Commentary on Genesis and Exodus
Vers. 25. IOseph took an oath of the children of Israel. 1. The Latin readeth only, he took an oath of them: but the Hebrews well note, that it is said, of the children of Israel, because not only the Patriarchs in person, but all their posterity afterwards did take themselves bound to this oath, and afterwards performed it. 2. Joseph did not presently charge them to bury him in Canaan, but at their departure, for these reasons: 1. Because he would not prevent the time which God appointed, for he knew, that God would visit them and deliver them, Mercer. 2. He did it to show his faith, as the Apostle showeth, that this motion proceeded of faith, Hebr. 11.22. and that seeing they were to endure great affliction, which Joseph did foresee, and therefore he saith, God would visit them, he by this means would have them confirmed in the hope and expectation of their deliverance. 3. He knew that the Egyptians would not suffer his body to be removed, Perer. 4. And this would be an occasion, that the Egyptians should have Joseph in remembrance, leaving his monument among them, and deal the better with his nation, Mercer.
QUEST. XVI. Why Joseph was buried in Secheni.
Vers. 25. YE shall carry my bones hence. 1. This was accordingly performed by Moses, when the Israelites came out of Egypt, Exod. 13.19. 2. Besides, it is evident also out of the Scripture, that Joseph was buried in Shechem, not because Joseph was there sold into Egypt, as some Hebrews think, for that done in Dothan, not in Shechem, Genes. 37.17. neither as Rab. Solomon thinketh, because Jacob gave Shechem to Joseph, to that end to be a place of burial, or for that Joseph gave charge to his brethren▪ there to bury him, Mercer. for no such thing is mentioned in the story. But I rather think that the Israelites in their discretion did there bury him, because that place was given him in special words by Jacob, and because it fell out to be in the inheritance of his sons: for which cause also they buried Joshua in his inheritance in mount Ephraim, Joshua 24.30, 32.
QUEST. XVII. Whether the rest of the Patriarchs were buried in Shechem.
NOw whereas a question may be moved whether the Israelites removed the bones of the rest of the Patriarchs, when they came out of Egypt. 1. It is not like, that the Patriarchs as they died in Egypt were removed to Hebron, where Jacob was buried, as Josephus thinketh, libr. 2. antiqui • at. cap. 4. for this had been a great trouble to make so many several journeys: and seeing Joseph's bones were kept in Egypt, there was no reason to remove the rest. 2. Much more unlike it is (as some think,) that they were translated to Shechem as they died: for Joseph was the first that was there buried. 3. And that they were translated from Shechem by the sons of Hemor, as some expound that place, Act. 7.16. it is not probable: for the Israelites after their return would not have suffered any other to meddle with their fathers bones: and before they returned, they would rather have buried them in Hebron, than in Shechem. 4. Wherefore it is most likely, that the Patriarchs bones were carried out of Egypt together with Joseph's bones, and there all buried together, as Stephen showeth, Act. 7.16. Perer. Consent.
And seeing mention is made of that place, Act. 7.16. where it is said, That Jacob and the fathers were removed to Shechem, and put in the sepulcher, which Abraham bought of the sons of Hemor of Shechem: which place hath moved much question: I will add somewhat here of this matter, to that which is before handled, qu. 13. in Gen. 23.
QUEST. XVIII. How Abraham is said, Act. 7.19. to have bought the sepulcher of the sons of Hemor, whereas he indeed bought it of Ephron.
1. THere I refused their opinion, that think Stephen might fail in memory, and name Abraham for Jacob. 2. Theirs also I rejected, which think that Zophar Ephraim's father, of whom Abraham bought the ground, was also called Hemor: whereunto Pererius subscribeth. 3. Neither do I consent to Cajetan, which thinketh that the Patriarchs were removed from Shechem, to the sepulcher which Abraham bought, by the sons of Hemor, and so refer the last words, of the sons of Hemor, not to the verb, one sato, bought, but to the word, etethesan, put : but this is not likely, that the Shechemites had anything to do with their bones. 4. Nor yet can I altogether approve Beza his conjecture, that thinketh, by the negligence of the scribes, Abraham to be put into the text for Jacob: the reasons why I refused these four conjectures, I have set down in that place, whither I refer the Reader.
5. The Syrian Translater readeth in the singular metetethe, he was translated, and etethe, was put, and so understandeth it only of Jacob ▪ that he was removed to Shechem, and from thence by the Shechemites carried to Hebron. But the Scripture overthroweth this conjecture, which testifieth, that his sons buried him in Abraham's place of sepulture, which he bought of Ephron, Gen. 50.13. beside, the original copy in the Greek readeth in the plural, not in the singular.
6. I resolved in that place upon the exposition of histor. scholastic. from the which Junius seemeth not much to differ: histor. scholastic. transporteth the words thus: And were translated to Shechem, bought of the sons of Hemor, and from thence put in the sepulcher, which Abraham bought for money: but this transposing may seem very hard: therefore Junius transposeth not the words, but thinketh the article 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be supplied: that where it is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of the sons, he would have it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c. beside that of the sons of Hemor, that is, bought of them: and would have this to be the meaning, that Jacob and the Patriarchs were buried part of them in Abraham's sepulcher, part in Shechem▪ which Jacob bought. To this interpretation, that Stephen here abridgeth two histories, of Abraham's and Jacob's purchase, I gave liking before, as the best of all the rest propounded.
7. But since I have considered of another way to reconcile this place, which doth satisfy myself best: and this it is, that by Abraham here is not understood the posterity of Abraham, as Ge • evens. upon that place, for that were an unproper kind of speaking: but I rather think, according to the manner of the Hebrew tongue, wherein Stephen then spake, that there is here an eclipsis of a word of cognation, as of son, nephew, or such like: for it is usual in the Scriptures to eclipse such terms and names of kindred: as 2 Sam. 21.8. He took the five sons of Michal, that is, of the sister of Michal: for Michal had no children: and v. 19. of that chapter: Elbanah slew Goliath the Git • ite, that is, the brother of Goliath Lahmi, 1 Chron. 20.5. where the word brother is eclipsed: so also in this place Hemor of Shechem, where, not the word son, as the common English translations read it, but father, as Beza, or prince, as Junius must be supplied: as Luk. 24.10. we read Marie of James, that is, the mother of James, Mark. 15.40. So here in this place, to supply the son of Abraham, may as well be admitted, as to supply sister, or brother in the place before recited, 2 Sam. 21.8, 19. I leave now the Reader to take his choice.
Thus the meaning of Stephen is plain; that the Patriarchs were all buried in Shechem: and so Jerome testifieth, that in his time their monuments and sepulchers were there to be seen, epitaph. Paul. and whereas Josephus lib. 2. antiquit. c. 4. saith, they were buried in Hebron: both may be true, that they were first translated to Shechem then to Hebron: but not by the Shechemites, nor yet immediately removed thither out of Egypt: But I rather with Beza for this matter, admit Jerome's report than Josephus.
QUEST. XIX. Whether Jacob made his purchase with •• ney, or with lambes.
BUt whereas it may be objected against this interpretation, which understandeth this place of Jacob's purchase: that he bought it not for money, but for an hundred lambes, Genes. 33.19. 1. I neither think with Eugubi •• s, that Jerome, reading lambes, was deceived by the Septuagint's translation, who at the first as he thinketh, did read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , money, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lambes: for the Chaldee Interpreter also readeth, lambes. 2. Neither with R. Achibac, whom Oleaster followeth, do I think the word ch • s • t • ▪ to be ••• rowed of the Arabians, who so call their money. 3. Nor yet, was the money, so called chesita, a lamb, as the Basilian penny is called c • rvus ▪ a raven, as Lipp • man. 4. But I rather approve Junius conjecture that it was a piece of money stamped with the print of a lamb: and so it is taken for a piece of coin, 〈◊〉 2.11. where it is said, that everyone of Job's friends gave him a piece of money, and an earing of gold : it had been no great gift, to bestow upon him a lamb, and the other gift which is joined with it being of gold, doth rather show, that it was money: wherefore Stephen in this place doth interpret the other, that this purchase was made with that kind of money, rather than with lambes.
QUEST. XX. Of the putting of Joseph's bones in a chest.
Vers. 26. THey put him in a chest. 1. I omit here the Hebrews fables, how that when they could not find Joseph's tomb, to bring it out of Egypt, a sheep spake unto them, and shown where it was: whereupon they led the sheep with them in the wilderness, and therefore say they, it is said in the Psalm, Thou didst lead thy people like sheep, by the hand of Moses and Aaron. 2. The like fable is reported by the Author of histor. scholastic. that when Nile had overflown the place where Joseph's tomb was, Moses cast a certain thin plate of gold into the water, wherein he writ the name Jehovah: which floating upon the waters, stood still where Joseph's chest was, which they took up, and carried with them out of Egypt: and he fableth further, that Joseph's bones did prophesy of their difficult and hard journey. This fable is worthy no better credit th • n the other: though Perer. give not the like censure of it. 3. Whereas in Ecclesiasticus, cap. 49.19. it is said, as the vulgar Latin translateth, Joseph's bones prophesied after his death: which Pererius understandeth, of the accomplishment of Joseph's prophecy at his death, that God would visit his people: the words in the original are, the bones of Joseph epeskep • , were visited of God, and so the Interlinearie translation readeth. 4. Cajetan thinketh, that Joseph's bones were laid up in a marble coffin: but it is more like to have been made of wood▪ as fittest for carriage. The Hebrews also think, that the Israelites carried but two Arkes in the wilderness: the Ark of the Testament, and Joseph's ark or chest. But besides that, this is great presumption and boldness in them, to match God's Ark and Joseph's coffin together: it is probable, that the rest of the Patriarchs bones were carried out of Egypt, at the return of the Israelites, and that they were buried in Shechem together with Joseph's : for when else should they have been convoyed thither? not before they came out of Egypt, for then they would have laid them in Hebron, where Jacob was buried, rather than in Shechem: and after they could not, when they were departed out of Egypt: And though mention be made only by Moses, of the burying of Joseph in Shechem, because he was the more honorable person, and to show how carefully they discharged the oath made to Joseph, yet we doubt not, but that according to Stephens report, the rest of the Patriarchs were translated thither: which thing Stephen might know, either by undoubted tradition, or some authentic books now perished; as Paul learned, that the names of the Magicians in Egypt, that resisted Moses, were called I am • es and I • mbres, 2 Tim. 3.8.
4. Places of Doctrine.
1. Doct. Righteous m • n apt to shed tears.
Vers. 1. IOseph wept. This is now the sixth time that Joseph is said to weep, Genes. 42.24. Genes. 43.30. Gen. 45.2. Gen. 46.29. and twice in this chapter, verse. 15.18. By this the Stoics are confuted, who would have a wise man without compassion or affection, Muscul. Also we see that good men in Scripture were apt to shed tears, as Joseph, and David, who often in the Psalms maketh mention of his tears: such were the holy Apostles S. Paul, Act. 20.19 and S. Peter, Matth. 27.57.
2. Doct. God turneth evil actions into good.
Vers. 2. WHen ye thought evil against me, God disposed it to good. Herein appeareth the mighty power of God, who is able to turn evil unto good: not that he either winketh at men's evil actions, and letteth them alone, Calv. neither is he the author, approver, worker, or provoker to evil, Mercer. but he overruleth, even the actions of wicked men, and ordereth and disposeth them to what end it pleaseth him: as Judas conspiracy against Christ, did serve to execute and bring to pass the determinate counsel of God, Act. 2.23. yet are not the workers of evil thereby anything excusable▪ because God's will taketh place: the good that cometh of an evil action, as here the preservation of the Church by Joseph's captivity, proceedeth from the goodness of God, not from any such intendment in the instrument, Pererius. Therefore Beetius saith well, Sola divina vis est, cui • a • a quo{que} bona sunt, &c. God only can turn evil into good, by using evil to bring forth a good effect.
3. Doct. To love our enemies.
Vers. 21. FEare not, I will nourish you. Thus we are taught by Joseph to love our enemies, to do good to them that hate us: according to the doctrine of our Savior, 〈◊〉 . 44. For so Joseph was a foster-father unto them, that would have starved him in the pit, Muscul.
5. Places of Confutation.
1. Confut. Against Masses and Trent • li for the dead.
Vers. 3. THe Egyptians bewailed him 70. days. Petrus Comest • r divideth this number into 40 days, and 30. days: the first was the time of the Egyptians mourning, the other of the Hebrews: whereupon he groundeth the superstitious use of the Christians in mourning, and saying Masses 30. days for the dead, cap. 114. histor. scholastic. in Genes. Contra. 1. The text saith, that the Egyptians, not the Hebrews, mourned these 70. days: and that use taken up afterward by the Hebrews, was borrowed from the Egyptians: for the stint of mourning used among the faithful was but for seven days: so long mourned Joseph, ver. 10. 2. Though the Hebrews mourn 30. days, yet did they not pray for their souls, or offer any sacrifice for them, nor yet do any penance for the dead: which seemeth to be directly forbidden, that they should not cut their hair, or their beard, or make any print in their flesh for the dead, Levite. 19.28. as though the dead were profited by any such afflicting of themselves.
2. Confut. Against the superstitious choice of the place of burial.
Vers. 13. THey buried him in the cave of the field, &c. Thus was it the use among the Hebrews to bury their dead without the Cities, as we may read, Luk. 7.12. where our Savior did meet the people at the gate of the City, carrying a young man to be buried: This custom of a long time was retained among the Gentiles: as among the Athenians, who would by no means grant to Servius Sulpitius a place of burial within the City, Cicer. epist. famil. lib. 4. Plato also prescribeth, that the dead should be buried in the fields, and such as were barren and good for nothing else, lib. 2. de legib. It was also forbidden by the Roman Jews: Hominem mortuum in urbe ne sepelit • ; Bury not a dead man in the City. The Christians were the first, which buried the dead in their Churches; not as Tostatus, which, first buried them within their Cities or houses, as Pererius therein confuting him, showeth out of Diodorus, that it was the manner of the Egyptians, to keep their dead in coffins at home, placing them upright, and to give their bodies as pledges to their creditors, Diodorus. lib. 2. cap. 11. and out of Herodotus, how the Egyptians do inclose their dead in vessels of glass, in their houses, and make pictures of them, Herod. lib. 3. But this use to bury the dead in Churches and near unto them, for more holiness of the place, was first taken up by superstitious Christians: which respect of the place, if it be only civilly used, we condemn not: as Lycurgus ordained, that the dead should be buried near unto the Temples, that others passing by, might be stirred up by the sight of their monuments to imitate their virtues, Plutar. in Lycurg. But to place the dead in Church, or Church-yard, to be helped by the prayers of the living, as Tostatus and Pererius, is a superstitious device of fantastical men, without any warrant of Scripture; for if they died in the Lord, they rest from their labors, and their works follow them, Revel. 14.13. If otherwise, they are in the place of torment, from whence is no return, Luk. 16.26. and our prayers can do them no good.
3. Confut. Against traditions and visions.
Vers. 25. GOd will surely visit you. Joseph though he had received no vision or revelation from God concerning this, yet he did verily believe the word and promise of God, which he had heard of Jacob ; which showeth their error, that as not contented with the Scriptures, seek other helps, as the Papists by their blind traditions, the Anabaptists by their fantastical visions, Calvin. But we are taught that the Scriptures are sufficient to lead us into all truth, and that they which do teach otherwise, though an Angel from heaven, are to be held as accursed, Galath. 1.8.
4. Confut. Against prayer for the dead.
Vers. 25. YE shall carry my bones hence. The Patriarchs Jacob and Joseph desired to be buried in the Land of promise: 1. Because that was the place which the Lord did choose for his people to dwell in. 2. They did hereby testify their faith in God's promises, that he would bring their seed thither. 3. They desired to be buried with their fathers, as having the same hope of the resurrection. 4. They foresaw by the spirit of prophecy, that the Messiah should be borne there. 5. But this was no cause, as Bellarmine imagineth, that they might receive benefit by the prayers and sacrifices of the dead. 1. For at this time, and 200. years after Jacob's death, there was no worship of God nor public prayer professed in Canaan, till the Israelites returned out of Egypt. 2. And if prayer were available for the dead, it might profit them which were buried in Egypt far off, as well as near hand. 3. No example can be produced out of the Canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament, that ever any prayed for the dead.
5. Confut. Against the carrying about of relics.
Vers. 26. THey put him in a chest in Egypt. Joseph was laid up in a coffin, and there kept: they did not rake in his ashes, and take out his bones, and carry them about to work miracles, as they serve the bodies of Saints in the popish Church, if they be their bodies: Pliny maketh mention of Pyrrhus, that his great toe on the right foot could not be burned with his body, and that it gave help being touched, to those which had the swelling of the spleen, whereupon it was laid up in the Temple, Plin. l. 7. This whether it were an imposture of Satan, or one of Pliny's fables, I cannot say: many like tales are current among the Romanists. But Josiah practiced the contrary, who would not suffer the bones of the Prophet of Judah to be removed, that prophesied of him by name, 2 King. 23.17.
6. Places of moral observation.
1. Mo • . To mourn moderately for the dead.
Vers. 3. THe Egyptians bewailed him 70. days. But Joseph only mourned for his father seven days, verse. 10. wherein appeareth the difference between the mourning of the faithful, which have hope, and of infidels, which have no hope of the resurrection: the one is moderate, the other excessive: So the Apostle teacheth, that we should not mourn for the dead, as those that have no hope, 1 Thess. 4.13. but with sobriety and in measure.
2. Mor. Unity of religion the bond of peace.
Vers. 17. FOrgive the trespass of the servants of thy Fathers God: there is nothing which ought more to persuade men to unity, than that they worship one and the same God: as S. Paul exhorteth▪ to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, for there is one Lord, one faith, one baptism, Ephes. 3.4, 5. Therefore Christians do much forget themselves, in dishonoring their holy profession with unbrotherly strife and contention.
3. Mor. Oaths must be religiously kept.
Vers. 6. GOe and bury thy father, as he made thee to swear. Even Pharaoh an Heathen prince made conscience of an oath, and therefore condescended to Joseph's request. This example shall condemn many Christians, that are careless to perform their oaths, Calvin. whereas the Scripture teacheth, that a man should keep his oath, though he swear to his own hindrance, Psal. 15.4.
4. Mor. A guilty conscience always fearful.
Vers. 15. IT may be that Joseph will hate us: Joseph's brethren, now after 40. years, call to mind the trespass committed against Joseph, Mercer. such is the nature of a guilty conscience; upon every occasion it is apt to be revived and stirred: as the Lord said to Cain: If thou doest not well, sin lieth at the door, Gen. 4.7. of such Moses saith, the sound of a leaf shaken shall chase them, Levite. 26.36. Therefore when any hath sinned, let him seek soundly to heal the wound of his conscience, that it do not grieve him afterward.
5. Mor. Perfect reconciliation doth good for evil.
Vers. 21. FEare not, I will nourish you, &c. Joseph here showeth his unfeigned reconciliation, in that he doth not only forgive his brethren, but also doth them good: Many nowadays think they are perfectly reconciled, if they do not recompense evil, though they will not extend their hand to do good to them, who were before their enemies. But our Savior's doctrine is otherwise, that we should do good to those that hate us, Matth. 5. verse. 44.
6. Mor. To renounce the world, and the vanities thereof.
Vers. 22. IOseph dwelt in Egypt, he and his fathers house. The Latin readeth, with his fathers house: it is like, that Joseph did join himself in society of religion with his fathers house, yet executing his place of government still: wherein he shown, that he regarded not the honors and pleasures of the Court, in respect of the fellowship with God's Church: So the Apostle saith of Moses, that he chose rather to suffer adversity with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season, Heb. 11.25. by these examples we are taught to renounce this world, not to be entangled with the vanities thereof, but to press forward in desire to our heavenly Canaan.
Here then is an end of this book: which the Jews make such account of, that they have numbered the very letters, which make 4395. But as they dwell in the letter, so we should take delight in the spiritual sense and godly edifying. Thus have I by God's gracious assistance finished this laboursome and painful work: most humbly beseeching God, to make me able to go forward in this course, if he shall see it to be to his glory, and the good of his Church: to whom I give all hearty thanks, who hath thus far holpen and assisted me: and so I conclude with that saying in the Revelation;
Praise, honor, and glory, be unto him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the lamb forever,
Revel. 5.13.
Hexapla in Exodum, That is, A SIXFOLD COMMENTARY UPON The second Book of MOSES called EXODVS: Wherein according to the Method propounded in Hexapla upon Genesis, these six things are observed in every Chapter: 1. The argument and method. 2. The divers readings. 3. The questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Moral common places applied.
Wherein in the divers readings these translations are compared together: 1. The Chaldee. 2. The Septuagint. 3. The vulgar Latin. 4. Pagnine. 5. Montanus. 6. Junius. 7. Vatablus. 8. The great English Bible. 9. The Geneva edition. 10. And the Hebrew original maketh the tenth.
And in the same there are well nigh two thousand Theological questions handled: and above forty Authors old and new, writing upon this book, abridged.
Divided into two parts or Tomes: The first containing the deliverance of the Israelites, with their preservation: The other, the constitution and settling of their State by wholesome laws.
By ANDREW WILLET, Professor of Divinity.
The first Part or Tome.
PSAL. 77.20.
Thou didst lead thy people like sheep by the hand of Moses and Aaron.
LONDON, Printed by the Assigns of THOMAS MAN, PAUL MAN, and IONAH MAN. 1633.
TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN RIGHT NOBLE, MOST EXCELLENT AND mighty Prince, JAMES by the grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the true Christian Faith.
A Ntipater King of Macedonia (most gracious Sovereigne) when one presented unto him a book treating of happiness, is said to have rejected it with this answer: I am not at leisure. To whom the presenter replied; Be not King, if thou hast no leisure. Your Majesty with better reason might be excused by want of leisure, if such kind of presents were neglected; both because your Highness affairs of the Kingdom are greater, and such gifts are now exhibited oftener. But that reply was rash and audacious: for he so much the more is worthy the name of a King, who intending more weighty business, cannot attend smaller matters: yet seeing Princes are as God's in earth, and this is God's glory, who dwelling on high abaseth himself to behold things in heaven and earth; may it please your Majesty to descend a little from your Throne of honor, and to vouchsafe to take knowledge of this gift, which is now offered.
I here present to your sacred view the history of Moses birth, education, acts, and exploits: whose faithfulness in God's house, courage against God's enemies, clemency and piety toward his people, and other excellent virtues, as they are mirors for Princes, and well expressed in your Majesty's acts: So in nothing more lively doth your Highness, our Moses, resemble this ancient and worthy Moses, than in the manifold preservation of your life and state, even from your cradle and infancy unto this present. Moses being a child should have been destroyed; after he was Governor of Israel, divers times did they assault him, murmur and conspire against him: So your Majesty's infancy hath been assaulted, and since your royal person endangered by many unnatural conspiracies: but now of late most of all in that barbarous and devilish treachery, intended against your princely person, and the honorable state of this land, assembled in Parliament.
No age before us, or now present, nor country ever brought forth the like monster, such an unnatural and wicked conspiracy, for device so subtle, in working so secret, in execution so mischievous, or that came nearer to the designed period, not taking effect. The greater was the danger, the more glorious the deliverance; the more devilish the invention, the more gracious the divine prevention; the more close the contriver, the more honorable the finder out. And herein as God is to have the chief glory, being the author of this counsel, and the only revealer of secrets: so your Highness is to be honored, as the instrument, whose cogitation the Lord directed as a light to search out the mystery of darkness, and as a cunning Pilot to guide the ship beside the rocks and sands. Now is fulfilled that saying of the Wiseman: A King that sitteth in the throne of judgment, chaseth away all evil with his eyes. It was David, not the sons of Zeruiah, Joab and Abishai his Counselors, that found out, by consulting with God, the treachery of the men of Keilah, intended against him. And Pharaoh himself had the instinct by dream to foresee the calamity of Egypt, by the future famine. And the King of Nineveh gave the advice how to prevent the destruction of the City by repentance. Like as Ambrose doth celebrate the memory of the Emperor Valentinian, who sitting in his Consitory, assisted with his Nobles, when they all gave counsel, to restore unto the Romans their Idol Temples: Solus velut Daniel, excitato in se Dei spiritu, Gentilibus obviabat: He only as another Daniel, the spirit of God moving him, resisted the Gentiles request. The Seraphims in Isaiah (which Jerome was taught by an Hebrew Rabbi to understand of the Kings and state of Judea ) had six wings, with two they covered their face, with two their feet, and with two they did fly: so while the face of the men of State was as it were blinded, and the feet and inferior parts had their counsel darkened, thanks be to God, that your Majesty's wings of judgment were not pinioned, but did fly aloft with the Eagle▪ to espy what was working below. And so, as he well saith: Necesse erat, ut qui potentior cunctis fuerat, prudentior fieret universis: It was fit, that he which was beyond all in power, should exceed the rest in prudence.
But now may it please your Majesty, to the glory of God, and for eternal memory to be transmitted to posterity, to give me leave in few words to describe this work of darkness, and to bring it to the light, whereby this Cockatrice brood, consulting with infernal spirits in the earth, thought at once to have undermined and subverted both the Civil and Ecclesiastical State of this land. Wicked Abimelech slew upon one stone seventy of Gideon's sons, yet Jotham escaped: but here none within danger could have been delivered. Adonibezeks cruelty is noted, that cut off the thumbs of hand and feet of seventy Kings: but in this mischievous plot, both the heads and hands of many honorable persons should have been miserably rent from their bodies. Cruel Saul in one day commanded fourscore and five Priests to be murdered, yet Abiathar the son of the high Priest was delivered: but in this bloody exploit all our Reverend Fathers were appointed to the slaughter. Ambitious Athaliah destroyed all the Kings seed, yet Joash the Kings son was preserved: but here no not the heir of the Crown should have been spared. Savage Caligula was not more barbarous, who wished that all the Senators of Rome had but one neck, that he might smite it off at a blow: Nor yet Hannibal, who when he saw a pit filled with human blood, cried out: O formosum spectaculum: O goodly sight! Or Valesus Proconsul of Asia under Augustus Caesar, who having put to death three hundred men, walked and vaunted himself among the dead bodies, saying; O rem regiam: O Kingly act! Syl • a was not so bloody, who commanded seven thousand Citizens to be killed, whose cry was heard to the Senate house, where Sylla with the Senators was assembled; for he did forbear the Senate house: nor that King of Persia, which commanded the people of Syria to have their • oses cut off: or ireful Camby • es, who in his expedition against the Ethiopians, caused every tenth man to be tithed out for food, his army being almost famished. But here scarce one man of ten that feared God, and loved the truth, should have been left alive: yea the very infants could not have been exempted from this general massacre: but as Jerome speaketh of the cruelty of the Huns: Cogerentur mori qui nondum vivere coeperant, & nescientes malum suum, inter hostium manus & • ela riderent; They should have been forced to die, that yet begun not to live, and not knowing their doom, should have smiled under the bloody hand of the enemy.
Blessed be God therefore who hath in his great mercy and love to his Church, disappointed their wicked imaginations: in this snare which they laid for others is their own foot taken: and they are sunk into the pit, that they made for others: the stone which they would have rolled upon us, is fallen upon their own head. And as Ambrose writeth of the Bees: Apes quae non obtempera verint legibus regis, immoriuntur aculei sui vulneri; That they which disobey the order of their King amongst them, die upon their own stings: So that engine, wherewith the Romanists thought to have gored others, hath wounded themselves. As they with Abimelech sought to have fired the tower of Shechem, so their own parts have justly felt the fire: and as with Satan, that used the winds to overwhelm the house upon Job's sons, they attempted with a sulphureous spirit to have blown up that honorable house▪ so now most worthily their own members are exposed to the wind and air, and their wicked acts leave a sulphureous smell behind them. This I write not (God is my record) as rejoicing in their confusion, but grieving rather at the cause thereof, pitying their persons, but hating their actions, ut probem me (as he saith) non homines odisse, sed erro • es, To show, that I hate not the men, but their manners. They with Dathan and Abiram are gone down into the pit, whose mouth they opened to swallow others: as they labored in the earth to work iniquity, so their names are written in the earth to blot out their memory: they which wickedly imagined to deprive others of burial, with Jehoiakim are themselves buried, as an asse is buried, and cast forth without the gates of Jerusalem.
Now nothing remaineth (most Christian King) but that we give due thanks unto our gracious God, who hath wrought this glorious deliverance. In which action of thanksgiving, the Church of God hath used to perform three duties: To give solemn praise unto God; to send presents one to another, in sign of joy; and to give gifts to the poor. In the first your Majesty hath given us example, who in the same place, where the danger was devised, and deliverance received, publicly with godly Jehoshaphat blessed God: and this honorable Parliament, concurring with your Christian Majesty, hath well seconded your princely example, in decreeing an annual commemoration to be kept of that day: no less worthy to be remembered, than the Jews feast of Purim, when vile Haman had cast lots over them for their destruction: or the feast of the dedication of the Temple, after Antiochus had profaned it: for how can our merciful God be sufficiently praised, who discovered the secret counsels of the wicked, undermined the underminers, and he that is a wall of fire about Jerusalem, hath quenched their fire? There is a path (as Job saith) which no fowl hath known, neither hath the kites eye seen it: yet the Lord hath declared their works, (as Elihu answereth) and he hath turned the night: there is no darkness, nor shadow of death, that the workers of iniquity might be hid therein. The Lord hath so brought to pass, that neither sagitta volitans per diem, the arrow of treachery flying by day; nor negotium ambulance in tenebris, conspiracy walking in the dark, hath come near us: therefore always praised be his name. Concerning sending of presents, a testimony of our joy, that honorable assembly hath with loving hearts presented to your Majesty a subsidiarie benevolence, as a token of their duty and thankfulness. And may it please your Majesty also to accept the widows mite, this poor present, which I in all humbleness and loyalty do offer to your Princely view: thinking it not the least part of my terrene happiness, that as my Synopsis was ready to meet your Majesty at your joyful entrance, so this Hexapla cometh forth (by God's goodness) to congratulate for your prosperous deliverance. The gifts to the poor, are your Princely clemency and bounty to your Majesty's loving subjects; that as the first is extended according to the honorable custom of this nation in the determining of the Parliament, to some kind of offenders: so the other is desired and expected, in seeing provision and maintenance to be procured for the Ministers and Preachers of the Gospel, which in many places is very small, and so the number of them to be not impaired but increased, that religion and learning may flourish, the two principal props of this Kingdom, as your Majesty well knoweth, whatsoever some have impiously thought and profanely written to the contrary.
God strengthen your Majesty, with all the honorable State, that as our adversaries have digged pits, which hold no water; so our Lawgiver, with the Princes of Israel, may dig wells (of springing water) with their staves, as it is said of Moses; that is, enact such laws whereby the spring of the Gospel may be kept open, and run along to our posterity; but the heads of the bitter Romish waters may be forever stopped: that all the people of God may use the same joyful acclamations to such godly laws, as the Israelites did to the well; Rise up well, sing ye unto it. As for the rest, I end with the conclusion of Baraks song: So let all thine enemies perish, O Lord, but they which love him, shall be as the Sun that riseth in his might.
Your Majesty's most humble Subject, Andrew Willet.
TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, RICHARD BY THE DIVINE PROVIdence, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and of his Majesty's most Honorable Privy Counsel.
A S concerning laws, so of books (Righr Reverend Father) there are two opinions; some mislike there should be many, as Arcesilaus in Laertius; whose saying was, Quemadmodum ubi multi medici, ibi multi morbi, ita ubi permultae leges, ibi plus vitiorum; Like as where are many Physicians, there are many diseases, so where there are many laws, there are many faults. Some think it not necessary there should be any: as Demonax used to say, Leges prorsus esse inutiles, ut quibus boni non egerent, mali nihilo fierent meliores; That laws were altogether unprofitable, because neither the good stood in need of them, neither were the evil bettered by them. But Chrysostom with a better spirit, approved all good laws, and would have none omitted: In cythera non satis esse in uno tantùm nervo concentum efficere, universos oportet percuti numerose & decenter; Like as to make music on an harp, to strike upon one string was not sufficient, unless all were played upon in due measure. The like judgment is to be given of books, that as superfluous scribbling might be well spared, so necessary and profitable writing is not to be lightly esteemed.
There are then three sorts of men, whom I first desire briefly to satisfy, and then I will in few words declare the contents, order and end of this work.
First, some there are, that hold these labors superfluous, and think that this age is given too much to scribbling, and that the world is pestered with too many books. But this is their error, that, because some books are vainly written, do so judge of all: and finding some treatises unnecessary, they imagine the rest to be so. Indeed it cannot be denied, but that there are some writings, which as Aristen compared Logike, are like spiders webs, very curious, but nothing profitable: yet he which should contemn all, because he justly condemneth some, were like to an unwise patient, who, because of some unlearned Empirikes, should reject the skillful Physician; as even the Heathen Poets could say, that he, which neglected learning, left the Physician of his soul. In men's divers writings, the diversity of God's gifts diversely appeareth: There is no eye so quick, but may oversee somewhat, which another may espy: no wit so sharp, but may be more whetted: nor yet any gift so mean, but there may be some use thereof: nor no laborer so simple, but may bring somewhat to further God's building, as the Apostle saith, Ye may all prophesy one by one, that all may learn, and all may have comfort. Even the greatest Prophet, and best interpreter, may receive some benefit by the meanest Preacher, and expounder. True it is, that in these days, books are counted the vilest merchandise; and the last thing, for the most part, which a man buyeth, is a book; and anything is thought more necessary, than that which is for the soul. This also is the cause, why rich men are more sued unto, than wise men, and Merchants and Usurers d • ores are more frequented than Preachers houses: because, as one being demanded the reason, why wise men went unto rich men, and not the rich to the wise, answered, Wise men know what is necessary for themselves, so do not the other: Therefore the one seeketh things temporal, as requisite for the body, the other neglecteth wisdom, being necessary for the soul. Now concerning such neglecters of divine studies, and contemners of spiritual labors: I say, as Jerome answered Ruffinus, Mihi & meis juxta Ismenium canens, si aures surdae sunt caeterorum; I will sing unto me and mine, as Antigenidas the Musician said to his scholar Ismenius, if other men's ears be deaf.
Another sort there is, that are given to carpe at other men's writings, who if they be such as are enemies to the truth; I say with the Apostle, Am I become your enemy, because I speak the truth? Jerome saith, Scio me offensurum quàm plu • imes, qui dum mihi iras • untur, suam indicant conscientiam; I know I shall offend many, who while they be angry with me, do bewray their conscience. If they speak against him that defendeth the truth, they show themselves therein enemies to the truth; if they cannot endure error to be discovered, they declare themselves to be in error: In this case therefore, they which are offended, do discover their own conscience to be corrupted. But if the reprehenders of this work, be such as blame other men's diligence, because they themselves are idle, and find fault with that, which they cannot mend, and such as like nothing, but their own; I answer with the Apostle, He that praiseth himself is not allowed, but he whom the Lord praiseth. Now howsoever other are affected toward me, and my poor labors, this mind I will bear toward the sharpest Censurers and their writings: that, as the Apostle said of certain contentious Preachers in his time, That, so Christ be preached, whether under pretence or sincerely, he would therein joy: So I say of such writers, whether they write of emulation, and vain glory, or of sincere affection, so the truth be maintained, I do rejoice therein, and give God thanks for their labors. As Jerome writeth of his friends letters: Si amas, scribe obsecranti, si irasceris, iratus licet scribe, magnum & hoc desiderii solamen habebo, si amici literas vel indignantis accipiam; Ad Nitiam: If thou lovest me, write at my request, if thou art angry, yet write; it is some comfort unto me, that I may receive the letters, yea of an angry friend.
But some do think, that it is in vain for men to write in this age, which so smally considereth of their pains, and that it is labor lost, which findeth not recompense in the world. As though peace were the reward of the pen, and the grace of God depended upon the grace and favor of men: the gifts of God, as they are not bought with money, so neither should they be sold for money. He that serveth the world, let him look for his reward in the world: he that serveth Christ, shall find him a plentiful rewarder. He that said to his Apostles, Great is your reward in heaven, hath a reward in store for those which labor in his name: They which expect either praise or profit in this world, having their desire, do receive their reward, as our Savior said of the Pharisees, that did all of vain ostentation: They have their reward. As for the praise of men, as Jerome saith of the Preacher, Docente te in Ecclesia, non clamor populi, sed gemitus suscitetur, lachrymae auditorum laudes tuae sint; ad Nepotian. When thou teachest in the Church, seek not to raise the crying, but the sighing of the people; let the tears of the hearers be thy praise. As the Preacher must not respect the praise of men, so neither the writer. And concerning other reward of gain or preferment to be expected, Ambrose hath this excellent speech; Propositam pia men's mercedem non appetit, sed pro mercede habet boni facti conscientiam, & justi operis effectum; angustae mentes invitentur promisso, erigantur speratis mercedibus; lib. 1. de Abraham cap. 8. A godly mind coveteth no propounded reward; but counteth the conscience of well doing, and the good effect of the well done work, a reward: let unwilling minds be enticed by promises, and stirred up with hope of rewards.
Now it remaineth that I briefly show the argument, order, and matter of this Commentary: wherein I have chiefly propounded unto myself (omitting the ordinary and usual collections) the discussing and solution of such questions as seemed more obscure and difficult: according to that saying of Augustine, Verbi Dei altitudo exercet studium, non denegat intellectum▪ The depth of the word of God, doth exercise meditation and study, it denieth not understanding. And he fitly resembleth the holy writers, the Prophets and Apostles, to the Angels whom Jacob saw ascending and descending: Ascendentes sunt, quando perfectis perfecta praedicant; descendentes quando parvulis & imperitis simplicia insinuant: They ascend, when they preach perfect things to the perfect: they descend, when they insinuate plain things to the simple. I have followed the same method in this Commentary upon Exodus, which I did before observe upon Genesis: they that know the one, may also judge of the other. This history of Exodus consisting of two parts, the redemption of the Lord's people, and the constitution of them being redeemed▪ by wholesome laws and ordinances; I have accordingly divided into two parts, or tomes: the first whereof handleth the people's deliverance, and preservation, unto the 19. Chapter: The second treateth of their constitution, and settling of their estate by wholesome laws, both Moral, Judicial and Ceremonial: which part likewise is distributed into two books, the first containing the promulgation of the foresaid laws, to Chapter 30. the other the execution thereof, thence to the end of the book.
Thus have I proceeded in the Old Testament hitherto▪ • ot being yet resolved with myself, whether to take the books of the Hebrew Scriptures in order, which a man's life time would scarce suffice in this manner to go thorough, or to make choice of the more difficult books indifferently out of the old and New Testament: In the handling whereof, we shall see the different gifts of Interpreters, as Jerome well noteth, Multi super Evangelia been disserunt, sed in explanation Apostoli impares sui sunt; alii cum in instrumento novo optime senserint, in Psalms & veteri Testamento muti sunt. Dialog. 1. adverse. Pelagian. Divers do treat well upon the Gospels, but in explaining the Apostle are unlike themselves: others being of sound judgment in the New Testament, are nobody in the old. But yet to begin with the old, maketh a good way to understand the new, for the law is a schoolmaster, as the Apostle saith, to bring us unto Christ. And as Ambrose elegantly resembleth it, Lex velut inferioris molae saxum, tarda, pigra, otiosa; The law as the nether millstone is heavy, slow, and of small riddance. But yet as the upper millstone, though of greater agility and quicker dispatch, yet cannot grind without the nether, but both together make good meal: so the truth and faith of Christ, as fine flower, is between the old and New Testament minsed and divided forth unto us.
But this further I must advertise the discreet Reader of, not to take offense, that I have made use in this Commentary, both of Protestant and Popish writers, old and new upon this book (as I have here set them down in the margen) not rejecting the judgment of any that witness for the truth. For as the Apostle allegeth the Heathen Poets, so far as they are witnesses of the truth: so I think a Protestant, by that warrant, may borrow of such Interpreters, which otherwise favor and savor of superstition, where their pen is a minister and handmaid of truth: and whereas S. James saith, Have not the faith of our glorious Lord Jesus Christ in respect of persons; they which do refuse the testimony of the truth at any man's hand, in respect of any schism, sect or profession, should seem to be partial in discerning of the truth, against the Apostles rule; wherein Protestant writers are more equal than the Romanists: for they think scorn to use our writers, though of never so excellent parts: as appeareth in Pererius Commentaries, who sorteth out his collections wholly out of men of his own sect (I speak of the new writers) whereas he needed be no more ashamed, to have followed the judgment of Luther, Calvin, Simlerus, Junius, and other worthy writers among the Protestants, as we do not refuse the learned observations of Cajetan, Montanus, Vatablus, with others of their side. I have therefore out of their writings taken the best and left the worst: where they speak the truth, I allege them; where they are found in error, I refute them: herein following Jerome's president, Operis est & studii mei multos legere, ut ex plurimis diversos flores carperem, non tam probaturus omnia, quàm, quae bona, electurus. Advers. Vigilant. I profess this to be my study, to gather variety of flowers out of divers, not to allow all which I find, but to make choice of the best▪ And as Ambrose well saith, Legimus aliqua, ne legantur; legimus, ne ignoremus▪ legimus, non ut teneamus, sed ut repudiemus: Somethings we read, that others should not read them; we read them, not to be ignorant of them; we read them, not to retain them, but to reject them.
These my labors, as your Grace was my great incourager first to undertake them, so it is meet that you should with the first reap the fruit of them. And this I wish from my heart, and humbly crave of God, that, all domestical contentions being laid aside, we the Ministers of the Gospel might so spend our time, and employ our pains, that the age present might receive comfort by our Ministry, and posterity profit. And I say with Augustine to Jerome, Quiescamus ab his contentionibus, nostrae vitae salutique parcamus, minus certe assequatur illa, quae inflat, dum non offendatur illa quae aedificat: Let us rest from these contentions, and favor our life and health: let that have less which puffeth up, so that be not offended which edifieth. Men's singularity should give place to charity, and opinion of knowledge to peace, and self love to the common good. And so I conclude with that saying of Jerome, Precor itaque ut p •• em, 〈◊〉 nobis reliquit Dominus, habeamus: in b • evi antetribunal ejus, reconciliat • se • s • iss • ••• cordiâ, aut premium recuperabit, aut poenam; ad Castorin • m: I pray therefore, that 〈◊〉 may enjoy that peace, which our Lord left unto us: shortly before his tribunal seat, for concord kept or broken, we shall receive reward or punishment.
Your Graces ready to be commanded in the blessed Lord Jesus, Andrew Willet.
CERTAINE DIRECTIONS TO THE READER.
I Desire thee (courteous Reader) to follow these directions in the reading of this work. In the whole Scripture and every part thereof, there are two things generally to be considered, the sense and understanding, and the use and profit: As the Apostle toucheth both, first speaking to Timothy of the Knowing, that is, the understanding of Scripture, then of the profitable use, 2 Tim. 3.15, 16. The sense of the Scripture is either the literal and single sense, which is seen in the interpretation of the words; or the compound and mixed sense, which consisteth either in showing the coherence of the text, with the other parts going before, and following; or in removing of doubts, difficulties and contradictions. Now the use and profit of Scripture, either concerneth doctrine, in confirming the truth, and confuting error; or manners, in reproving vice, or exhorting to virtue: and thus the Apostle saith, The whole Scripture is profitable to teach, to improve, to correct and instruct in righteousness, 2 Tim. 3.16.
According to this distribution, have I observed six points upon every Chapter: three belonging to the sense, the Argument and method showing the coherence, the divers Readings explaining the literal sense and signification of words, and the explication of questions, which concerneth the removing of doubts: the other three do show the use, in noting the doctrines for confirmation of the truth, or the controversies for the confuting of errors; and then follow the Moral observations, tending either to the destruction of vice, or instruction in righteousness.
In the Divers Readings, I. signifieth Junius, V. Vatablus, C. the Chaldee Paraphrast, S. the Septuagint, L. the vulgar Latin translation, A. Arias Montanus, P. Pagnine, B. the great Bible, G. the Geneva edition, H. the Hebrew original. And the letters in the margen show the best reading: the star fixed in the margen noteth the diversity of reading in some principal place. These my labors now I commend unto thy favorable acceptation (Christian Reader;) and both thee and them, to the gracious blessing of our glorious Lord Jesus Christ: to whom be praise forever.
THE SECOND BOOKE OF MOSES CALLED EXODVS. GENERALL OBSERVATIONS out of the whole Book.
1. The sum and argument.
A S in the former book Moses shown the original and beginning of th • Church: so in this he declareth the progress and increase thereof. Simler: wherein, both God's faithfulness and truth appeareth in performing his promise made to their fathers, in multiplying their seed wonderfully, and that under the miserable thralldom and bondage of Egypt. Pelican. and the Lord's glory and power notably appeared in those mighty signs and wonders, whereby Pharaoh was forced to let Israel go. Vatab. his fatherly and tender care also shown it self, in sparing his people and not utterly destroying them, when they fell into lust, murmuring, and idolatry: still correcting them as a father, by his chastisements to bring them to repentance, yet remembering his ancient love still following them with new benefits. Genevens. and his wonderful providence is manifested in giving them laws to be governed by, and prescribing unto them a most excellent form of worship. Junius. And the sum of this book is briefly comprehended in the 105. Psalm, from verse 24. to the end: wherein the Psalmist showeth how it fared with Israel in Egypt before their deliverance: by what means they were delivered, and what the Lord did for them after their deliverance. Ferus.
2. The parts of the book.
This book of Exodus hath two parts:
- 1. The narration and history of the Israelites deliverance and going out of Egyt. A.
- 2. The constitution and settling of the Church after their deliverance. B.
-
A.
In their deliverance are to be considered
-
1. Such things as went before: as
- The occasion, which was their grievous oppression in Egypt. chap. 1.
- The preparation of the instruments of their deliverance: of Moses, chap. 2, 3, 4. and Aaron, chap. 4. with their message to Pharaoh, chap. 5, 6.
- The means procuring their deliverance, those ten several plagues, which were sent upon Egypt: described from chap. 7. to chap. 12.
-
2. Their deliverance it self: consisting of their
- Departure out of Egypt, with the manner thereof, and institution of the Passover, chap. 12. and their going forward in their journey, c. 13.
- Their passing thorough the red sea, with the destruction of the Egyptians. chap. 14.
- Their thanksgiving. chap. 15.
-
1. Such things as went before: as
-
•
. In the constitution of the Church is set forth
-
1. The provision of things necessary for them: as
- 1. Their food, chap. 16. and water for their thirst. chap. 17.
- 2. Defense from their enemies, as the Amalekites▪ chap. 17.
- 3. A politic order set for government, c. 18.
-
2. The prescription and promulgation of laws.
- Moral, chap. 20. with the preparation thereunto, chap. 19. Judicial, belonging to the policy of the Common-wealth, chap. 21. to 24.
-
Ceremonial touching
- The sacred things of the Tabernacle, chap. 25.27.30.
- The Tabernacle it self. c. 26.27.
-
The Ministers of the holy things, the Priests and Levites,
- Their institution with their holy garments, chap. 28.
- Consecration, ch. 29.
- The workmen and instruments. chap. 30.
-
3. The execution and practice of their people: partly in
- Their disobedience to the Moral law, in their apostasy and idolatry, chap. 32. with their reconciliation, chap. 33.34.
-
Their obedience concerning the ceremonials
- Of the people in bringing stuff to make the Tabernacle and other holy things: chap. 35.36.
- Of the workmen in making all things according to the pattern. chap. 36. to 39.
- Moses in approving the work▪ chap. 39. and disposing it, chap. 40.
-
1. The provision of things necessary for them: as
3. Certain general questions out of the whole book explained.
QUEST. I. Concerning the inscription of the book.
THis book is called in Hebrew of the first words, velle shemoth, that is, and these are the names: of the Greeks, it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Exodus, of the miraculous going of the Israelites out of Egypt: Simler. The inscription of the books of Scripture is of three sorts: for it is taken either from the persons that wrote them, as the books of Isaiah, Ierem. &c. or whereof they be written, either in general, as the books of Joshua, and of the Judges: or in part, as the books of Samuel: or else from the things entreated of, as the book of Leviticus, Numbers, &c. or of the first words of the book: as Genesis, is called of the Hebrews, beresheth, in the beginning: Leviticus, ve •• kra, and he called, &c. which are the first words of the text▪ and so also is this book named, as is said before: Iun. and the reason of it may be this, because where the writer of any book of Scripture left it without name, they of elder time for reverence and religion sake did forbear to give it any title. Simler.
QUEST. II. Of the computation of years comprehended in the story of Exodus.
COncerning the continuance of time and number of years, which are comprehended in this book, they are found to be 142. as may be thus gathered: From the death of Joseph to the birth of Moses are years 60. from the birth of Moses unto the departure of Israel out of Egypt, are years 80. chap. 7.7. from the departure of Israel thence unto the Tabernacle erected, was one year, chap. 40.17. Iun. These two latter numbers are certainly gathered out of the Scripture: only the first may be doubted of: which is thus also warranted: all the time of the peregrination of Abraham and his seed in Egypt and Canaan maketh 430. years, Exod. 22.40. this time beginneth when Abraham was called out of his country, and 30. years was run at the birth of Isaac: who at 60. begat Jacob, Gen. 25.26. who at an 130. went down into Egypt unto Joseph, Gen. 47.9. who being then 39. years old, and dying at an 110. Gen. 50.26. lived after that years 71. then put hereunto 80. years of Moses age: all maketh (joining the sums of 30.60.130.71.80. together) years 371: there remaineth then the sum of 59. years, or 60. to make up the whole sum of 430. years.
QUEST. III. Whether Moses were the writer of this book.
NOw that Moses was the pen-man and writer of this book (the spirit of God being the author, and inspirer thereof, it is diversely evident: 1. for Moses testifieth of himself, that he wrote all the words of the Lord, Exod. 24.4. which are contained in this book. 2. The Scripture so divideth the books of the Old Testament, that they were written either by Moses, or some other of the Prophets, Luk. 16.31. 3. Our Savior alleging a certain place out of this book, doth call it the book of Moses: Mark. 12. 26. Have you not read in the book of Moses? so also Luk. 20.37. And that the dead shall rise again, even Moses shown it beside the bush, when he said, &c.
QUEST. IV. Whether Moses Judicial laws do now necessarily bind the Civil Magistrate.
BUt whereas in this book divers both moral, ceremonial and Judicial laws are prescribed, whereof the two first there is no question, but that the one doth bind us still, and the other is abrogated: only concerning the Judicials of Moses, it is controverted, whether Christian Magistrates are bound to observe them: which Judicials being of three sorts, either such which are annexed to the Moral law, as the punishment of adultery and murder and disobedience to parents with death, and such like: or such as were appendant to the Ceremonial law, as the punishment of those that touched any dead thing, or that came near a woman in her monthly course, and such like: or such as belonged to the peculiar policy and state of that Common-wealth, as concerning the year of Jubile, the raising up of seed to the brother departed in marrying his wife, and such like: of the two latter there is no doubt made, but that the one is abrogated together with the ceremonies, whereon they attended, the other as proper to that government are now determined: only the third kind of Judicials remaineth, about the which great question is made, how far Christian governors are obliged to the same.
For the discussing of which question, 1. I neither am of their opinion, which think that the Judicial law is left to the liberty of the Christian Magistrate to add to it, and take from it, and to alter it, as shall • e thought fit for the time and manner of the country: for this were, 1. to be wiser than God, to leave altogether those directions and rules of justice, which he hath set down: and the Apostle saith, the foolishness of God is wiser than men, 1. Cor. 1.25. that which seemeth to be meanest of the Divine orders, is far beyond the wisest human inventions. 2. And there is but one Law-giver that can save and destroy, I am 4.12. Only God that gave unto man his life, hath power to take it away: and therefore otherwise than God hath given direction, either by particular precept, or general rule the life of man is not to be taken away. 3. And seeing Magistrates are but God's Ministers, Rom. 13.4. they must execute justice according to his will: for it is required of a disposer that he be found faithful, 1. Cor. 4.2. but God's will otherwise appeareth not, than in his word. 4. And seeing whatsoever is not of faith (that is, firm persuasion) is sin, Rom. 14.23. and faith must be grounded upon the word, as being wrought by the word, Rom 10.17. how can the Magistrate approve his acts of justice as in the sight of God, unless he can warrant the same by the word?
2. Neither yet can I consent with those which think, that the punishment inflicted by Moses for the breach of the moral law together with the moral law is imposed upon Christian Magistrates: as it is not lawful to punish adultery otherwise than by death, nor simple theft by death but by restitution: Piscator. praefation. in Exod. for, if this were so, then the Gospel should overthrow the policy and institution of divers Common-wealths, which of a long time have continued: but God is the author of peace, not of confusion. 1. Cor. 14.33. 2. Mardoche and Daniel having place of government under the Persian Kings, did no doubt minister justice according to the laws of that country. 3. Our Savior Christ commanding to give tribute to Caesar, and enjoining obedience to the higher powers which did bear the sword, and that for conscience sake, Rom. 13. seem to give approbation to the laws of nations maintaining right, and tending to equity. 4. Our Savior himself observed not the judicials belonging to the moral law: for whereas he that gathered sticks upon the Sabbath was stoned to death by Moses, yet out Savior excuseth and defendeth his Apostles, who did, as much as the other, in rubbing the ears of corn for their necessity, Matth. 12. yea he giveth a rule, that for fornication only and adultery it was lawful for a man to put away his wife, Matth. 19. which exception needed not, if either in fact then, or in right afterward, adulterers and adulteresses were to be punished by death. If it be answered that Christ took not upon him the office of the Civil Magistrate, to impose corporal punishment: yet would not our Savior have defended his Apostles, nor yet by silence have left them unreproved for neglect of the law.
3. Wherefore the best resolution is, that the moral judicials of Moses do partly bind, and partly are left free: they do not hold affirmatively, that we are tied to the same severity of punishment now, which was inflicted then: but negatively they do hold, that now the punishment of death should not be adjudged, where sentence of death is not given by Moses: Christian Magistrates ruling now under Christ the Prince of peace, Isai. 9. that is of clemency & mercy, may abate of the severity of Moses law, & mitigate the punishment of death: but they cannot add unto it, to make the burden more heavy: to show more rigor than Moses, becometh not the Gospel, to extend more favor is not unbeseeming: of these two assertions my reasons are as followeth: 1. That which Ambrose urgeth out of the mouth of Luke, how our Savior reproveth his Disciples, because they would have had fire come down upon the Samaritans, upon the which example he thus inferreth: Ostenditur nobis, non semper in eos qui peecaverunt vindicandum, quia nonnunquam amplius prodest clementia tibi ad patientiam, lapso ad correctionem: It is shown us, that always vengeance is not to be taken of those that offend, because oftentimes clemency is more profitable for patience in thee, and amendment in the offender. And this collection is ratified by the answer of our Savior in that place: The Son of man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to s • ve them, Luk. 9.55. 2. Augustine urgeth the example of Christ, who suffered the woman taken in ad •• tery to escape without punishment of death, John. 8. Whereupon he inferreth that the adulter • 〈◊〉 ▪ not now to be put to death, but to live rather, to be reconciled to her husband, or to come 〈…〉 : the usual answer is, that our Savior doth not here abrogate the Law against adultery, 〈◊〉 only to meddle with the Magistrates office: Piscator. Ans. Neither do we say that Christ abrogateth that law: but leaveth it free and taketh away the necessity of it. And though Christ exercised not the Magistrates office in his own person, yet in this case, it had not been impertinent to have given direction to have her before the Magistrate, as in another case, he sendeth the leper to the Priest, Matth. 8.4. if it had pleased him to impose still the severity of the law: yea our Savior showeth by his answer: Let him that is amongst you without sin, cast the first stone at her, John. 8.7. that he would not have them such strait executors of the rigor of Moses law upon others, but rather to be severe judges of themselves, and with charitable affection to support the frailty of others, to the which themselves were subject. 3. Further, the difference between the times of the Law and of the Gospel must be considered: then they received the spirit of bondage to fear, but now the spirit of adoption, Rom. 8.15. then they which came near the mount, where the moral Law was given, were stone or stricken thorough with darts, whether man or beast, Heb. 12.20. but it is not so now: then the blood of Abel cried for vengeance, but the blood of Christ now calleth for mercy: and so speaketh better things than that of Abel▪ Heb. 12.24. Therefore to mitigate the severity of Moses Law, in some cases (yet not leaving sin unpunished, nor by connivence cherishing the same) it is more suitable to the profession of the Gospel of peace and mercy.
Wherefore I here say with Chrysostom: Vbi paterfamilias largus est, dispensator non debet esse tenax: Where the master of the house is bountiful, the steward must not be sparing: Melius est propter misericordiam rationem reddere, quàm propter crudelitatem: It is better to be called to account for too much pity, than for cruelty. 4. The continual practice of the Church showeth as much, that the rigor of Moses judicials is mitigated. S. Paul willeth the incestuous man only to be excommunicate, 1. Cor. 5. it seemeth then there was no law in force to put such to death: nor in Cyprians time, who thus writeth: Quidam episcopi in nostro provincia, &c. Some Bishops in our province have altogether shut up penance against adultery. Nor after that in the time of the Eliberin Council, which was held under the reign of Constantine, where it was decreed, can. 9. Moechatus post poenitentiam, That he which committed adultery after public penance, should finally be denied the Communion. In Jerome's time it seemeth that adultery was punished by death: who in a certain epistle maketh mention of a young man,
Yet, although we contend, that the capital punishment of Moses law may now be dispensed with in some cases upon the reasons before alleged, this is not either to condemn those Common-wealths, which do retain still and practice the severity of Moses law against adulterers, who therein sin not: but as Ambrose saith of the Apostles, that asked for fire to come down upon the Samaritans: Nec discipuli peccant legem sequentes: Yet did not the Disciples offend, following the law: neither to excuse those places, where this sin is too easily and lightly punished, as Erasmus complaineth in his time: Nunc adulterium lusus magnatum est: Now adultery is but a sport of great men. Where adultery is not capitally punished, yet great severity otherwise should be used: as it was decreed in the Elib • rin Council, that he which having a wife committed adultery, should be under penance five years▪ can 〈◊〉 . He that did sin that way after should not be received to the peace of the Church till his dying 〈…〉 that did commit adultery after penance, should never be restored to the communion of the Chu ••• c. 7. These or such like severe constitutions, this wanton and lascivious age hath need of, that this overflowing sin might be kept in with higher banks, than now it is: So then I conclude this point with Cyprian, who speaking of divers kinds of Ecclesiastical censure used in divers places, thus writeth: Manente concordia vinculo actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquis{que} Episcopus, &c. The bond of amity remaining still, every Bishop so directeth and disposeth his own act, that he is thereof to give account unto God. The like may be said of Princes and Magistrates, in their dominions and regiments: that the difference in public punishments (all intending the glory of God, and the bridling of sin) is no cause to break peace or breed jealousy between Christian states.
Now for the other part, that Moses Judicials do bind negatively, that is, where Moses Law inflicteth not death, there Christian Magistrates are not to punish with death: the reasons are these: 1. Because then the regiment of the Gospel should exceed in terror, the strictness and severity of Moses Law. 2. God is that one Lawgiver, that saveth life and destroyeth, I am. 4.12. he gave life, and he only hath right to take it away. God hath created man in his image, Gen. 9.6. which image is expressed in man's soul animating the body. This image then is not to be defaced and dissolved, but by warrant and direction from God: therefore the equity of the Judicials of Moses ought to be a rule, either by general direction, or particular president to all Magistrates, in what cases and for what sins they are to deprive the offenders of their life.
But here it will be objected, that if this be so, then all those Common-wealths are in error, which punish theft by death, which by Moses law is satisfied by making restitution. Exod. 22.2. Ans. Even by Moses law some kind of theft received a capital punishment: as if it were a violent theft, as it was lawful to kill a thief breaking into the house, Exod • s 22.2. or a wanton theft, as David judged him worthy to die, that having many sheep of his own, took by violence the only sheep which his poor neighbor had, 2. Sam. 12.5. Likewise public theft and sacrilege in Achan was punished by death, Josh. 7. But that simple theft, when a man stealeth only to satisfy his hungry soul, or to supply his present necessity, should be proceeded against to the loss of life, it seemeth hard. And as I take it, the laws of this land have used a good consideration herein, that such small felons should escape by their book: wherein, to my understanding, greater clemency and favor in some Judges were more commendable, who require an exactness of such simple clerks; unless they be such as are worthy, for other former evil demerits to be cut off as rotten members. There is a saying in the law, Favores sunt ampliandi: Where favor is intended, it should be the largest way extended. It were also to be wished, that a greater valuation were yet set, than of the usual rate, in such small fellonies, when a man is to be judged for his life. By Dioclesians law some kinds of theft are charged with restitution of four fold: by another authentic law, the thief is adjudged to be beaten with clubbes. By the Decrees, Qui fec • rit furtum capitale. &c. He that committed any capital theft, as in breaking into an house, in stealing a beast, or some other thing of price, if he were a Clergy man he was to be under penance seven years; if a lay man, five: if it were a small theft, he was to make restitution and to do penance one year. By any of these or the like constitutions, sufficient provision might be made against simple theft. But it can no ways be justified, that such simple theft should be more straightly punished than adultery, which far exceedeth the other, as the Wise man compareth them together, Prov. 6.30.32▪ that which the spirit of God hath judged to be the weightier sin, by man's balance cannot be made lighter. And hereof Erasmus complaint in his time was just: Savitur passim in miseros fures &c. Poor thieves are everywhere straitly handled, whereas neither Dracos, nor the Roman, nor Moses laws punish theft with death. Then he proceedeth: Avaritia nostra facit ut ideo magnum malum existimemus furium, quia pecuniam summi boni loco ducimus: Our covetousness is the cause that we count theft such a great evil, because we hold money to be so great a good. This may suffice of this question.
4. Places of doc • rine out of the whole book.
1. Doct. God's election sure and infallible.
FIrst, it is evident by this book of Exodus, wherein is set forth unto us, how diversely the people provoked God by their sins, as their Idolatry, lust, murmuring, impatience, yet God continued their merciful Lord still: that God's election is immutable, and whom he loveth he loveth to the end, John. 13.1. Genevens.
2. Doct. Which is the best form of a Common-wealth.
SEcondly, In this book also is described the best form of a Common-wealth, when as both Prince, Nobles, and people have their due: that form which is mixed of these three states is the happiest, and least subject to change, and freest from mutinies. So was it in Israel in Moses time: in his sole government there was a Monarchy, in the 70. Elders, assistants, an Aristocracy, in that out of every tribe the Senators and Elders were indifferently chosen; therein there was a shadow of the Democratical state. S • mler. This mixed form of government is well seen in our high Court of Parliament, where there is a concurrence of three estates.
5. Places of confutation.
1. Confutation against election by works.
FIrst, this book showing on the one side the ingratitude and disobedience of the people, on the other the steadfast love of God toward them, affordeth an evident argument of God's free election without any respect to works, against those which defend election ex praevisis operibus, of works foreseen before: and the Apostle to the same purpose out of this book allegeth that notable text, I will have mercy on him, upon whom I will have mercy. Rom. 9.15. Borrhaius.
2. Confutation against those which say all things were carnal to the fathers.
FUrther: some out of Serveius school, which have taught that the fathers in the law had only a carnal imagination of terrene things, and no knowledge of the Messiah, are in this book confuted: for S. Paul showeth how that in their external actions, and symbols, baptism was shadowed forth, and Christ both their spiritual meat and drink and ours, 1. Cor. 10.2.3. And though the Apostles expected a terrene kingdom, Act. 1. that they did draw from the error of those times, it being a general received opinion. But they themselves before that joined with Peter, in confessing Christ to be the Son of God, Matth. 16. and afterward, they shown, wherein their happiness consisted, in preaching remission of sins in Christ. Simler. Prologomen.
6. Places of moral use.
1. Mor. Our spiritual deliverance by Christ shadowed forth.
FIrst, here in the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt, is shadowed forth our spiritual deliverance by Christ: they under Moses escaped from the tyranny of Pharaoh and the bondage of Egypt: we by Christ are set free from the spiritual captivity of sin and Satan: as the Prophet Zechariah alludeth unto this external deliverance, chap. 10.11. The Scepter of Egypt shall depart away. Borrah.
2. Mor. God's chastisements tend not to destruction, but to amendment.
AGaine: in that the Lord, when the people sinned, scourged them, and yet not to their destruction, but to their amendment: it showeth that both God is not partial, but will punish sin, even in his own children, as also, that the afflictions, which God layeth upon his children, tendeth not to their eversion, but is sent rather to work their conversion: Genevens. The Apostle saith; If ye endure chastening, God, offereth himself unto you, as unto sons. Heb. 12.7.
3. Mor. Example of special virtues in this book.
FUrther, in this book many examples of singular virtues are propounded worthy of imitation: of piety in the Midwives, of faith in Moses parents, of meekness in Moses, and faithfulness toward his people, of zeal in the Levites: that all flocked to Moses to execute vengeance upon the Idolaters. Simler.
CHAP. I.
T His chapter showeth the occasion which moved the Lord (for the cause thereof was in himself) to procure the deliverance of his people. This occasion is of two sorts:
First, the wonderful increase of the people, where is mention made both of their names and number coming down to Egypt, verse. 1. to verse. 7. then of their increasing in Egypt, verse. 7.
Secondly: The other occasion is the affliction of the Israelites, which followed upon this their increasing and multiplying: where is set down their consultation with the threefold end thereof, verse. 10. Then the execution: where four several afflictions of the Israelites are described: 1. Their hard usage under the taskmasters, verse. 11. 2. Their miserable bondage being at the command in general of the Egyptians not only for public but private works, verse. 14. 3. The male children are commanded to be slain: where first the charge is given by Pharaoh to the Midwives, verse. 15.16. Then the execution followeth contrary to the Kings expectation: where three things are declared; the reason which induced the Midwives not to obey the Kings cruel edict, v. 17. their defense unto the King, verse. 18.19. the reward of the Midwives, verse. 20. 4. Then followeth the general edict for the destroying of all the men children, verse. 22.
2. The divers readings.
5. But Joseph was in Egypt. A.P.V.B.G. cum caeter. with Joseph, which was in Egypt. T. here, which is added: the meaning is, that Joseph, though he were in Egypt, must be added to that number to make up 70.
10. That they join themselves unto our enemies, or fight against us. T. better than, and fight against us. B.G. cum caet. for their fear is threefold, lest they should run to their enemies, rebel, or escape out of their service.
11. They built for Pharaoh cities of munition. T.S. rather, than cities of treasure. A.P.C.B.G. or cities of tabernacles, L. or cities of store. V. the word mischenoth is taken for munition. 1. King. 9.19.
14. With all manner of bondage, which they exacted of them by cruelty. G.A.P.L. or according. S. better than beside all service which, &c. T. for the preposition eeth signifieth, with: or to put it in the nominative: their bondage wherein they served them was most cruel. V.B. the word bepharech, signifieth not cruel, but by or with cruelty.
16. When ye look into the stools. T. that is, whereon the women sat in their travel: to see of what sex the infant was: better than, see them on their stools. G. them is added: or, see them in their birth time. V.S. B. look in the stools. A. P.H. that is, into them: the word abenim signifieth the stools of women in travel, so called of banim children. T.P.
3. The explanation of doubtful questions.
QUEST. I. Why the twelve Patriarchs are so often rehearsed.
Vers. 1. THese are the names of the children of Israel. The names of the twelve Patriarchs are so often rehearsed in Scripture: 1. because of them came the twelve tribes, the Priestly also and the Kingly order sprang from thence. 2. And this mystical number of twelve is used in Scripture, to describe the spiritual state of the Church under Christ: as twelve thousand are chosen out of every tribe, Apoc. 7. and the new Jerusalem is set forth by the twelve gates, and twelve foundations, Apoc. 21. Simler. 3. And to show the truth and constancy of God's promises, in increasing the seed of Jacob, of twelve fathers into so many thousands. Pelican. 4. And beside the dignity and prerogative of the children of God herein appeareth, who are chiefly remembered in Scripture where mention is made of the wicked, it is by the way and as it were by accident, and in a manner besides the proper intention of the Scripture. Ferus.
QUEST. II. Why Jacob's sons are not always rehearsed in the same order.
Vers. 3. ISsachar, Zebulon and Benjamin: the Patriarchs are seldom rehearsed in the same order: for Gen. 46. first Leah's children, then her maid Zilpaehs: then Rachel's sons, and lastly Bilhah her maids are numbered: but here Benjamin Rachel's son is set before the sons of the handmaids: the like order is kept Genes. 35. So Reuben is here named first, but in the order of the campe Judah hath the first place, Num. 2. and when the spies are sent out Numb. 13. another order is observed. Simler. The reasons hereof may be these: 1. because in the Old Testament for the most part the order of nature, not of grace is followed: for though Reuben were the eldest in birth, yet Judah had the regal preeminence. Bor. 2. This is done, that we should not be curious observers of numbers, or men's nativities. Pelican. 3. The Patriarchs had now all received their fathers blessing, and were incorporate into one holy people: to show therefore their equality, and that there was no difference of the tribes before God, sometimes one is named first, sometime another. Ferus. 4. But here, and Gen. 35. all the children of Jacob's wives, as sons of free women are rehearsed before the sons of the maid servants. Iun. Vatab.
QUEST. III. How they are said to be seventy souls, that went down with Jacob into Egypt.
Vers. 5. SO all the souls that came of Jacob's loins were seventy: 1. They were beside Jacob 66. with Jacob 67. with Joseph & his two sons 70. so then in this number Iacbos wives are not reckoned, but only those which came out of his loins: but Joseph must be included, and therefore it is added: but Joseph was in Egypt. Junius readeth, cum Iosepho, with Joseph, in the same sense. 2. Whereas the Septuagint read 75. whom S. Luke followeth in Stephens story, Act. 7. because it was not safe to depart in a matter of number from the received translation; Junius thinketh, that in that number all are comprehended beside Jacob, that are rehearsed in that catalogue, as Jacob's two wives, Er and Onan, which all make 75. But why should Jacob be left out in the number of 75. and included in the number of 70. and to what purpose should Er and Onan be comprehended in that sum, seeing they were dead before and went not down into Egypt? But seeing the Septuag. Gen. 46. do rehearse five nephews of Joseph, Machir, and Gilead his son of Manasseh, Sutalam, and Edem his son, and Taam of Ephraim, it is more like, that S. Luke, for the reason before alleged, therein followeth the Septuagint: Aretius. See more of this upon that question, Gen. 46.
QUEST. IV. Of the wonderful multiplying of the Israelites in Egypt.
7. ANd the children of Israel fructified, &c. 1. The people increased exceedingly: which is here expressed by four words of like significations: p • ru, they fructified: ijsrezu, they brought forth in abundance, as the fish: ijrbu, they were multiplied, and jagghatzuus, they waxed strong. Simler. 2. and so accordingly they multiplied that of 70. persons, there came 700000. of everyone ten thousand Pelican. Yea, whereas above six hundred thousand of men able to go to war from twenty years old and upward were numbered, that came out of Egypt▪ Numb. 1.46. out of which number were excepted all the males under twenty, and all the old men, beside the women, which were not so few as the men, seeing it was not unusual in those days for one man to have divers wives: it may be supposed, and is so judged by some, that the whole number could not be less than thirty hundred thousand. Perer. 3.
QUEST. V. In what time the Israelites so exceedingly increased.
FUrther, this multiplying of the Israelites, to take the longest time from the first going down of Jacob, to the return of the Israelites thence, was in the space of 215. years. Some think that the greatest increase was the first hundred year, after that generation was dead, verse. 6. which is usually taken in Scripture for the space of an hundred years. Simler. But there by that generation are understood only the men of that age. Vatab. Augustine taketh all the time after the death of Joseph, which Perer. counteth an 145. years. But the chief time of this increase was after Joseph's death, before the time of their servitude: how they increased also in the time of their bondage is declared afterward verse. 12. Neither need this seem strange, that in the space of 215. years the Israelites did so wonderfully increase, seeing that foreign authors do write, that Ninus, who began to reign 250. years after the flood, did lead in his army against the Bactrianes 700. thousand footmen, and two hundred thousand horsemen: Diod. Sicul. lib. 3. cap. 2. ex Ctesia. Perer.
QUEST. VI. By what means the Israelites increased.
HOw this wonderful increase should be wrought: 1. we neither need to think with Augustine ▪ that it was miraculous. 2. nor with the Hebrews to imagine, that everyone of them brought forth two or three at a birth. Pelican. For although it be often seen, that women may have many at a birth: as Aristotle maketh mention of one that had twenty at four times, five at every birth, and that it is usual in Egypt for the women to have two and three, and sometimes five at a birth: Trogus reporteth that in Egypt they bring forth sometimes seven at once. Bor. yet this is not usually nor often seen. 3. Therefore, supposing, as is most like, that all the Hebrew women were very fruitful, that they bore betimes, and were child-bearing long, being not cut off by untimely death or sickness: it seemeth not unpossible that such a number by ordinary means, in the circuit of 215. years might be multiplied: for seventy persons in thirty years, if they beget everyone but one in a year, will have 2100. Cut off the odd hundred, and admit that the third part only of the other number was apt for generation, that is six hundred, which make 300. couples or marriages, those will beget in thirty years more, which is the 60. year from their coming into Egypt, nine thousand: the third part hereof three thousand, maketh fifteen hundred couples: which having but every year one, will beget the next thirty years, which makes 90. in all, 45000. hereof the third part 15000. will make 7400. couples, leaving the odd hundred: which will beget by the 12. year, 222000. the third part whereof 74000. maketh 37000. couples, and will beget by the 150. year 1110000 the third part hereof 370000. maketh 185000. marriages, which will beget the next thirty years, by the 180. year, 5550000. whereof the third part 185000. which maketh beside the five odd thousand, 920000. marriages, which will beget by the 210. year, 27600000. that is, 27. thousand, six hundred thousand: Simler. Though herein no miracle be admitted, yet could it not be done without the exceeding blessing of God, especially, that notwithstanding their cruel bondage, and sore labor, yet they multiplied without number. Perer.
Somewhat about this time, the children of Ephraim being increased went against the men of Gath to take away their cattle, but presuming before the time they were slain, and Ephraim mourned for them, 1 Chron. 7.21. Osiander.
QUEST. VII. Who this new King was that knew not Joseph.
Vers. 8. THere arose a new King in Egypt. 1. This new King was neither an Assyrian borne, as Cajetano conjectureth upon these words of Isaiah chap. 52.4. My people went down into Egypt to sojourn there, and Asshur oppressed them without cause ; but the Prophet in this place toucheth both the oppressions of the Israelites in Egypt, and under Asshur: neither in the Egyptian Chronicles was there any Assyrian King either before Moses, or for a thousand years after, till the reign of Cambises the Persian. 2. Neither could this King be Mephres, in whose ninth year Joseph should die, and the bondage of Israel begin: as Vincentius. For seeing all the Patriarchs were dead before their affliction began, of which number Levi, elder than Joseph by four years, lived 137. years, Exod. 6. and so survived Joseph (who died at 110. years) 23. years: then could not Mephres be this King, that began to reign before Joseph died. 3. Neither was this King Ramesses, as some think, because one of the cities which the Israelites built was called by that name: for Ramesses was King of Egypt in the time of the Trojane war: Plin. lib. 36. cap. 8. which was three hundred years after the death of Moses: if he reigned in Egypt in the time of Deborah, as thinketh Eusebius, he was 140. years after Moses, 4. But it is more probable that this King was Amemphis, in whose 18. year Eusebius thinketh Moses was borne: so also Jerome in Chronicis, some call him Memnon, the speaking stone, whose image did use to speak at the Suns rise, and so continued until Christ: Perer. Simler.
QUEST. VIII. Why this Pharaoh is called a new King.
HE is called a new King, because he came of another family: Joseph ▪ or for that he brought in a new kind of government, altering and changing the laws, as the Chaldee Paraphrast: and ruling after his own pleasure: Simler. He knew not Joseph, either being borne after his time, or having forgotten his benefits, as Darius had Mardoches faithfulness, Esther 6. Junius. Wherein his great ingratitude appeared: for two great benefits Joseph had procured; one in general, in saving the whole land in the time of the famine; the other to the Crown, in annexing to it the fifth part of the revenues of Egypt: Perer. As also herein Joseph's modesty appeared, that did not in his long time of honor, which continued 80. years, raise up an honorable and wealthy state to his posterity, seeing his house was so soon obscured: but, as is most like, he and his sons joined themselves unto their brethren, not hunting after the wealth of Egypt, where they knew they were but strangers: Simlerus.
QUEST. IX. The causes of the affliction of the Israelites.
Vers. 10. COme let us work wisely with them, &c. 1. There were three causes why the Egyptians consulted to oppress the Israelites: first they envied their happiness and prosperity, for God every way blessed them: then they hated them for their religion, in which regard the Hebrews were an abomination to the Egyptians, for they sacrificed those beasts which the Egyptians worshipped: see Gen. 46.34. and Exod. 8.26. Thirdly they were afraid of them, lest they should join with their enemies, and rebel against them: Perer. 2. And three things they feared, lest they might take part with their enemies, or rebel by their own strength, or make an escape out of the land: Iun. They feared all these jointly, and everyone in particular, therefore it is better read disjunctively: see before in the divers readings. 3. They work wisely, or cunningly, c •• ftily (for so the word Chacham is taken both in the good & bad part) not as the Hebrews imagine, because they would not destroy them with the sword or fire, lest God might be revenged of them in the same kind, but devised by the water to destroy them, whereby the Lord promised never to destroy the world again: but their craft is seen in attempting divers ways to keep them under, that if they prevailed not by one means, they might by another: and in respect of themselves they work wisely, providing both for their own security, and for their profit in the service of the Israelites: Simler. Likewise they oppressed them cunningly, that they might not be accused of open and manifest tyranny: Osiander. 4. Josephus allegeth another cause of this affliction: that about that time one of the Egyptian Priests foretold unto the King of one that should be borne, who, when he once came to years, should work much harm to the Egyptians, and greatly exalt the people of Israel: lib. 2. antiquit. cap. 5. But this being his conjecture, no such thing here insinuated by Moses, may be more safely rejected, than credited.
QUEST. X. Of the hard affliction of the Israelites.
12. THerefore they did set taskmasters over them, &c. 1. Divers ways were the Israelites most grievously oppressed in Egypt. 1. Philo writeth, that they were caused to carry burdens above their strength, that they were forced to work night and day: that the same were constrained to be both workmen, and servers: they were employed in making brick, digging, and building: insomuch, that many of them died under their burdens, and were not suffered to be buried: and beside, the most cruel men were set to be their taskmasters: Phil. lib. 1. de vita Mosis 2. Josephus addeth further: that the Israelites made ditches and trenches to convey the river: and built the great Pyramids of brick, yea they carried the filth and dust out of the city: lib. 2. antiquit. cap. 5. 3. Eusebius out of Eupolimus writeth, that to make the Hebrews more odious, they were commanded to go otherwise appareled than the Egyptians. 4. But we need not seek further than in the Scriptures: as the business of their work is set forth, verse. 14. they wrought in clay and brick, and in all manner of rural works, Exod. 5. they were compelled to seek straw themselves to make their brick with, and yet nothing was diminished of their daily task: & if they failed their officers were beaten. And therefore in respect of their hard servitude, the Lord saith, he brake the bands of their yoke, Levite. 26.13. and took them out of the iron furnace, Deut. 4.20. 5. Thus the Egyptians three ways kept them under, they exacted of them tribute to empoverish their wealth: Bor. they laid burdens upon them, to weaken their bodies, and by this means they thought to hinder their generation and increase: Simler.
QUEST. XI. Of the cities Pithom and Rameses, which the Israelites built for Pharaoh.
Vers. 11. ANd they built the cities of munition Pithom and Ruhumses: 1. The word is Mischenoth, which signifieth not Tabernacles, as the Latin translation readeth, being deceived as is like by the similitude of this word and succoth, which signifieth Tabernacles: most read the cities of treasures: as sochen is taken for a treasurer, Isa. 22.15. the Hebrews take them to be granaries, where the Egyptians laid up their store of corn, which was the riches and treasure of Egypt: & so Vatablus readeth repositoria ; storehouses. Lyranus thinketh they were called cities of treasures, because they were so sure, that they might serve for the keeping of treasure. Oleaster deriveth the word of suchan to enclose or shut up, as it is taken, Psal. 139.3. Thou hast shut up all my ways: and so mischenoth should signify places made to keep or shut up anything: and in this sense, they may be taken cities of defense enclosed with walls: Pererius. And so it is most likely that these were cities of munition, as the Septuagint read, and as the word is taken, 1 King. 9.19. sic Iun. 2. Pithom some think to be the town Butis or Buto at one of the mouths or doors of Nile, famous for the Oracle of Latona: but it is rather the town Patraion in the borders of Egypt toward Arabia Petraea, whither reached the great ditch made from Nile to the red Sea, supposed to be the work of the Israelites, which Herodotus falsely ascribeth to Pharaoh Necho: Iun. 3. The other city Rahamses, Tostatus thinketh to be the same with that in the land of Gosen, mentioned Gen. 47.11. by anticipation: not bearing then that name but so called when Moses wrote that book. Jerome thinketh that it is there the name of a Province, here of the chief city of the Province: Perer. which is most like, because the Israelites took their journey from Rameses: but from one city, being so many, they could not go: it seemeth by the Hebrew points to be a divers place from the other: for that is called Rahmeses, this Rahamses, and so thinketh Junius. 4. The Septuagint beside these two cities, make mention also in this place of On, which is Heliopolis: but this city was not now built by the Israelites, as Jerome well observeth, seeing long before in the story of Joseph, P • tipherah is said to be the Prince of On, and the Septuag. Gen. 41. do make it to be Heliopolis.
QUEST. XII. How many years the affliction of the Israelites is supposed to have continued.
NOw concerning the continuance of the servitude of the Israelites: 1. It was neither so long, as Josephus thinketh, four hundred years: for seeing the whole time of their being in Egypt could not be above four hundred and thirty years, Exod. 12.40. and Joseph lived seventy years after Jacob's coming into Egypt, it would follow, that this affliction began forty years before Joseph's death: and beside, Josephus is herein contrary to himself, who in the same book, lib. 2. antiquit. maketh the whole time of the Israelites abode in Egypt but two hundred and fifteen years. 2. Neither yet was the time so long as Eusebius conjectureth, 144. years from the death of Joseph: for not only Joseph, but the rest of that generation were dead before their oppression began, of the which number was Levi, who lived 23. years after Joseph: for he was four years elder than he, and lived 137. years, and Joseph died at 110. years. 3. Neither is the conjecture of the Hebrews certain, that the affliction took beginning at the death of Levi, from whence to the going out of the Israelites were 122. years, or thereabout: for not only Levi, but all of that generation were dead, whereof some came very young into Egypt, as Phares, not then above a year old, who is like to have survived Levi long: ex Perer. 4. Nor yet did their servitude continue an hundred & fifteen years, beginning after one hundred year of their being in Egypt, which was a full generation: Simler. for Phares was of that generation, who is likely to have exceeded an hundred years. 5. Wherefore seeing all that generation was first dead, of the which Phares was one, who being a year old at Jacob's coming into Egypt, may be supposed to live according to the rate of the years of man's life then, which was about 130. (as Levi lived 137. Kohath 133. Aaram 137. Exod. 6.16, 20.) then it will follow, Phares age of 130. being subduced from 215. the time of the Israelites being in Egypt, there will remain about 86. or 87. years of their affliction: when the Hebrews supposed Miriam Moses sister to have been borne, so called of the bitter affliction which was all her time, ex Perer.
QUEST. XIII. The reasons why the Lord suffered his poeple to be afflicted in Egypt.
WHy the Lord suffered his own people to be thus hardly entreated: 1. It was not chiefly or only for their Idolatry, which they learned and practiced in Egypt, as Thostatus thinketh. Quest. 7. in Exod. For though it is like that they learned some corruption that way of the Egyptians: as the Prophet showeth that the breasts of their virginity were pressed, and they committed fornication in their youth in Egypt, Esa▪ 23.2. & it appeareth by their setting up of the golden calf, which was a resemblance of the Egyptians god Apis: yet it is not like that they practiced Idolatry while Joseph lived, nor generally were corrupted, for then the Egyptians in all likelihood would not have so hated them, if they had been conformable unto them in their Idolatrous worship. 2. Other reasons therefore may be better yielded, why the Lord suffered his people to be thus tried. 1. That the Israelites should hate the impure manners and superstitions of Egypt. 2. That by this means they might be stirred up to pray to God for their deliverance, and to long for the land of Canaan. 3. That God might take just occasion to show his judgments upon Egypt. 4. That the Israelites also might be occasioned hereby more justly to shake off the Egyptians cruel yoke. 5. That God's goodness and power might be seen, in supporting his people, and increasing them even in the midst of their affliction. 6. That the Israelites remembering their cruel bondage in Egypt, should have no mind to go thither again. For seeing this notwithstanding, if some rebellious of them attempted to make them a Captain, and to return into Egypt, Numb. 14. what would they have done, if they had lived in all fullness and pleasure there? Perer.
QUEST. XIV. Whether the Mid-wives were Egyptians, or Hebrew women.
15 MOreover the King of Egypt commanded the Mid-wives of the Hebrew women. 1. Those Mid-wives were not Egyptian women, as Josephus thinketh, to whom Pererius subscribeth with others, as Aretiu • Simlerus, for they were such as usually ministered to the Hebrew women, as the text showeth, before this time, and it is not to be thought, that the Israelitish women had no Midwives of their own: besides their religion showeth as much, because they served God, that they were Hebrew Mid-wives: and the derivation of their names, doth give conjecture thereof: Shiphrah is derived of Shaphar, to be bountiful, to adorn, and Puhah of Pahah, to cry out, a name fitting a Mid-wife, that is best acquainted with the crying of children: and whereas Josephus giveth this reason, because the Hebrew women would have been partial for kindred, saith: it may seem no more unlikely, that Pharaoh useth Hebrew women (whom he might think for the fear of their life would obey his commandment) then he did set Hebrew task-masters over the rest of the Israelites, Exod. 5.15. who might have been thought also no indifferent overseeers. I therefore rather think with Augustine, that those Mid-wives were Hebrew women, than Egyptians: 2. Yet could they not be Iocabed Moses mother, and Miriam Moses sister, (as some Hebrews) who was too young, not above seven year elder than Moses, to be employed for a Mid-wife, Simler.
QUEST. XV. Why Pharaoh only giveth his cruel charge to two Mid-wives.
THese two Mid-wives are named. 1. Not, as Cajetan, because they attended only upon the nobler sort of the Hebrews, whose children especially Pharaoh intended to cut off: for Pharaohs charge is general to kill all the male children. 2. Nay, there were many more called, as Perer. but these named as the more famous. 3. But these were the chief, and had the charge and command over the rest, and from them they are to take their direction. Pelican, Vatablus: and whereas Cajetan denieth that there was any such presidencie or superiority among the Mid-wives, it appeareth to be otherwise, that among the Grecians, there were some, to whom the choice care of that business was committed: as Plutarch testifieth: and that public schools were kept for that service: Iun. in Analys. 4. Now it is easy to guess, why the male children were commanded to be put to death, rather than the other: 1. Because they feared not any rebellion or insurrection by that sex. 2. They were fairer than the Egyptian women, and so they might keep them for their lust. 3. They were industrious, in spinning and needle work, and for that cause might be kept for their service: Perer. 5. But herein Pharaoh showeth himself more cruel than either Athaliah in putting to death the Kings children, or Herod in slaying the infants, or then Ast • ages, and A •• lius, that would have destroyed Remus and Romulus: for these did not make a general edict against the children of an whole nation, as Pharaoh doth, nor yet surprised infants newly borne. Borrh.
QUEST. XVI. Whether the Mid-wives made a lie and are therein to be justified.
Vers. 19. A And the Mid-wives answered Pharaoh, because the Hebrew women are not &c. The most do hold, that the Midwives do here make a feigned excuse, by an officious lie. 1. And of them which thus think, most are of Augustine's opinion, that the Mid-wives herein offended: because no lie being against the truth is just: yet God rewarded them not for their dissembling, but for their mercy: remunerata est benignitas mentis, non iniquitas mentientis: the benignit • e of the mind, not the iniquity of the lie was rewarded: so also Simler. Borrh. with others: and Augustine addeth this reason: that if many times the works of the flesh are pardoned, for the works of mercy that follow after; much more, merito misericordi • dimittuntur, qua propter misericordiam committuntur: for mercy sake those things are remitted, which because of mercy are committed. 2. Others think that the Mid-wives were hindered by their lie: and that which might have been eternal, in terrenam est compensationem declinata, was because of the lie turned into an earthly recompense. Gregory: But seeing the fear of God, hath not only the promise of this life, but of the next, and the Scripture testifieth of these Midwives that they feared God, it is spoken without warrant, that they were only temporally blessed. 3. Some do justify this act of the Mid-wives and seem to make it meritorious, though not of an eternal, yet of a temporal reward. Thom. Aquin. But to this opinion may be opposed that saying of Aug. Non remunerata est in illis fallacia, sed benevolentia: Their fallacy was not rewarded in them, but their mercy. 4. Rupertus doth simply defend this dissimulation, and holdeth it to be no sin: because it proceeded of charity, and God rewarded it, and as well may Rahab be condemned, for making the like excuse, Josh. 2. Cont But these reasons are very weak. 1. This excuse proceeded not of charity, but from fear: and though it did, charity must be always joined with verity, otherwise it is inordinate. 2. Their mercy only was commended, and their infirmity by God's mercy pardoned. 3. Not Rahab's infirmity, but her faith is commended, if her excuse were untrue. 4. But as Rahab may in that place be defended to have made a true excuse, speaking of some other men, that were departed from her, which came to her house: so here also the Mid-wives may say true, that the Hebrew women having secret notice from the Mid-wives, might be delivered in secret, before the Mid-wives came: Iun. And it is not unlike, but as they were chaster than the Egyptian women, so God might give them more strength and speedier deliverance. Pelican. Here it will be objected, that it is said the Mid-wives preserved the men children, because they feared God, verse. 17. and therefore it is like they were present. Simler. But this may be understood of the care that they had of the infants, by whose means they were preserved. Vatab. For otherwise it was not possible, that these two in their own persons could be present at every woman's travail to save the children.
QUEST. XVII. How the Lord is said to make them houses.
Vers. 22. ANd because the Mid-wives feared God and he made them houses &c. There are two general expositions of this place: Some do interpret the word Lahem, them, of the Mid-wives: some of the people of Israel.
Of the first: 1. Some refer it to the Israelites that they provided for the Mid-wives, and kept them from Pharaoh: but that is not like, seeing the Israelites could not at this time defend themselves from Pharaohs rage. 2. Some understand it of Pharaoh, that he made strong houses for them, that all the Hebrew women should come to them to be delivered: but that had been a thing impossible. 3. Some refer it to God that he made them houses: which is diversely expounded: the Hebrews, supposing these Mid-wives to be Iochebed and Miriam, by houses understand the Kingdom and Priesthood, which was settled afterward in their of-spring, for Iochebed was the mother of Aaron, and Miriam they say married to Cal • b: but this is uncertain, Josephus writeth, lib. 3. antiquit. that she was the wife of Hur: and it is before shown, that Miriam for her age could be none of them. David Chimhi understandeth it of their preserving from the rage of Pharaoh: Tostatus of their incorporating and grafting into the nation and common-wealth of Israel, as Rahab was: but it is more like they were Hebrew women, as is before also touched, and needed no such engraffing. Jerome understandeth it of spiritual houses in heaven, so also Rupertus: Augustine and Theodoret, of giving them riches: Pererius of increasing their families, for so is the phrase used. Sarah saith, when she gave Hagar to Abraham, I may be built by her: Gen. 16. And this uncertainty there is in the first exposition. 4. Therefore the second is rather to be preferred, to understand it of the people, that God made them houses, that is, families, and increased them: for these reasons: 1. Because in the Hebrew there is a masculine pronoun lahem: which although some think is sometime taken for the feminine, as Exod. 2.17. Piscator, and elsewhere: and Vatablus saith that mem, is sometime taken for nun, yet it is more properly taken in the native and original use, where there is no necessity otherwise to enforce it, Iun. 2. Because the house and famille is not built by the woman, but by the man: Simler. 3. This better agreeth to the words going before, that the people multiplied, verse. 20. and the words following, if we read them thus, And so it was, because the Mid-wives feared God, and he made them house; That Pharaoh charged all his people, &c. Pharaoh seeing that God by the means and occasion of the Mid-wives, as the instruments, God as the author and chief cause increased the people, then he cast about another way, how to effect this cruel purpose, Iun. Simler.
QUEST. XVIII. Whether the Mid-wives only were temporally rewarded.
NOw what manner of reward it was, which the Lord here giveth, it may thus be briefly resolved: 1. Neither with Gregory is it to be thought, that because of their dissimulation, they were only temporally rewarded: for the text saith they feared God: and the fear of God is not only in this life, but more rewarded in the life to come. 2. Jerome and Rupertus here understand the spiritual and everlasting houses in heaven: but the words before, v. 20. show that hereby a temporal blessing is insinuated, the Mid-wives prospered, the people multiplied. 3. Therefore the last resolution is, that no doubt the charity and mercy of these Mid-wives, and the fear of God in them was eternally rewarded: but the temporal blessing is here only expressed: both in respect of the times, because as Jerome saith: Aeterna vitae promissio est propria novi testamenti: The promise of eternal life is peculiar to the New Testament: and in regard of carnal and weak men who are by temporal promises more easily allured: so the promises made to Abraham, whose saith and obedience were eternally crowned, were in show temporal: as in the length of life, increase of his posterity, victory over his enemies: as appeareth Gen. 15. ex Perer.
4. Places of Doctrine.
1. Doct. That God is not the author of evil.
Vers. 12. THey were grieved, or fretted because of the children of Israel: But Psal. 105.25. it is said, he turned their heart to hate his people. The hatred and grief which the Egyptians conceived against Israel, seemeth to be ascribed to God: yet far be it from us to think that God is the author of the least sin, much less of so great a sin as to hate the people of God: for as God is not tempted with evil, so neither tempteth he any man, I am. 1.13. This manner of phrase therefore in Scripture may receive five several expositions, which may all together be received: first God is said to turn their heart, not effective, but permissive, not by way of working, but permitting, or suffering, as Theodoret: because he gave way to their wicked will, corum{que} insidias • inime prohibuerit, and hindered not their evil purpose. 2. God is said to do it, as he hardened Pharaohs heart: subtrahendo gratiam, by withholding his grace, and leaving them to themselves. Cajetan. 3. God doth it as an universal cause, because in him we move, we live, and have our being, Act. 17. not as a particular agent: as Rupertus useth this comparison: Quemadmodum sol molle lutum convertit in durum: As the Sun turneth the clay and mire from soft to hard: of which changing, the Sun is only the general cause, the proper and next cause is the quality of the matter. 4. God turneth their heart into hatred occasionaliter, by ministering the occasion only: as Aug. Non cor illorum malum faciendo▪ sed populo been faciendo cor eorum sponte malum convertit in odium: Their heart being evil of it self he turned to hatred, not by making it evil, but by doing well unto his people. God is said to do it, because he was the author of the welfare of his people, whereby the envious Egyptians were provoked to hate them. 5. The Lord is said to harden men's hearts ordinative & disposative, because he knoweth how to rule and dispose of their evil and obdurate hearts, and turn it to his glory, as Augustine proceedeth in the same place, Quo illorum odio, & ad exercitationem populi filii, & ad gloriam nom • n • su • usus est Deus: Which their hatred God used, both for the exercise of his people, and to the glory of his own name, Ex Perer.
2. Doct. God must rather be obeyed than men.
Vers. 17. NOtwithstanding the Mid-wives feared God, and did not as the King of Egypt commanded. This their refusal to obey the Kings wicked charge, was both lawful and commendable. The things which belong to Caesar, as tribute, custom, honor, fear, Rom. 13.7. must willingly and of conscience be yielded to Caesar, Matth. 22.21. But the things which belong to God must not be given to Caesar, as to violate our conscience, and to things displeasing unto God, to please men: But herein the Apostles resolution must stand, that it is better to obey Grd than men, Acts 4.19.
5. Places of confutation.
1. Conf. Touching the name of Mass.
THerefore did they set Princes or Officers of the tribute over them. The Hebrews call tribute missa of messas, which signifieth to melt; in which sense the Popish Mass may very well be so called: for they have melted away all true religion and devotion by that idolatrous invention, and they have made it a right mass indeed to draw tribute and advantage unto them from the people, and wasting and melting their substance by such cunning fraud.
2. Conf. against merits.
Vers. 20. GOd therefore prospered the Mid-wives. Pererius upon these words confuting the opinion of Gregory, that these Mid-wives because of the lie which they made, deserved a temporal blessing, saith, that considerig that they truly feared God, and that this work of mercy, which they shown, proceeded of the grace of God: Sine dubio meruerunt vitam aeternam: Without all doubt they merited eternal life. Dispute. 10. in 1. Exod. numer. 4.5. But this is an unsound assertion: for seeing this act of mercy was blemished with their infirmity in telling a lie, as Pererius himself thinketh, in which regard they had need of God's mercy▪ as Augustine saith: Deus pro misericordia ignoscebat mendacio: God of his mercy pardoned the lie: how then could one and the same act include both merit, and require mercy? for grace and works cannot stand together, as the Apostle showeth, If it be of grace, it is not of works, else were grace no more grace, Rom. 11. 6. These two reasons do evidently convince that we deserve nothing at God's hand, both because our best works are imperfect, and have need of grace to pardon the imperfections thereof: and beside, we are the Lord's bounden servants, we do no more than our duty, when we do our best, and even then also we are unprofitable servants, Luk. 17.10. God indeed crowneth our good works, but rather of his goodness and mercy, than our deserving, whose mercy is seen in his gracious promising, and his righteousness in his faithful performing.
3. Conf. against good works before grace, or without grace.
NOw Bellarmine further by this example of the Mid-wives, whom he supposeth to be Egyptians, and so Gentiles, thus rewarded of God for this their act of mercy, would prove that men naturally may perform some good moral work, without any special help of God's grace, if they be not urged and pressed by some temptation: Lib. 5. de gratia, & lib. Arbit. cap. 9.
Contr. 1. He taketh that as granted, which is before denied, that they were Egyptians: I have proved before, quest. 14. that it is more like they were Hebrew women. 2. It is an erroneous speech, that in this good work they were not assisted with God's grace. For the text showeth that it proceeded from the fear of God; which cannot be without God's special grace and assistance: and Pererius well confesseth that they were adjuta per interiorem earum animis infusam gratiam: helped by inward grace infused into their minds: Ibid. 3. This example is unfitly alleged, for here they were assailed by a manifest temptation, the danger of their lives in disobeying the King, and therefore according to Bellarmine's own position, they could not do this good work without the special help of God.
6. Places of moral use.
1. Mor. For their comfort that die in exile.
Vers. 6. NOw Joseph died and all his brethren. All these died and obtained not the promise, and they died out of their country. It should not therefore seem a grievous thing unto the children of God if they end their days in a strange country, in exile or banishment, or upon other occasions. For the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof, Psal. 24.1. Ferus.
2. Mor. God turneth affliction to the good of his children.
Vers. 12. THe more they vexed them, the more they multiplied. God can turn affliction to the best prosperity: our own corruption maketh oftentimes hurtful unto us, but affliction by God's goodness becometh fruitful and profitable unto us; as the Prophet David saith, Before I was afflicted I went astray, Psal. 119.67.
3. Mor. God overturns the counsel of the wicked.
Vers. 12. ANd they were more grieved. Thus we see how God is able to disappoint and overturn the counsels of the wicked; the Egyptians thought by thus oppressing the Israelites to breed their own quietness, and now seeing the children of Israel to increase the more, they are so much the more grieved and discontented. Thus God turned the counsels of Pharaoh against the Israelites, of Saul against David, of the Jews against Christ, upon their own head: Simlerus.
CHAP. II.
1. The method and parts of the Chapter.
I N this Chapter is set forth the condition of the instrument, which God prepared for the deliverance of the people, to verse 23. and of the people which were to be delivered. For the first, Moses is set forth first in his infancy, where is shown his nativity, verse. 1, 2. his conservation by the natural care of his mother, v. 3. and sister, v. 4. and the supernatural instinct of Pharaohs daughter, who taketh up the child, v. 6. then his education to verse. 10. Secondly in his man's estate, where his public actions are described, both in showing himself a Judge in being revenged of the Egyptian, and a mediator between his brethren, to verse. 16. and his private coming to Midian, verse. 20. and his marriage there, both with the occasion thereof, his cohabiting with Revel, and the introduction thereunto, his kindness shown to his daughters, to verse. 21. and the fruit of his marriage, the birth of his son. For the second, there is declared the complaint of the Israelites for their bondage, verse. 23. the merciful inclination of God, verse. 24▪ and fatherly condescension unto them, verse. 25.
2. The divers readings.
Vers. 3. Tooke for him an ark of bulrushes. Iu. A.P.B.L. rather than of reed. S. of papyr, that is, of that kind of stuff, whereof they made papyr, the word is goma, another word is used in the end of the verse for reed.
Vers. 14. Speakest thou this to kill me? Iu. A. better than thinkest thou to kill me. G. or intendest. B. or wilt thou kill me? L.S. the word is Amar to speak.
Vers. 15. And Pharaoh heard of this matter, G.I.A.P. rather than heard of it. B. or heard this speech. L.V. or this word. S. Dabar signifieth both, the first rather, for Moses speech offended not, but his act.
Vers. 16. The Prince of Midiam had seven daughters. I. C. rather than the Priest. G. B. cum cater. Cohen signifieth both, and it seemeth he was both Prince and Priest, as they used to be in those days.
Vers. 17. Drove them away. I. that is, the servants which attended upon Revels daughters: for it is put in the masculine gender; better than to read it in the feminine, as V.L.I.A.P.
Vers. 18. When they came to Revel their father. I.G.B. cum c • ter. not Jethro. L.
Vers. 22. Here the Latin and Septuagint make mention also of the birth of Eliezar, transposing it out of the 18. chapter: but no such thing is in the Hebrew.
Vers. 23. It came to pass after these days, I.A.P.S. rather than in process of time, G. B. or when many days were past. V. the sense rather than the words: days are here put for years, for this was 4 • . years after.
3. The explanation of doubtful questions.
QUEST. I. Of Amram Moses father.
Vers. 1. THere went a man of Levi. This was Amram the son of Kabath the son of Levi, who lived 137. years, Exod. 6.20. he was borne, as Eusebius writeth, 14. years before the death of Joseph, that is, 55. years after Jacob's going down into Egypt: who saith he begat Moses at 77. years: Perer. Moses yet maketh no mention of his parents names, lest he should seem to boast of his parentage: Ferus. 2. The Hebrews have here a notable fiction that this Amram lived unto the time of Ahiah the Silomite, who was in the days of Jeroboam, that is above six hundred years, for from the going of Israel out of Egypt unto the fourth year of Solomon's reign are numbered 480. years: add unto these 77. years of Amrams age, when he begat Moses : and 80. years, the age of Moses, at the return of Israel out of Egypt, so we shall have above 600. years, whereas the Scripture testifieth that he lived but 137. years. 3. But that which Joseph reporteth is more probable, that this Amram being a faithful man praying unto God for his people, had a vision, wherein he was bid to be of good comfort, and that the child whose life was sought should be his son, who should be preserved from the Egyptians rage, and be the deliverer of his people, Joseph. lib. 2. cap. 5. but seeing the Scripture maketh no mention, we may be at choice whether we will receive this report.
QUEST. II. Why it is said he went and took.
NOw it is said he went; not that he went to any other place or City, for seeing his wife was of the same family of Levi, it is like that they did dwell not far asunder. 2. Neither it is understood of his returning to his wife, from whom he had sequestered himself to fasting and prayer, as Ferus: for this text evidently speaketh of his first taking of her to wife. 3. But hereby is shown his advised purpose and determination in taking her to wife; as also some notable thing insinuated to follow, as it is said that Reuben went and lay with his fathers concubine, Gen. 25. Simler.
QUEST. III. Of Iacobed Moses mother whether she were aunt or cosine German to Amram.
TOoke to wife a daughter of Levi. This was Iocebed, 1. who was not the daughter of Amrams uncle, and so cosine Germane to Amram, as the Septuagint & Latin translator, to whom consent Lyranus, Montanus, Cajetan, Pererius with others: for though it should be granted that the Hebrew word Ded doth sometime signify the uncles son, as Ierem. 32.12. Hanan • el is called Jeremiah's uncles son, yet the word son may be supplied, as before verse. 8. he is called his uncles son: yet seeing the Scripture evidently saith, that Iocebed was borne unto Levi, Numb. 26.59. it is without controversy, that she was Levies daughter, sister to Rahath, and Aunt to Amram, being his fathers sister, Exod. 6.20. 2. But yet the Hebrews are far wide, that would have Iocebed borne about that time that Jacob went down into Egypt, for then she should have been about 135. years old, elder by forty years than Sarah, when she bore Isaac ; and if Moses birth had been so miraculous, the Scripture would not have concealed it: ex Perer. And the Scripture beside saith, that she was borne to Levi in Egypt, Numb. 26.59. 3. Neither was this Iocebed another of the same name beside the daughter of Levi, as some think, seeing that the she is said to be Dodatho, his, that is Amrams, Aunt, Exod. 6.20. 4. The sounder opinion then is, that this Iocebed was the natural and proper daughter of Levi, the Scripture so testifying▪ and of this opinion are, Vatablus, Paguine, Junius, with the Chaldee Paraphrast, and Simlerus with others. Thostatus conjectureth well, that Levi might beget her at 100. as Abraham begat sons at 137. after Sarah's death, who lived 127 years, being 10. years younger than Abraham ; and Jacob at 107. begat Benjamin. And it is not unlike, but that Iocebed at 68. years might bear Moses ; in those days women might continue child-bearing till then: but howsoever this computation be counted, yet it is evident out of Scripture that Iocebed was daughter unto Levi, and therefore all disputation to the contrary is needless.
QUEST. IV. Why such marriages were tolerated in those days.
NOw though afterward such marriages between the aunt and the nephew were forbidden by the Law directly, Levite. 19. yet it need not seem strange that then such marriages were in use, even among the faithful: 1. Because as Thostatus saith, it was ante legem datam, before any law was published. As Abraham married his brothers daughter, Jacob married two sisters. 2. The paucity and the fewness of the righteous seed is to be considered, and the confusion of those times which made those things to be tolerated: Iun. Annot. 3. They had a desire to match in their own kindred, as Abraham, Isaac and Jacob did, and by that means they joined often marriage in near degrees of kindred, Simlerus.
QUEST. V. When Amram married his wife.
COncerning the time, when this man of Levi took his wife, though it be mentioned after Pharaohs cruel edict, yet it was done before: 1. Because Aaron was elder than Moses by three years, Exod. 7.7. and Miriam Moses sister elder than he; for she was of discretion to watch what should become of the babe: the conservation therefore of these children showeth that this cruel edict took no place then. 2. Neither is it likely that it continued long after Moses birth: for if all the male children had been cut off after Moses birth, who was 80. years old when Israel came out of Egypt, then there should have been few or none under that age that went out: and although by some secret provision some infants might have escaped, yet considering the strait and diligent search, which was made, as the Hebrews think every three months, such a multitude in all likelihood could not have been preserved, as went out of Egypt: therefore it is not unprobable that Josephus writeth, that an Egyptian Priest told Pharaoh that about that time a child should be borne, which should be the ruin of him, and his Kingdom, and that Pharaoh thereupon did especially at that time give charge to destroy the infants, to meet with that child, as Herod did cause to be put to death all the children in Bethlehem, and the coasts thereof, from two year old and under, Matth. 2.16. thinking also among the rest to surprise that holy babe. 3. Now it may seem strange that Amram would take a wife in this miserable time, not being ignorant that they should beget children to be bondslaves; but he being a faithful man, and believing verily that the Lord would remember his people, to bring them into the promised land, doth therefore take the married estate upon him, both for mutual comfort in those heavy times, and to increase the people of God, Simler.
QUEST. VI. Of the time of Moses birth, compared with the times before, and the times after.
Vers. 1. ANd the woman conceived and bare a son. 1. Moses is borne the seventh from Abraham, another Enoch (who was the seventh from Adam, Iud. 14.) buried also of God; another Noah, who was saved also in the Ark, and preached to the world 120. years, for so long Moses lived. • . For the time of Moses birth. First to compare it with the years which went before, and the notable accidents therein; it was from the beginning of the world 2430. years, not 2370. only, as Pererius: and from Noah's flood 714. from the birth of Abraham 425. after the going down of Isaac into Egypt 135. and from the beginning of the Egyptian servitude 7. years. The truth of this computation may appear by gathering the sums of years together. From the beginning of the world to the flood are years 1656. Gen. 5. from thence to the birth of Abraham 352. not 292. as Pererius: for he reckoneth Abraham to be borne at the 70. year of Terah, whereas he was begotten 60. years after, at the 130. year of his father, being 75. years old, when Terah died at 105. as it is evident by comparing Gen. 11.32. and 12.4. From the first promise made to Abraham to the giving of the Law in Mount Sinai, S. Paul counteth 430. years: from the going down of Isaac into Egypt, until the return of Israel thence, are 215. years: and Moses was borne 80. years before their going out of Egypt. 3. The time of Moses birth thus agreeth with the computation of the years following. Moses was borne 80. years before the going of the Israelites out of Egypt, Exod. 7.7. & 120. years before their entrance into Canaan, Deut. 34. before the reign of David 517. years; before the building of Solomon's Temple 560. years: for from the going out of the Israelites until the fourth year of Solomon, when the Temple was built, are counted 480. years, 1 King. 6.1. to which add 80. years of the life of Moses: before the captivity of Babylon 990. years, for from the building of Solomon's Temple until the captivity, are years 430. which put unto the aforesaid sum 560. maketh 990. And before their return out of the captivity of Babylon, which was 70. years after, 1060. years: before the coming of the Messias 1620. as Pererius: but with others more truly not above 1500. Concent. Pererius to justify his computation maketh his account by the Greeks Olympiades. Christ was borne in the last year of the 194. Olympiad, that is, from the beginning of the Olympiades 776. years. And the Olympiades begun about the 8. year of Ahaz King of Judah; about 280. years from the building of Solomon's Temple. But seeing the computation of years unto the Messiah is expressed in Scripture, there is no need to take any direction from foreign Chronicles.. So then whereas before the sum of years from the building of the Temple unto the captivity, meaning, the last captivity of all under Zedekiah, was said to be 430. from this must be abated 20. years from the third year of Jehoiakim, when the first captivity begun, Dan. 1.1. and there the 70. years captivity took beginning, so we have 480. years: unto this number must be added Daniel's 70. weeks unto the death of the Messiah, which make 490. years: and thirty and odd years must be substracted (the space between the birth and the death of the Messiah) so we shall have about 940. years from the building of the Temple to the birth of the Messiah: unto which add 560. years from Moses birth to Solomon's Temple, so the whole sum of years from Moses birth until Christ's, will be 1500. as it is said before, 120. less than Pererius by his Olympiades accounteth. 4. To compare Moses time with foreign accidents: Moses was borne before the beginning of the Olympiades 840. years, which began in the 8. year of Ahaz, and after Ogyges flood 180. years: for Eusebius out of Julius Africa • us showeth that Ogyges flood was 1020. years before the beginning of the Olympiades. Moses birth was 430. years before the Trojane war, which was 407. years before the beginning of the Olympiades, and Moses was borne before the building of Rome 865. years, for Rome was founded in the beginning of the 7. Olympiad, that is, the 25. year after they begun: ex Perer.
QUEST. VII. Of the antiquity of Moses, who is found to be the most ancient of all writers, either sacred or profane.
COncerning then the antiquity of Moses, it is evident that he is the first and most ancient of all either sacred or profane writers: 1. The prophesy of Enoch, mentioned in the Epistle of Jude, is not from a more ancient writer than Moses: which was either kept by certain or undoubted tradition, or else was framed by the Doctors of Judah, from the short speeches which Moses hath of Enoch. The book of the Lord's wars, Siho • s victory, Numb. 21. was after the Law, and it was some rehearsal of the battles, which the Lord fought for Israel, made much about the time: but being not now extant, it is without compass of this question. 2. For profane authors and writers Moses far exceedeth them all, as it may be thus shown: 1. The Greek Chronicles have nothing more ancient than the times of I • ich •• and Phoroneus, the first Kings of the Argives, when Ogyges flood happened; as witnesseth Dionys. Halicarness. and Plato in Timao reporteth that Solon contending before the Egyptian Priests for the antiquity of Greece, goeth not beyond Phoroneus and Niobe. About this time Ptolomeus Mendesius the Egyptian Chronicler writeth that Moses reigned among the Jews: but, as is before shown, he could not be above 180. years after Ogyges flood. 2. From this flood unto the time of Cecrops the first Athenian King. Athens lay desert almost two hundred years, and long after Cecrops were Deucalions flood, Phaetons ▪ burning, Cadmus, that built Thebes, Esculapius, Thesius, Hercules: so that Moses being before Cecrops ▪ is found to be far more ancient than any of these. 3. Moses is elder than Homer the most ancient Greek writer, as Josephus showeth, lib. 1. cont. Appion. who was long after the Trojan war; Pliny thinketh 250. years, after Solinus 270. Cyrillus 160. Herodotus three hundred years: but it is certain that he • was at the least one hundred years after. But Moses was borne 430. years before the battle of Troy, as is before shown: so that he is far elder than the seven wise men of the Grecians, and then Pythagor •• ▪ Heraclitus, Hippocrates, Democritus, Anaxagoras, Socrates, Plato with the rest, who were many years after Homer. 4. Hence then appeareth that notable error of Appion the Grammarian, in Tiberius Caesar's time, who would have Moses bring the Israelites out of Egypt in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, at what time the Tyrians built Carthage in Africa. For it is evident that Carthage was built about the time of the Trojan battle: for Aeneas went from thence to Dido the founder of Carthage, as Virgil. testifieth: and Josephus writing against the said Appion, showeth, that from Hiram King of Tyre, in whose time the Temple was built, unto Pygmalion and Dido, were 155. years, and to the beginning of the Olympiades in the 8. year of Ahaz reign, were 280. years: so that by this account Carthage was built 140. years before the count of the Olympiades began. Appion then is found to be in a double error▪ for both Moses was divers hundred years before the building of Carthage, and Carthage was built long before the computation of the Olympiades: ex Perer.
QUEST. VIII. Whether the name of Moses were known unto the Gentiles before Christ.
NOw then it is evident, 1. that Moses name was known unto the ancient writers of the Gentiles, as Saconiatho that Phenicean Antiquarie, and Berosus Chaldeus, Ptolomeus, and Manetho, Egyptian Chronographers; and among the Grecians Artapanus, Polemo, Eupolemus, do make honorable mention of Moses: Likewise Troyus Pompeius cited by Justin. Martyr. lib. 36. and Diodorus Siculus: Num • nius Pythagoricus calleth Plato the Attik or Athenian Moses. 2. But yet sparing mention is made of Moses among the Ethnik writers, because they held his writings to be sacred and divine, and so not to be profaned and made common; as Demetrius Phalerius the keeper of the great Library of Alexandria said unto Ptolomeus Philadelphus, alleging at the same time the examples of Theopompus, the Historiographer, and Theodectes the tragical Poet, that when they attempted to transpose some things out of Moses books, the one into his story, the other into his tragedy, the first was perplexed in mind, the other smitten with blindness, till they perceived their error and desisted: Aristeas. 3. Origen then is deceived, who thinketh that till after Christ the name of Moses was not heard of among the Gentiles • Homil. 2. in Cant. Pererius.
QUEST. IX. How Moses is said to be a proper child, and by whom he was hid.
Vers. 2. WHen she saw that he was fair and goodly, she hid him. 1. Both the parents did their part i • hiding him, Heb. 11.13. but the mother was the chief, either in regard of her motherly affection, or for that the advice came first from her. 2. Josephus writeth that Amram had a special revelation & vision concerning this child, that he should be delivered from this danger, and be himself a deliverer of his people. But seeing these parents of Moses are commended for their faith, which must be grounded upon the word of God, it is likely that they built rather upon the promises made to their Fathers, than any special revelations. 3. The child was goodly to see to, that is, a certain divine comeliness appeared in him, not only propernesse of body, as Stephen showeth, Act. 7. and the Apostle, Heb. 11.23. this act of theirs then principally proceeded of faith, which was so much the more increased by the object of this goodly child, in whom they saw such signs of grace, as that they doubted not, but that God would take the protection of him: Siml • r.
QUEST. X. The Ark wherein Moses was put, whereof it was made, and where placed.
Vers. 3. SHe took an Ark of bulrushes. The word here used is Tebath, which is given also to Noah's Ark and the Ark of the Tabernacle: The Septuag. retain the same word Thibis, without any other interpretation; but it is like, through the error of some Scribes, that Thibin was put for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the edition Complutense readeth: but Origen is here deceived, that thinketh Thibis to be a coffin made of wicker, or of the barks of trees, Hom. 2. in Exod. it signifieth nothing but an Ark for the frame; the matter whereof it was made, is beside expressed: 2. which some think was of Reed: Vatab. Genevens. oaths of Bulrushes: Iun. Pag, Mont. which is most like; or of the tree Papyrus, as Josephus, whereof they made the paper (which word is used to this day, though our paper be now made of linen) it was a light matter that might easily be supported in the waters: and both to fasten the stuff the better, and to keep out the water, they daubd it with slime and pitch: Simler. as Noah pitched his great Ark to hold out the waters. 3. This Ark for the bigness, Josephus thinketh was no greater than could well contain the child: but Josephus is deceived that they put this Ark or coffin into the midst of the flood, for the text is evident that they put it amongst the flagges or reeds, that it should not so easily flote upon the waters, and to be the better defended from the wind: Pererius.
QUEST. XI. Whether Moses parents did well in exposing him.
BUt here the question will be moved, whether Moses parents did well in exposing the infant thus to apparent danger, seeing nature hath given unto brute beasts a natural instinct rather to adventure their lives for their young ones, than to leave and forsake them. These reasons then may be yielded in defense of this their fact: 1. That if they had kept their child at home, then they had most certainly exposed not only him to danger, who could not be hid, partly from the diligent inquisition of Pharaoh, partly from the notice of the Egyptians, among whom they dwelled, Junius: but also his parents by all likelihood should have perished: therefore in that they do thus expose the infant, they do deliver him from a certain danger, leaving him to an uncertain: Perer. 2. Beside, they use all careful means to provide for the child, in pitching the Ark, in laying it in a safe place, Perer. from whence the mother might take it by stealth and suckle it at her pleasure, Simler. Beside, they appointed his sister to be his keeper, to se • what should become of the infant. 3. Further, though there be no certainty either of the revelation shown to Amram that the child should be preserved, as Josephus writeth, or of that excuse of the Hebrews, that Miriam being a Prophetess gave direction what they should do; yet seeing this act of theirs proceeded of faith in God, as the Apostle showeth Heb. 11. it is not to be doubted, but that herein they were directed by the instinct of the spirit, and that they did it not in grief and despair, as Philo seemeth to affirm, that they wished they had exposed their child so soon as he was borne, seeing they could no longer keep him.
QUEST. XII. Of the education of Moses, and his adoption to be Pharaohs daughters son.
Vers. 5. WHen she saw the Ark among the bulrushes, she sent her maid to fet it, &c. The Chaldee Paraphrast readeth here, that she put forth her arm to take it: for the word amah signifieth both a Cubite, but then it is with dagesh and a maid, then it is without dagesh, amah, not ammah as here; and therefore Ibn Ezra refuseth the Chaldee reading. Beside, Pharaohs daughter coming down to wash her, it is not like she was among the flagges, where the Ark was, which had been an unfit place to wash in. Simler. 2. By God's providence Moses own mother became the child's nurse: Josephus writeth by this occasion, because when diverse Egyptian women were brought, the child refused to suck of them, and would not take the breasts of any but of his mother: but the true occasion is here expressed, that when Moses sister perceived that she was in love with the child she offered to go call a nurse of the Hebrew women. 3. Pharaohs daughter adopted him to be her own son, not as Philo thinketh, feigning her self to be with child, and making Pharaoh believe that is was her own; neither yet did the propernesse of the child only allure Pharaoh to consent that his daughter should nourish him as her son, especially if it were true as Josephus writeth, that while Pharaoh played with the child he took off his Diadem and Crown, which the Egyptian Priest that foretold of his birth, did interpret to be ominous to the Kingdom, and therefore gave counsel the child should be slain; but Pharaohs daughter snatched him out of his arms and so saved the child's life This then is chiefly to be ascribed to God's special providence, who so wrought that the child should be brought up even among his enemies.
QUEST. XIII. Whence Moses had his learning, of the Egyptians only, or of the Grecians also.
AS Pharaohs daughter adopted Moses for her son, so (as S. Stephen witnesseth) he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, & being counted a Princes son, had no doubt a Princely education. 1. But here Philo is deceived, who beside the arts and science which he learned of the Egyptians, as Arithmetic, Geometry, and the Hieroglyphikes, that is, their hid and secret and Enigmaticall doctrine, saith, he was taught of the Chaldes Astronomy, and Philosophy of the Grecians: for beside that Stephen only maketh mention of his Egyptian learning, it is certain that there was no profession of Philosophy or of learning among the Grecians, before the seven wise men, before whose time Moses was borne almost a thousand years, Perer. And Moses was about Inachus time, long after whom in the eleventh generation, Cadmus found out the Greek letters, after whom flourished Amphion, Orpheus, Museus, Linus: Simler. 2. Neither is it probable which Artapanus an ancient writer affirmeth, that beside many other benefits which Moses brought to the Egyptians, he taught them the use of letters, and therefore was honored of them under the name of Mercurius: for seeing Moses received his learning from the Egyptians, it is likely they had also the knowledge of letters.
3. That also is as uncertain which Clemens Alexandrinus allegeth from Eupol • mus, that Moses taught the Israelites the knowledge of the letters: for beside that Augustine thinketh that the Hebrew tongue was continued from Heber, and preserved in the family of the fathers together with the letters, long before the giving of the Law, grounding his opinion upon that place, Deut. 29.10. where the Septuagint read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that Moses appointed Scribes and instructors of the letters: Josephus also writeth that the Hebrew letters were in use before the flood, and that they of Seth’s posterity having learned of Adam ▪ that the world should be twice destroyed, once by water, and the second time by fire, did make two pillars, the one of brick, the other of stone, and did therein grave the principles of the arts and sciences, that those profitable inventions should not be lost, that if the waters dissolved the brick, yet the other pillar of stone might continue, which Josephus saith, was to be seen in his time in Syria, Joseph. lib. 1. Antiq. Ex Perer.
QUEST. XIV. What kind of learning Moses received of the Egyptians.
FUrther, it will be inquired what manner of learning it was which Moses learned of the Egyptian. 1. Such profitable arts, as were professed among the Egyptians, as Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy, Moses was instructed in, as being fit to prepare him for that public administration, wherein he should be employed. 2. The Egyptians had more secret and hid kind of learning called the Hieroglyphikes, which by certain outward symbols and Emblemes did set forth divers mystical, moral & politic principles, which kind of doctrine was not known to the vulgar sort; herein Justinus Martyr thinketh that Moses was trained up, having the knowledge only thereof, not the use, which was vain, frivolous & superstitious: Just. qu. orthodox 25. 3. But that Moses by imitation of the Egyptian Hieroglyphikes did forbid certain kinds of beasts to be eaten, and some only and not other to be sacrificed, as Eleazar the high Priest answered the Ambassador of Ptolemy Philodelphus: as Pythagoras had also his Enigmaticall precepts, Ignem gladio ne fodias; Do not gall the fire with a sword ; that is, provoke not an angry man: C •• non comedendum; The heart is not to be eaten, that is, grief is not to be nourished in the mind: Hir • ndinem in domum non esse recipiendam: Not to receive a swallow (that is, a brabler) into the house, and such like: that Moses used many such legal helps in prescribing of his legal rites and ceremonies, it is not to be thought, seeing he had his direction from God and saw a pattern of such things which belonged to the Tabernacle in the mount, Exod. 25.40.
QUEST. XV. Whence the Egyptians received their learning.
BUt if further it be demanded, from whence the Egyptians received their variety of learning. 1. Neither is the opinion of Iamblicus probable, that Mercurius, called Trismegistus, (because he was a great Philosopher, a great King, and a great Priest) was the author of the Egyptian learning, whom he • allegeth, certain ancient authors testifying, to have written of the wisdom of the Egyptians, 35535. books: for this Mercurius the nephew, as is supposed, of the other Mercurius, whose grandfather by the mothers side Atlas was, in whose time Moses was borne, as Aug. lib. 8. de civ. Dei cap. 8. being after Moses, could not be the inventor of the Egyptian skill, which Moses long before learned. 2. Neither yet is it certain that Abraham instructed the Egyptians in these sciences as Josephus writeth; for his abode and continuance was not long in Egypt, and so he wanted time there to lay the foundation of so many arts. 3. Augustine yieldeth to the opinion of Varro, that Isis the daughter of Inachus first delivered to the Egyptians the grounds of these arts, who yet is more likely to have been the inventor of husbandry and other such profitable trades, than of the mystical arts and sciences. 4. Therefore the more probable opinion is, that by whomsoever the first seeds of this mystical profession were sown among the Egyptians, it is not to be doubted, but that by Jacob's coming down, but especially Joseph's long time of government, their knowledge was much increased, the scripture bearing witness hereunto, Psalm. 105.21. He made him Lord over his house, to teach his Senators wisdom: and by the cohabiting of the Hebrews 215. years in Egypt the Egyptians might profit more in the profession of wisdom, which that superstitious people might with their gentilismes and superstitions intermingled, change and alter. And for the truth hereof that the Egyptians learned many things of the Hebrews, this may serve as an evidence, that in Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and other waiting of the ancient Egyptians many things are found, having some conformity with the doctrine, law and usages of the Hebrews, ex Pererio.
QUEST. XVI. Why it pleased God that Moses should be instructed in the Egyptian learning.
NOw it pleased God, that Moses should be thus trained up in the wisdom of the Egyptians and have a courtly bringing up, that by this means he might be instructed in the government of the Common-wealth and be prepared for that public function which he should afterward be called unto. So David was taken from the flock and brought up in Saul's court to learn the discipline of the Kingdom. Though it pleased God to use the ordinary means for Moses instruction, yet he always doth not so, and especially in the New Testament the Apostles were extraordinarily inspired, being in human learning altogether unexpert, for there was more abundance of spirit and grace in the New Testament under Christ, than in the old under the Law, Simler. 2. Beside, Moses by this means became famous and got himself great authority among the Egyptians, that there might be greater respect had unto his message afterward, and being fully instructed in the knowledge of the Egyptians he was the better able to discern the errors and superstitions, both to convince the Egyptians and to contain the Israelites in the obedience and profession of the truth, ex Perer.
QUEST. XVII. Why Moses had this name given him.
Vers. 10. SHe called his name Moses. 1. Concerning the imposition of the name of Moses, neither is the opinion of Philo and Clemens Alexandrinus probable, that it is an Egyptian name derived of (Mos) which signifieth water; and Josephus will have it compounded of Mos water, and Ises saved; for the etymon of the name is not from the water, but because he was drawn and taken out, as the reason is here expressed. 2. Neither yet is it like that Moses was in the Egyptian language, called Mueves, as Iun. out of Diod • r. Siculus, or Movion, as Pererius out of Ibn Ezra, being of the same signification which Moses is in Hebrew, that is, drawn out; for then it is like the Egyptian name would have been expressed as Joseph's is, Gen. 41.45. and Daniel's Chaldee name, Dan. 4.5. 3. Nor yet is it probable that Pharaohs daughter having learned the Hebrew tongue of her maids did give an Hebrew name unto Moses, as Eugubinus, Lippom. Thostatus: for seeing the Hebrews were an abomination to the Egyptian • , it may be thought also, that they abhorred their names. 4. Therefore I rather incline to think with Simlerus and Osiander, that this word whereof Moses is derived, is Massah to draw out; as it is taken Psal. 18.17. Thou hast drawn me out of the waters, might be common both to the Hebrews and to the Egyptians, as some words are common to divers languages, both alike in sound and signification; or it might be translated or transposed out of the Egyptian tongue into the Hebrew. 5. But as for other names that Moses should be called by, as at his circumcision Joachim, which signifieth established, and afterward Melchi, my King, as Clemens Alexandrinus writeth, we reject them, as having no ground in Scripture, seeing he is perpetually called by the name of Moses, which name was by God's providence imposed, wherein is set forth the principal part of his calling to draw the Israelites out of the waters and troubles of Egypt, and to lead them through the red sea, and so indeed historically to draw them out of the waters.
QUEST. XVIII. Of Moses visiting his brethren.
Vers. 11. ANd in those days when Moses was grown, he went forth to his brethren. 1. Very little mention is made of Moses time spent in the court till he was forty year old, for then as S. Steph • n showeth, Act. 7. he began to visit his brethren, like as little is expressed of the doings of Christ while he lived privately till he was thirty year old, Pelican. 2. Josephus writeth how in this time he warred against the Ethiopians, and while he besieged Saba, the King of Ethiopia his daughter fell in love with him, and was married to him, whom the author of historia scholast. saith was Zipporah. But the Scripture showeth that she was the daughter of the Prince of Midian, Perer. 3. He was now grown not only in stature of body, but in the grace and gifts of the spirit, Pelican. And as it seemeth having neglected, and forgotten his brethren hitherto, being now especially stirred up & called of God, he goeth to visit his brethren; he did it not only of a natural instinct, as Hilary seemeth to write. 4. And this the Apostle showeth to have been an excellent work of faith: For 1. he refuseth to be called Pharaohs daughters son: He renounceth his courtly life and he pleasures of Egypt. 3. He preferreth the afflictions of God's people before the pleasures of Egypt. 4. He looketh unto the reward, Heb. 11. Ferus. But if it be asked, why Joseph did not so likewise to leave the court, as Moses did, I answer, first that some think that Joseph did in his old age leave Pharaohs court, and went and dwelt with his brethren in the land of Goshen; beside, the case between Joseph and Moses is far divers, for in Joseph's time Pharaoh was a friend to Israel, now an enemy; then the people were in happy case, now the state is miserable; Joseph's calling was to be a feeder of Israel in Egypt, Moses to bring them out of Egypt, Simler.
QUEST. XIX. Whether it were lawful for Moses to kill the Egyptian.
Vers. 12. WHen he saw no man he slew the Egyptian. Concerning the fact of Moses in killing the Egyptian, we are far off from accusing, or blaming the same, which was at the first the opinion of Augustine, who thus writeth against Faustus. Consulta aeterna lege reperio, non debuisse hominem à Mose, qui nullam ordinariam potestatem habebat, quamvis improbium oc • idi: I find in the eternal law, that Moses having no ordinary power, ought not to have killed no not a wicked man. But afterward he rejected this opinion, qu • st. 2. in Exod. O • cumenius also upon Jude bringeth in the Devil contending with Michael the Archangel, that Moses was not worthy of burial, because he unjustly killed the Egyptian. But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proof of his calling from God, Acts 7.25. 2. Some of the Hebrews think, that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian, was the husband of one Salomith, with whom the Egyptian committed adultery, and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death, Levite. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses : but these are mere conjectures. 3. Some other Hebrews think, that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword, but by the word of his mouth, as Peter killed Ananias▪ Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have been so circumspect, and to have buried him privily in the sand, Simler. 4. Cajetan defendeth this fact, because this Egyptian was one of the cruel taskmasters, that oppressed the Hebrews, and therefore it was lawful to kill him: but if Moses had been a private man, it had not been lawful, no not to kill an enemy in this case. 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion, that Moses might do this in charity, to deliver his brethren, and to relieve the oppressed, though he had not a singular inspiriation, or public calling to do it: & so Ambrose seemeth to think, lib. 1. de officiis, cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it: Deliver them that are drawn to death, Prov. 24.11. But though it be an act of charity to deliver, and to rescue, yet it is an inordinate charity, to kill one to deliver another. 6. Wherefore the best defense is, that Moses was inspired of God, and had his authority from him, to do the office of a Judge between the Hebrew and the Egyptian; which is affirmed by Saint Stephen, He thought that his brethren would have understood, that God by his hand should give them deliverance, Act. 7.25. And this is the resolution of Augustine, quast. 2. in Exod. Thostatus, Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added, that