The Scepter of Judah

BEing purposed to inquire of the policy of the Jews, or the manner of government that among the Israelites was established, it shall not be good for any of us, to cast our eyes to the estate of the people on that behalf, as at any time it was among them, either before the law was given; or after, when they dwelt in their land: because that til the giving of the law, it was very imperfect; and after that once they came to their land, neither is it sufficiently set forth what it was then; neither was the pattern prescribed, so observed by them, but that, for the most part, it was very much corrupted one way or other. Again, to cast our eyes on the whole, from the first time that they were a people, unto the latter end of them, would with the manifold variety that it carrieth with it, confound our memory and judgment in such sort, that we should be hardly able to espy, what we had to think thereof. On the other side, what manner of government was appointed of God unto thē, is so plainly expressed in the law, that taking some pains to digest the same to some plainer method, we may quikly see what it was, and much more certainly in that rule given them from God, than in their own practice, which was oft times very much corrupted by them. For the question that I speak of, and that most of all appertaineth to this matter, is not, under what kind of regiment they lived, or at any time was in ure and force among them: but, what kind of government it was, which it pleased God to appoint unto them, and under which they ought to have lived for the time that it was to them commended.

2 Having so found out the compass of our matter, and set out the bounds thereof, we have now to search, what kind of government it was, that it pleased God, then in the wilderness to appoint unto them: which was nothing else, but only that rule of aequitie which God hath printed in the heart of mankind generally, though in some more, in some less; by his written word, amended and bettered, as his wisdom thought most meet. For though we have not (since the fall) any perfection in anything at all; yet have we a reasonable light in such matters, as do appertain to this civil or outward life of ours: and though we have a kind of knowledge in them, notwithstanding the decay that came in by the fall; yet is the same so imperfect, that it was needful some way to be holpen. Hence is it, that when God would give unto them the rule and direction of their life (that, as he had chosen them to be a peculiar people to him, so they might walk somewhat worthy of so holy a calling) he would neither altogether leave them to that instinct of nature as he did the rest; because that in many things it came very short: neither would he give them all particulars in writing; because that it was not so very needful, and otherwise might be somewhat chargeable unto them, overlaieng their weakness therewith. The form therefore of government which by God among them was established, doth consist of these two parts: the instinct of nature, for the one; and the supply which was given by the written law, for the other. In the former of which two, they were but equal to others, for that others had that, as much as they: but in the latter they were praeferred to all, for that no people in all the world, had in those dais the like judgments among thē. But to the end we may better perceive, what this government of theirs was, that so consisted of these two parts, we have need to enter into the consideration of ech of these apart by it self: and so consequently, to begin with this same instinct of nature, that teacheth all some sense of aequitie, less or more.

3 Therefore as touching this former part of the Israelitish or Jewish policy, which they have not proper to themselves, but common to all, although we need not any large or absolute discourse thereof: yet somthings there are thereunto belonging, that we had need to set before our eyes, and a little to enter therinto. For first on behalf of this work of God towards us, it shall be good to consider, both what it is that he hath given us; and to what end: then also on our parts, how far we are able by it to have any sound direction. That there is such an instinct of nature, it is a thing so commonly known, that it were but lost labor to tarry long about the proof thereof. For first of all among men, if we go to particulars, we have many notable examples of aequitie and upright dealing among the heathen: and divers of them such, as even at this day (without all question) they may be as excellent lights in the church of God, among us that are Christians. Besides these examples, divers of themselves and others have given so notable rules of aequitie in their writings, that although their deeds were never so contrary thereunto: yet might we be bold to conclude upon their writings only, that they had a certain light of upright dealing that shone in their harts, though themselves walked not agreeable thereunto. Again, besides those tokens of aequitie in particular duties one with another, we see that divers of them that were utterly destitute of the word of God, had notwithstanding excellent gifts in the way of government, and notably governed much people and mighty kingdoms. And not only certain particular persons have given such tokens of the excellencies in them: but all the rest also, more or less; and the whole multitude in obeieng, and inclining themselves to be in order, as well as those others in commending the same unto them. As also it is well enough known, that unless there were in the whole multitude an inclination thereunto: it were too much for any others (were their wisdom and policy never so great) to keep them in order. But what speak I of men? May we not see that God would have this so common a thing throughout the whole world among all his creatures, that he hath put some sparks thereof, even in beasts and birds, and such other like brutish creatures? For though it do less appear in them, than (for the most part) in men: yet even in those also may we evidently see, both that they have some misliking of violence, disorder, and wrong: and that some kinds especially have a set policy or form of government in ordering themselves, and come therein (though they want very much, yet) altogether as near unto man, as Pope-holy persons are like in devotion to the children of God. Seeing therefore that we see such infallible tokens of this instinct of nature, not only in certain choice men of the world, but also in the very multitude, in all ages; yea and almost in all living creatures besides: there is no doubt, but that we may be bold to conclude, that in man there are certain sparks of this kind of light. Such as the fruit is, such also needs must the tree be accounted.

4 What God should mean to leave this knowledge or sense of aequitie (so far as it is) imprinted in all, it is no hard matter to find. First of all, if we go to a general ground, that the end of all the works of God is to show forth himself, or to set forth his own glory: then may we of this also conclude, that he would thereby make known, that aequitie in him is marvelous rife, and very absolute, when as he hath left such tokens thereof in all his creatures, that he made of such a nature, as by any means might be capable thereof: and though more in some, than in others; yet so much in everyone, as for the capacity thereof was meet. For that must needs be very sweet it self, that leaveth a redolent favor to whatsoever it passeth by; and that work-man must needs be very cunning, that so workman-like handleth whatsoever he taketh in hand. But we will go to another reason, that is more proper to the nature of this question. This we know, that his purpose was, that such things as he made; should both continue for the time that they were appointed: and that, in some reasonable order. Of which two, whether soever we do respect, what could be more aptly devised, than that there should be such a sense of aequitie in living creatures? For, if there be no authority to restrain iniquity (as sometimes there is not) no laws, no punishment to restrain malefactors, what other bridle then can there be in any, but only this inward restraint of nature? When the outward is wanting, if there were no inward help, soon would all be tumbled on heaps. And though there be an order taken, and some put in trust to see the same observed: yet are they also found sometimes so negligent, and sometimes so unable to do as they ought, one way or other, that in that case also, were not men inwardly stayed by that aforesaid sense of aequitie, it would soon be seen how weak the outward restraint were without the inward. Blessed be God, that hath put in our mouths this secret bridle without the which neither should we be in order, nor be at all. Thus therefore we have to conclude, that as God hath given the desire and appetite of generation, for the continual propagation of such kinds, as he hath ordained from time to time to furnish the world; so hath he in like sort given into the harts of all, this sense of right and wrong (not only to be evident tokens of the great righteousness that is in him; but also) to the end that all things may better continue their time appointed, and continue in better order.

5 On our parts now it is to be seen how far forth this knowledge or sense of upright dealing is able to lead us towards the performance of the same: a point that much appertaineth to the cause that we have in hand. For, if it self be sufficient to guide us in the way of aequitie, then whatsoever shall come in besides, is, for that matter, more than needeth; if it be not, then the supply, that is given in the written word, is much more welcome. Therefore to find out, what help heerunto we have in this natural sense of aequitie, we have to consider, that there are two principal powers thereof; and to search out, what is the force of either of those. The one is the understanding of the mind: the other, the inclination of the will. For common experience teacheth us all, that both sometimes we know what is right; but yet are not disposed to do it: and sometimes are disposed to do as we should; but yet do not sufficiently perceive what that should be. Therefore as touching the former of these, we have to know, that a kind of light it giveth unto us; but yet notwithstanding no sound direction. For, first as touching that part of righteousness which comprehendeth our duty towards our first founder, neither doth it teach us who it is, nor what kind of service we should do unto him: but leaveth us to our own blind rashness in both. As we may very plainly see, both for that, not only the common people, but even the wisest, and the most sober of all the heathen men that ever were, did ever vary (& that very much) in both those points, as well among themselves one from another, as from the people of all other countries, or sects: and also, for that neither the ancient church of God under the law, nor yet Christendom under the Gospel (notwithstanding the express word given unto them, and this most clear and absolute manifestation of the will of God in that point made unto us) could ever soundly be brought from our native corruption on that behalf. For where we are so far to seek notwithstanding those helps, there are we of ourselves marvelous weak. In that part of aequitie which respecteth our duty to others, we have some reasonable light remaining, in comparison of the other, as it may sufficiently appear by the monuments of many, that in writing they have left unto us: & by the experience and practice which was in ure in all ages, and is at this present among ourselves. Howbeit, it cannot be denied, but that in the estimation of wrong or disorder, they have been in many things very much deceived: and in the estimation of right and order, have been further short by many degrees. An example may make the matter more plain. To take away any part of another man's goods, or a magistrate to bear with such offenders, is in most cases quikly espied to be very il: but, that a man should have such a special care, to praeserve to everyone that which is his, that though by bargain, or wagers he might have it with his neighbors good will, yet he will not; or that a prince should by laws require such a care to be had: that is very far, not only from the dim sight of the heathen people, but also from our much better lightened eyes. Our understanding therefore is weak: but what shall we say of the inclination of our will? Even the selfsame. For though we have an indifferent ready will to divers points of this aequitie: yet first of all, unto many others (and those, for the most part, of the greatest importance, as namely, in matters of sound devotion) we have no readiness at all; but are bent directly against them. Then also, though unto some of them, as I said, we have some inclination: yet cannot it be soundly approved of God, partly for that oftentimes we corrupt our inclination by directing the same to some wrong end (as to avoid either the danger of laws; or else the displeasure, or reproach of men) til that our will by the written word be better framed; and partly for that though it have no such meaning, with all, yet is it not grounded upon knowledge, til it hath the word written, and therefore is not the service of GOD, but of ourselves. So, though we have this instinct of nature, and though it giveth us in many points a goodly light: yet therwithal may we plainly see, whether we cast our eyes to our understanding, or to our will, that it is not able to serve our turn. In the eye or judgment of man (I grant) we may by the vertu of it, and the ordinary working of God therwithal, not only live in seemly order: but also, now and then give forth very rare and excellent virtues. But before the judgment-seat of God, whatsoever such things are found in us, be they never so fair, yet could they not there be able to stand.

6 The case being so with us all, it pleased God to cast a special favor to one people, whom we cal the Israelites, and a principal part of them, the Jews: and unto this people, by his written law, to give a sufficient supply, for whatsoever wanted in them by defect of that natural instinct or sense of aequitie. This I say he gave unto them: but not unto others. He gave unto them a more certain light: but still left others unto their thik, and duskish mists. And now doth it appertain unto us, to endeavor ourselves, that as we have seen what they had common with others, wherein others had as much as they: so now to find out what it was, wherein they had that their special help, and in respect whereof others came so short of them. Which (as I said) was, by the written law: whereby they had special order set down, so far as the wisdom of God thought meet, to supply the defect that was in themselves. As touching which, although the laws that to this purpose do appertain, are many and divers, and so little digested to any plain method, that some have omitted to treat of them, and those that write of them, do not handle them all alike: yet me think there may be very well such a method conceived of them, as that we may thereby sufficiently perceive what was the form or manner of government that was in those commended unto them.

7. For whatsoever laws they had heerunto appertaining, they did concern, either their inhabiting of the land that God did give them: or else their behavior therein. Unto the former of which it doth appertain, first to consider somewhat of the land itself: then to see in what sort it was allotted to them. Concerning the land it self it is no more but to consider what it was: and yet not at large, for that many others have written thereof; but only in some brief manner, so far as to this preasent purpose is needful. The land therefore that was appointed for their possession, was at this time in the possession of others, and those not under any one prince, but under many. This land doth the scripture bound or describe two manner of ways: sometimes by the bounds and coasts thereof: and sometimes by the inhabitants whom they should find dwelling therein. As touching the bounds, it is found to be that land that hath Egypt, Idumaea, and the wilderness of Zin, on the south: the middle-earth sea from Gaza, to Sidon, on the west: Mount Libanus, and Phoenicia a part of Syria, on the north: and the mountains of Galaad with the kingdoms of the Ammonites and Moabites, on the east. The uttermost length whereof in straight line, is aesteemed to be, about 150. of our English miles, accounting eight furlongs unto a mile: and the breadth scant 30. miles, accounting one place with another. Howbeit, the land is not so directly coasted, but that it doth not a little decline: the north end of it, so much into the east, and the south end so much into the west, that it lieth very near to the north-east, and southwest points of the compass. Through which land Jordan a great river cometh from the mountains of Libanon in the north, and endeth in a dead sea in the south: and in such sort, that it leaveth about three parts of this land on the west, and but about a fourth part of it on the east. Which also hath about the midst of the land, that famous lake, which is called the sea or lake of Genasereth.

8 The name of this land is divers: but among the ancient heathen people, for the most part either it goeth in account as a part of Syria; or else is it properly called by the name of Palestine, because of the Philistines that dwelt in a principal corner of it, towards the south-west, near unto Egypt. In scripture it is commonly called the land of Canaan, for that the posterity of Canaan, the son of Cham did principally inhabit the same. Afterward, when the children of Israel were there placed, and the whole land divided among the 12. tribes, every shire or part had the name of the tribe that dwelt therein. But so soon as the kingdom was divided, then was the south part termed the kingdom of Judah, or Jury: and the north-part, which was the greater, the kingdom of Israel, or (of the principal city therein) Samaria. After the return from the captivity, it came to pass, that it fell to have four principal parts of name: Jury, in the south; Samaria, north from it; then Galilie the lower; and last of all Galilie the higher and furthest north. So, since the time of Christ, after that the Saracens and Turks began to get possession of it, it was termed of us (or at least a principal part thereof) the Holy-land: that name making very much for the clergy of Rome, who, when people began to inquire of their abuses, were wont oft times to devise a quarrel for the recovery of the same, so to set them occupied about other matters.

9 What kind of land it was for the fertility thereof, & for the abundance of things needful for the use of such as should dwell therein, the scripture it self doth in like sort very plainly declare in many places: but especially under these terms, that it flowed with milk and honey. When God did first set in hand with the deliverance of his people out of Egypt, and told Moses that now he would no longer suffer his people to be under the grievous yoke of that extreme bondage to the tyrants of Egypt, but would bring to pass, that themselves should have a land of their own to dwell in, he also told him, that the same land should be a very good, and a large land, and that it should flow with milk and honey. When (after that once they were delivered) they came so far in the wilderness, that now they were at the borders of the land, and being encouraged by Moses, then to make their entry, desired to have searchers sent before (very reproachful, & therefore injurious to the word of God, that could not now be believed of them, without the approbation of man; and therefore immediately afterward worthily punished in it self) although of those searchers, being but twelve in all, no fewer than ten of them discouraged the people so much as to hope ever to get it, for that their enemies were so mighty, and had so marvelously fortified themselves: yet could they not deny, but that the land it self was marvelous fruitful, as also they brought of the fruits thereof in witness of it. So likewise towards the end of their pilgrimage, when Moses would take (as we say) his leave of the people, or bid them farewell, as he put them in mind of the law of God, and called upon them to walk thereafter, so, to the end they might better perceive that they should not leese their labor, but were well hired thereunto, he doth in like manner put them in mind how notable a land the Lord had provided for them: another manner of thing than was Egypt, which some of them did so much condemn. For that the inhabitants of Egypt were fain sometimes to water their land themselves, with their own bodily labor: whereas this was watered without the labor of man, with the sweet and seasonable showers of heaven from above, and with plenty of springs and rivers beneath. Again, that the Lord had a special care of that land, and that his eyes were thereupon from the one end of the year to the other. And therefore, that they should there have plenty of wheat, and barley; wine, and olives; pomgranats, and figs: with iron, and brass in great abundance. And to the better testification thereof, and to keep up a perpetual memory thereof, he also taught them, so oft as they should come with their first fruits unto the Lord, ever in plain words to confess unto the Lord, that indeed they had received of him a notable good land. To be short, when afterward the people had diversely offended the Lord, and therefore well deserved to have their land barren, and houses desolate, nevertheless, even after the enemies, whom they called in with their sin, had foully defaced it, yet then doth God term it to be, a land that floweth with milk and honey, and that is a pleasant land among all others.

10 But notwithstanding the excellency of this land, they were by Moses given to understand, that they should ever have poor among them. Which might be in the judgment of some, a sore blemish to the land it self: as though it could not be of that fertility, when as divers of the inhabitants thereof should be so needy. Howbeit experience it self doth teach us, that though any country do never so much abound with all things needful: yet may divers particular persons that live therein, be very needy. And me think there are three principal fountains, out of which the want or straitness that the poor are in, doth otherwise spring. First of all, if themselves be unthriftie, and wastefully spend those good blessings that God hath given them. For then it is no marvel, nor any strange matter, if God that cannot abide to see his goods so wastefully spent take the occupation thereof from such, and bestow them on others. He would have his household therwithal relieved: he would not have his goods bestowed to the contentation of sin, or vanity. Again, some there are, that cannot be content to have the use of such things themselves, and then to let them pass on, in that same course that the wisdom of God hath provided: but must also be meddling in turning them to go, after their time, as thē selves think good. So cometh it to pass oft times, that while they are so busy in displacing others (though yet unborn) from the interest that otherwise they had, themselves also by the judgments of God worthily leese that, which otherwise they might still have enjoied. For he that cannot quietly suffer, such as God appointeth, to have the reversion, give just occasion to God; to take from him his abused possession. Himself therefore, in both these cases, may be the fountain of all his poverty. The second fountain is in others. As namely, when there is no sufficient order taken, either for the distribution of these earthly things; or for the sober and moderate spending of them; or for all to settle themselves to some godly labor. For if there be no order taken for the distribution of these things, then, when as the mightier will have what they can, the weaker must needs have little to live on. So likewise, seeing that God is not overseen in the making of his provision, & therefore hath not provided things needful, but so far as our need requireth (and yet in such sort, as that his allowance is very liberal) how can it otherwise be, but that if some do wastefully spend much more than their allowance cometh unto, others must needs want it in theirs? Even so also may we conclude of the third member of this, that whereas these earthly things cannot be applied to our use, but by the industry and labor of man; and God doth so little allow of idleness in any, that he may not be thought so to have ordained man, that as the labor of the stronger may well be a supply to the want that is in the weaker, so the labor of one may relieve himself & others, I wot not how many: how can it be, if but some be laborers, and yet all allowed to be feeders, and the idle person to have his share in all things needful as well as the laborer, but that, because the labor of few is not able to maintain themselves & many others idle, many must needs be very sore streightened by this? The third fountain of poverty is neither in ourselves nor others: but only in the good will and pleasure of God. Who not only by these, but also by his own hand divers ways besides, doth oft times clasp about our neks this yoke of poverty. And that sometimes, to put us in mind of some offense of ours, whereunto such a kind of fatherly discipline doth fitly appertain; as the injuring of others, prodigality, idleness, or such like: sometimes, that rich men may have on whom to bestow those blessings of God, that they have in such abundance: sometimes, to make us more weary of this earthly tabernacle, and more glad to come to the heavenly: and sometimes for divers other causes that he keepeth unto himself unknown unto us. So that we may be bold to conclude, that notwithstanding this poverty that should be among them, yet may it well stand therwithal, that the land it self did abundantly yield whatsoever was needful for everyone: and that, not after a sparing manner, but after that most liberal allowance that God approoveth, and most becometh his gracious goodness.

11 So having seen what the land was; by what means it is commonly called; and of what valure it was to the sustenance of those that should dwell therein: we may well proceed to search out, in what sort it was allotted unto them. Which me think may then sufficiently appear, if we shall find out these two things. How they should at the first make it theirs; and in what manner they should possess or hold it. Unto the former of these doth appertain both their entry at the first, and the division thereof that after ensued. The manner of their entry and getting the land into their hands, was not to challenge it by descent, or any such title; but by a kind of purchase: and yet not with monie, or monie worth; but only by the dint of the sword, I mean, by conquest. Howbeit, this same was done in such sort, as that nevertheless they had no just cause to imagine, either that they got it by their own prowess, but only by the power and might of God: or that he gave it them for their own righteousness sake, and not only of his mere goodness towards them. For this cause doth Moses first will them to take heed of both those errors, before that ever they come thereunto. But to make the matter more plain, in what sort they had to make their entry by conquest, first let us see what direct or particular charge they had concerning the same; then how they did put it in execution. Their charge was that they should in no wise have any frindship or amity; nor make any marriages; nor so much as be in leag, or make any peace, not only, not with the idols of that country (or to have any reverence of them) but also with none of the people thereof: but that they should be at utter enmity with them all, til they had put out their remembrance from the face of the earth, that they should break down their images, cut down their groves, overthrow their altars, and not so much as covet the gold, or any such thing as thereunto belonged; and as touching the people, that they should have no pity on them, but destroy them all, man, woman, and child. And to the end they might the more faithfully execute this judgment of God, as they are also given to understand that the sins of the people deserved this sharp vengeance, that they may perceive themselves to be executioners of the righteous judgments of God: so they have their eyes chiefly turned to another cause that might kindle their harts more earnestly against them, seeing that it touched (so near as it did) their own estate and welfare. As namely, that if they did join in marriage or amity with them, or but suffered them to dwell in the land, they would entice them to their idols, and so pluk upon them the vengeance of God: and nevertheless themselves ever seek to disquiet them to the uttermost of their power; and be, as it were thorns in their eyes, and spears in their sides, to keep them in continual and bitter vexation, as in those places before set down, sufficiently appeareth.

12 The execution of this their charge, was not in all points very well performed: belike for that they thought it was very streit or rigorous; and dowted therwithal, it would be so odious to all those countries that joined thereunto, that thereby they might pluk them all upon them, and occasion them to lay their powers together, in like sort to destroy them from the face of the earth, that without mercy had destroyed so ancient a people. For worldly policy doth in such cases praevail very much with flesh and blood. Nevertheless, that we may see in what sort they did order this matter, so far as they meddled therewith, first of all they began to take possession of their land, when on the east side of Jordan they had subdued Sehon king of the Amorites, and Og the king of Basan, and took those countries unto themselves. At which time we find very good likelihood, that they did fully execute the charge committed unto them. For seeing we read that they did utterly destroy them, men, women, and children; and that God so far approoveth their dealing with Sehon, that he maketh it a pattern for them to follow in their dealing with Og, and misliketh nothing (that we read of) in either of both: it must needs be a very good conjecture (if not a sufficient proof) that they destroyed their idols also, and did whatsoever else was to be done, after a faithful, and zealous manner. But immediately after this, before that ever they passed Jordan to the other side of the land, by the reason that a certain woman that kept victualing, Rahab by name, and dwelling in Jericho, did keep secret a couple of men that Joshua had sent to search the land, both those men did swear unto hir, that they would save hir, and hir household harmless, and the whole army after they came in, performed the same. After this they entered the land, and being victorious; did very well (for ought we see to the contrary) perform their charge: themselves entering unto the possession of the land ever as they got it; and rooting out the old inhabitants, and their idols with them. And although one man Acham by name, did through covetousness grevously transgress; and though the wrath of God was thereby so sharply provoked, that he did punish the whole multitude by making them fly before their enemies: yet neither was it but one man's trespass, neither did the whole congregation leave it unpunished. Howbeit, not long after both Joshua himself and the rest of the princes, did commit a foul oversight, contrary to the charge that the Lord had given them. For when as the ambassadors of the Gibeonites (who were of that people, that the Lord had appointed them to destroy) came with a subtle practice, to get a leag of peace at the hands of the Israelites, praetending themselves to be of another nation, far distant from the land of Canaan, and that they came to be in leag with them, for the great things that they heard to be done by them: then the Israelites were so fully persuaded by that homly policy of the Gibeonites, that they were indeed as they pretended, that, forgetting to ask counsel of the mouth of the Lord, or else counting the same but needles in so plain a matter as they supposed it to have been, they unadvisedly entered into the leag with them. They were as wise men, as others are: and yet in this did they very foully overshoot themselves. But such is the wisdom of flesh and blood, when it regardeth not the word of the Lord, but will venture to go by itself. But this was but a small slip, to speak of, in comparison of that which followed: and besides that, it was immediately after something amended by themselves. For afterward they did indeed conquer the whole land, and slu in all, one and thirty kings. But, having once gotten the feeld of all their enemies; and having driven them that remained, to their holds; Joshua also and the good elders being fallen asleep, then began they generally to spare their enemies: and, either to let them quietly enjoy many of their cities without molestation, or at the least, only to make them tributaries unto them. Insomuch that the Lord did both sharply rebuke them for it: and besides that, did plainly give them to understand, that seeing they had so done, he also would now have peace with them, & have them to live in the land, to the great and perpetual molestation of the Israelites that would not destroy them when they might. At which sorrowful news though the Israelites wept so bitterly, that thereby they gave the name of the place: yet was it too late, then to reverse that sentence of the Lord, which they should have foreseen before. And so by their sluggishness it was fulfilled, which the Lord before had spoken, that he would not destroy them at once, least the land should grow to a wilderness, and the beasts of the feeld rise up against them: as afterward also he giveth them to understand, that they should be to some use unto them, that is, to prove them whether they would obey the Lord, and keep fast to his ways; and to teach them feats of arms.

13 Concerning the division or distribution of this land, which the Lord hath in this sort given them, & which by conquest they have now taken unto themselves, here we have need first to consider how the people themselves were sorted, for that the distribution of the land doth hang thereupon. Jacob, whom it pleased God to term Israel, that is, praevailing with God, being the son of Isaac, which was the son of Abraham, had, as it is well enough known unto all, twelve sons: Reuben, Simeon, Levie, Judah, Dan, Nepthalie, Gad, Aser, Isachar, Zebulon, Joseph and Benjamin. Out of which his twelve sons it pleased GOD to raise a mighty people, which are called (of Israel himself, the father of these twelve) the children of Israel, as who should say, that people that hath found favor with God, as indeed they had specially done. So likewise that race of people that came of everyone of these sons of Jacob, were termed the tribe of him, of whom they descended. As the race or stok of Reuben, was called the tribe of Reuben: the family or kindred of Judah, was termed the tribe of Judah: and so the rest. Now it pleased GOD, after that he prescribed unto them a set form of religion, which was immediately after their deliverance out of Egypt, what time they had now been the people of God 430. years, and were grown to about 600000. men, besides women and children: then (I say) it pleased God to separate unto himself, or to take out, one whole tribe or stok from among the rest unto the priests office, and to the ministration of that service, which himself had now appointed. So, whereas Jacob, as he lay on his deathbed in Egypt, had taken unto him the two sons of Joseph (which were Manasseh and Ephraim) as his own, and so making two tribes of Joseph, had made thirteen in all: the Lord thus taking the Levites out, did leave them to keep still the mumber of twelve. By this distribution we are led (as it were by the hand) to follow this order. First to search out what was given or allotted to those twelve tribes, Reuben, Simeon, Judah, Dan, Nephtalie, Gad, Aser, Isachar, Zebulon, Ephraim, Manasseh, and Benjamin: and then, what was given to the tribe of Levie, whom the Lord had exempted from the rest.

14 Unto the twelve tribes, the whole land was by God himself appointed to be given: and that by lot, for the avoiding of contention, that otherwise might have risen about that matter. Howbeit, this distribution was not so praecisely observed, but that two tribes and a half, that is, the tribes of Reuben, and Gad, and half the tribe of Manasseh, praeventing their lot in that distribution, got a portion to be assigned to them. For so soon as the children of Israel had conquered those two kings aforesaid on the east side of Jordan, before that ever as yet they had entered the land of Canaan, these two tribes, & half the other, liking that country well, desired Moses that the same might stand for their lot, and so would they be content without anymore on the other side. Moses therefore, taking them bound, that they should nevertheless go over with their brethren, and help them to fight their battles, and not forsake them til their brethren also had gotten the victory of all their enemies, granted their request, & gave unto them that land of the Amorites, which immediately before they had gotten of Sheon, and Og, before mentioned. Unto the other nine tribes and the half that remained, was the rest of the land, that which lieth on the west side of Jordan, and is called the land of Canaan divided: but in such sort, that as every tribe had their portion by lot assigned unto them; so should it be divided among themselves in such sort, that those which were many might have more, and those that were fewer should have less. Again, they divided among themselves the whole country that the Lord had bounded forth unto them: not only those cities which they had already conquered; but those also that were yet in their enemies hands. And so dismissed all the tribes to repair to their own private inheritance, and to conquer their hom-enemies, such as remained within the lot or possession of everyone.

15 Of the Levites there were three families, and every of those assigned to a special function or charge: but that discourse we must reserve til we come to speak of their office, or in what sort they had to live in this land which God doth give them. So far as appertaineth to this present purpose, being but about to search out what portion they have among their brethren, it shall be best to make our distribution otherwise, dividing the whole, into these two sorts: the common sort of Levites; and those that ministered about the ordinary service. For either of these two sorts, had as it were a several portion. The common sort of Levites, or generally the whole multitude of them were appointed to have for their maintenance no part at all among their brethren: but only, the tenth part of all the increase or profits that the land did yield any manner of way; and, out of every tribe, a certain number of cities with their suburbs to dwell in, to the number of eight and forty in all. Their cities were so taken out from among the rest, that those which had many gave mo, and those which had fewer gave accordingly: and the Levites were so scattered throughout the land, that the people might every-where be better taught. The suburbs that their cities were allowed to have, to find their cattle withal, were appointed to be two thousand cubits, or half a mile forth-right frō the walls of the city round about: so that although God gave them no such portion as he gave to the other: yet considering that ech of them had but a twelfe part, and these a tenth part, besides their cities, with their suburbs, it is evident, that by God's ordinance they had a much better part; at least, so long, as the number of them did not much exceed themselves as they were now, for that they were the fewest in number of all the other tribes. Also the manner of paieng this tithe was such, that it was not lawful for them to put by a better, and to put in a worse in steed thereof: but to pay the same that fell out to be the tenth, whether it were better or worse. And though the place were far, so that they would rather covet to give the valu of it in monie, than the thing it self in kind: yet might they not so do, but by putting a fifth part more thereunto; so to put by such collusion, as thereupon might otherwise arise.

16 Unto the priests that were occupied in the ministration, a more liberal portion was du: which arose unto them two manner of ways. Wherof the former is the same that respecteth their ordinary commodities: the other, that which respecteth certain other extraordinary fees or avails. Their ordinary commodity (besides that which otherwise any of them might have of his own) consisted principally in three things: whereof the first is the tenth or tithe that they had of that tenth or tithe which the Levites received of the Israelites. For as the Levites were allowed to take tithe of their brethren the Israelites: so were they charged to pay over the tithe of the same to the priests. The second sort of such commodities as were ordinary were those measures, and parts of all such things as were brought unto the Lord for oblations and sacrifices, which was according to the nature of the sacrifice (of which afterward we have to speak) either a certain quantity of corn, flower, wine, or oil; or else certain portions of the beast sacrificed. The third consisted in that the people were bound to bring unto the Lord, which the priests by his appointment were to have, the first of all that it pleased God to bless them withal. Wherof there were two sorts: one of living creatures as they fell, both man, and beast: yet in such sort, that both men-children, and the increase of unclean beasts should by a certain price be redeemed the other, of the fruits that the land every year doth yield: which at a certain time, and before they took thereof to their own use, they should bring to the priests, as after followeth. Their extraordinary avails I term those fees, that were du unto them, out of the vows that the people would oft times extraordinarily make of their own accord. Which were sometimes of some kind of oblation; and sometimes of some other blessings that God had given them: sometimes likewise, of themselves, or their children. Out of which lightly some commodity came unto them, according to the nature of the vow. So likewise, if one man had trespassed against another, and then purposed with himself to restore it again with a fifth part more added thereunto, as the law required, and could not find neither the party himself alive, nor any of his kin to receive it, that also should he bring to the priest, besides his sacrifice for that trespass.

17 In what manner they should possess this good land, which in this sort they had divided among them, cannot be here very fully declared: for that the discourse thereof hath so great affinity with those others that follow. So that until we see, in what sort they have to live therein, and how their trespasses are by the sentence of God to be punished, we are not able fully to find out what is to be said of this matter. Nevertheless, some laws there are (but those very few) that may be taken apart from the others, and properly concern this present matter. Possession resteth in these two things: in lands, & goods. Concerning lands, some of the laws that I speak of concern the holding of lands: and some, the redeeming of thē. Concerning the former, first we have to note in what sort they are appointed to descend: then how afterward they are to hold the same both towards God, and towards their neighbor. How they should descend, is chiefly declared upon occasion that Zalphaad one of the tribe of Manasseh, had no sons but only five daughters, that at his departure he left behind him. For by that occasion it came in question, and was decided by the mouth of God, that in all such cases, if a man had any son, the same should be accounted his heir: if he had no son, then his daughter: if he had no daughter, then his brother: if no brother, his fathers brother: if no such uncle, then the next of his kin whosoever. So likewise doth he else-where determine, that, if upon some il persuasion of a second wife, a man would dishaerit his eldest son by a former wife, to make the son of the second his heir: yet may he not so do, but leave the birth-right unto the eldest. Nevertheless, we read that Reuben, for defiling his fathers bed, was put from his birth-right, being the eldest; and Joseph and Judah taken into his room. That which concerneth the manner of their hold towards God, is only that law, that was of a certain homage, that every year they were commanded to do unto the Lord, for such lands as they held of him. Which was nothing else, but to bring of their first fruits unto the Lord, and there to confess that God had praeserved their fathers and them from time to time, and been marvelous gracious unto them: that he had given them that good land as before he promised, that they did now enjoy the same, and therefore brought of the fruits thereof unto him. A notable tenure: and such as disgraceth many of ours, that were notwithstanding devised and appointed by notable men, as then they were taken. Wherunto may be added, that every seventh year, and in the Jubilee, they should suffer their land to rest: so to teach them, to moderate their affections on that behalf; to depend on the providence of God; and not utterly to wear out the soil that was given them. That which concerneth the manner of their hold towards men, was that they might have it several: and yet not so; but that the poor, and generally all, might sometimes have some use thereof. That they might have it several, it appeareth both by the partition that before is spoken of: and in this also, that if any should with his cattle eat up, or otherwise hurt his neighbors feelds, he should make good the same again, with the best of his own. That the poor, and others generally might notwithstanding have some use thereof, it appeareth in this, that so oft as the land should rest without any husbandry bestowed on it such things as it yielded of it self, should be common: and that when it was several, any passing by the way, might take and eat of the fruits of the ground to serve his need, so that he carried none away.

18 As for redeeming of land that once was gone from the ancient owners, two laws there are, that belong thereunto. The one restoreth lands hom again generally to all: the other restoreth them but unto some. The law which restoreth lands hom unto all, is double, whereof one is the law of Jubilee. Which was, that if any through poverty or unthriftines had sold his lands or any part thereof yet in the year of Jubilee, which was every fiftith year, those lands should return again, either to him, if he were alive, or else to his heirs if he were dead. The other, that which is set down in express words, that no lands shall be bought, but with clause of redemption. That is, that he that selleth must ever have liberty to by his lands again, so that it be within the time appointed. That law which is more particular, issueth out of the latter of these, and it self also is double: first as it respecteth all other Israelites; then as it respecteth the Levites only. That which respecteth all other Israelites hath two principal members. For first as touching land generally, if a man sel it to his neighbor, either himself, or the next of his kin may redeem it again: and, for so much less than the other gave, as the commodity (that since he bought it, he did receive) amounteth unto. So likewise if he vow to the Lord any part of his inhaeritance, he may redeem it again, adding the fifth part (as the priest shall valu it) thereunto: but if he shrink from his vow, and sel it to some other, then, after the next Jubilee, it cometh to the priests forever. If the land that he voweth were purchased of another, then though he shronk, yet was not the land to be forfeited, but the valu only to be du to the Lord: and the land it self was to return after the Jubilee, to the ancient owner. Then also, as touching the sale of an house, the law was, that if the house were in a walled city, the seller should not have liberty to redeem it, but the space of one whole year, and that it should never again return to the ancient owner, if in one year, he, or some for him, did not redeem it. But if it were out of a walled city, then it should follow the nature of the common lands. That which respecteth only the Levites doth not a little vary from the other. For first as touching the little land that they had to the suburbs of their 48. cities, that might in no wise be sold. Then also as touching their houses whether they were in walled cities, or not, both they might be at all times redeemed; and otherwise in the year of Jubilee they should return.

19 Concerning the possessing of their goods, I see little set down, but that may be better referred to one of those parts that follow. One thing only there is, that doth more properly appertain unto this. Which is, that they were allowed to have (that which seemeth somewhat hard among us) villans or bondmen, as their proper goods. As touching which matter, a few laws there are: both concerning their estate in bondage; and concerning their manumission, or the infranchising, or freeing of them. First as touching an Hebrew, though they bought him of others, yet could they not compel him to serve but six years, and must needs let him go free the seventh, both himself and his, if he came with wife or children. Howbeit, that if the servant would not then part with his master, his master might then keep him forever. So likewise, if any man should by a bondwoman, she should have the same law. This also besides, that if he should promise hir marriage, though afterward he misliked hir before he married hir, yet should he give hir meat, drink, and cloth, and such dowry as the duty of marriage required: and might not sel hir to any other. So likewise, that if he should promise hir to his son, and afterward repented: yet should he do unto hir, as to one of his daughters. Els for default of such duties, that she should be thereby infranchised. Over their villans or bondmen that were not of their own nation, they had such liberty allowed them, as then was in ure in those countries. Insomuch that they might keep them ever: and though they beat them so sore, that within few dais after they died, in divers cases they were not to be charged therewith. Other laws also there be of such matters: but such as, I think, will better agree to that which followeth.

20 Concerning the other, that is, their behavior in the land that God had given them, we have to consider two principal things: what was the direction that they had to frame their lives by; and in what sort their faults and transgressions were to be punished. In the former of which, that is, in what sort they should lead their lives, there are two principal things to be considered: first, what direction they had as touching their private life at hom; then, what direction they nad as touching the public exercise of their religion. The direction that was given them for the more orderly framing of their private life at hom before God and men, sometimes is given in plain speech: and sometimes commended unto them by figures, and under the exercise of outward observations. Both which kinds may best be sorted according to the order of the ten commandments, for that they do compraehend the effect of all, which effect or sum of all, is in few words no more but this, wholly to give over themselves to God alone: and from thence to derive unto them these two principal parts of that their duty; to love God above all things, & their neighbor as themselves. Unto which love of God they were taught, two special points to appertain. First, that they should worship him, not as themselves, or others thought good: but only as himself in his word had required. Then, that they should do it in convenient manner: whereunto appertain two principal points. First, that they should do the same truly, without hypocrisy or dissimulation: then, that they should be zealous therein, or earnestly bent thereunto. So likewise, that unto the love of their neighbor did appertain other two points: one concerning their doings towards him: the other concerning the moderating of their own affections within. That which respecteth their doings towards him, hath two special points. First, that they should reverence ech other, everyone in his degree; and thereby knit together in one, in godly unity. Secondly, that they should have such an hearty care to praeserve ech other, that not only they regard ech others life or good estate generally, to uphold the same: but also, that they have a special care of these three points, to praeserve or leave unto everyone his wedlok undefiled; his substance undiminished; and his good name unblemished. That which respecteth the moderating of their affections within, is that they should not covet, or that they should so content themselves with their estate, that they sought not to praevent any others in theirs. Howbeit, although this be the effect of all, yet it shall be good to see, how the same is expressed by certain particulars.

21 First of all therefore concerning their life towards God, they are commanded to put by all others in heaven and earth, and to have none other God but him alone: nor so much as to have in their mouths the names of any others, or to let them be heard out of their lips. And because the greatest danger was either in those that were worshipped in Egypt, where the children of Israel had sojourned so long; or in those that were worshipped of the Canaanites, and other nations among whom now they should dwell (the one for education sake; the other for policy:) therefore had they a special warning given to take heed of the gods of those countries: and therwithal were straitly charged to break down the idols or pictures of them; to overthrow their altars; to cut down their groves; and to let no monument of them to remain. To this end especially it did appertain, that the Lord did ordain certain servises among them, that should properly serve to confirm them in that point: that is, that he only is the Lord; that they were his tenants, and held of them whatsoever they had. Of this sort there were especially three: that yielding to him of their first born; or of their first fruits; and of their tithes. For although there was another end of these ordinances, that is, that the ministry, and such as served at the altar, should live thereby: yet to this end also were they ordained, to witness the sovereignty, that the Lord had over them. The law of the first-born was this. Whatsoever male did first open the womb, whether it was of man, or beast, or (as we say) was first of all born or bred, that same did the Lord challenge to be his, and ordained the same to be an ordinance among them: but not all after one manner. For if it were the first born of man, it was to be redeemed: and the price was five shekels of the sanctuary, or five score Gerahs (which is all one) amounting to (as it is said) about sixteen shillings and eight pence of our coin: though by the weight of the Gerah, which is said to be the weight of sixteen barley corns, I cannot find that 20. Gerahs (which is the sicle of the sanctuary, double to the other sicle that is common) do weigh anymore than two shillings and four pence of our coin, after the rate of five shillings the ounce. And then is the sicle of the sanctuary but two shillings and four pence: and five shekels but eleven shillings eight pence. If it were a beast that was clean, it might not be redeemed, nor kept back, nor put to use, nor any commodity taken of it; but without deceit brought as it was unto the priests, as the portion of the Lord after that it had been seven dais with the dam. If it were of an unclean beast, as of an asse, that also was the Lord's: but it was to be redeemed with a lamb. Nevertheless, the party was not bound to redeem it, as he was to redeem his first-born son: but, if he would not be at the cost to redeem it, then must he cut off the head thereof; and was so discharged. So likewise the first-born of a clean beast, if it had any deformity or blemish, then, although in that case also it was the Lord's: yet were they discharged for bringing it unto the sanctuary or temple of the Lord, there to make merry or feast therwithal before him (as they were bound to do with such as were without blemish) and were willed to eat it at hom, and to hold feast therwithal unto the Lord in their own houses. This challenge that the Lord did make to the first-born, exempting them to his own proper use, had also a special sense, that was proper to it self, besides those two before recited that are common to both the others. For this was ordained to this use also, that it might keep in fresh remembrance that notable benefit which the children of Israel received of the Lord a little before their departure out of Egypt: that is, that when the Lord destroyed the first-born of Egypt, nevertheless he spared the first-born of all his people. As also the Lord did afterward use it, to quiet the people in deducting the whole tribe of Levie out from among them to the use of the ministry: taking them, and a certain fine by pole of the overplus, for all the first-born that then were. Of which to discourse more fully, there is afterward offered better occasion. Unto ourselves, out of this law this lesson may we take, that seeing God is as gracious to us, we also ought to present him with the best that we have: and for to abandon those miserly practices that commonly we use, to shift him off with the very worst that we are able to pik out of the rest. The offering of the first of their fruits that out of the increase of the earth did arise unto them, was to the selfsame end ordained: that is, to witness, that whatsoever they had, they held only of him. For the first of their fruits, they had to offer, both the first of corn, and such things as first ripened unto them: and also a part of their first batch of bread. To the end, that they might ever observe this ordinance, they were charged that they should take nothing that their ground did yield to their own use, until that they had first brought some such present unto the Lord. And to the end that they might do it more effectually, he teacheth them also, when they come to bring him that pręsent, to acknowledge in plain words that it was the Lord, and he alone, that gave unto them that good land: and that by his goodness they now had the same in quiet and peaceable possession. As indeed the goodness of God is such, that it deserveth to be acknowledged: and, of such things as he giveth, to have such portion as he requireth (especially being so small as it is) even at the first, and not to tarry til we ourselves (after the proportion of our greedy appetite) shall be glutted to our own desire. What the law of tithes was, is before declared. Now I do but admonish, that it is one of the ordinances, whereby God would continually witness unto them, that he was the Lord, and they his tenants. Which that they might more effectually do, he taught them, that every third year they should make a solemn protestation unto the Lord, that they had truly paid all their tithes, that to their knowledge they had not withheld any part thereof, either to supply their own necessity; or to do any good work which was otherwise to be done of their own charges, as to bury the dead, or such like: and that wittingly they had not suffered any part of it to perish by their negligence. And because this was ordained to be every third year after the seventh years rest to the land, it was a time of all most fit to amend such things, as a man had omitted before: for that this year was farthest of all on both sides removed from the seventh year, wherein the land was to lie common. So that as this law was ordained to teach them sincerity in paieng of their tithes: so was this protestation appointed then to be made, when they might most easily do it. What things we omit by the reason of some urgent necessity that at some special time doth much annoy us, if we have any grace, we make up again so soon as God doth send us plenty. Other things besides those there are, that preached the sovereignty that God had over his people. But these are the chiefest in my judgment: & these might well suffice to teach them, that he was The Lord their God, that they must abandon all others, & wholly betake themselves unto him, to live and die at his pleasure.

22 Next heerunto it is of them required that having already in such sort betaken themselves to him alone, as to their only true and living Lord, they should do unto him, not as themselves, or others think good; but only as himself praescribeth unto them. Unto which place especially doth appertain the whole form of religion that was given unto them. But because it is a thing of special importance in divers respects, therefore I thought good to speak of it apart by it self: and in this place to speak but of such other duties of this kind, as did not concern the form of their public religion, but were to be observed of them all at hom, at all times, and in all places, as occasion served. Of this sort were these. First of all, that they should in no wise behave them selves before him, either after the doings of the land of Egypt, wherein they dwelt; or after the doings of the land of Canaan, whither now he was about to bring them: but ever frame themselves to do after his ordinances, judgments, and statutes, in whatsoever they took in hand, turning aside from them neither to the right hand, nor to the left. Insomuch that although he allow them to make vows, that is, even of their accord to do some work unto him, that otherwise he doth not urge them unto (which is the thing that of all others is left most free unto them:) yet even in that also doth he not leave them to their own wills, but directeth them how to proceed, and how to behave themselves therein. And first as touching the persons that may vow, he alloweth but such as are at their own liberty, to make any vow. As for young women that are in their fathers house, and married wives, he alloweth none of their vows to stand, unless the father of the one, and husband of the other do hear the same, and either give his consent unto it, or at least do not gain-say it. Then concerning the things vowed, if afterward they were not disposed to give the very thing that they vowed, or could not conveniently bring it thither where it should be delivered, or if it were such as was not to be offered, he teacheth them how to redeem whatsoever they vowed, being of that nature, that it could not bein the very kind it self performed. For otherwise, if a man did vow any such thing, that was not to be redeemed by monie, but to be paid as we say in kind: insomuch, that if any should put to by a better to give a worse, he should then give both. As also on the other side, some things were so detestable, as the price of whoordom, or advantage

gotten by bauderie; and some things so vile and of so small account, as the price or valu of a dog; and some things so fully the Lord's already, as the first-born, that no vow to the Lord might be made of them. But the things, that once being vowed, might be by the parties again redeemed, were such as might not be offered in sacrifice, and yet might be given unto the Lord to some other good purpose. As namely, mankind; the common sort of unclean beasts; houses; and land. Of which only mankind had the price set: the rest were to be taxed by the priest. The price or rate of the redemption of man, was according to his sex, and years: and that after this manner. A man-child vowed, being betwixt a month and five years old, was priced at five shekels: from five, to twenty, at twenty shekels: from twenty years old to three score, to fifty: from three score upward to fifteen. A woman-child of the first compass of age, to three shekels: of the second, to ten: of the third, to thirty; and of the fourth, to ten. Saving only that a proviso is had for such as were not able to pay after this rate, that the priest might at his discretion take it down to their ability. As for the other three, the priest had to set the rate according to his discretion. But in these things this was to be observed, that although any others might by them at the price that the priest did set, yet might not the owner himself so redeem them, but by adding a fifth part more. And this is the effect of the law of vows, so much as appertaineth to this present purpose. Whereby we may see, that although God would take at their hands a work of their own: yet, that it might not be any other, but such as was subject to the direction that God appointed. So far is it from him, to accept anything in good part, that is not his. And to the end that they might not fear to be driven to any lak, being so absolutely put by all others, and so praecisely kept only to the bek of God, it is farther to their comfort declared, first, that those statutes and ordinances are of marvelous aequitie and wisdom: then, that a sufficient prophet shall be sent unto them, both to guide them in the wilderness until they come to their promised rest, and to make known unto them the way of health: last of all, both what blessedness appertaineth to those that observe them; and what misery hangeth over the graceless heads of those that care not for them. Then, besides that kind of general prohibition of all other ways, he toucheth certain of those by name, of which he would have them especially to beware. Of which sort, although the most of them may better be digested to other places as more proper to them: yet some of them are such, as do not only challenge this place as meetest for them; but also may give sufficient light, how careful it stood them in hand to be, to take heed of that country infection, and to follow the direction that God did give them. As namely, first that they should in no wise bow down to the images of those nations, nor have any of their own, of what manner or likeness soever, nor so much as a pillar to look upon. So likewise that they should not offer unto devils: nor make their sons and their daughters go thorough the fire: nor offer of their seed unto Molok. Thirdly, that they should not use any sorcery, witch-craft, southsaieng, charming; or regard either times, or the flieng of fouls, or such like. Fourthly, as touching the property of earthly things, that no man should account to have such property in his possessions, but that it should be lawful for any man passing by, to eat of his neighbors vines, or corn (so that he put up none to carry away with him:) and that himself might not forever alien his lands from him and his, by the privilege of the Jubilee, nor sel at all but with clause of redemption; nor any way alien the Levites possessions.

23 Concerning the manner of doing this duty in such sort as is required, the first point of it was to walk before God in all sincerity and singleness of mind, and in nothing to behave themselves otherwise than became their holy calling. And there were two sorts of precepts that did appertain heerunto. Those I account of the first sort, that generally appertain unto all: and such of the second, as do specially appertain unto some, by the vertu of some special profession, that they are in. Concerning the former sort, first of all it is plainly forbidden, to use the name of God in matters of untruth; or, any way to pollute his holy name: and required, that they sanctify themselves, and be holy in all their doings. Then also, the same care that they ought to have of sanctifieng the Lord, is commended unto them by divers figures. As namely, that a maimed person, or a bastard of a common harlot, or an Ammonite, or a Moabite (for that they did not relieve the children of Israel as they passed by, towards their land of promise) might not enter into the congregation of the Lord; nor the Idumaean, nor the Egyptian neither, til the third generation. So likewise among the people themselves, and the whole multitude of the same one with another, divers cases there were, wherein they had to acknowledge themselves unclean, and to withdraw themselves for a time, both from divers exercises of religion, and from the assembly of the people: as if themselves had the leprosy or any issu; if the man had his seed parting from him; or if the woman were in hir flowers: if at any time they did eat of that which died, or was torn with wild beasts; or of any such creature as was forbidden, whether beast, bird, or fish: or if they did but only touch them, or a dead body, or any such thing as was by law unclean. To the self same end it is, that if the beast that they meant to offer had any blemish, though it might be eaten at hom, yet might it not be brought unto the Lord, nor stand for any that before was vowed unto the Lord: that at the death of their friends they might not moorn (as the heathen did) immoderately, but so take up themselves betimes, that after they had yielded a little to nature, they might forthwith declare themselves, very well to like of God's doings: that if an Israelite would marry with an heathen woman taken in war, she must first pass through certain ceremonies that should witness such uncleanness in hir, as that otherwise an Israelite might not marry with hir: that when any man was disposed to ease himself, he should make a little pit, and after that he had done his easement therein, he would cover it again, that nobody might take noiance thereby: and that even their pots and such other vessels as they had in use, should in divers cases be unclean unto them; and then, either broken, if they were of stone, or rensed if they were of wood, or scoured if they were of metal. So likewise in the law of vows many things there are that do plainly declare, that although it be by nature a voluntary act, and therefore may seem that needs it must be very welcome to God, yet is it not so easily excused, but altogether put by, unless it bring sincerity with it besides. For this cause first of all it is required, that neither the filthy lucre that is gotten by fornication or such like, nor so mean a thing as the price of a dog, be at time vowed unto the Lord. So likewise, that when they had vowed such things as might be performed, they should not then delay the performing of them: although that otherwise it had been no fault in them at all, not to have vowed. As also on the other side it was forbidden to put a worse in the place of that which was vowed (which if they did, they had to give both: or to bring a blemished beast for a vow before made: or to redeem or praeserve any herein, or that which was utterly abandoned frō any use unto the Lord, as afterward Jericho was after this manner by Joshua abandoned. Those that do appertain more specially to some, by reason of their special profession, are especially but of two sorts: such as appertained to the priests; and such as appertained to the Nazarites. The priests were such as God had chosen from among the rest of the people nearer unto him, and to have much dealing with him on the people's behalf. Unto them therefore he praescribeth certain rules of special sanctification somewhat more straitly than unto others. As namely, first generally to all, that they should not drink wine or any strong drink, when it was their course to be about the office of their administration: to the end, that they might the better be able to judge betwixt the holy and unholie; between the clean and unclean; and better teach the children of Israel as they ought. And that none of them, of the seed of Aaron, having a blemish in any part of their body, might execute the priests office; and yet might live with them, and take their part of the holy offerings as much as others. Two other laws there were appointed to the priests, but not unto every of them alike: the one of marrieng, the other of moorning, and other duties to friends departed. Concerning marrieng, the law that was given, was to restrain the abuse of unseemly marrieng of themselves. The high priest mght not marry any that had plaid the harlot, or been divorced, or was a widow: but only, a maid. The inferior priests might marry widows: but not such as had been polluted or defamed; or before divorced from any other. Concerning moorning, and such other funeral duties, the high priest might not moorn for any, or do such things at funerals as others commonly were wont, and might. The inferior priests had some more liberty, but yet restrained to certain persons that were near unto them; as father, mother, son, daughter, brother, and unmarried sister: otherwise they might not have ought to do with the funerals of any; no not of the magistrate. As also, not only Aaron the high priest, but Eleazar, and Ithamar likewise being under priests, though here they have liberty to moorn for their brethren, yet there they were forbid to moorn for those two of their brethren, that were then suddēlie destroyed with fire for their sin: belike, because they were taken away in God's displeasure, and they could not well moorn for them, but that they must seem somewhat to repine against the severity of God's judgments. The Nazarites were such as took upon them a special vow of holiness, not constrained, but (as it were) of their own accord. Seeing thereof that needs they would be Nazarites, that is, separate from the common sort, and drawing nearer (for the time) unto the Lord, he gave unto them also certain outward observations of special holiness: that so in that voluntary separation of theirs, they might not so easily take in vain the name of God; but do indeed as they did praetend, and took upon them to observe. And the law that was given to the Nazarite, was no more but to teach how, or in what manner to consecrate himself; how in the time of his separation he might be defiled; how that pollution was to be cleansed again; and how he had to finish his vow of separation. But the soldier also hath a special charge, if he know himself to be unclean, to avoid himself out of the camp for the time.

24 The other point of this their duty, that was to be directed to the person of God, is, that they should be zealous towards God, or earnestly bent to the way of godliness and religion: so to cal them from the common corruption of the world, in being so careless of religion, or so faint in the worship of God, or any good work; and yet marvelous earnestly bent on the vain, and corruptible things of this present world. The things that do appertain heerunto are three. First, the requiring of the seventh dais rest: then the commending of the scriptures unto them: last of all the allowing of vows. Concerning the seventh dais rest, it was ordained, that every seventh day should be a Sabbath, that is, a day of rest: the meaning whereof was, that the people themselves withal their families & their cattle also; and that all such strangers as dwelt among them with their families and cattle, should that day cease from all manner of their usual labors, and keep it an holy rest unto the Lord. To the end they might the better observe it, he doth both give them to understand, that as he doth thereby require holiness of them, so doth he himself sanctify those that truly observe it, and so performeth in them his own request: and, although he do so praecisely require it, that he alloweth not so much as the kindeling of a fire on that day, no not in seed time, nor in harvest; yet maketh he the breach thereof to be death. As also he showeth them another commodity that hangeth theron, which himself to their own use requireth, that is, that he will have that a rest-day that themselves, their servants, and cattle may rest theron from their wonted labors: which must needs make them a great deal more fresh to continue their labor. The scriptures were commended unto them that they should have a special regard of them, and be very studious both to know, & to do the law of the Lord. To this they were lead three manner of ways. The first was, that they should have the words of the law written, and that very plainly, first upon certain great stones, set up, and plastered for the same purpose at the entrance of the land, so soon as they shall come thither: then in their own houses upon the gates and posts thereof: yea, and to have the same bound to their hands, and as a frontlet between their eyes to put them in better remembrance thereof. The next was, that they were commanded to have fringes, and ribbands of blew silk upon their garments, to put them in remembrance of the law of the Lord, to do after it, and not to follow their own inventions, little regarding the law of the Lord. The last was, that they were willed both for their own better instruction, and for the spreading forth of religion continually to teach the law to their children, and to talk thereof in their own houses, or as they walked by the way, when they laid them down to sleep, and when they rose up again to their work. By all which things we may perceive that he would have them very studious and careful how to be godly. In which respect he doth also warn thē then specially to take heed to themselves that they do not forget the Lord, when they shall wax wealthy, and have abundance of all good things: for because that worldly felicity, ingendring in man a love of the same, doth very much abate the zeal that erst before we had unto godliness, and maketh us worldly, insomuch that after that once we come unto wealth, then do we for the most part either utterly despise the way of godliness, and wholly give over ourselves to the world: or else do we lean so much to the latter, that we do very much despise the former. The allowance of vows that before I spake of is this. Seeing that it pleased God to allow of vows, as it may sufficiently appear by that which is said of them already; and whereas a vow is nothing else in effect, but a voluntary work of thanks-giving to God for his goodness towards us, by proceeding out of a more fervent zeal, than is for the most part to be found, either in the common multitude, or otherwise in himself that voweth: hereby it appeareth, that GOD doth not only allow of a singular zeal; but seeing that himself doth vouchsafe to praepare the way wherein it may orderly proceed, and whereby it may be able to come unto him, and to his gracious acceptance, he doth himself also invite us thereunto, or rather seeketh to breed in us a special and a singular care to do our service unto the Lord: the thing that now we have in hand.

25 Concerning their life one towards another, that which first we have to fall in hand withal, which is, that everyone honor their parents, and so consequently reverence ech other in his degree, so far as he is any father or mother unto him, is in the law very briefly set down: belike because it is so imprinted in the harts of all generally, that the contrary vice is odious withal; and sharply restrained of the higher sort. But although the law in this point be very brief, yet is it effectual. For first of all, as touching their natural parents they were required to give them du honor; and forbidden to marry their fathers wife. As touching superiors, not to rail or speak evil of them: as touching the aged, to reverence them. And to the end that they may better perceive how much they ought to aesteem of all men, especially of those that were to good use unto them, they are commanded both in such sort to do their easement, that it be no noiance to any, and so to aesteem of their laboring ox, as that while he treadeth out their corn, they moosel him not. As indeed if we consider that all such creatures are made to our use, and that by them we reap a notable commodity one way or other, as Solomon saith, that a just man regardeth the life of his beast, when as even the mercies of the wicked are cruel: so whosoever entereth into this consideration, if therwithal he be of a thankful nature, he more aesteemeth of the meanest creatures of all that are to any use unto us, than the common sort of worldly people do soundly aesteem of their own natural parents.

26 The next is, that they were bound to have a care to praeserve and uphold their neighbor in his good estate: and first as touching his life, and whatsoever doth appertain thereunto. Unto this do belong not only the commandment it self that doth forbid murder generally: but also many other things that concern other matters of that nature. Al which may be digested into two sorts. Wherof the former is of those that directly and in plain speech do treat thereof: the other of those that by outward ceremonies do mean the selfsame thing. Those that do it directly or in plain terms do first of all forbid all manner of violence and hard dealing towards all. As namely, to seek the blood of any; or to bear any malice or hatred in heart: to take usury of their brethren; to take or keep such a pledge as might not well be forborne; or to take it inordinately. Concerning certain special persons they had charge given, not to deal hardly with strangers, widows, fatherless, or their poor neighbors that come to borrow: as also not to curse the deaf; nor to put a stumbling blok before the blind; nor to have any bondmen of their own nation decayed by poverty; nor to betray the bondmen of the heathen to their masters again, nor to vex him, but quietly to suffer such to live among them. So likewise they were willed to have so special a care of their neighbor, that they should batlement their house; shut up again the pit that they opened; help up their neighbors ox or asse that falleth by the way; redeem their brethren that were bonds to the heathen; and themselves deal kindly with those that serve them. Those that do teach them the same in effect by outward shadows, are such as will them to eat no blood; nor to seeth a kid in the milk of his dam, nor to kill the dam and hir young both on a day; nor to take the dam with hir young.

27 The next thing that they had to praeserve of their neighbors, was his wedlok or marriage: which they had to keep undefiled, by the vertu of that commandment, which forbiddeth them to commit adultery. And to the end they might do it the better, he doth in some cases allow them divorce, or to put away their wives upon misliking: and doth exempt them from wars, and such other affairs as might take them away from their wives, for the first year of their marriage. And that they might better know how to keep this commandment, and to perform their duty on that behalf, he further giveth them to understand, that not only whoordom is forbidden unto them: but likewise all carnal copulation with beasts; or man, with man: or man with a woman in hir flowers: the man also to go in woman's apparel, or the woman in man's apparel, because that it would make an easier way unto sin, and therwithal be a cloke for the same: and that they do not suffer their unbrideled and wanton affections to wander, either to such degrees as were over-near, and so forbidden; or to hir, whom he hath divorced, after that once she is married to another; or, in case when his near kinsman is dead withoutissu, to marry where he list, but only with hir that is left, so to raise up seed to his brother, or else say nay, and take reproach.

28 As touching his substance, they were commanded to have of it also a special care. And first they were forbidden to do him any wrong, to steal from him, or to deal falsely with him: as for example, to remove his land marks, or to use deceit in weight or measure. And two cases there are more specially touched, the withholding of work folks hire, and servants wages: and tithes from the Levites: the wages or hire of those that wrought for them, might not be unpaid the same day that they earned it. And if any man paid not tithe of all, as it came to hand, but put by a better to pay a worse, he was then bound for to give both. If at any time a man had done a wrong, either by robbery, or by violence; or by with-holding or denying the thing that was committed to him of trust; or by denying and keeping anything that another hath lost, and he hath found, then the party that had done this injury had to restore the domage with his principal, and to put a fifth part more thereunto: besides a sacrifice to the Lord. If the party were dead to whom it should be restored, and had no executor nor heir to whom the right thereof were du: yet must they not enjoy it themselves, nor bestow it as they thought good; but bring it to the Lord, & deliver it unto the priests. Besides that, they might do wrong unto none, but themselves make it up again. If there were a fault, they were also charged to help up the poor that stood in need; to lend them according to their necessity; and the seventh year to pardon them their debt, if they were not able to pay: and not to deny them when they came for help, though the seventh year were at hand. So likewise they were willed to bring hom to the owners such things as were lost, & such cattle as they found straieng: or, if they knew not the owners, to keep them safe til they heard who owed them: as also, in gathering the fruits of the earth, not to gather over near, that the poor might get some relief to themselves, after that the others have done.

29 Concerning the good name of their neighbor, which also was their charge, they were not only forbidden false witness: but, to make the matter more sure they were also forbidden all manner of lieng, and to be a carrier of tales.

30 The last of those duties that they did ow to their neighbor, was that they should not covet. Which doth cal them to such a moderation concerning the things of this world, as that they ought fully to content themselves with the portion that God had given them, that so they might never go about to praevent any other in theirs. And to the end that they might the better learn this moderation, & learn to keep in their inordinate affections, certain disciplines were given unto them, that might very well teach the same. As namely, that certain beasts, birds, and fishes (which otherwise were good, and delicate meats, for many of them, and very commonly eaten of others) were forbid them: the blood, and fat of those that were allowed: and so many besides, as died alone, or were torn with wild beasts. So likewise that every seventh year they should forgive debts, and yet take no increase of the earth; and every fiftith suffer their bondmen to be free, and lands to return from many of them, to their ancient possessors again: that for the four of the first years, they might not eat any fruit of their trees: and that they might not mingle together divers kinds, in cattle, seed, or apparel.

31 The direction that they had as touching the public exercise of their religion is now to be seen. Unto which most properly appertain three principal things: their sacraments; & sacrifices. Their sacraments (that were of this kind) were only two: Circumcision, and the Pascal lamb. Both which, although they were ordained somewhat before the law was given in mount Sinai; yet were they confirmed by the same, and under it in common use, and great force. Circumcision was ordained to Abraham at the first, what time he sojourned in the land of Canaan, himself being 99. years old: which was 406. years before the giving of the law in Sinai. The matter of the sacrament was the cutting away of the foreskin of the privy members of all the male children in the land: and when the child was eight dais old, then was this sacrament to be ministered unto him. The meaning of the sacrament was, that God made with Abraham and with his seed, an everlasting covenant of special favor: that him and his seed God took to himself, to be his own peculiar people: and for that cause it seemeth to have a special consideration, that the seal of the covenant was printed on that part of the body: that therein they might more plainly behold, both that there was a mortification of the flesh wrought by the spirit of God, in all that were under the covenant in spirit and truth; and that their children appertained to the covenant, as well as themselves. And it is to be noted, that they were taken to be his people before; and this pledge, or the seal of the covenant afterward given. As for the day, the reason seemeth to be this, that both children should be of some strength to bear it; & that they should not long delay to minister that comfortable sacrament unto them. Last of all it was ordained, that all should take that sacrament on them: and that such as would not, should be cut off from among the people. The Pascal lamb, their other sacrament, was instituted or ordained to the whole people a little before their deliverance out of Egypt. The matter of the sacrament was this. The tenth day of their first month (named Nisan) they should take from among their sheep or goats, a young sheep or a goat of a year old, of the male kind, and the same without blemish: him should they keep until the fourteenth day of the month, and then kill him at even. Then they should take the blood of him in a basen, & with a bunch of hyssop sprinkle of the same on the upper posts of their doors, and on both the side posts. They should roast the carcase whole, and not break a bone of it: they should eat it with unleavened bread; with sower herbs; and like passengers ready to go their journie, with their loins girt, their shoes on their feet, their staves in their hands, and make a quik dispatch thereof: none but Israelites, or such strangers as were circumcised should eat thereof; they should be so many, as might conveniently eat it; and whatsoever remained thereof to the next morning, that should they burn, or consume with fire. This sacrament was ordained to be received every year once, at the time by the law appointed; & had one of the three principal feasts thereunto annexed. By the reason of uncleanes, or being in journey, it might be deferred to the same day of the next month. But otherwise might not be deferred of those that were clean, and were at hom. Howbeit, the unclean might not eat thereof. The meaning of this sacrament was, both to assure the people that then lived, of two notable benefits that immediately after the institution of it were to insu: and to keep up those benefits in fresh remembrance, both to themselves and to all their children, that should afterward follow. The benefits, of which they were hereby assured at the first institution heerof, and which afterward were kept in memory by the same, were, that the Lord spared them at the sprinkling of the blood of that lamb, when as he destroyed the first born of all the land besides; and immediately after delivered them out of the hands of Pharaoh, and from their long and miserable bondage. Nevertheless, because these benefits could not be grounded but in their promised savior, therefore did this sacrament to so many as had that consideration nourish (besides) a comfortable, and a faithful expectation of Christ, and of the force of his death and passion: as afterward he was more plainly known, to be both our pasover, and the lamb that taketh away the sins of the world.

32 The sacrifices that I speak of are very divers, and therefore harder to be conceived. Neither is the diversnes of them the only cause that they are somewhat hard to be conceived: but also, because they cannot well be understood without the knowledge of certain other things first had; and of their solemn feasts withal. Those other things are especially three: what was the place were they might sacrifice unto the Lord; what the persons were that ought to do it; and what were those creatures out of which they had to choose their sacrifice. So it shall be needful, to say somewhat of these things first: and after to come to the sacrifices themselves. And concerning the place it is first to be considered that a restraint was made: then, what the place was whereunto they were restrained. The restraint that was made, was that they should offer their sacrifice nowhere else, but only before the Lord. And that was, for the time of their pilgrimage, and until another place was chosen, only where the sanctuary was: afterward in Jerusalem, at the temple there. Concerning the former of these, it was death to offer anywhere else when they were in the wilderness, either in the host, or without, but only before the sanctuary or tabernacle. As touching the other, they were warned beforehand that when they came to their land they should not offer their sacrifices where they thought good, but only in that place, which the Lord should choose or name unto them. Nevertheless, because we are now to inquire, but only of that manner of government that in the wilderness was prescribed unto them; and because the manner and use of the former doth sufficiently show the use and manner of the latter: therefore it shall be sufficient for us, for this compass that now we have taken, to cast our eyes on the sanctuary only, as it was at the first ordained unto them. But because that it was mooveable, therefore it is expedient to consider, both what the thing it self was, and what was the manner of removing the same. The place it self consisted of two principal parts: the tabernacle, and court wherein it stood. The tabernacle it self was as it were a church or chapel, ordained for divine service; but of set purpose so made, as that it might be taken down, carried with them, and set up again, so oft as they would: as it was expedient and needful for them, who at that time that it was ordained, were in a long and cumbersome journie towards the land of Canaan. It was therefore made of divers parcels, redily framed to be joined together, so to stand by it self upright. In steed of a roof it had coverings cast over the top of it: and lights within, in steed of windows. Which frame being so set together, was of that quantity, that (if their cubit were all one with ours) then was it in length fifteen yards; in breadth six; in height five; and the manner of it was to be reared up towards the west. Thus have we a general view thereof. But to the end that we may more perfectly see it, let us now more specially consider, whereof it was made; how it was parted; and wherwithal ech part was furnished. Concerning the stuff, the text declareth that the sides thereof were made of boards: which notwithstanding were such, as we more properly cal planks. As indeed the use whereunto they were ordained doth necessarily import that they must needs be of good thiknes. And Josephus writeth that they were a handful thik. They were of a kind of wood which they called Setim, somewhat like to white thorn, and so durable that it is said of some, never to rot. They were in length, five yards; in breadth, one cubit and an half; in number, for ech side twenty, and for the west end eight: which truly answer the aforesaid measure of the tabernacle. Everie of these boards had at the nether end a couple of tenons: for the which there were provided as many sockets with mortases in them, whereinto the boards were to be let, when the tabernacle was to be reared. And to compact the whole frame better together, there were ordained certain bars of the same kind of wood for every side five: of which one should pass through the midst of the boards throughout the whole side of the tabernacle, and the other four should by certain rings be coupled to the boards, and so join them fast together. Al these boards, with their bars and rings were overlaid with beaten gold: and their sockets were of silver. The coverings or hangings that were cast aloft on the tabernacle, were divers: those that were in-most, very fair, and costly; those that were out-most, of courser work, and such as were meetest to bear off the weather. The in-most of all was fine twined linen, blew silk, and purple, and scarlet, and imbrodered fair. The next unto it of goats hair: the third of rams skins colored red: the fourth, and out-most of all of badgers skins; with the hair on (as it seemeth) for that so it might better keep off the weather. Which hangings were of that largeness that they did cover the whole frame round about half way to the ground, but only at that end which was left open for the way to come in. At which there was hung a rich hanging of needle work, made of fine twined linen, of blew silk, of purple, & scarlet. Which was hung on five pillars, for that purpose provided, whose heads or tops were of gold, their sockets of brass, and the rest of Setim wood, overlaid with beaten gold. So have we the outward face or show of the tabernacle. Within, it was divided into two parts: the division being made by a rich hanging of the same work that the in-most covering of the tabernacle was of, which was hung on four pillars like to the others, saving that their sockets were of silver. Whereas therefore before it was one, now, by this partition, it is become two: whereof the out-most & east part, was termed the holy place, or the tabernacle of the congregation: the in-most or west part, the most holy place. In the out-most of these two there were three principal things: a table, a frame for lights, and an alter; in the in-most, but one, which was the ark of testimony. The table was of Setim wood, but overlaid with beaten gold, and the work thereof was fair. The frame that was ordained for lights, was as it were a great standing candlestick of beaten gold, branching forth in such sort on ech side, that it yielded in all seven branches, on the tops of which were seven lamps. The altar that I speak of, was of timberwork within, as the table was: but overlaid with beaten gold. The use of the table was that theron should be bread continually, which was called the show-bread of the standing candlestick, to give light: and of the alter that incense or sweet perfume shall every day be burned, and once a year the reconciliation made theron. Of which afterward somewhat more largely. These were placed, the table on the north side of the tabernacle; the standing candlestick on the south; and the altar in the midst toward the hanging that parted both these places. In the in-most place which was called the most-holy, there was nothing else but an ark or chest, of timberwork, but overlaid within, and without, with beaten gold. The lid whereof being of the same stuff, had at ech end a cherub, with their faces, & wings stretched forth one towards another: and the place where their wings met (about the midst of the chest lid) was a place of special account. This chest was called the ark of testimony, for that it had the tables of testimony, or ten commandments therein: and the middle place of the lid between the wings of the cherubins, was called the mercy-seat. And it is to be noted that both this ark, and altar, and table in the other; had rings and bars of the same stuff that themselves were of, for the more convenient carriage of them. We read also of certain other implements, that did appertain to certain of these: as of certain dishes, goblets, or bowls, and incense cups; that did appertain unto the table, that so the show-bread might more decently be set theron, and incense on the top of the same: & snuffers, & snuffing dishes that did belong to the standing candlestick: all which were of pure gold.

33 Concerning the court, we have in like manner to consider, not only the court it self: but divers other things likewise that were placed therein. The court that I speak of, was a plot of ground taken into the use of the tabernacle: wherein the tabernacle it self was placed, and divers other things done, that did appertain to the worship and service of God. The form of it was square: the quantity of it fifty yards in length, and five and twenty in breadth: compassed about with hangings of fine twined linen two yards and an half high, hoong upon pillars for the same purpose provided. Which pillars were on either side twenty, and at ech end ten: all having their sockets of brass; and their heads or tops of silver. But at the east end (where was the coming in) the linen hangings did reach from ech corner towards the midst of that end, but fifteen cubits only, and so fifteen yards in all: and left the other ten yards in the mids, to be hoong with a richer hanging, which was of blew silk, and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined linen, wrought with needle. To the hangings also, and curtains of the sanctuary did appertain a convenient number of cords, & brazen pins to rear up these things, and to fasten them unto the ground. In which court, the tabernacle or sanctuary was reared towards the upper end thereof, that so the other part of the court might yield more convenient room for such service as was there to be done. The other things that were placed therein and belong to this discourse, were especially two: the brazen altar, and the great laver. The brazen altar, which was for burnt sacrifices, and such like, was of timberwork within, but overlaid with brass round about: and had within, in the hollow thereof, a grate of brass, whereon the sacrifice should lie with the fire, and wood thereunto belonging. And this altar was in length five cubits, in breadth as much, and in height three: and had horns at the corners thereof, of the same stuff, that it self was of, whereby they might more conveniently bind their sacrifices unto the altar. Unto which altar belonged certain other implements, as namely, ash-pans, beesoms, basons, flesh-hooks, fire-pans, and such like: all which were of brass, suitable unto the altar it self. This altar was to be placed in the nether part of the court, as it were about the midst of the whole, before the door of the tabernacle, and a reasonable distance from it. The laver was a mighty great vessel of brass, whereat the priests should wash, when they went into the sanctuary, and when they came forth again to offer any sacrifice: and therefore was it placed in convenient room meet for that purpose; even between the sanctuary, and the great brazen altar.

34 But this tabernacle (as I said) together with the court & all the furniture thereunto belonging, was to be carried from place to place: and to be placed among the people, not at aventure, but after a set prescribed order. Heer therefore we have more specially to consider, both how they camped about the tabernacle, and how they removed. Of those that camped about the tabernacle, there were two sorts: some that had some special charge about it; & the residu of the people. Those that had some special charge were especially, Moses, & Aaron: then also all the Levites besides. Moses & Aaron camped at the east end of the tabernacle, before the entrance thereunto; the Levites about, by the other sides: the Koathites on the south side, whose number then was 2750; the Gersonites on the west end, whose number was 2630; and the Merarites on the north side, whose number was 3200. The residu of the people camped a convenient space without these: but round about the tabernacle also. At the east end camped the tribe of Judah with two other tribes, Isachar, and Zebulon associate unto him; but it self bearing the standard: who were in all 186400. On the south side Reuben bearing the standard, with Simeon, & Gad associate unto him: who were in all, 151450. at the west end, Ephraim bearing the standard, Manasseh and Benjamin being under the same: whose number was 108100. On the north side the tribe of Dan, with Asser, & Nephthalie his accomplices: whose host was 157600. When they were to remove, the cloud ascending frō the tabernacle, & going forward, did both give them warning of removing, and it self led them the way. Then the priests were to come & lap up the ark, & the other holy things: & themselves, with the ark on their sholders, first of all to follow after. At which time Moses was wont to say; Arise, O Lord, & let thine enemies be scattered, & let them that hate thee fly before thee. Concerning the people, at the sound of the trumpet they were to set forward in those four main armies, everyone under their standard: first Judah; then Reuben; thirdly Ephraim; & last of all Dan, which also was called the gathering host, because it shut up all, and took all with it, that dragged or fainted by the way. Concerning the Levites it is not so plainly set down how they should march on: but by the nature of their charge, and by a journie that afterward they took, it appeareth, that the Gersonites and Merarites went betwixt the first two armies, the one carrieng the timber-work of the tabernacle, the other the curtains & hangings: and so made all ready against the others came. Then that the Koathites followed in the midst, betwixt the second and the third army, with the sanctuary, and the holy things. The third space between the battles, that is, the space betwixt the third and the fourth main armies seemeth to be left for those that were such, feeble, and weary, because that so the host of Dan (that came last and shut up all) might best see unto them. And thus going on in royal manner, they were not to rest, til the cloud, that comfortable testimony of God's praesence, did stay. But where it stayed, there did the priest set down the ark: and then was Moses wont to say; Return, O Lord, to the many thousands of Israel; so (as it were) welcoming hom the Lord again. The Levites also and priests, set all such things as belonged to them in their place again: and the rest of the people pitched round about in their order as before is described. So it appeareth that the Lord would both dwell in the midst of his people; and whensoever they had to travel, then would himself lead thē the way. But because this manner of removing & camping was but for a time, only so long as they were in the wilderness, therefore for this matter this short discourse may well enough suffice.

35 The persons to whom the sacrificing of these things belonged, were two: the people that did bring their sacrifice; & the priests & Levites which were the ordinary ministers of those affairs. The party that brought the sacrifice, had no more to do but to bring it willingly of his own accord, & to present it before the Lord at the door of the tabernacle of the congregation: but it did appertain to them all, to see they were clean, for that such as were unclean, might not praesume to any such matter: insomuch that the priests themselves were to be cleansed before they entered into that office; although they were specially chosen thereunto. The other parties that had to deal in the offering of sacrifices, and whom that action did properly concern, were (as I said) the priests and Levites. These were one whole tribe or family of that people, & were diducted from the rest to the ministry of the tabernacle. Out of which tribe, some were exempted from the rest, and appointed to be priests: the rest were left to the ordinary service of the tabernacle, at the direction of the priests, and by the proper name of their kindred were called Levites. Concerning the preesthood it is first to be noted, that the succession and dignity thereof was appointed to one only family of the Levites ever to remain therein, and to go by descent, from the father to the son. So that they were not ordained to be chosen out of the woorthiest: but from time to time were such, as that same one line did yield. And yet was it their office to be mediators betwixt God, and man, so far as the nature of figures may bear: and, in the mean while, to repraesent in themselves, and in the office to them committed, the notable mediation that afterward by another was to be made. Whereby it may sufficiently appear that the force or merit of reconciliation, or of the atonement betwixt God and man, hangeth not on the woorthines or merit of man, but only on the favorable acceptance or goodness of God. But as the whole tribe of Levie was taken nearer to the sanctuary of the Lord, than the rest of the people; and the priests advanced to an higher degree than they: so among the priests also there was such a distinction, that one was appointed to be the high priest; and the rest inferior priests under him. Concerning all which, we have to see these two things; how they were praepared unto their function; and what was the proper function of everyone. Their praeparation consisted in two things; in their appareling, and consecration. The apparel that was appointed for the high priest, was very honorable and fair, and for the most part such, as the great men in those countries did commonly wear, excepting the proper form that it had peculiarly in it self. His in-most garment besides his ordinary and usual clothing, was of fine linen, and the same imbrodered. The next unto was somewhat shorter, but of blew silk, and having bells of gold, and pomgranates of silk hanging round about on the skirts thereof. The uppermost garment of all was called an Ephod, which in shape and form was a short coat, close before: but in substance, and workmanship it was very costly and rich. For it was made of gold, blew silk; purple, scarlet, and fine linen, and the same imbrodered. Al which were girded together with a girdle of needle work. Moreover he had hanging down before his breast, a kind of tablet called a breast-plate of brodered work like unto the Ephod it self, an hand breadth square, set with twelve precious stones of divers kinds, everyone of them having the name of one of the tribes of Israel engraven therein. Which breast-plate or tablet was by certain chains and rings fastened beneath to the Ephod it self, and above on the top of the sholders, to a couple of imbosments of gold that for that purpose were set on the Ephod, on ech sholder one: wherein were set two Onix stones, having the names of the children of Israel engraved in them also, in ech of them six. Into which breast-plate Moses was willed to put Vrim, and Thumin: that is, light, and perfection: or that tablet should so be wrought, that both the stones and gold thereof should be very clear, beutiful and fair; and that the workmanship of it should in no point fail so near as might be, but should be as perfectly wrought as could be devised: that so it might the better lead the party that should were it, to the consideration of greater matters. The attire of his head was of fine linen: and on the forefront thereof had a fair plate of beaten gold, by certain laces fastened thereunto, wherein was written; Holines unto the Lord. The apparel that was for the inferior priests, was also ordained to be such, as might be both comely, and fair: the particulars whereof were these, coats, girdels, bonets, and breeches. Which breeches were to this end ordained, that whereas it was the manner of that people to go in long clothing, the priests might sometimes have their nakedness discovered, their clothes flaring open, & themselves being occupied about their business, but only by the help of these: and for that cause they were ordained not only for the inferior priest, but also for the high priest likewise.

36 Their consecration was a solemn investing of them into the office that they had to perform, and had two principal parts: the fact of Moses on their behalf; and then what was left unto them to do for their selves. The fact of Moses was this. First of all he must have in a readiness one bullok or calf of a year old, and two rams without blemish: and one basket of unleavened bread, of cakes unleavened tempered with oil, and of wafers unleavened anointed with oil. Then bringing Aaron and his sons towards the door of the tabernacle, there did he wash them. Which being done, then did he put on their apparel; and anointed the high priest with the holy, and praecious oil. Having so far done with their persons, he setteth in hand with the sacrifices that on their behalf were to be offered; which were three. A sin offering; a burnt offering; and the sacrifice of consecration. The sin offering was a young bullok, or a calf of a year old, without blemish, whereon Aaron and his sons that were to be consecrated must lay their hand. Which being done, then had Moses to kill the bullok, to put of the blood on the horns of the altar: to burn the fat, the kal, and the kidneies upon the altar; and to send away all the rest, the flesh, the hide, and the doong to be burnt without the host, after the manner of the sin offerings. The burnt offering was a ram, whereon Aaron and his sons must in like sort lay their hands, and then did Moses slay the same: sprinkling the blood round about the altar, cutting the ram into certain pieces, washing the inwards and feet thereof, and then laieng all together on the altar, to be consumed together with fire. The other ram was for the sacrifice of consecration: on which Aaron and his sons did first lay their hands, and then did Moses kill it as before. With the blood of the sacrifice first of all was to be touched the lap, or nether part of the right ear, both of Aaron, and of his sons, the right thumb likewise, and the right toe of every of them: then should the altar be sprinkled therewith round about: lastly with it; and the annointing oil mingled together, both Aaron and his sons and all their garments were to be sprinkled. The carcase of this sacrifice was thus divided. Only the fat, the rump, the kal & the kidneies, and the right sholder were consumed with fire on the altar: the rest was given to Aaron and his sons to be their portion, saving only the breast, which was (for the time) the portion of Moses. That part which was burnt had put thereunto out of the basket before mentioned one lofe, one cake, and one wafer: and were all together first given into the hands of Aaron and his sons. The residu of the flesh that was given to Aaron and his sons, had all the rest of the bread to go therwithal. Of which none might eat but Aaron and his sons, and that sodden, and before the door of the tabernacle: none other might eat thereof; and so much as remained til the next day, was to be burned. Al these sacrifices on the behalf of Aaron and his sons for their consecration, were to be offered seven dais together, after one and the selfsame manner: so to cleanse and sanctify the altar for the ministration, which by Aaron and his sons was afterward to be done on the same. Concerning that which was left to Aaron and his sons to do for themselves, it was no more, but, after that once in manner aforesaid they were consecrated by Moses, themselves to enter into their office. So when the seven dais of their consecration were finished, the eight day themselves did enter into their office. At which time (beside the daily sacrifice of that present morning) first they offered for themselves a bullok for a sin offering; and a ram for a burnt offering: then for the whole people, an he-goat for a sin offering, a young calf an a lamb for a burnt offering; a bullok and a ram for a peace offering, and a meat offering mingled with oil. These they did offer after the several rites or customs of everyone. At what time the Lord on the other side, to win a credit to their ministration, and to show that he had appointed them unto that office, sent forth a fire from his praesence that consumed the sacrifice on the altar.

37 As touching the Levites, they were in this sort praepared to their office. First they were sprinkled over with water, and were charged to shave their heads, and to wash their clothes. After this they were pręsented to Aaron, to offer unto the Lord as an heave-offering of the children of Israel, diducted from the rest in steed of the first born of all the people, which by good title did before belong unto the Lord. On whose behalf Aaron was to offer unto the Lord the day of this their separation to the service of the tabernacle, two young bulloks, the one for a sin offering, the other for a burnt offering. Which being done, then were they admitted unto their charge.

38 Concerning the proper function of these, it was the office of the priests to offer sacrifices both for themselves, and for the people; as well the ordinary, as extraordinary, as occasion served: to keep the lamps burning, and therefore to dress them both morning and evening; and therwithal, at that present, to burn sweet perfume unto the Lord on the altar of incense; and every week to shift the show-bread, taking away the old, and setting on new: to make atonement for the people, and to bless them: to instruct the people in all such things as concern their duty: therefore to have a special care of themselves, still to keep and increase their knowledge & zeal, that so they might ever be able to teach the people, and soundly to judge between good and evil: & specially to judge of the leprosy, who it is that hath it, and who is clean. Unto the high priest was committed the chief oversight of such things as appertained to the sanctuary & service of the Lord: and yet not so, but that the other priests also stood charged therewith. And if any matter of controversy were found in any part of the land so hard, that the magistrates, and Levites there, could not tell what to say unto it, then should it be brought before the high priest, & before the chief magistrate in those dais, there to be decided by them. Again, the high priest might only enter into the most-holy place: and that but once every year, on the day of reconciliation, there to make an atonement for himself, for his household, and for all the congregation of Israel. The inferior priests had (as it seemeth) the charge of bearing the ark. For though it be left to the charge of the Koathithes generally among other of the holiest things of the sanctuary: yet because the priests must needs be of that kindred, and because that God himself commanded Joshua to bid the priests to bear the ark (as also they did both in passing over Jordan, and in compassing of Jericho and such like) it seemeth to be a peculiar charge to them especially belonging. This is certain that Aaron and his sons (and so consequently those that after them succeeded in lineal descent) were charged to cover both the ark, and all the other furniture of the holy place, before that others should come to take it up, or so much as be in praesence while it was don. As also Eleazar was specially charged with the oil for the lights, with the sweet perfume, with the daily sacrifice, with the annointing oil, and with the oversight of the sanctuary it self, and such things as thereunto appertained. Concerning the Levites, whereas Levie their great & common ancestor had three sons, Gershon, Kohath, and Merari, & everyone of these grew to a several family, hence cometh it to pass, that as they were three sundry families, so was there allotted to everyone a several charge about the tabernacle, beside that same which they had common to them all. That which was common to them all, was to help and assist the priests about the service of the tabernacle, that is, about the dressing and praeparing of sacrifices and such like: as also to teach and maintain the knowledge of the law among the people, that being some part of the work of those that served in the tabernacle; and themselves being afterward so placed throughout the land, as might be most commodious to give forth and maintain a light unto all. That which was allotted unto the several families, was but temporal; that is, so long as the tabernacle was to be removed. During which time they were assigned to carry the same so oft as needed: the Kohathites the most holy things that were appertaining to the tabernacle; the Gershonites, all the hangings, and coverings; and the Merarites all the timberwork, the boards of the tabernacle and the pillars, the cords also and the pins. But it is to be noted, first, that none of any of these families was appointed to the bearing of these burdens, but that were of the age of thirty years, and under fifty: then also that for the easier carriage of these (for God was never wont to overlay his people) the Merarites had four chariots allowed them; & the Gershonites two. And when that this temporal charge did cease, we find that David took occasion thereby to allot them from twenty years old upward to other labors: both about the building of the temple, as 24000. to build, 6000. to oversee, 4000. to be porters, and 4000. to praise the Lord with instruments ordained thereunto; and when that work also should be finished, to all such labors and charges as did appertain to the service of the temple.

39 As for the creatures which they had to offer in their sacrifices, it may soon be seen what they were. For generally they were such, as were their common and usual sustinance. As beeves, muttons, goats: and some kind of birds, as turtle doves, and pigeons: and of the increase of the ground, fine flower, corn unground, bread, oil, and wine: salt also and frankincense in divers cases. Concerning the beasts that were allowed for sacrifice, they might not be first dead, nor maimed, nor have any blemish, nor be il liking, nor under eight dais old at the least. Which in most cases, must be only the males: in some the females; and in some, either of both. As for all the rest, there was no special choice in them prescribed: save only, that the bread that was offered in the meat offerings, must ever be unleavened; saving that in peace offerings they might bring some leavened bread withal: and the bread that they should bring, might be either baked in the oven, or fried in the pan, or made in the caldron: the form of which was either cakes, or wafers.

40 Concerning the times of their solemnities, of them there were two sorts: one of dais; another of years. Of dais there were divers: first the Sabbath every week; then the first day of every month; and certain others that came every year. Concerning the Sabbath, the word by nature doth signify rest: and the ordinance of God for it was, that whereas he had most liberally allowed his people to bestow six dais in the week about their usual labors, the seventh day he would have them ever to rest, and to keep it holy unto the Lord. Which being first commended to man by the example of God himself, was afterward commanded very expressly by the written word. So that they had both to intermit their ordinary business for that day: and to give them selves to holiness besides. As for the first day of every month (which also is called the new moon) it was in this something severed from other dais, for that there was a special sacrifice appointed for it: of which there is somewhat already said in the treatise of sacrifices. And although otherwise we read not of any special solemnity appointed for that day in the first institution thereof: yet afterward in the practice of the church we find it often rekoned among their festival dais; and sometimes to be so specially named, that it seemeth with them to have been of some special account. As that David assigneththerunto the blowing of trumpets, and a joiful solemnizing thereof: and Solomon doth rekon it among others of the solemn feasts: and so likewise, both Isai, and Hosea among the prophets, and long after that; Saint Paul the Apostle. Of these there was one, of more special account, and of greater solemnity than the rest; which was the first of the seventh month: which they were appointed to keep very holy; and to solemnize not only with the sound of the trumpet, but also with another sacrifice proper to it self, over and besides that which was appointed for the first dais of other months. Of those that came every year once, the first was that which is called Easter: the solemnities whereof were divers. First, that which was common both unto Pentecost, and to the feast of tabernacles following, that is, that all the people should make their repair to the place that the Lord had chosen (so many as were of the woorthier sex, and able to travel) there to keep holy the feast to the Lord: then, the eating of the pascal lamb, according to the manner before described; and namely, with none other than unleavened bread all the whole feast: thirdly, that therein they had to offer a sheaf of new corn unto the Lord: last of all that their feast was to last seven dais together, whereof the first and the last were of special solemnity above the rest. But as touching the second point, that is, the eating of the pascal lamb, although the law did generally require, both that everyone should eat thereof, and appointed both one time and place for all: yet did it allow of certain exceptions, if any should be either unclean, or in his journey else where, that such might have respite til the same day of the next month. The feast of Pentecost which followed next in order, was the fiftith day after Easter: which also was to be holden a very holy feast unto the Lord, in remembrance of their deliverance out of the bondage of Egypt. For which their deliverance they were willed, themselves and their families to rejoice together before the Lord: and to bring with them two loaves of leavened bread to present the Lord withal. And the better to advance the solemnity of this feast (besides the praesence of the people, and those loaves that they had to bring for themselves and there families) there was a special sacrifice appointed on behalf of the whole people for that pręsent day. After this feast of Pentecost which fell in the third month of the year, they had no more til they came to the seventh: saving only the first of every month, that before was spoken of. But when the seventh month came in, which was about the end of summer, it did bring with it two notable feasts besides the first day spoken of before. The former of which was no more but one only day: which was on the tenth day of that month, & was called the day of reconciliation. On it was it, that the high priest had to enter into the most-holy place, there to make a general atonement for all. On it had the people to cease from their labors, and to afflict and humble themselves before the Lord. On it also (every nine & fortith year) was proclaimed the Jubilee following, by the sound of the trumpet. Five dais after, that is, the fifteenth of the same month began the feast of tabernacles, the last of the principal feasts in the year, and of a very special solemnity: ordained to cal to their remembrance, how they dwelt in tents in the wilderness forty years. It continued eight dais, and had a proper sacrifice for everyone: but the greatest and most special dais were the first and the last.

41 The years that were of special account with them, were especially three: the third; the seventh; and the fiftith. The solemnity of the third year was, that so soon as they had that year set out a just tithe of all such things as God had given them, they should make a solemn protestation thereof before the Lord, that they had truly paid all such duties; that they had withheld, or taken to their own use no part of them, whatsoever need or occasion there was; nor suffered any part of them through negligence to decay in their hands: and therwithal, that they should make their prayers unto the Lord to bless the people, and the land which he had given them. It was also ordained, that that year they all should have a more special care of those that stood in need, as namely of the Levite, stranger, fatherless and widow; and to that end be of extraordinary liberality towards them, or keep (as we say) open house for them. But as touching this point, it cannot be denied, but that the writers do something vary. For some think that this was another tenth besides the ordinary tenth of the year: others, that it was no other tenth that here is spoken of, but the ordinary tenth of the year, but that it should be this year bestowed not only on the Levites, but also on all the poor generally. Howbeit I take it, that neither of those senses can well stand with other parts of the scripture heerunto belonging: and that they are not charged, but with protestation of sincere & righteous dealing in those matters; and not to lay out any other tenth, nor to bestow that tenth on others, than otherwise by law they ought, but only to have more special care of the poor, and of their own to be more liberal to them. And it is to be noted, that this third year was not every third year: but the third from the

seventh years rest; and so fell no oftener indeed, but only every seventh, year. And therein may we see the wisdom and goodness of God, that appointed them to make that protestation, and to have a special care of the poor, at such a time as was the easiest for them, being even in the midst of their plenty: when they might most easily amend what defaults they had before made, in payment of their duties, if any such were; and with less hurt to themselves be liberal to others. And seeing that God doth in any wise forbid to have the less care on the poor, when at any time the seventh year approacheth, much more are they charged to be careful of them, when as it is furthest of from them. The solemnity of the seventh year, rested in three special points. Wherof the first was, that they should that year let their ground rest, and neither sow nor plant theron; neither yet reap or take to themselves that which it yielded forth of it self: but that it should that year be common, and serve to the use of the poorer sort, and to relieve the beasts and cattle of the feeld. The second was, that no man might trouble or su his brother for debt: but that for that year, he had to surcease from all such actions; that so, poor creditors might together have rest with the land, and so, more easily pay it after. But yet was it lawful to exact the same of strangers, that observed not the law of God, and so had their sabbaths in derision. And to the end that they might be in this case more favorable to their poor brethren, the Lord doth promise that his blessing shall besuch towards them, that so doing they shall find no want. The third and last was, that every seventh year all the people, men, women, and children, and those strangers that dwelt among them, should at the feast of tabernacles resort to the place that the Lord had appointed: and thereshould have the law read unto them, to the end that they all might know it, and keep it. And so it seemeth to be meant of this seventh year, that in another place there is mention of bringing their daughters and maidens to the feast of tabernacles: whereas otherwise but only the males were required. The solemnity of the fiftith year was much greater. For first of all, that none should be deceived in their rekoning, it was to be proclaimed openly in all quarters of the land, and on the day of reconciliation, in the 49. year going before. So that, whereas they had that day to afflict themselves every year: yet in the 49. year, on the selfsame day came there to all, this special news of joy and gladness. In it the land should rest, as in the seventh year. And because it might be dowted, how they should live, when the seventh and the fiftith concur together, he answereth, that God wilso bless the sixth year with increase, that they shall live thereof til new come again. But besides this, which it had common with the seventh year, there were two other special praerogatives to it belonging. One was that freedom must be proclaimed and granted to all: the other, that everyone had free access unto his ancient inhaeritance again. Which benefits were to be enjoied, not only for that year; but for the time that should afterward follow: unless themselves by some new act or deed of theirs should come in bondage, or make away the possessions they had.

42 Concerning the sacrifices themselves (further to help the hardness thereof) it shall be good first to say somewhat generally: and then to enter into the several nature of everyone. Which in my judgment may best be done, if we shall sort them all to be one of these two, either ordinary, or extraordinary. The ordinary sacrifice principally is that, which is called the daily sacrifice: which being once set before our eyes, will give unto us such a general knowledge of the nature and form of a sacrifice, that when we come to the rest, we shall not need, but to discourse of their several natures, wherein they vary from the other. Those also may we account ordinary, which by the law of God the priests were bound ordinarily to offer at their times appointed, without any other occasion given, as request of others, or whatsoever else. Of this sort were divers: but the first and principal was that which was called the daily sacrifice. Which was that every morning and every evening the priest should take a lamb of a year old, without spot, and present it before the Lord, then should he kill and dress it, and lay it on the altar, and there burn it unto the Lord. Wherunto they must also ad a certain quantity of flower, oil, and wine: of flower a tenth part, which was an Omer, which of our measure was about a pottle: of oil and wine, a like quantity, which was of either of them the fourth part of an Hin, which of our measure was about a pint. Last of all to the latter part of this sacrifice (that is, to the flower, oil, and wine, which also is called a meat offering) they should ever put some salt, which in no meat offering might at any time want. Next heerunto is the sacrifice of the Sabbath, which was no more but the daily sacrifice doubled: that is, every morning of the Sabbath two lambs, and twice so much flower, oil, and wine, as before; and so again in the evening. Last of all, there was another kind of sacrifice of some greater cattle withal, properly ordained for their other solemn feasts. As namely, for their three greatest feast dais, Easter, Penticost, and Tabernacles; for the first day of every month; and of the seventh month, for the first and the tenth besides. For the first day of every month, for all the eight dais of the feast of Easter, and for the feast of Penticost, or weeks there was one kind of sacrifice provided: for the first day of the seventh month besides, for that it was the day of blowing the trumpets; and for the tenth day of the same month, which was the day of reconciliation; and for the last day of the feast of the tabernacles, another kind of sacrifice something varieng from the other: and for every day besides of the feast of tabernacles, which began the fifteenth day of the same month, a several sacrifice. But as these do in some respects vary; so do they in some other agree. They varied in the number of beasts that were offered: they agree in this, that according to the number of the beasts that were offered, the like proportion of flower mingled with oil, and the like proportion of wine was commanded. The sacrifice that ( besides the daily sacrifice in the morning and evening, with the meat offering thereunto belonging) was proper to the first day of every month, to every day of the feast of Easter, and to the feast of Penticost, or Whitsuntide, was, two young bulloks, one ram, seven lambs of a year old without spot for a burnt offering; and an he-goat, for a sin offering: for the first, and tenth of the seventh month, and for the last day of the feast of tabernacles, but one young bullok; otherwise all one with the other (but that the ordinary sacrifice for the first day of the month stood on the first day of this month also, besides this that now I speak of) for the feast of tabernacles the first day of the feast: thirty young bulloks; the second twelve, the third eleven, the fourth ten, the fifth nine, the sixth eight, the seventh seven, and with these every day besides, two rams, fourteen lambs of one year old without blemish, for a burnt offering, and one hegoat for a sin offering; for the eight day as afore for the first and tenth of the seventh month. The meat offering, or the oblation of flower, oil, and wine that should go with the burnt offering in everyone was like, or kept but one, and the selfsame proportion. Which was this, that to every bullok should go three tenth deals (that is, about three pottles) of fine flower mingled with oil; and of wine about one quart: to every ram, of flower, mingled with oil, two pottles; and of wine a third part of an Hin, which was almost a pint and an half: and to every lamb, of the flower aforesaid one pottle; and of wine one pint. As for the oil which was to be mingled with the flower, although the just quantity of it be not here set down: yet seemeth it to follow the former rate, and to be all one with the wine, as we saw in the daily sacrifice.

43 These other sacrifices, such as I termed extraordinary, are those which the priests were occasioned for some special purpose to offer: either on the behalf of the whole people; or on the behalf of several persons, themselves, or others. On the behalf of the whole congregation we read of three principal sacrifices which were grounded upon some special purpose. For otherwise those also of which I have spoken before, were on the behalf of the whole people: & the first of these that now I have to speak of, had a special day in the year appointed for it, and so was ordinarily offered every year once; but yet (in my judgment) cometh nearer to the nature of these that follow, than to to the nature of those that are gone before. The first therefore, and the chief of those three sacrifices that now I speak of, was that same which was made by the high priest and the people together, in the aforesaid day of reconciliation, the tenth of Tisri, their seventh month. The form or manner of which was this. First there were (as before is said) certain other sacrifices that day to be offered: as the daily sacrifice; and the other that was proper unto it as it was a festival day. And these might others of the priests offer: but this other sacrifice which was for the people's reconciliation might none offer but the high priest only, and that in this manner. First he had to wash, and to put on the holy garments that were ordained for the high priest to wear in his ministration. Then as touching the very action of the solemnity, there were three principal parts thereof. For first he had to offer the sin offerings to reconcile himself, his house, and the people; and to purge the sanctuary, and altars from the sins, that in the one, and on the others were committed: then he had to send away the scape-goat: and last of all to offer his burnt offerings. To accomplish this business withal, first himself should bring a bullok, for a sin offering, and a ram for a burnt offering: then on behalf of the people should be pręsented two he-goats for a sin offering, and a ram for a burnt offering. Of these should he first take the bullok, present him, and slay him before the Lord, and take unto him no more of that sacrifice but the blood, and the fat. Of which two, the sat should he burn on the altar for his facrifice: but with the blood, and with a censer of hot burning coles taken from the altar, and an handful of incense cast theron, himself without any company by, should enter into the in-most part of the sanctuary or into the holiest place of all, & there seven several times with his finger sprinkle of the blood of the bullok, towards the mercy-seat, and on the same. This being done, then had he to come forth to the door of the tabernacle, and there in the sight of the people to cast lots over those two goats, whether of them should be the sacrifice, and whether should be let go again. When by lot it was found whether of them should be the sacrifice, then should the high priest take him, present him, and kill him before the Lord, but (as afore of the bullok) take nothingels, but the fat, & the blood. Of which two, the fat was burnt for sacrifice on the altar of burnt offerings: but with the blood he should enter in (as afore) into the most holy place, and with his finger sprinkle of it also towards the mercy-seat, and upon it seven times. Then coming forth into the tabernacle of the congregation, he had to do likewise with the altar of incense: and not only to sprinkle towards it, as in the in-most place before, but also to anoint the horns of the altar therwithal, and so to cleanse and halow it from the uncleanes of the children of Israel. And although it be not very clearly set down in the text, that he had to do so to the altar of incense with the blood of the bullok at his former coming out: yet because it is appointed that he should do so with the blood of both, and because it seemeth by divers good likelihoods that he should first dispatch with the one, before that he should meddle with the other, therefore it is most likely, that at his first coming forth from the most holy place he began this reconciliation at the altar of incense for the tabernacle of the congregation with the blood of the bullok, and now at his second return thence again, made an end thereof with the blood of the goat. During which time that the high priest was so occupied within to make this reconciliation, not only for himself and his family, but also for the whole people of Israel, it was in like sort enjoined to the people, that on their parts the better to help forward this reconciliation, they should afflict and humble themselves before the Lord, with sorrowful harts bewailing their sins, & earnestly praieng to have them forgiven. The reconciliation thus being made, then had the high priest to come to the living goat, and laieng his hands on his head, there had he to confess & acknowledge all the transgressions and sins of the people; and to lay them all upon him, so to disburden the people of them: and therwithal to send him away forthwith from among the people into some wast, by some that beforehand should be thereunto appointed, who also should not return to the congregation again, til first he had washed himself and his clothes, that so no conscience of sin remaining or returning again, should with his return enter into the harts of any. The third and last part of the action was, that the high priest had then to put off his holy ornaments in the tabernacle of the congregation, and after he had washed, then to put on his other garments, and to offer his two rams for burnt offerings, for himself, and for the people. And as touching the carcases of the bullok and he goat, whereof before he might take (as already I shown) but the fat, and the blood, it was ordained, that they should afterward be had out of the host, and there be wholly consumed with fire: and that he that should have that charge given him, should not return into the host again, until that he also had washed himself and his clothes.

44 Another sacrifice there was which was to be offered on the behalf of the whole congregation (and it may be, on the behalf of any great multitude, though the same were but a part of the whole:) but neither had it any set day, neither did it carry that solemnity or majesty with it, that this other had which is gone before; and yet was it of great and special importance. It was to pacify the wrath of God, when of ignorance the congregation had any way offended. Whereas therefore it entereth soon into the opinion and persuasion of man, both that the whole church cannot at any time er; and that, if the offense or error come but of ignorance, then is that but a small matter: it is as we may see to very good purpose, that for it there was such a sacrifice provided, as might plainly teach, not only that the whole church might er; but also, that it was a dangerous matter in the judgments of God, though it were done ignorantly. The manner of this sacrifice was this. Whensoever it was found that such a transgression was committed, then should the congregation bring a young bullok for a sin offering, and present the same before the Lord at the door of the tabernacle, the elders laieng their hands on the head of the bullok so to testify the confession or acknowledging of their sin committed. Which being done, then had the priest to take him and kill him; to take of the blood also, and to go into the tabernacle of the congregation, and there to sprinkle it seven times towards the veil, and to put thereof on the horns of the altar of incense, and so departing to pour forth that which was left, at the foot of the altar of burn offerings. Then had he to take the fat from him, and to burn the same for the sacrifice, on the altar of burnt offerings: but to send away the carcase as we heard of the other before.

45 The third and last of this sort, was that sacrifice, out of which was made that sprinkling water, that was common to the use of the whole congregation, and to be used of particular persons whensoever any of them was unclean. The sacrifice was this. The whole congregation should bring a red cow without blemish, and upon whom never came yoke: hir should one of the inferior priests slay without the host in a clean place: then should another take of hir blood and sprinkle it before the tabernacle of the congregation seven times, and cause the cow to be burned in his sight: whilst she was in burning the priest should cast in cedar wood, and hyssop, and scarlet lace: the ashes whereof were to be laid up in a clean place. And when any was to be cleansed, some of the ashes were to be mingled with spring water, and with a bunch of hyssop to be sprinkled on the unclean, but by such an one (a point that none of our holy water-clerks could ever reach, though they also would needs be meddling) as himself was clean: and this being done both on the third day, and on the seventh, then on the seventh he might be clean.

46 Concerning those sacrifices, which were offered but on the behalf of several persons, now that we are come unto them, it shall be good to sort them by their several natures: which was, either to take away sin; or else to give thanks for benefits received. Nevertheless, these two several purposes or intents were not so distinct the one from the other; nor ever so praecisely respecting either, but that a middle intention oft times did arise, and carried the sacrifice away with it: which was, to have no other meaning, but to worship the Lord, and to exercise their religion or faith towards him. And though certain kinds of these sacrifices were such, as that by the very nature of them, they did praecisely respect one of those two purposes; and no mo; as the sin offering did only respect the doing away of the sin, and divers of the peace offerings nothing else, but thanks-giving: yet the burnt offerings did not so specially respect the purging of sin, but that they were done as much in the way of worship; & so likewise many of the peace offerings besides. So we have to consider what were those sacrifices, that being done on the behalf of several persons, did specially respect the doing away of sin: and then what they were that did concern giving of thanks. So shall we have those among them, that did not so praecisely respect either of these, but that sometimes rather they were done in the way of worshipping. Those that are specially directed to put away sin, were of three sorts: some for offenses wittingly done; others for offenses done of ignorance; the third for the very original corruption of our nature. Concerning the former of these we find two sacrifices that do properly appertain thereunto. The first is, when as a man should at any time of infirmity, or want of sufficient advisement or care, offend against the law of God in such sort, that although thereby he had hurt nobody else: yet thereby he had polluted himself. As for example, if he do not utter the truth (though undemanded) when he heareth others swear falsely: or if he negligently but touch such things as pollute, or if he rashly vow or promise in such sort that afterward he perceive himself thereby to have done amiss. In all these cases, the offender had to confess and acknowledge that he had therein offended: and to bring for his sacrifice, a female of his sheep or goats. Nevertheless, if the party were so poor that he was not able so to do, then it was permitted that instead thereof he should bring two turtle dooves, or two young pigeons: as also if he were not able to bring those neither, that then he should bring an Ephah, that is, about a pottle of fine flower; but without either oil or incense, for that it was a sin offering. If he brought his sacrifice of sheep or goats, she was to be sacrificed as other sin offerings, of which we have seen the manner already. If he brought turtles, or pigeons, the one was to be made a sin offering (wringing the nek asunder, but not clean off; sprinkling part of the blood on the side of the altar; and pouring the rest down besides:) and the other a burnt offering. If it were flower, the priest had to take out and burn for the sacrifice an handful of it; and to take the rest to himself. The other sacrifice for sin wittingly committed, is when a man hath so offended, that thereby he hath done some wrong to his neighbor in his possessions. As for example, if a man deny to his neighbor that which was taken to him to keep: or otherwise employ that which was committed to him of trust, than the trust to him committed doth bear: or by unlawful means, as by fraud, robbery, or violence oppress his neighbors: or hath found that which was lost, and denieth it, and sweareth falsely. In all which cases the duty of the offender was first to make a true and just restitution of that whole thing which he had unlawfully gotten (to whom it should appertain to restore it) the selfsame day on which he would be reconciled to the Lord: and not only that, but also to ad or put to of his own, the valu of a fifth part of that which he took. Which when he had done, then had he to come & bring his sacrifice: which was ordained to be a ram without blemish, and such as the priest himself should aesteem to be worth two shekels of the sanctuary, which is rekoned to about six shillings and eight pence of our coin. But whereas it is here required, to make restitution to whom it appertaineth, it is in another place made more plain, that is, that if the party be dead, it should be to the next kinsman of him to whom it should otherwise be restored: if there be none such, then that it should be given to the priest.

47 Concerning offenses done of ignorance, those that do properly appertain thereunto, do somewhat for the most part respect the persons also: putting some difference in the offenses of a priest, of a magistrate, and of a common private person, when they come to offer their sacrifice for such trespasses as are of this kind. For if it were the priest that offended, he had to offer a bullok: if it were a ruler, an he-goat, or an ew-lamb. Again in the sacrifice of the priest, the blood of his sacrifice was brought into the holy place there to be sprinkled as we heard of other before; the fat was to be burnt on the altar of burnt offerings; and the carcase with all the rest was to be burned without the host: but the blood of the other sacrifices was not to be had in, but only to be sprinkled on the altar without; and therefore the fat being burned, these were not to be carried forth out of the host to be burned, but they fell to be the priests fees, to be eaten in the holy place of so many as were males among them. But one sacrifice for offenses committed of ignorance there is, that doth nothing at all respect the person, but only the fault. Which was, when a man had taken away any consecrate thing, as first fruits, tithes, or such like. In which cases their sacrifice was a ram of the worth of two shekels: and they had not only to make restitution of the thing taken away, but in this case also to put to of their own a fifth part more.

48 That which was to do away the guiltiness of original corruption, was the same which was ordained for women that had traveled with child, and had been delivered. In the which God minding to show, that by the fall of Adam the whole race of mankind is so corrupt, that even the child that is born is by nature laden with sin, he ordained that the mother, by bearing and bringing into the world a child of corruption, should account hir self unclean until that she were by a special sacrifice cleansed again. But before she might come to offer hir sacrifice, she was excluded, and shut up a certain time, that so she might after come abroad without danger; and that at hom she might better enter into the consideration of the great uncleanness, that we are in by original sin: and then after that time expired, to better purpose offer hir sacrifice. The time that she was in this sort shut up, was for a man child to be in hir uncleanes seven dais, and so continued thirty & three dais more, before she might come and offer hir sacrifice, so to make up forty dais in all: for a woman child double in both, that is, to be fourteen dais in hir uncleanes, and threescore and six dais more, before that she might offer hir sacrifice. That the ceremony was easier for the bearing of a man child, than for a maid child, the reason may be, for that the woman in paradise did first offend; and for that every man child was afterward to be circumcised, which also tended to the abolishing of original sin. After that she had finished this time at hom, then had she to come and offer hir sacrifice. Which was either a lamb of a year old, and one turtle doove or young pigeon, the one for a burnt offering, the other for a sin offering: or, if she were not able to bring a lamb, then a pair of turtle doves or young pigeons, to be employed in sacrifice as afore.

49. Of peace offerings there were two sorts: yet in effect, and substance, but one. For they varied but in this, that sometimes they did offer them as occasion presently served: and sometimes they were vowed or promised before. These peace offerings were appointed to be unto them a way or manner of thanks-giving for the goodness of God generally; or particularly for some special benefit received: and otherwise to be therwithal a kind of worshipping the Lord; and of exercising the religion and faith that they professed. These kind of sacrifices might be of the herd, or of the flok: that is, of great cattle, sheep, or goats, either male or female. Again, though the blood of these also was to be sprinkled about the altar, and the fat to be burned with fire: yet the rest went partly to the use of those that brought it, to feast together withal before the Lord; and partly to the priests for their fees. But the flesh must be eaten the same day; saving, that if it were a vow, the next day also was then permitted unto them. And it may be, that God did thus require, the meat of their sacrifice to be forthwith spent, that profane people should neither bring the sacrifice it self to some dishonor, by keeping their meat til it was naught: nor have any way left unto them to profess a devotion, and yet to be greedily bent withal; as they might easily have been, if after they had offered their sacrifice, they might have carried hom & powdered the flesh that was left, and have spent it at their leisure. For no kind of niggardlines, but liberality, and franknes of nature becometh devotion. As also on the other side it was a good way to cut off licentious and inordinate feasting, which otherwise might easily have crept in among them, and have lurked under the praetence of devotion. Again, as burnt offerings had their meat offerings to go therwithal; so peace offerings likewise: saving that in the other no leaven was admitted; in these, besides the unleavened cakes, and wafers, they should also have some leavened bread. But because no leaven might be burned (as was the manner of all meat offerings) therefore it seemeth to be for the use of those that were there to feast.

50 Unto the punishment of their transgressions, there do appertain two principal things to be considered: what authority was erected among them on this behalf; and what rules were unto it prescribed. To find out what authority was erected among them, we have to consider these two things: first what it was that in the beginning was practiced among them; then what it was, that afterward by the authority of the word succeeded. That which was practiced among them, hath three principal considerations. For first of all, while they were in the land of Canaan, they were but few; and strangers themselves in another country: and therefore could have no other government among them, than such as masters have in their own households. And immediately thereupon descending into Egypt, as they grew to be mo in number; so they grew more and more in bondage to the princes there: and so could have no freedom of any higher government; nor that which they had, but much encumbered. But when the time was come that they were to be delivered out of Egypt, and to go to the land of promise, then did they fully attain to their freedom, and had of their own a sovereign authority established among them. Unto which third consideration it is, whereunto especially we have at this present to cast our eyes. The form of which government was, that unto one man was committed the whole charge: who governing all first by himself; afterward, by occasion, had help of others. This one man, to whom the whole was committed, was Moses the son of Amram and Iochabed, of the tribe of Levie. Who at the first being left of his mother in desperate case, hid in a basket among a sort of flags in the water side, when yet he was but a quarter old, so to avoid the hands of tyrants that most cruelly without compassion imbrued themselves with the blood of the Hebrews infants: was nevertheless, both at that time notably praeserved, by king Pharaohs daughter that there did find him; and afterward was so brought up, and advanced to honor in the kings court, that he became an excellent man. Him it pleased God to appoint to be the governor of his people Israel. Who long before that he was appointed to set in hand with the charge, had (as it seemeth) some understanding, one way or other, that God had ordained him thereunto: and the same so plain, that both himself began to take upon him, as one that was called to the place of authority, both against an Egyptian on behalf of an Israelite, and betwixt two Israelites that were contending; and thought that his brethren also had certainly known of the purpose of God for that matter. Howbeit, although he were thus beforehand ordained of God, that once he should come to that place of authority: yet may it be, that as yet he was not called thereunto; and so consequently, that that meddling of his was somewhat inordinate, although notwithstanding his zeal was excellent. This is certain, that at that time he was interrupted by the displeasure of the king cōceived against him upon that occasion: that thereupon he made no resistance, nor put on armor, that so by force he might win to the place, that he perceived that God had provided for him; but that he gave place, and fled his country: & that it was forty years after, before that he was called of God to set in hand with the charge that we speak of. Al which time he was fain to live in a very low and mean estate, but such, as (indeed) was very meet for those (whether Moses were free from that fault, or not) that finding themselves to be ordained to the place of government, do at aventure step to the room, before that God do cal them unto it. But when those forty years were expired, then it pleased God to give him a lawful & a manifest calling by vertu whereof, he both entered into his office, & afterward attended the same so long as he lived: first leading the people out of Egypt, and then ruling them in the wilderness. And this he did at the first by himself alone for a little season. Afterward, when Jethro his father in law came unto him, and found, that so doing the labor of Moses was very great, or rather intolerable, and yet that he could in no wise dispatch any sufficient number of the people's causes, he gave him counsel both for his own sake, and for the better dispatch of the people's causes; to choose out from among the people such men as were meet for government, and to make them inferior magistrates under him, allotting all to their proper charge: some to be over thousands; some over hundreds; some over fifties; and some over tens. Which counsel of Jethro, though he were but an heathen man: yet Moses the prophet of God did follow: and so did better the form of government, both for himself, and fought the people. This being done a few weeks after that they came out of Egypt, before the selfsame year was spent, or thereabout, by another occasion, the form of government that was already grown unto this, was afterward brought to greater perfection: by the putting to of an honorable bench of elders to assist Moses in the government of the people. The occasion was this. The people were very il to govern, especially to be lead by so barren a wilderness, towards a land they wist not whither: and so misliking their present estate in divers things, did often murmur against Moses, that lately had brought them out of the land of Egypt. Heerupon Moses in his impatiency did make a grievous complaint unto the Lord, that he was not able to bear the burden of the people's government: desiring the Lord, rather to kill him, than that still he should stand charged therewith. By occasion whereof the Lord caused him to bring in threescore and ten persons, such as were of the chief of the people: and bestowing on them a certain measure of the spirit or gifts of Moses, and ordaining them to sustain the burden with him, did so erect a very honorable bench of elders to be assistant in the government of the people. Which bench of assistance, though it had no direct commandment to be continued: yet notwithstanding it was afterward divers times revived, and reached unto the age of Christ. And this was the authority that was in ure and practice among them. For as touching those others, that afterward grew to be in ure among them, such as their kings from time to time thought good to ordain, they do not appertain to our purpose: for that we seek not what was done among them; but whereunto by the law of God they were directed.

51 What authority it was, that afterward by the word of God succeeded, is now to beseen. Which consisteth in two principal points: first as touching under-magistrates; then as touching the chief of all. As touching under-magistrates, there is a law very plainly set down, that when the people should come to the land, which God promised to bring them unto, and in his good time to give them, then should they choose from among themselves judges and officers in all their cities, to minister just judgment unto the people. So that as before, by the counsel of Jethro, under-magistrates were appointed according to their persons, as was most meet while they were in the wilderness, and had not there any cities to dwell in, nor place of continuance: so now by the Lord himself it is appointed, that what time they shall come to enjoy the land of promise, they shall in like sort have magistrates chosen, but not according to the number of their persons now, but according to the number of their cities wherein they shall dwell. As touching the chief, or sovereign of all, there was no direct order taken for the establishing of any such: belike, because that God would thereby signify unto them, that he would himself rule so presently among them, as that he need not set down any law for that matter. Nevertheless, these two things are very clear, both that God would not leave them destitute of a ruler among them: and that he left it in their own liberty, afterward to choose them a king, if themselves should think good so to do. That he would not leave them destitute, it appeareth by those comfortable promises that were made to Abraham when first he was called, which should be performed both to himself, and to his seed that should afterward follow. Which comfortable promises were after that very often renewed: both to himself; and to Isaac, and Jacob besides. Al which promises being thoroughly considered, although some of them be, but of multitudes of people to descend of them; others, of particular benefits sometimes: yet do those also evidently witness such a special favor of God to that people, and that their estate should in such sort be blessed, as that when they should grow to be such a people, needs must they have an ordinary magistrate to be their governor, or else must the Lord himself some other way supply the same. Jacob therefore in spirit fore-seeing this continual providence of God, towards that peculiar people of his, did plainly assure them a little before his death, that a convenient and needful government should never be wanting to the tribe of Judah: but that it should be continually maintained there til the Lord and Savior himself should come, and take to himself the government of them. Moses likewise upon the same ground assureth the people, that the Lord himself will go over with them into the land that he promised to give them; that he would destroy their enemies before them; and that he would never fail them there: and therwithal uttereth so great good things of the blessed estate that the people should have, being under the protection and government of God, as that they might assure themselves, that a sovereign magistrate could never be wanting unto them, so far as was expedient for them. So it appeareth, that, as concerning their spiritual direction, he only told them that he would so order the matter, that they should not want a prophet; and yet set down no certain order how to continue a perpetual succession of prophets, but reserved the same to himself, to dispose of that matter from time to time, as himself should think good: so concerning this chief or highest place of authority, he contented himself not to set down any certain order for it, but would himself at all times dispose thereof as he should think most convenient for them: and yet assureth them in the mean season, that his providence over them should be such, as that they need not trouble themselves about that matter. Of which he gave them a plain experience, and a sufficient pattern of that platform that he meant to follow, both in calling Moses to that place at the first; and after his death, appointing Joshua to succeed in his room: which course likewise he afterward followed, in raising up whom himself thought good, so oft as any occasion was offered. The liberty of choosing a king to set over them, was as I said permitted unto them: and themselves did afterward take the advantage thereof, though little or nothing they did advantage themselves thereby. The permission was such, as that although it did not forbid them to choose a king, if they were disposed: yet did it praescribe some rules unto them to be observed, and what kind of one he should be that should be chosen: which were, that they should in no wise set up a stranger, but one of their brethren; and such as the Lord himself should choose. Seeing then that in this sort it was by law permitted unto them, it doth necessarily follow, that if at any time afterward they should use this their liberty under the limitation prescribed unto them, the authority of their king were sufficiently warranted by the word of God. Afterward therefore they craved a king, and the Lord appointed whom they should have: and so, in process of time they brought their common-wealth to the form of a kingdom. After which time, ten of the tribes misliking to remain together with their brethren under one, and the selfsame king, did set up another of their own: which doing of theirs also was in such sort of the Lord approved (although on their parts it were very disorderly done) that it also did afterward stand by sufficient warrant from God. So have we now found out, unto what persons the chief authority of governing the people was by the law of God committed: first unto such as himself only should choose; then unto kings of their own desire. And although this their appointing of kings over them, was of substancial warrant enough, for that the Lord allowed them so to do, if needs they would: yet had it becomd them a great deal better, so to have moderated themselves in this their liberty as that still they had left the ruling and ordering of themselves wholly and only in the hands of the Lord. Seeing that Balaam could a far of so plainly behold the present power of God among them, and the very majesty of a mighty and glorious kingdom, when as notwithstanding it was but Moses that was their chief magistrate: needs must it be reproach unto them, that being so near, yet notwithstanding did so little espy it, that for because they thought that same to be wanting, even therefore especially did they so much desire to have a king.

52 The rules of government that unto this authority in this sort erected, were by the laws of God prescribed, are of two special sorts: whereof some few concern themselves; and all the residu concern others. The rules that concerned the magistrates themselves, are of two sorts: such as are generally prescribed to all; and such as are specially directed to those forms of magistrates that were ordained. Unto all generally it was prescribed to execute justice, and not to suffer any sin to tarry upon an offender for want of rebuke when need required: in matters of judgment never to respect the person of any; neither of the rich, nor of the poor: in no wise to pervert or hinder the right, or judgment of the stranger, widow, fatherless, or poor: to determine such controversies as came before them, justifieng the righteous, and condemning the offender: to receive no accusation, but under two witnesses at the least: not to put the father to death for the fault of his children: nor the child for the fault of his father: in such faults as are to be punished with stripes, to punish according to the quality of the offense, and never to give above forty at once, that the offender think not himself despised. Those forms of magistrates to whom there were some rules more specially directed are three: first of all kings that afterward might be appointed; then those under Moses, that were over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens; and last of all those threescore and ten, that were on the bench associate with Moses: unto their kings whom afterward it might be they would choose, it was ordained, that they should not lean inordinately to earthly strength, seeking to increase the number of their horses, or getting themselves abundance of treasure: that they should moderate themselves in their pleasures, not taking unto them many wives: and that they should retain that humility of mind, as that notwithstanding their high degree, yet should they not advance themselves above their brethren. To the end they might do these things the better, and whatsoever else was required of them, they had in commandment to get them a copy of the law so soon as ever they were come to their kingdom, and diligently to study the same all the dais of their life: that, doing according thereunto, and declining on neither side, neither on the right hand, nor on the left, from the praescript and tenor thereof, he and his children by that means might have a long, and a prosperous reign on the earth. Besides these generals, one special commandment was given unto them, that they should never bring the people again to the land of Egypt. Concerning that diligent study of the law, it was in like sort enjoined to Joshua, when he was appointed to govern the people: and that in respect of the office whereunto he was called; and by the mouth of God himself. Unto those that were over thousands, over hundreds, fifties, and tens, it was enjoined that they should perform the parts of good judges: that they should diligently hear, and uprightly determine every cause, both for their brethren, and for such strangers as were among them: that they should in no wise have any respect of persons, neither of the small, nor of the great: and that such causes as were too hard for them, they should refer to Moses himself. Unto those inferior magistrates that were to be ordained in their cities, it was commanded that they should judge uprightly, regarding no person, nor wresting the law: that so they might prosper upon the earth. And to the end that they might the better do it, he chargeth them in no wise to take rewards: for that those are wont, both to blind the eyes of the wise; and to pervert the words of the righteous. More specially to them it was prescribed, that if at any time they should have a matter that was too hard for them to decide at hom, then should they repair unto the place that the Lord should choose, and refer the deciding of the court unto the Levitical priests that ministered there before the Lord, and to him that should be the judge or sovereign magistrate in those dais: and that according to their sentence, so should the matter stand determined. And that whosoever would not stand to their judgment, but should do anything contrary thereunto, should be put to death, to teach all the people to fear, and to deal so praesumptuously no more.

53 Those which concern others, do partly respect the manner of trial that should be among them: but especially the punishment that should be du unto those that should be found faulty. Concerning the manner of trial that should be among them, we find that the magistrates were straitly charged to search out such matters: & that they had divers ways or means allowed unto them to find out the truth. They were willed to make diligent inquiry, sometimes about whole cities that should at any time revolt from the Lord their God to any other: sometimes about particular men that should be supposed to have offended. The ways that were allowed unto them, were, some more ordinary: and others more special, or chiefly appertaining to certain cases. Ordinary it was to have witnesses: and those sworn sometimes it appeareth. But for that matter it was ordained, that one witness should not be of force, to condemn any to be guilty of death; nor so much as be received against any, in any other trespass, or fault whatsoever: but that all such matters should be tried by the witness of two or three at the least. Those that were more special, are two: oaths; and purging of themselves by a kind of solemn protestation. Concerning oaths, first it is plain, that they were allowed to be used in matters of judgment, by the appointment of God himself. Then also in what cases, that is, when a man had given to his neighbor anything to keep which after was stolen, and the thief could not be found; in which case the party to whom it was given to be kept, had to purge himself by oth: or in things lent, that came to hurt in the hands of him that borrowed them; in which case the party that borrowed, had to purge himself by oth likewise. And although the same that should swear, was but the party himself: yet was it ordained, that the controversy thereby should be decided. Of purging themselves by a solemn protestation, we read of two special cases. One that if a man were found slain in the feeld, and the party unknown that did it, then should the inhabitants of the next city adjoining to the place, stand charged with a ceremony to that use ordained, to protest their innocence in that matter. The ceremony was, that they should come forth and bring a young heifer with them never put to the yoke: with it they should come unto some valley thereabout, such as was not plowed or sowed, but rough, and wast (such as a murderer would think a meet place to commit his wickedness in) wherein they should slay their heifer, and wash their hands over the same. Their protestation was, that neither did they it themselves; neither knew they who it was that did it: and then had they to desire the Lord to be merciful unto them, and not to lay innocent blood to their charge. The other case was, when a man was persuaded, that his wife had played the harlot in wedlok. In which case the wife denying the same was brought to hir purgation, in manner following. She should be brought to the priest with a certain quantity of barlie flower (about our pottle) for hir offering, but without oil, or incense: then should the priest uncover hir head and present hir before the Lord. He should also praepare a drink for hir, of bitter, & cursed waters, which should be given hir in an earthen pot to be drunk of: which drink should be thus praepared. He should write in a paper the heavy judgments and curses of God against that sin, and taking a quantity of the hallowed water, he should with the same wash out that writing: whereinto he should also put of the dust of the tabernacle. Which being ready, he should present hir with hir sacrifice before the Lord, and having burnt an handful thereof, recite unto hir in earnest manner the great and fearful judgments of God against hir if she had offended, as that hir belly should swell, hir thigh should rot, and she should be made a fearful example of the wrath of God to all hir neighbors. Wherunto the woman was to answer, Amen, Amen: and withal to drink of the drink praepared for hir. Which being done, the woman was discharged, and the man was to quiet himself for that matter.

54 Those that concern the punishment du to offenders, do sometimes respect some whole multitude; sometimes other particular persons. Those do respect whole multitudes, which carry with them the direction of public revenge. Which public revenge was to be executed two manner of ways: either abroad upon others; or at hom on their own country people. In what manner they had to execute public revenge upon others, is set down two manet of ways: both by certain general rules; and by some particular examples. Those general rules that are, do first of all charge them in no wise to fear though their enemies be mo than they: yea, and to dismiss out of the feeld all such as have any manner of occasion at all (to speak of) to be at hom. As, if any have lately built a new house, planted a vineyard, or married a wife: and generally, as many as were afraid. Which being done, then had they to set captains, and officers over the rest. Now when they came against any foreign city, first they had to offer peace unto them: which being accepted, they had but to make them tributaries unto them. If any city would not accept of their peace being offered, or if it were any of the cities of that country, which the Lord gave unto them, then had they to address their battle against it. When they were come nigh to the battle, then was it the part of the priest to step forth and to encourage the people to pluk up their harts, assuring them that God would take their parts against their enemies. In their seege they might not cut down any fruit trees to further them in their enterprise: how beit all others they might. When they had woon it, if it were one of the cities of that land, they had to put all that had breath, man, woman, and child, beasts, and cattle to the edge of the sword: if it were some foreign country they had to put but men only to the edge of the sword, and should save alive both women, and children, and to take the whole pray to themselves. The particular examples that were under the government of Moses, by whose ministry the law was given, were especially four: three against foreign nations; the fourth against some of the people of that land which themselves had to inhabit. The foreign people were the Amalekites, Midianites, & Canaanites. The Amalekites came out against the people of Israel, shortly after that they were come into the wilderness, and fought against them: especially against the hindmost, and against those that being feeble and weary, could not keep with the rest, but followed after. Therefore Moses caused Joshua to choose him out a power of men, and to go against them: whilst that himself in the mean season got up into a mountain there by to pray. At which time the Lord so harkened unto the prayer of Moses, and so strengthened the hand of Joshua, that they vanquished the Amalekites, and put them to flight. But to show that this was not execution sharp enough for so many as should so wickedly molest the people of God traveling to their promised rest, the Lord commanded the same to be written, for a remembrance: promising that the day should come, when he would for the same utterly destroy that whole generatiō from the face of the earth. Moses also giveth the people to understand, that for that matter the Lord would have war with Amalek forever: and doth give them a plain charge, that when they shall be settled in their land, and shall have gotten themselves peace in all their borders, then should they go and utterly destroy that naughty people. Which also was reasonably well performed (in the judgment of flesh & blood) by the hands of Saul, sent forth to that end by the Lord himself, about 405. years after: and because it was not so thoroughly executed as the Lord by his prophet commanded, therefore the Lord took away the scepter and crown from his line, and bestowed the same on another. The Midianites a good while after, almost at the end of the people's pilgrimage, provoked certain of the people by women, they & the Moabites together (and as it seemeth, by the wicked counsel of Balaam) to commit idolatry to Baal-Peor. Wherupon the Lord's wrath was so kindled, that he sent forth 12000. of the people against them under the government of Phinehas the priest, and gave them a very great overthrow: putting all the males and married women to the edge of the sword, and among them five kings of the Midianites, and Balaam their prophet; & taking unto them for a pray their goods and cattle, and all the women-children, that as yet had not lain with man. The Canaanites were as yet a foreign people unto them, so long as the Israelites were in the wilderness. And because that they, & Arad their king, came forth to battle against them, therefore was there some execution by the Israelites done among them. But the effect of that which is written thereof is no more but this, that the people of Israel made a vow unto the Lord, that if he would deliver those enemies of theirs into their hands, they would make an utter destruction of them; that the Lord delivered them into their hands; and that the people did accordingly as before they promised. The other special example of public execution which was against certain of those people that did enjoy some part of the land, which the people of Israel had now to inhabit, was in order of time before that same of the Midianites & it was against the Amorites that dwelt on the east side of Jordan as they had to go into the residu of the land of promise. Which yieldeth unto us these principal points: that the people of Israel did first send unto thē in peaceable manner, to have but passage through their land: that the Amorites denied them that courtesy, and therwithal came forth with all their power against them: that thereupon the Israelites setting upon them by the commandment, and encouragement of the Lord, did utterly destroy them, & took to themselves all that they had, even both the kingdoms of the Amorites.

55 That which was to be executed on their own country people at hom, is in like sort delivered unto us, both by a plain general law, and by certain special examples. The law that I speak of was for the avoiding of apostasy, or falling away from the living Lord. And the effect of it was this: that if the inhabitants of any of their cities, had turned aside to the service & worship of strange gods, that the residu of the people should make diligent inquiry thereof; and, if they found it to be so indeed, then should they war against it, and utterly destroy it with fire and sword, the people, and all that was therein. The examples that I speak of, do aim at the selfsame severity of justice, and in the action or cause of religion. One was shortly after the giving of the law in the first year of their pilgrimage, the other in the last year of all, a little before the death of Moses, and immediately before that they entered into the land of promise. The former was, that when the people in the absence of Moses had set up the golden calf, and had worshipped the same, Moses coming down from the mountain, and espieng their detestable and gross idolatry, brake down their idol, brent it in the fire, stamped it to powder, strawed it in the water, and made the people to drink thereof: and after that, calling unto him those that were jelous on the behalf of the glory of God, did so sharp execution on the chief offenders therein, that there fell of the people that day about the number of three thousand persons. The other example was much like unto this, about the idolatry of Baal-Peor before rehearsed: about the which in the Lord's displeasure by the commandment of the Lord, there were executed of the heads of the people, and of other offenders, with those that the Lord otherwise destroyed for the selfsame matter, the number of four and twenty thousand.

56 What those are, that do respect particular persons, is now to be seen. Which I think may best be distributed into two special sorts, according to the common division of the commandments themselves; into the first, & second table. First therefore to begin with those that are against the first table, we find the sentence of death appointed for divers offenses of that sort. As, if against the first commandment, any body should transgress, either by committing some act of idolatry, by giving worship to other gods; or but enticing others thereto, both these transgressions were to be punished with bodily death: although the party that should so entice, were a prophet himself, or otherwise never so deer unto them. So likewise, if against the second commandment, any body should so far transgress, as for to do what himself thought good, howsoever the same were more easily put up, if it were found to be don of ignorance, as before in the treatise of sacrifices is described: yet if it were stubbornly done, with an out-stretched arm, with an obstinate heart, then was it also condemned to death. Which severity the Lord did not openly command to be executed by others: but himself also would witness the same by his own example, when as he destroyed a couple of priests with violent fire as they were burning incense to him, only for that they venturously took (as a matter of great importance) such fire as themselves thoght good: and at such time as they were not yet well inured to the manner of worship, the tabernacle being then but newly reared. In like manner we find certain transgressions against the third commandment to be condemned to death. First if any man should speak any blasphemy against the Lord: of which also there is a notable example, of one that was for the same condemned by the Lord himself. Then, if any prophet should praesume to speak in the name of the Lord, that which the Lord did never command him: or if any should speak to the people of God, in the name of other gods. Lastly, if any were a witch, or southsaier, or used to deal with familiars, spirits, or devils. As for the breach of the Sabbath day, he did not only make it death by law: but also by his own example declared, with what severity all his deputies should punish the same: when as himself condemned to death, one that had gathered a few stiks on the Sabbath day. And whereas to be ungodly or worldly minded, is the root and fountain of the breach and abuse of the Sabbath day, the law of beating ungodly persons according to the quality of the offense, may seem to appertain (and that very fitly) to the lesser trespasses of this kind also.

57 Such as go against the second table, are diversely punished: and first of all, those offenses that go against the fifth commandment, that is, against our superiors: as, our natural parents, magistrates, spiritual pastors, and masters: something is set down directly against them in law; and something we may very well gather in the example of God himself. In the plain words of the law it self we find three sorts of this kind, which are all punishable by death. The first is, if any should strike his father or mother: the next, if he should but curse either of them: the third, if he lived in droonkennes, or other kind of riot, and being admonished and chastised by his parents, nevertheless remained disobedient, and would not be ruled. In all these cases the offender was to be put to death: and in the last, the parents were charged to be the accusers of their own disobedient child. Which accusation of theirs was allowed that favor, that immediately upon the same, execution was to be done: for the men of the city had forthwith to stone him to death. The examples that I speak of, wherein we may see what severity God himself hath shown (within the compass of that time that now I have in hand) against such offenders, are especially two: one against Miriam the sister of Moses; the other against Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, with their accomplices. For on Miriam, that grudged against the authority and dignity of Moses, he cast a foul and sudden leprosy: and on the others that despised his authority, and were disobedient unto him, refusing to come when he sent for them, a very strange and an horrible judgment. For, those three captain-rebels, with their wives, their children, and all that they had, were swallowed up of the earth, the ground suddenly opening upon them, and devouring them all: two hundred and fifty mo besides, of the same conspiracy, and men of name among the people were consumed suddenly with fire: and of the people that murmured against Moses and Aaron for the loss of these (and so belike were infected with the said rebellion likewise) by a sudden plaeg, the next day after, fourteen thousand and seven hundred persons.

58 Those offenses that commonly passed from one to another of the common sort, were oft times more gently dealt withal; and yet notwithstanding divers of them punishable by death likewise: especially the chief of those two sorts that go against the two next commandments; the sixth, and the seventh. Of those that go against the sixth commandment and have their proper punishments appointed for them, there be especially two kinds: one, the destroieng of man's life; the other, some other hurt to his body. The life of man is destroyed sometimes by man himself: sometimes by some perilous beast unto man belonging. When it is destroyed by man himself, the offender is either known; or not known. When the offender is known, sometimes it falleth out that he did it wittingly: sometimes that he did it unwares, against his will. If it were wittingly, or of set purpose, it was either against a free man, or against his own bond. If done to a free man, then was it at all times murder (whether it were done with an ordinary weapon, or but with a stone, or a cudgel) and the offender was to be put to death: neither might his life be redeemed by putting him to fine for his offense; for that so they should very sore defile their land with blood, which could in no wise be done away but by the blood of him that wittingly had shed the blood of the other. If it were but casualty, against the will of him, that did it, then were there six cities of refuge appointed (three on the one side of the water, and three on the other) unto which, all such offenders had liberty to fly, so to escape the inordinate rage & revenging hand of all such as were friends to the party destroyed, until the matter might be brought to indifferent trial. At which time, if it were found to be murder, then was he to be executed as afore: if it were found to be casual, altogether against the mind of him that did it, then was he to be restored to the city of refuge which he had taken, and there to abide until the death of the high priest. At whose death, he had liberty to return hom again: but was otherwise left open to the danger of death, if at any time he should be found without the bounds and liberties of that city of refuge which he had taken. Yet one case there is, wherein it is appointed that a man shall die for slaieng of one, to whom it may be he never meant any hurt at all: as when two men are striving together, if either of them, meaning to strike his adversary, should unadvisedly hit a woman with child, so that hirselfe or hir child died thereof, in such case should the party that did it, be put to death. As indeed it is evident, that although he meant no hurt unto hir; yet that he meant it unto his adversary: which consideration, doth not only convince it, not to be altogether and merely casual; but also importeth, that being done in the passion of anger, though not to hir, but to the other, it well deserveth the sentence of death. If at any time there should be any body found slain in the feeld, and not known who did it, then the city that were next unto him should come forth with a kind of sacrifice, and by a ceremony of washing their hands over it, should protest their own innocence from the blood of that man, and desire the Lord to be favorable unto them, and not to lay innocent blood unto their charge. If it were his own bondservant, and he being his master had beat him, so that he died under his hands, then was he to be accordingly punished: but, if he died shortly after, then, though he were beaten by his master a little before, yet if he lived but a day or two, and if there could no hurt appear of any strokes that his master gave him, that might seem to be the cause of his death, then the master was clearly acquitted, for that it is to be supposed, that having bought him with his monie, he would himself be loath to have lost him. If any were slain by some perilous beast to man belonging, as for example by a goring ox, in such case it was provided, that if any man had such an ox, not known before to have gored any, if at any time the ox beginning to gore, should slay either man, woman, or child, he should for the first time leese his ox, which ox should be stoned to death, and his flesh might not be eaten. And if the ox before time were known to have that fault, and the owner being told thereof, yet notwithstanding did not so diligently see unto him, but that after he knew his property, he gored any to death, then, if the party destroyed were free, not only the ox must be destroyed as afore, but the owner also must die for the same, or at least fine for the redemption of his life: if the party destroyed were a bond unto any, then (besides the loss of the ox) the owner had to give but thirty shekels unto the master of the bond, and was then discharged. The laws that were provided against some less hurt of the body, were of that nature, that some of thē concerned those that were free: & one other, none but such as were bond. Those that concerned the free, were to make good the hurt, that they had done to another, sontimes by their own bodies: sometimes by their purse. The recompense that they had to make on their own bodies, was to have the like bodily hurt by the sentence of justice to be done unto them, that thenselves in their rage had done to the other: as eye, for eye; tooth, for tooth; hand, for hand; foot, for foot; burning for burning; wound, for wound; stripe, for stripe; breach, for breach: and generally, that howsoever any man had blemished another, so should himself be blemished again. By the purse recompense was to be made, when as two men striving together, either the one of themselves was so hurt, that he kept his bed for a season though afterward he recovered again; in which case he that hurt him, was to pay for his charges in leesing his time, and for his healing: or else when either of them did so hurt a woman with child, as that thereby she were forthwith driven to travel before hir time; in which case the offender was to be taxed to the woman's husband as by their dais-men should be appointed. The law that did concern the bond, was no more but this, that if any man so struck his bond servant, whether man or woman, that thereby he smote out either eye or tooth, that for that hurt the bond should go free.

59 Those that appertain to the seventh commandment do (in a manner) all concern some fact that is known to be committed: but a couple there are, that do concern a fact supposed. Those that concern some fact committed, are of two sorts: some that ordain the judgment of death unto the offender; others that ordain some other punishment. The judgment of death is appointed for those that are the chief offenders in this kind. Wherof some notwithstanding to cleave to the sex that is ordained: others do leave the sex appointed, and are carried to others with their unbrideled and monstrous lusts. Those that keep to the sex that is ordained, and yet sin so very greevously, that they are adjudged to die for the same, have the same judgment allotted unto them, most commonly for the odiousnes only of the fact it self: but in one case the same aggrevated by the consideration of the person that doth it. Of those copulations that are themselves so wicked, that the sentence of death is appointed unto them, there be some that concern both parties together: others, but one party alone. Of the former there are especially three. Wherof the first is adultery: when any man lieth with such a woman, as either is already married to another man; or else is already betrothed. In which case, both the parties were to suffer death, even the betrothed, as well as the married, if it were in the town or city, where by hir crying she might have been holpen: whereas otherwise if it were in the feeld, where she could not cal for help, then was the woman aquitted, if so be that the man did force hir thereunto. The next is incest, carnal knowledge of near kinsfolk. As, if any man do carnally know, his own mother; his daughter in law; his wives mother; his own sister; his ant by father, or mother; his uncles wife; or his brothers wife. In which cases both parties were to be put to death: for though the phrase of the text doth somewhat vary in some of them; yet the best learned do so take it, and the circumstances of the text do so import. Where also it is to be noted, that he that lieth with his wives mother, was to be brent, and the other with him: even his wife also, if she were consenting thereunto. The third and last is, to have to do with a woman in hir flowers: which was death likewise to both. Of the other there be two special provisions. The one if a man should force a betrothed woman against hir will: the other if a woman being taken of any man in marriage for a virgin, be afterward found to have played the harlot before. In both which cases the offenders were to be put to death: and the woman before hir fathers door. The aggravation which before I spake of, which ariseth out of the consideration of the person, is, if the daughter of a priest should play the whore: which if she should do, then were she to be brent to death. As for those that by their unnatural and monstrous lusts are carried beyond the sex that is ordained, after that once they have committed any such fact, both parties are appointed to die: whether it were man, with man: or man, or woman with any beast. Those laws that ordain some other punishment are first concerning the act of unlawful copulation: then concerning a special point of dishonesty which a shameless woman might sometime commit. The unlawful copulation which was not punished by death, but in other more gentle manner, was in two special cases: the one, with a free woman; the other, with a bond woman. If a man had enticed a young woman that was free, and unbetrothed, and had lien with hir, if hir father was content he should have hit to wife, he was bound to indu hir, and to marry hir, and to give hir father fifty shekels of silver: if hir father would not give hir in marriage unto him, then was he to pay his monie only according to the dowry of virgins. If it were a bond maid, though she were betrothed: yet so long as she was not given in marriage, nor made free, it mas but beating or scourging to both the parties, and a ram for a trespass offering. That point of dishonesty that a shameful woman might sometime commit, was, if hir husband and another man striving together, she being desirous to help hir husband, should lay hold on the others privy members: in which case she was to leese hir hand. Those two laws that do concern a fact supposed, are these: the one of jealousy in marriage, when the man suspected his wife to have broken marriage on hir part; the other of the suspicion of virginity lost before marriage. Concerning the former, it was ordained, that the wife should make hir purgation, by a ceremony for the same purpose ordained, in very solemn manner before the Lord: protesting that she hath not known any other carnally besides hir husband, and accursing hirselfe in fearful and horrible manner, if ever she did it. Concerning the other, it was ordained, that if any man after marriage hating his wife, should lay to hir charge that she was defiled before, that then the father of that woman should bring forth the tokens of his daughters maidenhead before, and after that he had sufficiently proved that she was a maid when he delivered hir forth in marriage, then was the husband to pay to the father of his wife an hundred shekels of silver, and never might put away his wife.

60 Such as appertain to the eight commandment, do first of all restrain such of that kind, as come to knowledge: then also all such as injurious persons having secretly done, suppress with themselves, til their own conscience force them to acknowledge the same. Of those that come to knowledge, they first provide for theft it self: then for other damages and wrongs, that often pass betwixt man and man. Of theft are restrained two kinds: the stealing of goods; and the stealing of men. Of goods likewise two kinds: leading away such as are in the feelds; and breaking into the house for such as are there. As for such goods as are in the feeld, it was ordained, that whosoever should steal either ox, or sheep, if he did either kill it, or sel it, he should be compelled to restore five oxen, for an ox; and four sheep for a sheep: if he had them remaining with him, then, whether it was ox, asse, or sheep, he had but to restore double. As for such goods as were in the house, if the thief were breaking in betwixt sun and sun in the night, then might they of the house lawfully kill him: but not, if he were breaking in, in the day time, for that he had the law against him to compel him to make restitution. And what felon soever it was not able to make restitution as was appointed, the same was to be sold for his theft. Concerning the stealing of men (as divers used to sel them for bonds) the punishment of it was death: as it well deserved, when the insatiable desire of a little monie, or monie worth, was such, as that they could find in their heart to addict another to so miserable bondage all his life, that themselves might gain some trifle by it: a very detestable and wicked covetousness, that altogether drowned in them, not only compassion & mercy, but humanity to. Damage and wrong that is sustained, is sometimes in such parcels of substance as they did retain in their own possession: sometimes in such as themselves delivered forth unto others. In those things that they retained in their own possession, others did them hurt and wrong sometimes wittingly, and of set purpose: sometimes for want of sufficient carefulness and heed on that behalf. When any man did a wrong to his neighbor wittingly, as by hurting his neighbors feeld or vineyard, or putting in his beast to feed there; or by destroieng any of his cattle, he had to make restitution for the same: even the best of his own for that which he spoiled of his neighbors; and in steed of the other, as good as they. When the hurt that a man had done, was for lak of sufficient heed taking, he was to make good the loss he had put his neighbor unto. As, if he had opened a pit, and not shut it again, if his neighbors beast had fallen into it, the owner of the well or pit had to take the dead beast into his hands, and to give the worth of the same in monie unto the former owner thereof. If an ox that any man had, had slain an ox of his neighbors, then they had to part betwixt them, both the dead, and the living ox: but if the ox were known to his master to push before, and yet kept him not in so diligently, but that he did this hurt, then should he take the dead ox wholly in his own hands, and give to his neighbor another as good. If a man had so unwarily kindeled a fire, that it had done any hurt to his neighbors corn, either in the stak, or standing in the feeld, he was to make good the whole loss unto his neighbor. The things they delivered forth unto others, was sometimes of trust, for custodies sake: sometimes of lone, or hire. If anything were delivered of trust for custodies sake, and afterward wanting, if it were found to be stolen by any, it was to be restored double: if otherwise it miscarried they could not tell how, then the party that took it to his custody, had to clear himself by his oth: if it were stolen from him, then he had to make it good. If a man borrowed ought of his neighbor, & it miscarried or died, the owner thereof not being by, he had to make it good; otherwise not: if it were hired, and did miscarry, then was there no more, but to pay the hire. If any man had done a secret wrong, such as his neighbor could not charge him with, as such as before it might be he had on his oth denied, (whether it were in such a thing as was of trust committed unto him; or which he had done by violent robbery; or which he found and denied) in all such cases he had to restore the whole thing or the valu thereof, and to ad a fifth part more thereunto, besides his trespass offering unto the Lord.

61 Of such things as do appertain to the ninth commandment, we find no more directly restrained by civil coertion, but only the false witness generally; and, in one case, a false accuser that bringeth the good name of others into great suspicion and peril. The general law is this, that every false witness should be punished himself with the selfsame punishment that the other by his false witness bearing, if it had taken place, should have fallen into: even life, for life; eye, for eye; tooth, for tooth; hand, for hand; and foot, for foot. The other special case that I speak of, is of the husband that upon hatred to his wife after marriage conceived, should lay to hir charge, that contrary to that which was born him in hand, she had lost hir maidenhead before she was given in marriage to him: which being in judgment overthrown, by such proof as hir father was to bring forth, both for his own, and his daughters honesty, the other had to pay unto the father an hundred shekels of silver, for bringing up so vile a slander upon an honest maiden of Israel.

62 The tenth commandment doth (by the very nature thereof) deal in such matters, as that the transgressions thereof are beyond the reach of civil punishment: so that in the whole policy of Moses, there is no law of civil coertion that punisheth any of those vices, that issu only out of such fountains, as by this commandment are condemned, but that more properly they may be referred unto some of the other commandments; and so have taken up their place already.