either before to encourage the Levites, Vatablus, Calvin, Cajetan: or while they were in the act doing, Moses by these words animated them, Junius.

2. By consecrating their hands: 1. Tostatus understandeth, that as in their consecration, their right thumbs and toes were anointed with blood, so now by shedding of blood they should be consecrate, and as it were initiate in the Priesthood. 2. But the meaning is nothing but this: that this their service should be instar sacrificii, acceptable to God, as if they had offered a sacrifice, they did consecrate their ministry and service herein to God, as Junius readeth, because they were employed in the Lord's business, and were carried away with a zeal of his glory. 3. Beside, by this their fact, consecrati sunt ministeri • , they were consecrate to the ministry and service of God: as Deut. 10.8. it is said, The Lord the same time separated Levi: where reference is made unto this fact of the Levites: and this is the blessing, which here is bestowed upon them. 4. Some understand it thus: Vnusquisque in filio & in fra • re suo erit per hanc actionem consecratus ; Everyone by this action shall be consecrate in his son and in his brother, Cajetan. So also Gallas. that is, they and their posterity should hereby be consecrated unto God. But seeing the word is in the imperative, consecrate ye: the meaning is rather, that they should consecrate everyone his hand, intersiciendo filium, &c. in killing his son, or brother, Vatab. Calvin. And so is it expounded, Deut. 33.9. where it is said, that the Levites knew not their own sons or children: but mention is not made of slaying their sons before.

QUEST. LXXIV. Of the time when Moses came down from the mount, and when he returned again.

Vers. 30. ANd when the morning came. 1. This was the next day after the idolaters were slain, which was the very day of Moses coming down from the Mount, which was the fortieth day of his being in the Mount with God: for that day was the public solemnity celebrated by the Israelites to the honor of their new golden god: as it appeareth by their melody and dancing, as Moses came down from the Mount; the same day when Moses returned to the campe, which might be about the sixth hour of the day, he cast the golden calf into the fire, and armed the Levites against their brethren: the next morning he had this communication with the people, Tostat. quast. 37. 2. Now, whereas Moses saith, upon this next day, that he would go up to the Lord to entreat for them; some think it must be understood of his going up again into the Mount, as it is written, Deut. 9. Cajetan, Borrh. So that this his going up, was when he stayed other forty days and nights, as he had done before, to make supplication for the people, Simler. And then this followed not immediately after he had thus said, but certain days after, other things coming between, Tostat. qu. 38. 3. But it seemeth that this was another going up unto God, than when he stayed there forty days the second time: for this going up was the next day after, Iun. But many things came between before his second solemn going up, which are rehearsed in the next chapter.

QUEST. LXXV. Why Moses urgeth the greatness of their sin.

Vers. 30. YE have committed a grievous sin, &c. 1. There were two dangers to be feared in the people; on the one side security and extenuating of their sin, and on the other, desperation: therefore to prevent the one, he telleth them of the greatness and grievousness of their sin: and to help the other he promiseth, that he will go up and pray for them, Simler. 2. And here, lest they might think that they only had sinned which were punished, he telleth them, that even they which remained, were guilty also of a great sin, Tostatus. As our blessed Savior telleth the Jews, that they were not the greatest sinners, whom Pilate had put to the sword, but that others should repent, lest they likewise perished, Luk. 13. Ferus. 3. And Moses still urgeth the greatness of their sin, ut ipsi quo{que} supplices confugiant • d Dei misericordiam, that they also themselves should by their supplications flee unto the mercy of God, Calvin. 4. And this Moses doth, to take from them a false opinion, lest they should think to be excused in this sin by their good intention, that they made the golden Calf to the honor of God, Ferus. 5. And that which Moses doth here, in telling the people of their sin, the Law of Moses practiseth still, In bringing men to a knowledge of their sins, Ferus.

QUEST. LXXVI. Why Moses speaketh as it were doubtful • , If I may pacify him, &c.

Vers. 30. IF I may pacify him for your sin. 1. This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ulai, is not taken here as a sign of doubting: for Moses being a faithful man and full of confidence, did not doubt in his prayers: for he that doubteth, either maketh question of God's power, that he is not able to grant that which he asketh: or he is not persuaded of his mercy and goodness: he that doubteth he shall not receive that which he asketh, bonitati Dei injuriam facit, doth offer wrong unto the goodness of God, which he distrusteth. And such an one as asketh not in faith, shall receive nothing of the Lord, as S. James saith, I am. 1. If Moses then had prayed doubtfully, he had not obtained that which he prayed for, Tostat. qu. 40.

2. But Moses speaketh thus, either in respect of the temporal punishment, which he was not sure, whether it should wholly be remitted, for in temporal things we have no assurance: De fide & salute certi esse debemus in precibus ; We must be sure in our prayers of faith, and such things as concern our salvation, Simler. Or rather he useth this doubtful speech, Ne secure de petenda venia cogitent ; That they should not be secure in asking of pardon, Calvin. Difficultatem veniae significa • ; He signifieth hereby how hard it was to obtain pardon for them, Gallas. that he might more effectually move them to repentance, Ferus. As in the like sense this phrase is used in other places of Scripture: as Joel 2.14. If perhaps he will return, and repent him of the evil. Josh. 14.12. It may be the Lord will be with me. 1 Samuel 14.6. It may be the Lord will give deliverance by us. So 2 Tim. 2.25. If so be the Lord give them repentance to know the truth, Pelarg.

QUEST. LXXVII. Why Moses again entreateth the Lord, seeing he was pacified before, verse. 14.

BUt what needed Moses to have entreated the Lord, seeing it is said, that he had repented him before of the evil which he had threatened? verse. 14. 1. Ferus thinketh it was an infirmity in Moses, that having heard before, that the Lord was pacified, iterum, quasi nihil tale audier •• , s • llici ••• • rat ; yet prayeth again, as though he had heard no such thing. So also Calvin: Quod dubitanter inchoent prec • s ; That the faithful begin their prayers doubtfully till faith prevail. But this prayer of Moses proceeded of faith, for otherwise the Lord would not have heard him, as he did, Deut. 9.20. it shown not then his infirmity. 2. Some think that Moses obtained nothing at his first prayer, but was kept in suspense. But this is before confuted, quest. 40. 3. Some are of opinion, that Moses prayer before, and this were but one, Simler. But the contrary appeareth, Deut. 9.20. 4. Therefore, these may be the causes why Moses prayeth again: 1. The Lord granted before, that he would not destroy all the people at once, sed 〈◊〉 ex in • ervallo, vel per partes ; but whether he would do it in continuance of time, and as it wore by peecemeale, he knew not: which he prayeth for here, Lippom. 2. And there might be other sins as well as this, for the which the Lord should be angry with them: as Deut. 9.18. he saith, he prayed and fasted, because of all their sins. Tostat. 3. And now he prayeth not only for the turning away or judgments: but that the Lord would be again fully reconciled unto his people, and restore them to their former state and condition of favor, Simler. 4. And he prayeth not only for the pardoning of their temporal punishment, but against everlasting death, which sin deserveth, Osiander.

QUEST. LXXVIII. What book it was, out of the which Moses wisheth to be raced.

Vers. 32. IF thou wilt not race me out of the book which thou hast written. 1. By this book R. Solomon understandeth the book of the Law, as Deut. 33.4. Moses commanded us a Law: he desireth, if the Lord were purposed to destroy the people, that his name should not be mentioned in the Law, nor he taken to be the Law-giver: for to what purpose should he be spoken of, as a Law-giver unto that people, which was not?

Contra. But this is not the meaning. 1. Because the books of the Law were not yet written: Moses therefore would not desire to be raced out of a book, which was not. 2. Neither would Moses ask that of God, which was in his own power to do: now Moses did write the book of the Law, and he might have left out his own name, if he would. 3. Again, Moses setteth against this great benefit, the safety of the people, the greatest loss which he could have: but this had been no such great loss unto Moses, not to have his name remembered in any such written book. 4. Moses here useth a disjunctive speech, Do • this, or else race me, &c. but if he meant the racing of his name out of the book of the Law, there had been no disjunction at all; for one had followed upon the other: for if Israel: had been destroyed, neither should Moses have written the book of the Law, which was only given unto Israel: for it had been in vain to give Laws unto a people, that were not. 5. Moses also speaketh of a book which God had written: now Moses writ the book of the Law, the ten Commandments only were written with God's hand, Tostat. quaest. 41.

2. R. Abraham Francus, who writeth upon Ibn Ezra, understandeth the racing out of this book, of the death of the body; and he addeth further, that there is, quaedam rota coelest •• , a certain celestial wheel, wherein are many stars, which work by their influence upon those i •• eriour bodies: and by the moving of this wheel, death or life is caused: so that thus he would interpret Moses speech, Cause me by the motion of this wheel to die.

But seeing the motion of this wheel, which he imagineth, is the natural cause, as he supposeth, of life and death: Moses could not die naturally, before his time came: and if now he should have died, it had been not a natural death, but supernaturally caused by God; therefore not by the motion of any such wheel, Tostat. ibid.

3. Jerome also differeth not much from this former opinion in substance, understanding Moses desire of death in this life: he wisheth, Perire in praesentiam, non in perpetnum ; To perish for the present, not forever. But whereas the Lord afterward answereth Moses, Whosoever hath sinned will I put out of my book, verse. 33. it followeth, that they which sin not, that is, without repentance, are not put out of that book: but all, as well the righteous, as unrighteous, the just, and the sinners, are subject to this temporal death: therefore Moses speaketh not of that.

4. Jerome hath beside another opinion, for upon that place, Psalm. 69.28. Let them be put out of the book of life, neither let them be written with the righteous ; he inferreth, that God hath two books, viventium, & justorum, of the living, and of the righteous: that was the book of the living, In quo ante adventum Dei Prophetae & Patriarchy scripti sunt ; Wherein the Prophets, and Patriarchs were written before the coming of God (in the flesh;) the other, wherein the faithful are written: whereof our blessed Savior speaketh, Rejoice because your names are written in the book of life: and of the first Moses (saith he) speaketh in this place. So some do understand this book (in the same sense with Jerome ) of the book of God's Covenant, which he made with Israel, out of the which the Gentiles were excluded, of which mention is made, Ezech. 13.9. where the Lord saith that the false Prophets, shall not be written in the writing of the house of Israel. So Moses desireth here, not to be counted of the family of Israel, wherein all the Prophets and Patriarchs were written. But if Israel had now perished, the book of God's Covenant with Israel likewise, should have been no more remembered: therefore it had been superfluous for Moses to desire to be raced out of that book. And again, the book of the living, mentioned in the Psalm, is the same with the book of life, spoken of, Apocal. 3.5. I will not put his name out of the book of life. In which book of life, not only the Prophets and Patriarchs before Christ, but all the faithful before and since are written.

5. Cajetan understandeth it, De libro principatu • in hoc mundo, Of the book of principality and preeminence in the world: for it is decreed with God, as in a book, Quod isto vel illi principentur in hac vita ; That such, or such shall bear rule in this life. And so Moses desireth to lose his principality and government, which the Lord promised him, that he would make of him a great nation, &c. But whereas they which sinned, only are taken out of this book of life, and yet many wicked and evil men are governors in the world, it cannot be meant of any such book or decree of principality or government.

6. Oleaster by this book thinketh to be understood, the book of the acts and doings of the righteous, which is mentioned, Josh. 10.13. and 2 Sam. 1.18. But there are many righteous men, whose names and acts were not written in that book: which is now thought also to be lost: therefore it had been no great matter for Moses to wish to be put out of that book.

7. Burgensis maketh four books of God. 1. One is the book of life, wherein only are written the names of the Elect, that are ordained unto life: as when soldiers are written in the muster book, which are pressed, and appointed for war. 2. That also may be called the book of life, wherein those things are written, which lead and direct us unto life eternal: as that may be called a book of warfare, wherein the precepts of the act military are contained. So the Scriptures are called the book of life, wherein the truth is contained, Eccles. 24.26. 3. The book of God is that divine power, wherein every man's doings shall be brought to his remembrance, as it is said, Dan. 7.10. Judgment was set, and the books opened. 4. There is also a book of the righteous, which containeth the acts of the Saints, for the memory of times to come. In this place he thinketh the book of God here may be taken, either the first or second way, Burgens. addit. 8. But Moses here speaketh of a book only written by God, but those books of the Scriptures, and of the righteous, were written by men.

8. Tostatus maketh three books: one a great book, wherein are all things registered in the world, and all men foreseen good or bad; which book he saith is divided into two other books, the one which only containeth the names of those which are ordained unto life, which is called liber praedestinationis, the book of predestination: the other, wherein they only are written, whom the Lord foreseeth shall come to everlasting destruction: and this is called liber praescientia, the book of God's prescience. And in this place, Moses by God's book, understandeth the book of predestination, Tostat. qu. 41.

But as Tostatus resolveth well, that the book of life, and of God's predestination is here understood: so yet that assertion of his, that there is a book of prescience wherein their names are written, which shall be damned, hath no warrant in Scripture: for although it be most true, that as the number is certain with God of those which shall be saved, so the Lord knoweth who are left unto destruction; yet the Scripture only giveth the name of a book unto the first, and they which are rejected, are not said to be written in any book, but only not to be written in the book of life, Psal. 69.28. Apocal. 27.8.

9. Therefore, thus better are the Lord's books distinguished: 1. There are two general and common books, as they may be so called; the one is the book of God's prescience, and providence, wherein the Lord seeth and directeth all things, which he himself doth in the world: of this book speaketh the Prophet David, Psal. 139.26. In thy book were all things written, Simler. 2. The second general book is the book of remembrance before the Lord, wherein all the acts of men, good and evil, are as registered before the Lord, as Malachi. 3.16. it is said, A book of remembrance was written before him, for them that feared the Lord: so Apocal. 20.12. other books beside the book of life were opened: the book of every ones conscience, Borrh.