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A Memorial Offered to John Williams

John Hacket (1592-1670) · 394,813 words · 1755 min

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in the Road, who told him, That the King used to have a Beneficial Evacuation of Nature, a sweating in his left Arm, as helpful to him as any Fontinel could be; which of late had failed. And that argued, that the former Vigour of Nature was low, and spent. This Symptom of the Kings Weakness I never heard from any else. Yet I believe it upon so learned a Doctors Observation. And this might well cause a Tertian Ague, and a Mortal, when the Spring had Entred so far, able to make a commotion in the Humours of the Body, and not to expel them, with accustomed vaporation. After the L. Keeper had presented himself before his Lord the King, he moved him unto cheerful Discourse, but it would not be: He continued til Midnight at his Bedside, and perceived no Comfort; but was out of all Comfort upon the consultation that the Physicians held together in the Morning. Presently he besought the Prince, that he might acquaint his Father with his Feeble Estate, and like a faithful Chaplain mind him both of his Mortality, and Immortality; which was allowed and committed to him, as the principal Instrument of that Holy and necessary Service. So he went into the Chamber of the King again upon that Commission, and Kneeling at his Palat, told his Majesty,
He knew he should neither Displease him, nor discourage him, if he brought Isaiah's Message to Hezekiah, to set his House in Order; for he thought his Days to come would be but few in this World, but the best remained for the next World.
I am satisfied, says the Sick King; and I pray you assist me to make me ready to go away hence to Christ, whose Mercies I call for, and I hope to find them. After this the Keeper, now of his Majesty's Soul, kept about him with as much Diligence, as a Body of Flesh could endure. He was ever at hand; helpful not only in Sacred, but in every kind of Duty; never from that time put off his Cloaths to go to Bed, till his Master had put off his Tabernacle, which appeared in his Looks on Sunday Night, when he returned to Westminster; employed himself Night and Day, unless the Physicians did compose his Majesty to rest, in Praying, in Reading, most of all in Discoursing about Repentance, Faith, Remission of Sins, Resurrection, and Eternal Life. To which the King made Answer, sometimes in Latin, always with Patience, and full of Heavenly Seasoning; which Hallowed Works were performed between them on Wednesday, as a Preparation to the Passover on Thursday, the Fortifying of his Majesty's Soul against the Terrors of Death, with the lively Remembrance of Christ's Death and Passion in the Holy Communion. At which the King made most humble Consession of his Sins, craved Absolution, rendered the Confession of his Faith before many Witnesses, Profess'd he Died in the Bosom of the Church of England, whose Doctrine he had defended with his Pen, being persuaded it was according to the mind of Christ, as he should shortly Answer it before him.

229. All this while God did lend him such Strength, to utter himself how well he Relish'd that Sacred Banquet of Christ's Body and Blood, and how comfortably the Joy of the Holy Ghost did flow into his Soul, as if he had been in a way of Recovery. And his mournful Servants that saw and heard it, rejoiced greatly, that unto that time Sickness did not compress his Understanding, nor slop his Speech, nor Debilitate his Senses, and submitted more willingly to God to have their Master taken from their Head, because they believed the Lord was ready to receive him into Glory. The next day his Soul began to Retreat more inward, and so by degrees to take less and less Notice of external things. His Custos Angelus, as I may call him, his Devoted Chaplain stir'd very little out of the Chamber of Sorrow, both to give an Far to every Word the King spake in that extreme condition, and to give it him again with the Use of some Divine Meditation; as also to Repulse those who crept much about the Chamber Door (he was sure for no good) Nay, and into the Chamber. They were of the most addicted to the Church of Rome, whom he controlled for their Sawciness, and commanded them as a Privy Counselor further off. Impostors, that are accustomed to bestow Rubric Lies upon the best Saints of God, and whom they cannot pervert living, to challenge for theirs when they are Dead. So, being rid of these Locusts, he was continually in Prayer, while the King linger'd on, and at last shut his Eyes with his own Hand, when his Soul departed. Whatsoever belonged to Church Offices about the Royal Exequies fell to his part afterward. He performed the Order of Burial, when the Body was reposed in the Vault of King Henry the Sevenths Chapel, appointed only for that famous King's Posterity, and their Conforts. He Preach'd the Sermon at the Magnificent Funeral, out of the 2 Chron. c. 9. v. 29.30. and part of the 31. Now the rest of the Acts of Solomon First and Last are they not written in the Rock of Nathan the Prophet, and in the Prophesy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the Visions of Iddo the Seer against Jeroboam the Son of Nebat? And Solomon Reigned in Jerusalem over Israel Fourty Years. And Solomon slept with his Fathers and was Buried in the City of David his Father; and no further. Out of which Text he fetched two Solomon's, and Match'd them well together. And I conceive he never Studied anything with more care, to deliver his mind apud honores, exactly to the Truth, and Honor of the King. He inquired after the Sermon which Bishop Fisher made at the Funeral of King Henry the Seventh, and procured it; likewise for the Oration which Cardinal Peron made for King Henry the Fourth of France, and had it by the means of Dr. Peter Moulin the Father. These he laid before him to work by, and no common Patterns. 'It is useless to Blazon this Sermon in the Quarters; take it altogether, and I know not who could mend it. It is in the Libraries of Scholars that are able to judge of it. And such as Read it shall wrong King Charles his Son, if they conceive any Passage Reflects upon him, because Eloquence in the Body of the Sermon, and in the Margent is commended in King James, and Extoll'd to be very useful in Government. Doth this derogate from the Honor of the Succeslor.

Chrisippus non dicet idem, nec mite Thaletis ingenium.
Juvenal. Sat.
For King Charles might be allowed for an Elegant Speaker, and choice in his matter, if he had not stood so near to his Fathers Example.

230. To whose Memory I stand so near, having been carried on to Record his Happy Departure, that I am pressed in Conscience to do some right to his Worthiness. He was a King in his Cradle,

—Aequaevâ eum Majestate Creatus,
Nulla{que} privatae passus contagia sortis.

As Claudian of Honorius Paneg. l. 7.

As he was born almost with a Scepter in his Hand, so he had studied long to use it; which made him much contest to keep Regal Majesty intemerated; which was as good for us, as for him. Summum dominium est Spiritus vitalis, quem tot millia Civium trahunt, says Grotius out of Seneca. de Ju. B. & P. l. 2. c. 9. con. 3. Which will Expound that Phrase in the Book of Lamentations, That Josiah is called the Breath of the Jews Nostrils. Some thought that the good King studied to Enthral the people; far from his mind God wot. But his speculation was, that Northern Nations love not a Yoke upon their Necks, and are prone to Anarchy; that they will ruin themselves, if they be not held down to a good temper of Obedience; and that, by too much Liberty, Liberty itself will Perish. It is is an Excellent Speech which Artabanus makes to Themistocles in Plutarch. We hear of you Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that you love Liberty and Parity; but among many good Laws, this is the Chief in Persia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. To Honor our King, and to Worship him as the Image of God. And I trow the Persian Monarchs have lasted longer then the Burgo-Masters of Greece? The Grast will have no Cause to Repent, that it is bound close to the Stock, it will grow the better. But as King James did rather talk much of free Monarchy, then execute it: So no people did ever live more prosperously then we did under him, and he made no ostentation of it. If all were not turned upside downward of late, I might declaim out of the Paneg. to Constantine, Quis, non dico reminiscitur, sed quis non adhuc quodam modo videt, quantis ill rebus auxerit, ornarit{que} rempub.? To what an immense Riches in his time did the Merchandize of England rise to above former Ages? What Buildings? What Sumptuousness? What Feastings? What gorgeous Attire? What Massy Plate, and Jewels? What Prodigal Marriage Portions were grown in fashion among the Nobility and Gentry, as if the Skies had Rained Plenty? The Courts of Laws Civil and Common never had such practice, nor the Offices belonging to them such Receipts upon their Books. The Schools in the Universities, and the Pulpits, with Wits of all Arts and Faculties, never flourish'd so before over all the Land. Let Zion and the Clergy be joyful in the Remembrance of their King. God bestowed with him upon the Land the Gift which Homer says Jupiter promised to Ulysses his Reign in I haca, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Odyss. a. Enough of Wealth and Peace. And they that suck at those two Breasts, and are forward, they know not what is good for them, and are insensible of a Benefit. Let them keep silence with shame enough, that Ball aloud, we were corrupted by them; whose Fault was that? Therefore God hath taken them away from us, and will give them to a people that will use them better. Ne{que} jugi pace, aut longo otio absoluta ingenia corrumpis, says Capitol. of M. Antonius. A Soul of good Metal will never Rust in the Scabbard of Peace. O with what money would we be content to buy so many years of Peace again, now Wars have trodden us underfoot like Dirt? If there be a Milky Circle upon Earth, a Condensation of many comfortable and propitious stars, it is Peace; which this Peace-maker preserved at home, and pursued it for his contemporary Potentates abroad; till his Son-in-Law made an Attempt upon Bohemia, unfortunate to himself, and to all Christiandom. But what says Ar. Will. to this p. 160.

His maintaining of Peace, howsoever the World did believe it was out of a Religious Ground, yet it was no other but a Cowardly disposition, that durst not adventure.
Like as when L. Opimius had suppressed C. Gracchus, with the rascal Rabble that followed him, and Opimius having pacified the uproar Dedicated a Temple to Concord. The Seditious flouted it with this Verse,
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Plut. in vit. Grach.
Opus vaecordiae Templum concordiae facit.
So if such a Monument had been Raised by this King, the Temple of Peace and Unity had been with the Malicious the Temple of Sloth and Vanity. 'It is a Buff Coat Objection, that his Majesty consumed as much in Embassies to settle differences by accord, and did no good, as would have maintained a Noble War, and made him sure of his Demands. Nay, hold Sirs, assurance is only in the Power of God; And the Die of War, says the Proverb, casts an uncertain Chance. Howsoever, was it not more Christian to buy a Childs Portion with Money, then with Blood? Gallantry hath made Embassages very chargeable; but they devour not like War. I shall make some Smile to tell them, that Aeschines accused Demosthenes for putting the Common-Wealth to the Expence of two Servants to carry his Sumpter, when he went Embassador. And in the time of C. Gracchus, lately spoken of, the Romans says Plutarch, allowed Nine Obols, or Fifteen Pence a day to him that was sent Abroad upon a public Treaty. A Parsimony as bad as our Prodigality. But attend to the Opinion of our King Harry the Eighth, as I take it from Lord Cherbury 's History, Pag. 171. The Maintaining of a sure Peace at Home, was almost as costly as to make War Abroad. Yet he had rather spend his own Treasure that way, than to expose his People to Slaughter, and to Miseries, that are worse than Slaughter.

231. But our King James did not weigh which was cheapest or dearest, Peace or War; but which was more answerable to times of Grace, and the Aeconomy of the Gospel. For Thrist and Saving, he could never be brought to think of them. I have heard, that he never loved a Servant till he had given him enough for a Livelihood; and suspected those that were modest, and did not ask, as if they loved not him. It might rightly be said of his Exchequer, what Salmasius notes upon Lampridius Diadumenns, Praefectus aerarii comes largitionum vocatur; quasi ad nullam aliam rem princeps aerarium haberet, quàm ad largiendum. The chief Treasurer was called the Count of Largess, as if the Prince's Revenue served only for Bounty and Largess. But as wise Spotswood says upon Malcolm the Second. Necessity is the Companion of immoderate Largition, and forceth to unlawful Shifts. Therefore it is better for a Prince to proportion Gists to his own Revenews, than to the Expectation of public Supplies. Thus far King James may be magnified, he spent to please his Mind in gratifying and obliging many, not to please his Body. His Cloaths were thristy, and of better Example than his Courtiers would follow. He was temperate in his Diet, says Sir An. W. and to be believed, because in everything almost he is an affected Defamer; but this he knew well, for he was Clerk of the Kitchen, and waited at the Table. Where, as an eye Witness, he adds, that he was temperate also in his Drinking, drinking often, but very often not above one or two Spoonfuls at once, which Strangers observing, and not knowing the small quantity he sip'd, carried away an Error with them, which grew into a false Fame: But I never spake with that Man that saw him overtaken. Take him for a Scholar, and he had gathered Knowledge to astonishment; and was so expert to use it, that had he been born in a private Fortune, he might have deserved to be a Bishop of the highest Promotion. Let the Learnedest of the Nobility, the Lord Bacon, speak for the Learnedest of Monarchs. There hath not been since Christ's Time, any King, which hath been so Learned in all Literature and Erudition, Divine and Human. And let him win and wear that in Auson, Paneg. which cannot be denied him, Quid aliud es quàm ex omni bonarum artium ingenio collecta perfectio? Piety is the Basis of all Virtue, and the Basis of Piety in corrupted Nature, is rather Repentance than Innocency. When this King called to mind in his Retiring-Chamber, or in his Bed, that he had been that Day overtaken with Passion, As he that offends not in Word, the same is a per-Man, Jam. 3.2. he used to send for Bishop Montague, the only Prelate that ever was sworn of his Bed-Chamber, or for Dr. Young, the Dean of Winton, whom he would exhort to Pray with him for the Forgiveness of his Sins. He was infinitely given to Prayer, says Sir Ant. W. but more out of Fear than Conscience. That's Satan's Gloss upon a good Text. What Fear should move him to Prayer, but that which is the beginning of Wisdom? Few die Saints, that live Libertines. God would not have impowered him to express such good Effects of Religion, at his parting out of this Life, if he had not been his faithful Servant in his Life before. To trumpet these, and many more Triumphs of Praise, Fame, will wake for him, now he is fallen asleep. And the more Ages to come that will study him, the more they will renown him. I have read it quoted out of Galen, that the Surentine Wine is never mellow for the Taste till it be seventy years old; and because few will keep it so long, the Goodness is little known. So the longer the World keeps this King's Memory, it will be the sweeter. Perhaps it is yet harsh to some malevolous and unthankful.

232. It is the Virulency of wrathful Writers, that the Dead, that should be spared, are most traduced by them. They cannot bite again, when they are bitten; as Budaeus said of Portius, Lib. 5. de Ass. Fol. 169. That Portius would not write against him while he was living: Placabiliùs homo peritus actum iri meis cum manibus a sese, quàm mecum intelligebar. And the miserable Condition of Kings deceased is above others, especially if their Posterity be not in a Condition to do them right, they are most like to be wounded in their Honor by all those (who must be many) that have been offended in their own Persons and Suits; or in the Injuries, as they interpret them, of their Friends and Relations. Especially it is to be deplored, and defied, that some are so touchy upon the nicest Points of Religion, that they will not spare the Good Name, no, not of the Lord's Anointed, if he have distasted them with Opposition of Opinions, if he not dogmatize with them in all abstruse and intricate Problems of almost unsearchable Truths. For which, they that sue their Adversaries hotly, and, as it were, go to Law for every Quirk and knotty Point, are no better than common Barretters in Divinity. This was King James 's hard Fortune, to be blotted with the Inks of Parsons, Schioppius, Scribanius, furious Papists, and as many more of them as would sill Justice-Hall in New-gate: by the Precise, that were alienated from the Ceremonies and Discipline of the well framed Protestant Church; as Wdden, Wilson, Payton, and a Sanhedrim of Scots, that contended against the Articles of Perth; and (which I did not look for) by one (and no more I hope) devoted to those Corollaries of Theology, which in this last Age are named from the Belgic Doctor Arminius. It is the Observator on H. L. If King James had not stopped the Current of those Opinions, especially, as he says, P. 23. in his Declaration against Vorstius: Or, if for Reasons of State, he had not joined himself to his dear Confederate, Maurice Prince of Orange, to call the Synod of Dort, to suppress a Party under the Countenance and Command of Jo. Olden Barnev , by him used to undermine the Power of Maurice; I doubt not but he had scaped free from the Observator's Censure. But since he was vigilant to attend the Affairs of the Protestant Churches in all their Harbors, and looked circumspectly to quell Commotions in the Netherlands, he must by no means pass for Great-Britain 's Solomon; nay, it is no hard matter to prove, that he was over-witted, and made use of to other Men's ends, by almost all that undertook him. This is too large a Field to run over; but many wise Princes have been abused in some Treaties; as Queen Elizabeth at St. Quintins, about the Restoring of Calis in 88, by the dodges of the Prince of Parma; and over and over by King Henry the Fourth of France. So was this King foiled at Madrid, about the Marriage of his Son, upon which his Chief Plots did depend, by the Cro ness of his own Ministers. I have heard some observe, like this Censurer, that his Wisdom wanted Pertinacy and Severity, which proceeded from the Gentleness of his Nature, not apt to keep others in so hard, as he should. In this Kingdom, I am sure his greatest, and most dangerous contriving Enemies found his Wisdom, that maugre all Devices to oppose his Title, he took the Crown of England so quietly, and enjoyed it so peaceably, that it was the Amazement of all Princes. Ireland found his Wisdom, so admirably civiliz'd, so enriched with Trade by the Plantation at London-Derry, so furnished with true Religion, and excellent Learning, and Means to nourish it; so quiet from Rebellion in all his Days, that whoso doth not praise it, must be stupid, or envy it. Scotland found his Wisdom, whose Borders he scoured from Thieves, whose Fewds he reconciled, whose Ecclesiastical Government he settled, whose Mouths (a small few excepted) he kept from Murmering, and whose Swords he kept sheathed, so ready to be drawn upon every Alarum; that those Days were Halcyonian Days from Tweed to the Orcades. But for England, says the Observator, he neglected the Affairs of State, and Care of Government, to hunt after Pleasures, deserting the Imperial City, to sport himself at Roiston and Nowmarket, and such obscure Places, which were to him as the Isle of Capreae was to Tibarius Caesar. What! the Isle of Capreae, where Tiberius practiced his odious Lasts not to be named, which the well-moralized Romans did abhor? Hac v ro ni P. Clodius dixit unquam. Cic. Phil. 2. The Devil and the Jesuits durst not say so, the most venomous Scorpion did never touch him with that Sting. And did ever any Christian in the first Ages of the Church, when their Blood was shed like Water on every side? did ever any of them stigmatize the most loathsome-lived Emperor and Tyrant with such Words? Never. And let the great Annalist be heard. Baron. an. 75. come. 4. Nunquam, in tot acerbissimis ab Imperatoribus illatis in Christianos persecutionibus, quem piam illorum ob diccitatem conventum esse judicio, quis poterit invenire. I will give this Complaint over, though it deserves a long Invective; for I treat of a most merciful King, who was most remissive of Wrongs, no Spiller of Blood, but of Beasts in Hunting, that never shown himself unsavory with the Froward, 2 Sam. 22.27. Nec quicquam est gloriosius Principe impune Les , Senec. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 .

233. It is said, but mistaken, that Government was neglected at those Hunting-Houses; and by the way, Why are they called obscure Places? Royston and Newmarket, petty if compared with London; but they are Market-Towns, and great Thorow-Fares; where the Court was so frequented, both for Business and Recreations, that many of the Followers could not find a Lodging in that Town, nor scarce in the Villages round about it. I held Acquaintance with some that attended the Principal Secretaries there, who protest they were held to it closer, and sat up later in those Retirements, to make Dispatches, than at London. The King went not out with his Hounds above three Days in the Week, and Hunting was soon over. Much of the time his Majesty spent in State Contrivances, and at his Book. I have stood by his Table often, when I was about the Age of Two and twenty Years, and from thence forward, and have heard learned Pieces read before him at his Dinners, which I thought strange; but a Chaplain of James Mantague, Bishop of Winton, told me, that the Bishop had read over unto him the four Tomes of Cardinal Bellarmine 's Controversies at those Respites, when his Majesty took fresh Air, and weighed the Objections and Answers of that subtle Author, and sent often to the Libraries in Cambridge for Books, to examine his Quotations. Surely then, whatsoever any Caper witted Man may observe, neither was the King's Chastity stained, nor his Wisdom lulled asleep, nor his Care of Government slackened, by Lodging in those Courts remote from London, where he was freer from Disturbances. But as I ocrates said of Evagoras, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , He had the Dexterity to purchase less Labor with much Ease, and to shift the Toil of a King sometimes into the Pleasure of a Scholars Studies. Neither would I have had the Observator tax him, that he ict loose the golden Reins of Discipline, held by his Predecessors with so strict a Hand, and opened the first Gap unto these Consusions, and what Discipline King James is charged to slacken, the Observator best knows his own Meaning. I am no Phormio, to teach Hannibal how to Govern. But to draw our fatal Confusions from the Prosperity enjoyed by his Mildness and Peace, must be stretched out of long spun Deductions; like that in Tully, Woe to the Mountain Ida, where the Trees grew, whose Timber made the Ships, that carried Paris to Rape Helen, which stirred up the Greeks to revenge it, and to Sack Troy. Or thus: Wae be to Joseph, that sent for his Father and Brethren, and planted them in Egypt, in a fat Soil, where their Stock increased, whose Increase was dreaded; which caused the Male Children to be drowned, and the Israelites to be oppressed by Pharaoh's Task-Masters. This was visible before our Eyes, the precious Things of Heaven, and the precious Things of the Earth, and the Fulness of the Earth abounded in his Reign, and many years after, by the Good-will of him that dwelt in the Bush. All that hath fallen out since, is from the Hand of the Lord, upon a People, the most Unthankful, and the most Guilty of their own Ruin, that ever was heard of in any History. And now let a Man of more Authority, Judgment and Experience than the Observator, speak upon the Wisdom of my Lord the King. It is the most Reverend Spotswood in his last Page.

He was the Solomon of his Age, admired for his wise Government, and for his Knowledge of all manner of Learning, for his Wisdom, Moderation, Love of Justice, for his Patience and Piety (which shined above all his other Virtues, and is witnessed in his Learned Works he left to Posterity) his Name shall never be forgotten, but remain in Honor so long as the World endureth.
We that have had the Honor and Happiness many times to hear him discourse of the most weighty Matters, as well of Policy as of Divinity; now that he is gone, must comfort ourselves with the Remembrance of those Excellencies, and reckon it not the least Part of our Happiness, to have lived in his Days. It is well that King James passeth for a Solomon with that Holy Bishop, and wise Counselor. Now that I may decline an over-weening Opinion of any mortal Man, Nazianzen minds me very well, Orat. in laud. Athenas. that among God's Worthies, he commends 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Solomon in some things, not in all. No Man ruled the least Principality so well, much less three Kingdoms, with Isles adjacent, and remote; but the Modest and Impartial might have required somewhat to be amended in the Administration, for it is true what Pliny says in his Paneg. Nemo extitit, cujus virtutes nullo vitiorum confinio laeder mur. If small Motes be discerned by piercing Eyes, yet such Minutes are easily covered over with egregious and heroical Virtues. And the hard Heart of Sir An. W. softened into this Confession at last. Take him all together, and not in pieces, such a King, I wish this Kingdom have never any worse, on the Condition not any better.

234. I have borrowed thus much Room to set up a little Obelisk for King James, out of that which is only intended to the Memorials of his Lord Keeper; which Servant of that King's ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) if he had any Sense of it, would be willing to lend that, and more to his good Master: With whose Death, the Day of the Servant's Prosperity shut up, and a Night of long and troublesome Adversity followed. Which if I can compass in my Old Age, and decayed Health, to bring into a Frame, for the Reader to behold, he may say as Socrates did of Antisthenes in Laertius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that two Athenians would not make up one so Noble as Antisthenes. And two Men would never have discharged those two Parts so well, as this one Man performed them. Which Representation may meet with some, perchance, that will not be favorable to it; whom I wish to take heed of the Character which Theophrastus gives of an impure Man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . I will lengthen it thus, he acts his own Part ill, that Hisseth at him that deserves to be applauded.

FINIS.

A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF JOHN WILLIAMS, D.D. Who sometimes Held the PLACES of LORD-KEEPER of the GREAT-SEAL OF ENGLAND, Lord Bishop of LINCOLN, AND Lord Arch - Bishop of YORK.

Written by JOHN HACKETT, Late Lord Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield.

PART II.


Isocrates ad Evagoram, pag. 80.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .


Salust. de Caio Caesari,

In te, praeter caeteras, artem unam egregie mirabilem comperi; semper tibi majorem in adversis, quàm in secundis rebus auimum esse,


pag. 171.

LONDON: Printed for Samuel Lowndes, over-against the Exchange, in the Strand, MDCXCIII.

A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF JOHN WILLIAMS, D.D. Who sometimes Held the Places of the LORD-KEEPER of the GREAT-SEAL of England, &c.

PART II.

CAmerarius Writing the Life of Melanchthon, the Darling of the Champions of the Reformed Religion, divided his Work into two Parts, and gave no reason for it, but because he would make his Web of a new piece, after the Death of Luther. It is the Pattern which I set before me, to make a new Exordium, as he did, upon the Subject which I handle, after the Death of King James. Especially since I must take his Shadow, whom my Pens draws forth, no more by a Noon-tide Light, but by an Evening declension. His Prosperity, or shall I say his Honors, and Court-Favors, were now in their Tropic, Cum lucem vincere noctes incipiunt. But Virtue is not Fortune's Servant. He rose with great Light: and he set with as great Brightness as he rose. And as Paterculus writes of Mithridates I may refer it to him, Ali uando fortunâ, semper animo maximus; He was once high in Fortune: but always strong in Courage, and great in Worth. 'It is common to see a Stock engrafted with two forts of Fruits. The Almighty Planter shows greater differences, when he pleaseth, in Moral, than in Natural Plantations. As he ordained the Noble Williams to become two contrary Parts, as well as any Man had performed them in five Ages before him, keeping the golden Mean in the Trials of the Righthand, and of the Lest, being neither corrupted with the Advancements, nor the Persecutions of the Times: As Paul and Barnabas were neither transported with the Honors which the Lycaonians did intend, nor deter'd with the Stones which they cast at them, Acts 14. But the latter is most to be remarked. For if this Lord-keeper had not dressed himself with Virtue, when he was clad in Honor: nor rendered a sweet Air in every Close, when the Diapason of Peace, Wealth, and the King's Love were all in tune, he had abused Fortune, which had given him his pay in hand. Nec tam meruit gloriam, quàm effugit flagitium; as Pliny hath it: But to stand upright, when he was dismounted: to cross his Crosses with Generosity and Patience: to pass through a hot Furnace of Afflictions, which was heated with all kind of Malice, and no smell of Fire to remain upon him, Dan. 3. v. 27. this deserves to be Canonized, and will keep green in the Memory of more Ages than one. From the Forty third Year of his Life to the full term of his Sixty eighth Year, trouble upon trouble, mischief after mischief had him in chase; and yet the Huntsmen, those Salvaggi could never blow the Death of this well-breathed Hart. Fifteen Years the pursuit came from them, that made use of the Frown of the King. When they were a fault (But when were they otherwise?) One Woe was past, but there came two Woes (or rather a thousand) after it, Apoc. 9.12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Parliament of Destruction, or of absolute Reprobation, Sine praeviso peccato, which spared none, suppressed him, oppressed him, and he was under that Sufferance ten Years. Was not the Ship well built? Were not the Ribs of it heart of Oak, which endured a Storm of twenty five Years? and in that long time never enjoyed a calm Sea? He was made for such a Trial; which was sanctified by Gospel-Promises, giving unto just Men assurance of vigor to endure them. Everyone pitieth himself: everyone covets Ease, and Prosperity: which is more Childish than Manly. And a Design that is commonly mistaken. Adversity, out of doubt, is best for us all, because we would not carve it out to ourselves, but God chooseth it for us: and he chooseth better for us, than we can for ourselves. By his Providence some Men's Sorrows are greater than others: and few had a deeper Cup to drink than this Prelate. But every Man's Calamity is fittest for himself: trust the Divine appointment for that. And if all Adversities of several Men were laid in several heaps, a wise Man would take up his own, and carry them home upon his Shoulders. H rmolaus Barbarus in an Epistle to Maximilian, King of the Romans, Polit. Epis. p. 447. distinguisheth between Happiness and Greatness: Secundae res felicem, Magnum faciunt adversae. But if he, that is beset round with distresses, bear them to the Estimation of good Men to appear great in them, then is he happy, as well as great. Which is to be demonstrated in the Subject that I write of, as followeth.

2. King Charles began his Reign Mart. 27. 1625. The next day he sent for the Lord-Keeper to his Court at St. James 's: who found his Majesty and the Lord-Duke busied in many Cares. The King spake first of settling his Household: among whom the Keeper commended two out of his own Family to be preserr'd; but it was past over without an Answer: only his Domestic Chaplain was taken into ordinary Service, for whom he had made no suit. But to begin the well-ordering of the new Court, he was appointed to give the Oath to the Lord's of the Privy-Council, Sir Humphrey May taken into the Number, a very wise States man, and no more of a new Call. Then likewise order was given for the Funerals of the deceased King, and the Keeper chosen to Preach on the occasion: of which enough is said already by a convenient Anticipation. The Coronation was spoken of, though the time was not determined. Yet the King told the Keeper he must provide a Sermon for that likewise: but he that bespoke him was of another mind, before the Day of the Solemnization was ripe. That which was much insisted upon at this Consult was a Parliament. His Majesty being so forward to have it sit, that he did both propound, and dispute it, to have no Writs go forth to call a new one, but to continue the same which had met in one Session in his blessed Father's days, and prorogued to another against that Spring. The Lord-Keeper shown, That the old Parliament determined with his death that called it in his own Name, and gave it Authority to meet. Since necessity required a new Choice, the King's Will was, That Writs should be dispatched from the Chancery forthwith, and not a day to be lost. The Keeper craved to be heard, and said it was usual in times before, that the King's Servants, and trustiest Friends did deal with the Countries, Cities and Boroughs, where they were known, to procure a Promise for their Elections, before the precise time of an insequent Parliament was published; and that the same Forecast would be good at that time: which would not speed, if the Summons were divulged, before they looked about them. The King answered, It was high time to have Subsidies granted for the maintaining of a War with the King of Spain, and the Fleet must go forth for that purpose in the Summer. The Keeper said little again, lest Fidelity should endanger a Suspicion of Malice: and he little dreamt that the Almanac of the new Year, or new Reign, was so soon calculated for the Longitude of a War, and the Latitude of vast Sums of Money to pay the Service. Yet he replied in a few words, but with so cold a consent, that the King turned away, and gave him leave to be gone. He that was not cheerful to say good Luck have you with that Expedition, was not thought worthy to have an Oar in the great Barque, which was launching out, and making ready for the King's Marriage with the sweet Lady of France. Yet who but he to treat with Ambassadors of that Nation, and on that Score, in his old Master's time? Among all the Cares that came into Consideration that day in the sulness of business, this had the start, and was hastened the same Morning with Posts and Pacquets. Cupid 's Wings could not possibly fly faster. Yet his Majesty spake nothing of it to this able Counselor, although the Rumor of it in a Week was heard from Thames to Twede. And the Duke began to hold no Conference with him: neither from that day did he call for this Abiathar, and say, Bring hither the Ephod to ask Counsel of the Lord. Evident Tokens to make any Man see what would come after, that was far less than a Prophet. Which this wife Man past over, and seemed to observe nothing that was ominous, or unfriendly. But as Lord Mornay says in his Answer about the Conference at Fountain-bleau, when Henry of France, the 4th. forbad him coming to the Louver. Specto eclipsin, & expecto intrepidus, securus quid illa secum vehat: So the Lord-Keeper was better acquainted with Heaven, than to be troubled at an Eclipse, which is an accident prodigious to none but to a Fool, but familiar to a Philosopher. And he had learnt in the Morals by heart, that the way to lose Honor is, to be too careful to keep it.

3. While the great Assairs did run thus, the Keeper went close to his Book, as much as public business would allow, to frame a Sermon against the Obsequies of blessed James. He did not conceive, that the Counsels which he gave to the King, on the second day of his Reign, were so ill taken, as he heard not long after. He that speaks with the trust of a Counselor, and, which is more, with the Tongue of a Bishop, should be privileged to be plain, and faithful without offense. As St. Ambrose mindeth Theodosius, Ep. 29. Non est imperiale libertatem dicendi negare, neque sacerdotale quid sentias non dicere. But News knocked at his Study-door two days after, that my Lord-Duke threatened before many that attended, to turn him out of his Office. And the French Ambassadors were not the last that gave him warning of it. These Rumors he looked upon with his Eyes open, and saw the approaching of a Downfal, and so little dissembled it, that he warned some of his Followers secretly, who were in best account with him, to procure dependence upon some other Master, for his Service e're long would not be worthy of them. It were to small purpose to inquire, why the Duke's Grace did so hastily press the Ruin of one, that had been his old Friend and Creature. It was his game, and he loved it. I have seen a Manuscript of Arch-Bishop Abbots, stating the Reason of his own Relegation to Ford in Kent (the Papers were written with his own Hand to my knowledge) wherein he paints the Fickleness of the great Duke, to set up and pluck down, with these Lines. First, He wanted not Suggestors to make the worst of all Men's Actions, whom they could misreport. Secondly, He loved not that any Man should stick too long in a Place of Greatness. He hit the Nail in that. For this Keeper continued the longest in a great Office, of any that he had lifted up, and did live to use them. Which proceeded not from his Grace's Constancy, but from the good-liking of the old King. But as Symmachus said of Polemio, Lib. 2. Ep. 14. Sic amicis utitur, quasi sloribus, tam diu gratis, quàm diu recentibus. So my young Lord changed his Friends as Men do Flowers; he liked a Scent no longer than it was fresh. Indeed he looked from his Vassals for more than they could do, and hurried to make trial of those that would do more. Thirdly, says the Arch-bishop again, He stood upon such fickle Terms, that he feared his own Shadow, and desperately adventured upon many things for his own Preservation. Too true, for by this time he had lost the People: in whose good Opinion he thought he stood for the space of Nine Months. Alas, he had a slight fastening in them: for he never got their Love, further than his Hatred to Spain procured it. And that was spent out, upon an exacter Information of his bearing at Madrid. This was the Jealousy which gave the Lord-Keeper the deadly Stoccada, who would not abuse his own Knowledge so far, to extol my Lord for his Spanish Transactions, which broke the Peace, the Credit, the Heart of his King, and his Patron, never to be requited. Therefore that he was fallen in less than a Year from the abundance of a great Esteem, he thought he might thank the Keeper, whose down-right Honesty gave the Example. More may be said: but once more shall suffice; the Duke had attempted with King James, that which he threatened now: but his Majesty that then was did not allow of it: and charged them both to unite, and to work friendly together for his Service. But that mighty Lord waited the opportunity to root up the Tree, which he had gone about to unfasten. For commonly the offended Person is an Eye-fore to him that did offend him. And such as have done great wrongs, are afraid of those, whom they have provoked, and can never after affie in them: So it was among the Rules of Michael Hospitalius (the best of the Chancellors of France, and yet in a Pet cashiered from keeping the Great-Seal) as Thuanus remembers it, Anno. 1568. Principum documentum esse, ut iis nunquam serio reconcilientur, quos temere offenderint. This, as it is related, was our Duke's Temper. And the Keeper understood that no Peace was to be had from an Adversary seeded with such Qualities. All that he could do to help himself, was not by preventing, but by retarding a Mischief. For though with the Stoic's Fate was inevitable: Yet Servius says in 8. Lib. Aen. that his great Poet thought, it might be defer'd, though not avoided. Two things stuck to the Keeper like Sorrows, and gave him all the unrest that he had. First, He wished that his deposing might have come from any hand, but his Patrons that raised him: before whom he would fall, rather than wrestle with him as an Enemy. Secondly, He had read much to teach him, and seen the Proof of it, that when Princes call back their Honors, more Misery ensues. But as yet he stood his ground, and did become his Place as well as ever.

4. He never made use so much of his whole stock of Worth, and Wisdom, as in matter of Religion; which appears before in the Mazes, wherein he led the Spanish Embassador, with whom he shisted so cunningly, that they could obtain nothing for the Toleration of Popish Recusants, but Delays and Expectations from time to time. Neither could the Monsieurs squeeze anymore out of him, against the Ratification of the French Marriage, as appears in a bare Fortnight before K. James died, witness the Letter written to the Duke, March 13. 1624. Cabal. p. 105. If your Grace shall hear the Embassador complain of the Judges in their Charges, of their receiving Indictments, your Grace may answer, that those Charges are but Orations of course, opening all the Penal Laws: And the Indictments, being presented by the Country, cannot be refused by the Judges. But the Judges are ordered to execute nothing actually against the Recusants, nor will they do it during the Negotiation. And your Grace may put him in mind, that the Lord-Keeper doth every day, when his (the Ambassadors) Secretary calls upon him, grant forth Writs, to remove all the Persons Indicted in the Country into the Kings-Bench, out of the Power and Reaches of the Justices of Peace. And that being there the King may, and doth release them at his Pleasure. In all this there is no bar against the common Course of Law, but Mercy reserved to the Royal Pleasure. Now what cause had my Lord Duke to defy him by his Secretary, Cab. p. 87. That his Courses were dangerous to his Country, and prejudicial to the Cause of true Religion? Forsooth, because he proffered a Gap to be opened to the Immunities of the Papists in a desperate Plunge, to bring the Prince home safe out of Spain, where he stuck fast for want of such a Favor to be shewn to those Complainants. Which was a liberal Concession in Promise, but no Date set, nor observed for the Expedition of it. And so all that Indulgence which hung in nubibus, and never dropt down, is frankly granted now, and he is commanded by this Warrant that follows, to signify to all Officers, to suspend the Laws which are grievous to the Romish Profession, dated 1 Car. May the first.

Charles Rex,

RIght Reverend, and Right Trusty, &c.

Whereas we have been moved, in Contemplation of our Marriage with the Lady Mary, Sister of our dear Brother the most Christian King, to grant unto our Subjects, Roman Catholics, a Cessation of all, and singular Pains, and Penalties, as well Corporal as Pecuniary, whereunto they be subject, or any way may be liable by any Laws, Statutes, Ordinances, or anything whatsoever, for, or by reason of their Recusancy or Religion, and every matter or thing concerning the same: Our Will and Pleasure is, and we do by these presents Authorize, and Require you, That immediately, upon the receipt hereof, you do give Warrant, Order and Directions, as well unto all our Commissioners, Judges and Justices of the Peace, as unto all others our Officers and Ministers, as well Spiritual as Temporal, respectively to whom it may appertain, that they, and every of them do forbear all and all manner, and cause to be sorborn all and all manner of Proceedings against our said Subjects Roman Catholics, and every of them, as well by Information, Presentment, Indictment, Conviction, Process, Seisure, Distress, or Imprisonment, as also by any other ways, or means whatsoever, whereby they may be molested for the Causes aforesaid. And further also, That from time to time you take notice of, and speedily redress all Causes of Complaints, for, or by reason of anything done contrary to this our will. And this shall be unto you, and to all to whom you shall give such Warrant, Order, and Direction, a sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf.

There was no scrupling of this Order, but it must be dispatched. For though, as a great Counselor, the Keeper was to be watchful over the Voices and Affections of the People, and that he knew this was not the Course to keep the Subject in terms of Contentment, yet he had no power to stop the Tide, as in former days. My Lord of Buckin. would not stay to hear the Arguments of his Wisdom. Altissimo orbe, & praecipuâ potentiâ stella Saturni fortur, Tacit. 1 list. lib. 5. The Planet of Saturn was in the highest Orb, and ruled all the Influence of the Court. Where was now the Cavil against the Spanish Match, that in the Treaty for it, it encroach'd too far upon Religion? Indeed my Lord of Kensington writes from Paris, Cab. p. 275. The French will not strain us to any unreasonableness in Conditions for the Catholics. And as much again, p. 284. Their Pulse in matter of Religion beats temperately. So he told us in another Pacquet, p. 292. That the French will never abandon us in the Action for the recovering the Palatinate. Which of these Engagements were broken last? a more solid Question than to ask, Which of their Promises were kept first? They kept none. Some chop out Promises, as Nurses tell Tales to Children, to lull them asleep: As it is in the neat Phrase of Arnobius, Somno occupari ut possint, leves audiendoe sunt naenioe. The Histories of Spain, and the Netherlands, as well as of England, do not spare to touch that Noble Nation, that none have taken greater liberty to play fast and loose with Articles and Covenants. And as the French were inconstant to us, so new Symptoms, and new Apprehensions made us variable, and inconstant to ourselves. Now a Letter must be sent to all Magistrates Spiritual and Temporal, to cause them to suspend the Execution of all Laws against the Papists. At the Term at Reading in November following, Divulgation is made in all Courts under the Broad-Seal, that all Officers and Judges should proceed against them according to Law. After the Second Parliament of King Charles was broken up, that is, in the Summer that followed the Term at Reading, by the Mediation of the French Embassador, Marshal Bassampere, new Letters come from the King to redintegrate Favors to the Recusants, and that all Pursevants must be restrained, and their Warrants to search the Houses of Papists taken from them. And this continued but till Winter. It was safe and just to return quickly again into the Highway of the Law: for the shortest Errors are the best: Especially in God's Cause. Which Vincen. Lirin. well adviseth, Nos religionem, non quo volumus ducere, sed quo illa nos ducit sequi debemus. We must take up the Train of Religion, and come after it, and not lead it after us in a String of Policy.

5. Private Men may better keep this Rule, than such as are publicly employed in the State. But though the Keeper had no remedy, but the preceding Warrant must be obeyed: Yet he tried his Majesty how his Service would be taken; in stopping a Warrant upon another occasion, bearing date May 23. Because the sumptuous Entertainment of the Queen, and her magnificient Convoy being ready to land, would be very chargeable, he thrust in his Judgment to advise the King against disorderly Liberality. And though he knew the Secretary Conway for no other than a Friend, yet he liked not his Encroachment upon the Royal Bounty, but signifies it in this manner.

Most dread Sovereign, and my most gracious Master,

I Received this Morning a Warrant from your most Excellent Majesty, to pass a Grant under the Great-Seal of England, of the Sum of Two thousand Pounds, out of the Court of Wards, to my Lord Conway, for Twenty One Years to come. The which I durst not for fear of infringing my Duty to your Majesty, and drawing some danger upon myself, pass under the Great-Seal, before I had made unto your most Excellent Majesty this most humble Representation. First, The issuing of so great a Lease of such a vast Sum of Money is (under your Majesty's Favor and Correction) disadvantageous to your Majesty's Service, in regard of the time, being in the face of that Parliament, from which your Majesty is to expect a main Supply. Secondly, It is (I believe) without Prsident or Example, that Pensions have been granted in Contemplation of Services for Years: But for the Party's Life only. My Lord of Middlesex his Lease of the Sugars is the only President in that kind, which hath happened during the time of my Service in this Place. Thirdly, The Assigning of this Pension upon the Court of Wards, or any other Place, than the Receipt of the Exchequer, is directly against the Rules and Orders, taken, upon mature deliberation, by your Father of Blessed Memory. Fourthly, This great Lord (for so be is indeed) is in the Eye and the Envy of many Men, as your Majesty (I fear it) will hear e're long. As having received more great Favors within these two Years, than any Three Subjects within this Kingdom. Although I do believe (looking up to the hands that conferred them) he may well deserve them all. Most gracious Sovereign, I am not ignorant of the danger I incur in making this Representation. But I have put on an irremoveable Resolution, that as long as you are pleased to continue me in your Service, I will never from this time forth, out of Contemplation of mine own Safety, or any other carnal Respect, neglect voluntarily any part of my Duty to my God, or my King. Which I suppose I had greatly forgotten, without presenting your most Excellent Majesty with this Remonstrance. And having performed this part of my Duty, I shall most punctually obey your Majesty's Direction in this particular.

For this good Service it was well he had no check: yet he had no gra-mercy, to seem wiser than those that had prepared the business. And though the Patent for that Pension was a flat Violation of good Order, yet the Plea was, it would be unkind to revoke it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Plutarch in the Life of Agis observes it in some Men's Humours, Though a thing be ill undertaken, it is held a shame to go back. This Lord Secretary was the Keeper's cold Friend upon it; but he lived not long, and quitted his Office before he ceased to live: Only some deckings of empty Titles were given him, that he might not faint. The most that was disliked in the Letter was, that it warned the Secretary, that he was like to hear himself named among the Grievances of the ensuing Parliament. Wherein he did not fail. It was no hard thing to Prognostick such a Tempest, from the hollow murmuring of the Winds abroad. There was not such a Watch-man about the Court as the Keeper was, to espy Discontents in the dark: nor any one that had so many Eyes abroad in every corner of the Realm. What hurt was it? Nay, Why was it not called a Courtesie, to awaken a Friend, pursued by danger, out of prudent Collections? Says a wise Senator, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem, Judex esse bonus non potest, qui suspicione certâ non movetur, He is no sound judge of Rumors, that gleans not up a certain Conclusion out of strong Suspicions.

6. To speak forward. After the Queen had been received with much luster of Pomp, and Courtship (which had been more, if a very pestilentious Season in London, and far and wide, had not frowned upon public Resorts, and full Solemnities) a Parliament began. Stay a while, and hear that in a little, which concerns much that followed. This is the highest and supereminent Court of our Kings. The University of the whole Realm, where the Graduates of Honor, the Learned in the Laws, and the best Practicers of Knowledge and Experience in the Land do meet. Horreum sapientiae, or the full Chorus, where the Minds of many are gathered into one Wisdom. And yet in five Parliaments, which this King called, there was distance, and disorder in them all between him and his People. Amabile est praeesse civibus, sed placere difficile, as Symmachus to his Lord Theodosius. Our Sovereign had not the Art to please: or rather his Subjects had not the Will to be pleased. And we all see by the Event, that God was displeased upon it. If he had won them, or they had won him, neither had been losers. Pliny 's Fable, or Story of the Two Goats, Lib. 8. c. 50. Suits the Case; The Two Goats met upona narrow Bridge; the one laid down his Body for the other to go over him, or both had been thrust into the River. In the Application, who had done best to have yielded is too mysterious to determine. Both, or either, had done well. But now we see, and shall feel it, I believe, it is not Love, nor Sweetness, nor Sufferance that keeps a Nation within the straits of due Obedience: it must be Power that needs not to entreat. The Scepter can no more than propound: the Sword will carry it. This Truth was once little worn: but now it is upon our backs, and we are like to wear it so long, till we are all Thread-bare. Thucyd. lib. 2. says of Theseus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Theseus governed Athens, being as potent as wise. His Wisdom taught the Athenians to keep a good pace: but Awe and Potency did bridle, and compel them to suffer their Rider, or else they would have thrown him. King Charles knew how to govern, as well as Theseus. But he was not so stout: I am sure not so strong. His Condition in the present stood thus. When he was Prince he was the Messenger, and the Mediator from the Parliament to extort a War against Spain from his Father. Of which Design he was but the Lieutenant before: is now become the Captain. He sets the Action on foot, and calls for Contribution to raise, and pay an Army. Instead of satisfaction in Subsidies (two alone granted towards the charge of the great Funeral past, and the Coronation to come) they call for Reformation in Government. One lifts up a Grievance, and another a Grievance, and still the Cry continues, and multiplies. As they spake with many Tongues, so I would they could have taken up Serpents, and felt no harm. The plain Sense of it is, those subtle Men of the lower House put the young King upon the push of Necessity, and then took advantage of the Time, and that Necessity. They had cast his Affairs into want of Money, and he must yield all that they demanded, or else get no Money, without which the War could not go on. Here was the Foundation laid of all the Discontents that followed. A capite primùm computrescit piscis, says the Proverb. If they had answered with that Confidence and Love, as was invited from them, England had not sat in sorrow as at this day. And I will as soon die as retract these words, that all Affairs might have been in a most flourishing Estate, if the People in that, or in any Parliament, had been as good as the King: Optimos gubernatores hand mediocriter etiam manus remigum juvat, Symmach. p. 128. The Pilot spends his breath in vain, if the Oar-men will not strike a stroke: A good Head can do nothing without their Hands. If I should hold yet, that this King was to be blamed in nothing, I should speak too highly of Human Nature. They that pass through much business, cannot choose but incur Errors, which will fall under Censure; yet it were better under Pardon. The most that aggrieved the Council of Parliament was, that the King's Concessions for the good of the People came not off cheerfully. He wanted a way indeed to give a Gift, and to make it thank-worthy in the manner of bestowing. A small Exception: when one grave Sentence from his Mouth did mean more reality, than a great deal of Volubility with sweetness and smiling: to which, I confess, they had been fortunately used. But when all is done, as the Poets say, The Muses sing sweeter than the Sirens; and a sullen something is better than a gracious nothing.

7. And these are instead of Contents: For the Chapter, that is the business of the Capitol, follows. The Parliament began, and the whole Assembly stood before the King: So there was a day when the Sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, Job 1.6. but there was another thrust in among them. What his Majesty spake than is printed more then once: It was not much, but enough: it was not long, but there wanted nothing. Good Seed it was, yet it came not up well, although it was watered with two showers of Eloquence by the Lord-Keeper, the first directed to the Lord's, and Commons; the other to Sir Thomas Crew the Speaker. Which will tell the Reader more Truth, than is yet come abroad; whom I would have to remember Baronius 's Caution, in his Epistle to the first Tome of his Annals, Nihil periculosius est in historiâ, quàm cuivis scribe •• in quâcunqae re fidem habere. But hear what the King willed to be published to his Parliament by the Mouth of his great Officer.

My Lord's and Gentlemen all,

YOU have heard his Majesty's Speech, though short, yet Full and Princely, and rightly Imperatorious, as Tacitus said of Galbas: Neither must we account that Speaker to be short, Qui materiae immoratur, that keeps himself close unto his Theme, and Subject. For as Pliny made his censure of Homer and Virgil, Brevis uterque est, sed facit quod instituit: Either of them seem to be short, for they do their work so succinctly, there falls not a word besides the purpose. His Majesty hath himself abundantly expressed the substance, of what he offers to your Consideration at this Meeting. Some few Circumstances I shall, by his Royal Command, add thereunto, as touching the time, the manner, and the end of that loving and dutiful Expression, which his Majesty may, without any fear of Immodesty, as he conceives, promise unto himself from this first Session of his first Parliament. The main reason of his calling the Parliament at this time (beside the looking upon the Faces of his Subjects in this perfect representation, which he is resolved to make his most pleasant Theater under Heaven, as long as God shall give him Life) is to let you understand those deep Engagements for the recovery of the Palatinate (that is for the Honor of the British Nation) by Leagues, Alliances, Diversions, Wars by Sea and by Land which his aying Father hath imposed upon the King; or peradventure the King in part upon his Father: or rather, to speak truly and historically, yourselves (but upon grave and just Consideration) upon them both. For the breaking of both the Treaties with that potent King, that of the Alliance, and that of the Restitution, moved originally from you, mediately by the King our Sovereign, finally to the King his Father of Blessed Memory, accompanied in all the Ways, and Passages with your Promise, and Assurance, to feed the Enterprize from time to time with all fu ing, and necessary Supplies. Hereupon our late Sovereign, that is with God, to the very time of his recovering Heaven, had no other Object of his Consultations, Resolutions, and Actions, than the recovery of the Palatinate. The Foreign Treaties and Alliances, the Supply of the Low Countries, the Forces under the Conduct of Count Mansfield, the Reparation of the Forces in England, the Troops sent over into Ireland, lastly, this great, and (by God's Assistance) invincible Fleet, and Navy, though they show like so many Lines scattered, and divided in the Circumference, yet do they meet and unite themselves in the Recovery of the Palatinate, as in the Center that bears, and supports them all. These great Designs the Holy Ghost, I hope, hath inspired into you, you to the King our Sovereign, he and you to the King his Father. He before his Death had so ripened, and prepared, as the King our Master finds himself so wrapped, and engaged in the Enterprize, as it fares with his Heroical Heart, as with that Pompey, Necesse est ut eam, non ut vivam. He would more willingly go on to his Grave (which God of his Goodness will not permit) than not go onward with this brave Design. Now all your Subsidies, and Fifteens: and fully (to speak in measure and compass) as much more of the Means of the Crown being spent in the Preparation, forward the Action cannot move without a new Support, and Supply; which is the Substance of all which his Majesty hath now recommended unto you.

9. The first Circumstance remembered unto you, is that of Time. A most pressing, and important Circumstance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Sophocles calls it, the greatest Commander of all our Actions. For as Dion Cassius observes, Lib. 11. Non rebus tempora, sed res temporibus inserviunt, Actions do not govern Times, but Times govern Actions, be they never so weighty. And as Quintilian says wisely, Plaerumque sera pro nullis sunt, That Supply, which comes too late, proves many times no supply at all. His Majesty knows very well that you are wise, and provident to observes Times and Seasons. You cannot but observe, that Europe stands this day like the Pool of Bethesda, the Waters are stirred everywhere; and we hope by a good Angel. The Honor of England, which hath languished for these late Years, stands at the brink, and now, or not in haste, is to be healed, and repaired. His Majesty therefore desires you to conceive, that this Meeting in this Session is but as a Meeting in a General's Tent, a Consultation in the heat of an Action, which will endure no long Debate. He expects therefore that you will be pleased to bestow this Session upon him, or rather upon this Action, and to hasten for that Cause. And his Majesty will appoint the next as soon, and as long, as you please, for yours, and our own home Affairs. This much concerning Time: The second Circumstance is for the Manner, which looks upon the Time, as the Time doth upon the Action. For if the manner of gathering this Supply should prove heavy, and slow, Time, as Callistratus in his Statutes sets him forth, hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a Pair of Wings at his Feet, and will quite out-run it. If therefore, in your own Judgments, and Resolution, you shall find the usual way, and manner of Supplies by Subsidy to be too slow, and backward for these present, and undelayable Occasions, his Majesty, (no friend to Innovation, Etiam cum illi necessitas lenocinetur, not now when necessity might seem to privilege the same) doth rather desire to hear, and to receive from you, then to project, and propound unto you the manner of supplying this present Action. This is the second Circumstance: The Last is the End, and the Issue of the Action, which hath no meaner Consequence, than the Fame, and Reputation of our sweet, and gracious Sovereign, for many Years after. For as Theodoricus, that brave King of Lombardy, was wont to say, Ipsa initia plantare debent Principis nominis famam, as a King sows his Reputation in his first Actions, so shall he reap his Harvest of Glory in the Progress of his Life, And therefore I must say of our gracious Master, as the Orator said of himself, Haec actio illi aures hominum, haec famae januam patefaciet. His Majesty at this time puts his Fame, and Reputation (that is all that he hath of a King: For what is a King without these?) very much upon your Love and Affections. And this, not as Caesar upon his Army at all Adventures, with a Jacta est alea, a Mum-chance, a cast of a Dye, but with the greatest Confidence, and Assurance that ever was placed by a loving King, on a most loving and indulgent People. Witness that Posy of his in his new stamped Coin, not to be engraven, as it is, in Silver or Gold, but in the solid Substance of Loyal Hearts, Amor civium regis munimentum; showing that he cares little for other Forts, being so well assured of the Love of his People. And therefore as in Nature, Rex & subditus, the King and the People are proper Relatives, and consequently simul naturâ, of one and the same Date and Existence: So doth his Majesty little doubt, that as soon as himself shall be known in Europe to be an actual King, you also shall be known by advancing his, nay your Enterterprize, to be a valiant, faithful, and obedient People. And now you are directed to choose your Speaker, and present him to his Majesty.

Which was Sir Thomas Crew, so well tried for his worth in the Precedent Parliament, that he was elected again in this. To whose Oration the next day the Lord-Keeper answered as followeth.

Mr. Speaker,

YOU have endeavor'd to excuse yourself from this place of great Trust. But I perceive, by his most Excellent Majesty, that I was not much amiss, when I took you to be in the same Case that Evathlus was to Protagoras, as Gellius reports it, Lib. 5. c. 11. That is, sure to be denied, and to lose your Cause whether you argued strongly or faintly. St. Paul was called Mercurius by the Lycaonians, because he was the chief Speaker, Acts 14.12. But to whom shall I liken you? Truly to nothing but to yourself; who have spoken more too learnedly, and pithily; the manner whereof hath confuted the Matter: and your Rhetoric hath spoiled your Logic. For no Man that hath heard you speak, can believe your unfitness to be a Speaker. His Majesty therefore doth applaud and confirm your Election, and commands me to return an Answer to some parts of that you have delivered. Which, though it was (as all great and excellent Bodies are observed to be) round, and sphaerical in the Composition, without a nook, or a corner for a Man to lay hold upon, yet as some late Mathematicians have born us in hand, that they can find Quadraturam circ uli, some corners in a Circle, so for Method, and Memory's sake, Aut inveniam, aut faciam, where I do not find, you must give me leave to make some parts, and to run them over briefly, distinctly, and orderly. You have said somewhat concerning yourself; somewhat concerning the last Parliament, somewhat of the Primus motor, and Divine Intelligence which enliv'd the same: somewhat of his Majesty's Entrance upon his Government, and that in five several Respects. First in respect of the Way, which is by Parliament. Secondly in respect of his Blood, as the Son of Nobles, Thirdly in respect to Succession to so worthy a Father. Fourthly in respect of our Hopes of a rare and religious Government. And Lastly in respect of his great Delivery in his famous Journey by Sea and Land. Somewhat also you have said of our Religion, as much recommended unto the King, and much prosperous and profitable to the People: Somewhat of the ancient Common-Law: somewhat of cherishing our Friends abroad: Somewhat of abating our Foes at home: Somewhat of the Four Petitions presented to all Kings, Immunity of Persons, Liberty of Speech, readiness of Access, and benign Interpretation, the four corner Stones, which bear up the Structure of the House of Parliament. I shall from his most Excellent Majesty make answer to these things according to your Sense, and with my Method, as they lie in order.

11. First for yourself you say little, but you do much in yielding thus to his Majesty's Pleasure. You offered a Sacrifice before, the Sacrifice of your Lips, an excuse from this Service: and that was refused. Now you offer up Obedience, and that is amply accepted. For Obedience is better than Sacrifice. Quod felix faustumque sit, a most happy Concatenation to open a Parliament, when the Hearts of the People are in the Hands of the King, and the Heart of the King in the Hand of God. Secondly, for the last Parliament it was happy indeed: so accounted by our late, so esteemed by our present Sovereign, so denominated by the Effects which it produced. For therein (as you well observe) those male-sida foedera, and unfaithful Treatises were dissolved, the King and his People indissolubly united, the Flowers of the Crown a little pruned, but with the Love of the Subjects better scented and perfumed: Lastly, if not more Bills of Grace, yet surely more Bills from pure Grace passed, and were enacted, than in that Session of Magna Charta: Gratia enim non est gratia, si non sit gratis data. And surely as Pliny said of Nerva, Debebatur maximo operi haec veneratio, ut novissimum sit, autorque ejus statim consecraretur It became a Prince, who was now ready to be Sainted in Heaven, to close in that manner his Government here on Earth. For I could never learn, in all my Reading, any other way for King or Subject than this one, by the Kingdom of Grace to pass along to the Kingdom of Glory. Thirdly for the part the King our Master bore in the late Parliament, surely he was Actus primus, the very proper Soul of that Politick Body, Tota in toto, & tota in quâlibet parte, now in the Committees as in the Members, by and by with the Lord's as in the Heart, anon with the King his Father as in the Head of the Body, and everywhere the principal Author of Life, Motion, and Resolution. So that we may say to our now Sovereign, as the Romans did by their Orator to the Emperor Trajan, that he is no stranger to our Assembly, Meminit quae optare. quae sit queri solitus, he cannot forget the Desires of the Commons, nor the ishes of the upper House of Parliament. Fourthly your five Circumstances (for so I number them) of his Majesty's Entrance into his Reign are very well noted, and observed. 1. That he begins it with a Parliament. It is a sign indeed of his Love to that way. Those Actions of Men are most pure, and sincere, Quae singendi non habent tempus, that are done in such haste, as admits no Fiction. His Majesty was scarce proclaimed, when the Writs went out: and before the Solemnities of his Coronation, behold him present in the midst of his People. 2. That he comes into it with the Blood of Nobles. Yes, Mr. Speaker, Deus est in utroque parente. No King in Europe, that breaths this day, can show so fair, and so Royal a Pedigree. 3. That by his Succession he hath sweetened much our loss of his Father. A great, and a glorious Act indeed. And such an act, as I will be bold to say in his Majesty's hearing, could never have been done by any King, not by himself, had he been the Son of his Body only, and not withal of his Mind, and Virtues. Herein indeed he equals his Father, Neque enim de Caesaris actis—Ullum majus opus, quàm quod Pater extitit hujus. 4. For our hopes they have good cause (God make us thankful to him for the same) to sore high, and to expect a King, that shall exceed Hezekiah in Policy of State (for our Master, I hope, will never discover the Secrets of his Dominion to Foreigners, and Strangers) and equal him, at the least, in the Advancement of Religion. You heard his Profession the last day. His God above him, his People under him, his Heart within him, and his Kindred about him must enflame his Zeal to this true Religion, Et pater Aeneas, & avunculus excitat Hector. Lastly, for his great delivery by Sea and Land, which so filled our Mouths with Laughter, and our Tongues with Joy, it showed him betimes a Child of King James, and withal a Child of God, and being so, Nolite tangere, no Evil might touch him. As God was with Moses, so he was, and will be with him, non deseret, aut derelinquet, he will never fail him, nor forsake him; To the which Prayer all we his representative Kingdom will never fail to say, Amen.

12. What you said of the true Religion is most apparently true, that it hath been very piously charged upon our King, and hitherto full of Blessings upon our Kingdom. For the first his Majesty well remembers (what I ill forgot in another occasion) that the last Blessing of all his Father gave him (and I think upon a Motion of mine) was with a Recommendation of his Religion, and of his People to his special Care, Love, and Protection. And I nothing doubt but that Blessing shall so bless him, that he shall see Jerusalem in Prosperity all his Life long. And for the effect of our Religion, it hath hitherto produced in this Kingdom a very Kingdom of Heaven, not only after this Life, but even in this Life, for the space of sixty Seven Years, wherein it hath been most constantly professed. All that time Peace hath been within our Walls, and plenteousness within our Palaces. Non fecit sic omni nationi, God hath not dealt so with many, nor with any Nation in Europe, that I know, or read of. Sixthly, what you recommended to the King concerning the Laws of the Land, the King hath already in private, and doth now in public recommend to his Judges, and by them to the Professors, and Students of the Laws, to wit, that they would spend their time, as their Fore-fathers did, in the ancient Common-Laws of the Kingdom, and not altogether, as the Complaint hath been of late, in Statutes, new Cases, and modern Abridgments. In the former Studies you meet with Reason created by God, in the latter with Opinion only invented by Men. Here you find peradventure some strong Conclusions, but upon weak Grounds, and Premises: there you learn strong Premises, that can never produce a weak Conclusion. In a word, to borrow the Simile of St. Basil, there like Ulysses you Court Penelope herself; here, like the foolish Wooers, but her Hand-maids only. Seventhly, that just Resentment you express of the Dishonor of our Nation, in that hostile Acquisition, and Detension of the Palatinate, you cannot imagine, Mr. Speaker, how much it contents his most Excellent Majesty. Now he finds indeed his People to be lively Members of this Politick Body, because they sympathize so seelingly with the grievous Pains, and Troubles of their Head. And surely he is no true Part, but an Excrescency, or dead Flesh upon the outside of the State, that is not sensible of his Majesty's Sufferings in those Affairs. God forbid, against all these Professions, this Kingdom should prove to a People so allied, either a Meroz, as you term it, for Inhumanity, or an Egypt for Infidelity, or a whit inferior to Caesar himself to aid, and relieve them. You heard the full Measure of the King's Resolution the last day, Ire oportet, vivere non oportet; He doth not desire to live otherwise than in Glory, and Reputation. And so he cannot live, you know it well enough, till somewhat be vigorously effected in that great business of the Palatinate. Eighthly, for the abandoning of those Sons of Bichri, the Priest and Jesuits, his Majesty returns you this Answer. As he doth approve your Zeal, and Devotion herein, and acknowledgeth that of St. Ambrose to be true, Quod in religionem committitur, in omnium vertitur injuriam, that the meanest Subject in this Kingdom hath a great right, and Interest in the Religion, so being appointed by, and under God, Custos utriusque tabulae, the Guardian, and Keeper of both the Tables, he desires you to trust him (whose Zeal was never yet questioned, or suspected) with the ways, and means to propagate the same, Yet in this Petition of yours his most Excellent Majesty doth absolutely grant the Effect, and the Matter, that is to be most careful of our Religion, or (which you more desire) to improve, and better the Form, and Manner. But as St. Austin saith of God himself, Non tribuit aliquando quod volumus, ut quod malimus attribuat. Lastly, for your four ordinary Petitions, for Immunity of Persons, liberty of Speech, readiness of Access, benign Interpretation, his most Excellent Majesty grants them all, and will have them limited by no other bounds, than your own Wisdom, Modesty, and good Discrietion. So his Majesty bids God Speed the Plow.

13. I look upon him that spake so well for the King two days together, as Antiquarius did upon the L. Picus Mirandula, Ratio, & oratio cum ipso ex côdem utero natae videantur, Ep. 279. Here's strong Mettle, and a keen Edge, able to cleave the hardest Knot. Here's Reason to convince Judgment, with store of Eloquence to delight the Affections. Which could not be past over without this censure: for it is an ill thrift, to be parsimonious in the praise of that which is very good. The King reposed much upon the Success of this Meeting, because his Mind was so well delivered, and so strongly put on. The Cause of the War was made the Kingdoms: The Counsel that began it was the Parliaments, and were they not bound to find the Succours? As our Poet Mr. Johnson says upon Prince Henry 's Barriers, He doth but scourge himself his Sword that draws. Without a Purse, a Counsel, and a Cause. But the Registers of all Ages, I believe, will not show a Man, in whom Virtue was more perpetually unfortunate, than in this King. The Influence of those ill Stars, that reigned over all his Reign, began thus soon. The Parliament was told, as if a Dictator had been nominated for this War, that all must be consulted and executed together; that the present Sacrifice must be eaten in haste, like the Lord's first Passover: for in that juncture slow help was no help. Yet in five Weeks (so long they sat at Westminster ) there was not an Arrow to any purpose shot towards that Mark. These were they that thrust his Majesty upon a War, to the mortifying of his Father's part: and now his Enemies were awaked with the Alarum, they let him shift for himself. Being told enough that there must be Gold, as well as Iron to play this Game, and that a good Purse made a good Army, they gave him such discouragement, that they dropt no more than two Mites into the Corban. An incredible disproportion between what was found, and what was looked for: and suitable to a Passage in an Italian Comedy, where a Guest complains of his ill Entertainment at a Miser's Table, that there was not enough to make a good Supper, nor scarce enough to make a good Salad.

14. Yet the hardest Remedy had been the best Patience. For by the second Week in July the Plague was in its rage about London, and Westminster. The Members of both Houses were half slunk home, and they that staid it out, wisht every hour the Session were ended. The King was in a mervellous strait: neither knew how to hold them, nor to let them go. His mind was much upon it, to try them, though not there, yet some where else, for an augmentation of Supply. Whose excuse was the same, which the Queen of Carthage made to Aeneas, Lib. 1. Aen. Res dura, & novitas regni me talia cogunt —Moliri. His Majesty thought change of Air would do good, and proposed to some of his Council at Hampton-Court, July 10. to adjourn to Oxford against the first of August. A Proposition mainly favor'd by the Lord-Duke, so that he grinn'd at the Lord-Keeper, all the while he dissuaded it. But take away liberty from Speech, and take away Bitterness from Wormwood, nay take away Spirit from Wine. Yet he went on, and spake to these two Heads, that it was not another place, but another time that must speed the Work. First, the Infection of the Pestilence had overspread the whole Land: that no Man, that travel'd from his own home, knew where to lodge in safety: that the Lord's and Gentlemen would be so distasted, to be carried abroad in such a Mortal time, that it is likely, when they came together, they would Vote out of discontent, and displeasure: that his Majesty was ill counsel'd to give Offences, though small ones, in the bud of his Reign, Quae nulli magis evitandae sunt, quàm juveni & Principi, cujus gratia cum aetate debet adolescere, as Symmachus, Lib. 1. Ep. writes to his Master Theodosius. Secondly, the Parliament hath given two Subsidies at Westminster, though they remove to Oxford it is yet the same Session: and if they allege, it is not the use of the House to give twice in a Session, (though I wish heartily they would) yet how shall we plead them out of their Custom, if they be so stiff to maintain it? It is not fit for the Reputation of the King, to fall upon a probable hazard of a denial. The Duke, who had heard this with impatience, said, That public Necessity might sway more than one Man's Jealousy. Hereupon the Keeper besought that he might commit a few words to the King's Ear in private: which was granted. And he acquainted his Majesty, That the Lord-Duke had Enemies in the House of Commons, who had contrived Complaints, had made them ready to be prefer'd, and would spend the time at Oxford about them. And what folly it were to continue a Session, that had no other aim, but to bring the Duke upon the Stage? But if your Majesty think that this is like a Hectick, quickly known, but hardly cured; My humble Motion is, that this Malady, or Malice, call it which you will, may sleep till after Christmas. There is no time lost in whetting the Sythe well. For I hope to give such account by that time, by undertaking with the chief Sticklers, that they shall supersede from their Bitterness against your great Servant, and that Passage to your weighty Councils shall be made smooth, and peaceable. And why do you conceal this from Buckingham, says the King? Good Lord Sir, says the Keeper, fain I would begin at that end, but he will not hear me with moderation. Which was rightly foreseen. Erasmus in an Epistle to one Gonel asks, How a good turn can be worse bestowed than upon ungrateful Men? Yes, says he, Magis perit quod praestatur non intelligentibus. 'It is worse placed upon them, that will not understand. Because it was the mishap of this Man to give the first notice of that Storm that was a gathering, the Duke as in defiance, bid him and his Confederates do their worst, and besought that the Parliament might be continued, to confront that Faction; though he looked upon himself in that innocence, that he presumed they durst not question him. Here began the Downfall of the Lord-Keeper; mistrusted to set that Wheel a going, whose Motion he discovered, and offered to put a Spoke into it. But Truth faileth: And he that departeth from Evil maketh himself a Prey, Isa. 59.15. And here began the Troubles of mighty Buckingham: who would not gain six Months time, which might have made Mischiefs mellow, and rot. But to show the Greatness of his Power, he made haste to destroy himself: being in one Character too like to Pope Julius the Second, Nunquam ab eo, ad quod ingenio feroci impellebatur; recedendum putavit. He would never retreat from that, to which the Violence of his Passions hurried him.

16. He had his Will, and August the 1st. the Session continued at Oxford. Of which place it may be said as Cassiodor did of Athens, Aëris puritate peruncta lucidissimos sensus ad contemplationem felici largitate praeparavit. But it appears by experience it hath been more renowned for good Wits, than for good Parliaments. The Commons sat in the Divinity-School, who for the most part begin with a Grievance about increase of Popery. And on the first Morning, no sooner had the Speaker taken his place, but a Western Knight enlargeth the Sense of his Sorrow, that he had seen a Pardon for six Priests, bearing Test, July 12. Whereas, but the day before it, when they were to part from Westminster, the Lord-Keeper had promised in the King's Name before them all, that the Rigor of the Laws against Priests should not be deluded. Many of the Members were sore offended, and veyed who should blame it most. What! their Hopes blasted in one Night? What the King's Promise so early broken? Nunquam major spes est quàm in bonorum Principum sponsione, Symmachus, Ep. to Theodos. Lib. 1. But for a Lord-Keeper that brought the King's Message, and knew it best, and for a Bishop to set the Seal to such a Warrant, for him to do that wrong to Religion, it was enormous. But for his part he was secure enough. Indeed it was a Pit-fall set to crush him, but it fell upon another. God had given him Wisdom to know the Violence of Winds, and the Reasonings of Men, Wisd. 7.20. The Warrant was twice brought to him, but he would not pass it. Mr. Bembo, a Servant to the Clerk of the Crown, confessed before the House, that he brought the Writ to be sealed, but it was stopped. Mr. Devike, Servant to Sir Edward Conway, confessed he brought it from his Master: but it could not speed. It was my Lord Buckingham 's hard Hap, to move the King to command the Warrant to be Sealed in his sight at Hampton-Court the Sunday following: which being evidenced, the Vote of the Commons turned about to clear the Keeper, and to commend him: which did him hurt at Woodstock (the Court was there) to please the Parliament, which had not pleased the King. An Error like to that of Adrian’s in Spartianus, Non admisit Terentium Gentianum: est eo vehementiùs, quod à Senatu diligi eum videret. But the Commons, while they were in heat, asked a Conference with the Lord's Afternoon in Christ's-Church-Hall: where Sir Edward Coke opened the Complaint sharply against Secretary Conway: and like an Orator did slide away with a short Animadversion upon the Duke. It was not so well for his Grace, that the noise of the Grievance had entered into both Houses. Arcus cum sunt duplices pluviam nuntiant, says Pliny, Lib. 2. N. H. c. 59. If our Rain-bow multiply another by its Reflection, it prognostics a Shower. And the Storm burst out in the lower Region: when he was rather declam'd against, as I would call it, than accused, because the Gentlemen that did prosecute contained themselves in generals. The most upon which insistance was made, was, that he held the most, and the most important Offices of Trust, and Honor by Sea and Land. Though it was foolish and superstitious in the Heathen Romans, to think it was not for the Majesty of their Common-wealth to serve but one God, Majestatem imperii non decuisse, ut unus tantùm Deus colatur, Tull. Orat. pro Flacco: Yet it were to be desired, if it might be dutifully obtained, that one Subject should not possess all those Places, which require the Sufficiency of many to discharge them. Much to this purpose is that of the Lord Herbert, Harry. 8. p. 318. That it was a great Error, that such a multitude of Offices was invested in Woolsey: as it drew Envy upon the Cardinal, so it derogated not a little from the Regal Authority, while one Man alone seems to comprehend all. The King may be satisfied, to settle the Choice of his high Promotions in one Minion: so will never the People. And the Advanced is sure to be shaken for his height, and to be malign'd for over-dropping. He that sees a Stone-wall swelling, looks every day when it will fall. And one Stalk is not strong enough, to hold a cluster of Titles hanging at it. Salmasius hath a Note upon the first Book of Solinus, That if a Man grow so fast, that it exceeds the usual way of Nature, he will fall into sickness. His Instance is in the Son of Euthymenes, that grew three Cubits in three Years, Et immoderatis aegritudinum suppliciis compensasse praecipitem incrementi celeritatem. But what Grandee will believe this? Because there is more in our corrupt Nature that will obey Ambition, than Wisdom.

16. Yet to speak to the other side, Might not this have been forborne to be objected by the Parliament to this great Lord at this time? When his Head, and his Hands were wholly taken up to prepare that War, which was their own Creature. He was at their Plough, he was under their Yoke, if it were well remembered. Now Grotius marks well from the old Law, Deut. 21.3. That Beasts that had been put to labor, might not be sacrificed ( Elisha 's Act was hasty and singular) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as he quotes it out of Chaeremon: They were privileged by the Work, in which they had been profitable. Nay, could it be objected as a Fault at any time? I say as a Fault: for I plead not for the Convenience. What Pharisee would be so corrupt to ask, Master who sinned? This Man, or his Parent, that he was made a Duke, as Lord Admiral, a Master of the Horse, &c.? No Inch of Sin is in ten Cubits of Honor, that are lawfully confer'd. But there is a Fault for which Budaeus knew no direct Name, Lib. 2. Pandec. fol. 10. Cum milites Imperatori infensi vincere nolunt. Let it be termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says he, when Soldiers will lose a Victory willfully, because they are discontented at their General. All was tending much this way at Oxford. The great Expedition in hand, and the Fleet ready at Plymouth lost its season, the Soldiers and Sailors dishearten'd for want of Pay, yet not the Supply of a Subsidy could be drawn, to give courage to the Onset, because the Generalissimo, that managed the Voyage, had lost their Favor. Numbers there were, some Friends, some Flatterers, that brought Fuel to the Fire to enflame the Duke against these Dealings. The Lord-Keeper was not sought to. Yet came, and offered himself to confer about it. And certainly all that knew him would say, no Man could pluck the Grass better, to know where the Wind sat: no Man could spy sooner from whence a Mischief did rise. I will begin thus:

My Lord, I come to you unsent for: and I fear to displease you: Yet because your Grace made me, I must and will serve you, though you are one that will destroy, that which you made. Let me perish: Yet I deserved to perish ten times, if I were not as earnest, as any Friend your Grace hath, to save you from perishing. The Sword is the Cause of a Wound: but the Buckler is in fault, if it do not defend the Body, You have brought the Two Houses hither, my Lord, against my Counsel. My Suspicion is confirmed, that your Grace would suffer for it. What's now to be done? but wind up a Session quickly. The occasion is for you; because two Colleges in the University, and eight Houses in the City are visited with the Plague. Let the Members be promised fairly and friendly, that they shall meet again after Christmas. Requite their Injuries done unto you with benefits, and not revenge. For no Man, that is wise, will show himself angry with the People of England. I have more to say, but no more than I have said to your Grace above a Year past at White-hall. Confer one or two of your great Places upon your fastest Friends: so shall you go less in Envy, and not less in Power. Great Necessities will excuse hard Proposals, and horrid Counsels. St. Austin says it was a Punic Proverb in his Country; Ut habeas quietum tempus perde aliquid. At the Close of this Session declare yourself to be the forwardst to serve the King and Common-wealth, and to give the Parliament satisfaction. Fear them not, when they meet again in the same Body: whose ill Affections I expect to mitigate: but if they proceed, trust me with your Cause, when it is transmitted to the House of Lord's, and I will lay my Life upon it, to preserve you from Sentence, or the least Dishonor. This is my Advice my Lord. If you like it not, Truth in the end will find an Advocate to defend it. The Duke replied no more but, I will look whom I trust to, and flung out of the Chamber with Minaces in his Countenance. Yet the other did not think he had played the Game ill, though he lost his Stake by it. Dangerous Faithfulness is honester than cunning Silence. And once more he was bold to wrestle with this Potentate in high Favor, before he fell. The Commons of this Parliament was censured at Woodstock for spiteful, and seditious: therefore not fit to continue, but to be dissolved. Which Resolution being brought to the Clerk of the Crown, to dissolve them on the 12th. of August; the Keeper did never so bestir him since he was born, as to turn the Tide, with Reasons, with Supplications, with Tears, imploring his Majesty to remember a time, when, in his hearing, his blessed Father had charged him to call Parliaments often, and continue them, though their rashness sometimes did offend him; that in his own Experience, he never got good by falling out with them. But chiefly Sir, says he, let it never be said, that you have not kept good Correspondence with your first Parliament. Do not disseminate so much unkindness through all the Counties, and Boroughs of your Realm. The Love of the People is the Palladium of your Crown. Continue this Assembly to another Session, and expect alteration for the better. If you do not so, the next swarm will come out of the same Hive. To this the Lord's of the Council did almost all concur; but it wanted Buckingham 's Suffrage: who was secure that the King's Judgment would follow him against all the Table. So this first Parliament was blasted, Et radicis vitium in fructibus nascentibus ostenditur. The Root failed, and the Fruit was unsavory in all the Branches that grew up after it. I would the Builders had laid a better corner Stone: then the Lord had not smote the great House with Breaches, and the little House with Clefts, Amos 6.11. Yet I would the King's Aequanimity had suffered it to stand, that Concord might have cemented the Hearts of all the Nation to his Government. It is a Trivial, but a dangerous Oversight, Initia morborum quis curat? Providence is not sensible of a little harm when it begins; and when the increase is felt, the Evil is incurable.

17. Now the time came that as the Parliament had chased the Duke, so the Duke chased the Keeper, Torva Leaena Lupum sequitur, Lupus ipse Capellam. Was it for Michaias 's Crime, he doth not prophesy good concerning me but evil? 1 Kings 22.8. His Fidelity would not let him conceal it. Or did his Grace doubt him for under-dealing? He could never prove it. And he that can leave to be a Friend for Suspicion, is justly suspected that he was never a Friend. What shall we say to such Men, as would fall out, and are angry when they cannot find a justifiable occasion? This was the Misfortune: like Caelius the Orator in Seneca, Lib. 3. de irâ, c. 8. meeting with one that observed him in all that he said, and longing for a Quarrel, says Caelius, Dic aliquid contra me, ut duo simus. The Keeper could not be provoked to give the Duke the least jostle: All's one, when Power contests, there's no safety for Innocency: great Men can maintain their Violence by some color of Right. So the Accusation broke out, that this Man had fomented Suggestions against my Lord of Buckingham, among the chief Tribunes of the Parliament. Wherein the King was satisfied to the contrary, while he staid at Woodstock, by an Apology that follows, drawn up hastily in an hour, into short Heads. Yet it stuck in the Credulity of those, that were remote from the Scene, and saw not the Part acted. Therefore I believe that some intelligent Man might tell so much to the Observator, p. 36. Yet he knows, that for an intelligent Man to judge upon Report, is worse than to take Judgment of a sick Man's Distemper only by his Water. And as intelligent a Man as the Observator himself may have the Infirmity which Longinus imputes to Timaeus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , p. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , censorious of others, partial to himself, and insensible of his own Errors. But let truth break forth by a Paper, which the Lord-Keeper put into the King's Hand, Aug. 14. which discloseth all, Judex ipse sui totum se explorat ad unguem. Ausonius.

REASONS to satisfy your most excellent Majesty concerning my Carriage all this last Parliament.

18. First negatively, That I did nothing disserviceably to your Majesty, or the Duke. For first, I never spake at Oxford with any of the stirring Men, as was untruly suggested to your Majesty, excepting once with Philip's, with the Privity, and for the Service of the Duke. And with Wentworth at his first coming to Town, and before his coming to the House. Who promised (and I do verily believe he performed it) to carry himself advantageously to your Majesty's Service, and not to join with any that should sly upon my Lord Duke. The rest are all Strangers to me: and I never spake with any one of them concerning any Parliamentary matters. Secondly, I did cross the popular way, more than any of the Council; which I durst not have done, if I had intended to run along with them. 1. In advising your Majesty, knowing how you were engaged to the Queen, to reserve to yourself the Execution of the Laws against Recusants, at least-wise for a time, as at Rycott. 2. In maintaining this Advice afterward before the Council at Oxford. 3. In lingering and staying the Bill against Recusants. 4. In direct Opposition to the Lord Saye, in staying the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, which was the Darling of the Active part in the House of Commons. Had I intended to run any way with the People, I had been a Mad-man to have appeared in any of these. Affirmatively, I offered my poor Service to your Majesty, for the executing of any Directions, should be given me in private. First, I waited upon your Majesty three or four times before your Journey to Dover, to know if you would give me any private Directions, but received none. 2. I waited upon your Majesty and the Duke three several times while the Parliament sat at Westminster, and my Answer was still, you had nothing to say to me. 3. I waited to know if your Majesty had ought to command me privately at Windsor, at Bissam, at Ricott towards the Oxford Sitting; and was ever answered as before. 4. I did the like to my Lord-Duke at Oxford, desiring his Lordship to send me his Commands by any trusty Servant, and I would serve him to the utmost of my Power from time to time. His Grace said he would send, but never sent to me. So that if I had any Power in either House (I had much the less at this time by reason of the Paucity of the Lawyers, who were in the Circuit) what use could I make of it without Directions? And to tell the plain truth, I durst do nothing for fear of offending the Duke, otherwise than by Direction. Only 'tis known, that they that were for giving of Subsidies, repaired to me as often as to any other Lord, who can witness of my Care, both in Matters of Subsidies, and the Business of my Lord-Duke. Rationally it was unsafe for me to stickle at this time without Countenance and Employment by, and from your excellent Majesty. First your Majesty knoweth, I was threatened before your Majesty to be complained of in Parliament, on the third Day of your Reign. And though your Majesty most graciously promised to do me Justice therein: Yet was I left under that Minacy, and the Minacer, for ought I know, left to his course against me. 2. My Lord-Duke confessed he knew the Complaints, and Complainants; and gave me leave to suspect his Grace (which indeed I had cause to do) if within three days, and three days he should not acquaint me with the Names of the Parties. Which I desired to know, not to expostulate, but to watch, and provide to defend my innocence. His Grace failed me in his promise herein. I employed Sir Charles Glemham, and Mr. Sackvile Crowe to press him for an Answer; which was such, as they durst not in modesty return unto me. 3. Sir Francis Seymore (a Knight whom I know not by sight) told many of that House, who imparted it unto me, that upon his first coming to Oxford, he was dealt with by a Creature of my Lord-Dukes (whom I can name) to set upon the Lord-Keeper, and they should be backed by the greatest Men in the Kingdom. Who gave this Answer, That he found nothing against the Lord-Keeper, but the Malice of those great Men. 4. Sir John Eliot, the only Member that began to thrust in a Complaint against me: the Lord-Viscount Saye, who took upon him to name Sir Thomas Crew to succeed in my Place: Sir William Stroud, and Sir Nathanael Rich, whom my Friends most noted to malice me, were never out of my Lord-Duke's Chamber, and Bosom. 5. Noble-men of good Place, and near your Majesty, gave me often intelligence, that his Grace's Agents stirred all their Powers to set the Commons upon me. 6. I told the Lord-Duke in my Garden, that having been much reprehended by your Majesty, and his Grace in the Earl of Middlesex 's Trial, for thanking the last King at Greenwich, for promising to protect his Servants, and great Officers against the People and Parliament, I durst not be so active, and stirring by my Friends in that House, as otherwise I should be, unless your Majesty, by his Grace's means, would be pleased to encourage me with your Royal Promise, to defend and protect me in your Service. If I might hear your Majesty say so much, I would venture then my Credit, and my Life, to manage what should be entrusted to me to the uttermost. After which he never brought me to your Majesty, nor any Message from you. Standing therefore upon these doubtful terms, unemploy'd in the Duties of my Place (which were now assigned over to my Lord Conway, and Sir J. Cook ) and left out of all Committees among the Lord's of the Council (which I know was never done by the direction of your Majesty, whoever conceived of me far above my Merit) and consequently fallen much in the Power, and Reputation due to my place, I durst not at this time, with any Safety, busy myself in the House of Commons, with any other than that measure of Zeal, which was expressed by the rest of the Lord's of the Privy-Council. Gracious and dread Sovereign, if this be not enough to clear me, let me perish.

19. The King was a Judge of Reason, and of Righteousness, and found so much in that Paper, that he dismissed him that presented it graciously for that time, his Destiny being removed two Months further off, though it was strongly urged, not to delay it for a day. But in St. Cyprian 's words, Nemo diu tutus est periculo proximus. About a Fortnight after, at Holdbery in New-forest, the Duke unfast'ned him utterly from the good Opinion of his Majesty, and at Plymouth, in the midst of September, obtained an irrevocable Sentence to deprive him of his Office. If the Queen could have stopped this Anger, he had not been removed: with whom he had no little Favor, by the Credit he had got with the chief Servants of her Nation, and by a Speech which took her Majesty very much, which he made unto her in May, upon her coming to White-hall, and in such French as he had studied, when he presented his Brethren the Bishops, and their Homage to her Majesty. His Friends of that Nation showed themselves so far, that Pere Berule, the Queen's Confessor, and not long after a Cardinal, was the first that advertis'd him, how my Lord-Duke had lifted him out of his Seat. 'It is custom to Toll a little before a Passing-bell ring out: and that shall be done in a Moral strode; as Chaucer calls it. Such as would know the true Impulsion unto this Change, shall err, if they draw it from anything, but the Spanish Negotiation. Not as if the Lord-Keeper had done any one, much less many ill Services, to the Duke, as one mistakes. For I take the Observator to be so just, that he would have done as much himself, if he had been in place. King James was sickuntil that Marriage was consummated; and died because he committed it to the Skill of an Emperick. The Keeper served the King's directions, rather than the cross ways of the Duke, which was never forgiven. Though the late Parliament had wrought wonders to the King's Content, as it gave him none, this innocent Person had received the Blow, which was aimed at him, before the Parliament sat. He bestirr'd him in the former King's Reign, to check the encroaching of the Commons, about impeaching the great Peers, and Officers of the Realm, which the Duke fomented in the Earl of Middlesex 's Case. Since that House began to be filled with some, that were like the turbulent Athenians, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Meursius, Ath. Attic. p. 79. It grieved him at the Heart, that more time was spent by far, to pluck up an honest Magistrate, than to plant good Laws. There was no Sin, I think, that he hated more, than that Epidemick violence, which he saw was come about, that the People extol'd them most, as it was once in the Days of Marius, that endeavor'd to thrust down the most noble Patricians. This is the right Abstract what was, and what was not the Cause of this Mutation.

20. There were yet other things, that did concur to precipitate his Downfall. First, My Lord of Buckingham 's honest Servants would say, that he gave their Master constantly the best Counsel: but that he was too robustious in pressing it. Vim temperatam Dii quoque provehunt in majus, Horat. lib. 3. Od. Well, I do not deny it. But the more stout in that Point, the more true, and cordial He that loses such a one, that comes to prop him up, who had rather offend him, than not save him, Navem perforat, in quâ ipse navigat, Cicer. pro Milone, he sinks the Bark, wherein himself fails. The Scythians were esteemed barbarous; but this is wise, and civil in them, as Lucian reports in his Toxaris, They have no wealth; but he is counted the richest Man, that hath most Friends. And that's a Friend, that will incur Anger, rather than leave his Friend to sooth himself in a Mischief. It had been well for the Duke, if his bold Friend had persuaded him to take that Counsel, which Christopher Thuanus gave to the Cardinal of Lorain, being in great Favor with Henry the 2d. of France, Si potentiam suam diuturnam cuperet, moderate eâ uteretur, & in politicá administratione leges regni conservaret; alioqui fore ut publicae invidiae impar, Procerum regni, & Nobilitatis contra se concitato odio, aliquando succumberet, Aug. Thua. An. 1568. Secondly, Some of the Lord's of the Council were willing to spare the Keeper, for that having a mighty standing Wardrobe of Reason, likely he bore down that side which he opposed. Why would not Plato endure Homer in his Utopia? because he was too great a Citizen for his City. And Aristotle. lib. 3. Polit. c. 4. Says the Argonautes were weary of Hercules, and dismissed him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , his main strength at the Oar was above his Fellows, his parts were unequal in supere minence. Nor did his Majesty like it well, that he would never give over, till he was Conqueror in the Argument that he held: and he ever held him to be too nimble, and versatile in his Discourses. For the Taste of that good King's Mind was much like to his Palate, he never loved Sauce with his Meat; nor Sharpness in his Counsels. He desired to see all his way before him, and not to be led through Windings, and Allies. Another King was of that Conceit, says, Thua. lib. 11. Franciscus magna ingenia suspect a habere coepit. Thirdly, The blaff that helped to blow down this Cedar, was the Breath of Obtreclators, and Tale bearers. Who are too much about great Men, as it may be said by Allusion from the 66 Psal. v. 3. After the vulgar Latin, For the Greatness of thy Power shall the People be found Liars unto thee. These were too thick about the Duke, and cherished with his Countenance, and Liberality. For Reward not Minstrils and you shall be sure to be rid of them. If any are loath to put Bishop Laud in this Number, I must either reform their Knowledge, or write against mine own. They are yet living that have heard it confessed by the Lord Buckingham 's Mother. And these words are in the Manuscript remembered before, Penn'd by Arch-Bishop Abbot, That the Countess of Buckingham told the Bishop of Lincoln, that St. David's was the Man that did undermine him with her Son, and would underwork any Man in the World, that himself might rise. St. David's saw no Man in the prospect of likelihood but this one, to carry the highest Miter from him. Interna crevit Roma Albae ruinis, as Livy says. Fourthly, my Lord-Duke was soon satiated with their Greatness, whom he had advanced. It was the inglorious Mark of those Thirteen Years of his Power to remove Officers. Which was like a sweeping Flood, that at every Spring-tide takes from one Land, and casts it upon another. In two Years of King Charles 's Reign, Williams, Lee, Conway, Suckling, Crow, Walter had their Top-sails pulled down by him: and if Sir Henry Yelverton had lived, not only Sir A. Welden writes it, but common Rumour nois'd it, that he had been promoted to the Place of the Lord Coventry. Which was very prejudicious to the true Discharge of those Dignities. As Theophrastus complains in Tully, Men were so short lived, that by the time they began to know the World, Death snatched them out of it: So a Magistrate can yield no great Fruit, that's plucked up before he be well rooted. Antonnius, called the Philosopher, provided better for that, as Capitolinus hath it, as he was wise in all his Government,

21. Still the Plot was busy against the Lord-Keeper, to displace him with some color of Charge. And the King being come to Salisbury in September with a full Court, it came to a Catastrophe. He that was hunted after, was at harbor at a House of the Lord Sand 's in Barkshire, five Miles from Windsor, called Foxly. Where he was surely informed, that after much sifting spent, after all that ever he did, since his high Promotion, the old Matter was renewed, how he stirred up those that lifted at the Duke at Oxford: which was urged with strange, and punctual Confidence; and was the weakest, and least grounded Surmise, that ever was hammer'd. Therefore it was supplied with another Objection: That at the same time and place he had abused the King with ill Counsel, advising him to veil his absolute Sovereignty too much, to a social Communication with his Subjects. Which being divulged, got him that was accused a strong Gale of popular Favor, did his Majesty no right and cast the Duke upon such a Shelf, as no High-tide could bring him off, while he lived. The Keeper hearing every day what Cavillations were fomented, and heard, to put him to blame and shame, found it in vain to coast the Season any longer, to have the Great-Seal tarry with him. Only resolved on the 21st. of September to prepare his way by his Pen, before he went to Salisbury, to salute the King's Ear with softness, and to show, that he did not despond, but that he was ready for a Justification, if he were called to answer. Which for all his Labor would hardly be believed. For all Treasure hid in the Ground is the Kings: But how will he find it? So all truth that concerns his Justice and Prosperity is his: But how will he know it? This Man is not the first that made it true, which Sidon. Apoll. observes, Lib. 3. Ep. 3. That it is dangerous serving of Kings in a near place: who are compared by him to fire, Qui sicut paululum à se remota illuminate, ita satis sibi admota comburit. It is a good Element or light and warmth, to those that stand aloof, but singeth that which comes too near it. Yet nothing venture, nothing have. One Arrow must be shot after another, though both be grast, and never found again. In aequo est amissio rei, & timor amittendi, says Seneca. Nay, he loseth more quiet of Mind, that looks every day to lose that which he loves, than in the Minute, when he is deprived of it. One says, When the Brunt is over, the Heart will recover. Time and long day will mitigate sad Accidents: 'tis a slow Medicine, but a sure one.

22. Now let the Letter to his Majesty be observed, which was his Harbinger.

Most gracious Sovereign, and my dear Master,

WHile I spare myself at home for a few days, to be quite rid of an Ague, which I brought from Southampton, I do humbly crave your Majesty's Pardon, to make my Address in these Lines, which I will contract to so narrow a room as the Matter will possibly give me leave. First, as touching the Information of the Access I should give at Oxford, to those dangerous Persons of the House of Commons, which your Majesly was pleased most graciously to intimate unto me at Woodstock (for which Goodness I am obliged to serve you faithfully and industriously as long as I live, and am able, and to pray for you, when I can do no more) as I remonstrated before, so I vow again to Almighty God; I never spake directly or indirectly to above three of them in my Life: nor to any one of them (that one time to Philip's excepted, with the Privity, and as I hoped, for the Service of my Lord-Duke) during the Continuance of the Sitting at Oxford. Were it otherwise, it were impossible in a Family of Sixty Persons, as mine was, to have it concealed. I add farther, That if it can be proved, that I let fall the least word to any Person of the one, or other House, opposite to any known, or revealed end of your Majesty's, I am content to remain guilty of whatever the Malice, or Suspicion of any Man shall suggest against me. Secondly, If I have offended your Majesty in that bumble Motion I made at Christ-Church, that your Majesty would say in your Speech unto the Parliament; that in your Actions of Importance, and in the Dispositions of what Sums of Monies your People should bestow upon you, you would take the Advice of a settled, and a constant Council, I do humbly submit myself to your Royal Judgment therein, and do beg your gracious Pardon, for anything I said amiss in matter, or manner. But I take God in Heaven to witness, I had no aim at all to draw your Majesty to asperse thereby either the times past (for that was now past all Counsel) or the time present: for your Majesty is but entered into your Reign: Or to admonish your Majesty, for I take God to witness, I held it no ways necessary: but did, and do believe, it is your absolute Resolution to govern by Council. And much less was it to make you go less in your Power. For many Kings in Parliament have said as much, Se actumo majora negotia per assensum Magnatum de Conciliis, who intended not to turn Dukes of Venice, but (as they proved indeed) great and mighty Monarchs at home, and abroad. But my only aim was (as I shall answer it at the last day) to save my Lord of Buckingham from those Invectives in this kind, which I saw falling upon hi •• , and to dispose the Commons, by that Clause of your Majesty's Speech, to a short, and a giving Session. If I had not been free herein from all Sinister ends, I had never dealt so earnestly with my Lord-Duke the night before, that he himself would be pleased to move it to your Majesty. Lastly, what Protestation I have made for your Majesty, I do now, before God and you, make the like for my Lord-Duke's Service, a Person so much, and so deservedly favor'd by your Majesty, that I have not run any way at all with any Person of the one, or the other House, for the stirring, fomet ing, or countenancing of any Accusation, Aspersion, or other disservice whatsoever against his Lordship, either in the first, or the second Access of this last sitting. Nor have I ever wished his Grace anymore hurt, than to my own Soul, from that very hour your Majesty's most blessed Father sent me unto his Grace at Royston, to this very instant. And this I avow to be true, as I desire to find Favor from God, and my King. I write unto your Majesty under these Protestations to give your Majesty only) not any Man else) all fitting satisfaction, to whose Goodness I confess myself inexpressibly bound. Les me not, I beseech your Majesty, in point of Justice lose your Favor, upon groundless Suspicious of other M n, who may themselves hereafter be better informed: But let me stand, or fall upon year Majesty; own Knowledge derived from the Information of indifferent, and dis-interossed Persons; upon which I will most willingly, and thankfully repose my part in your Favor, and mine own Happiness. In Confidence whereof I cast myself at your Majesty's Feet, &c.

23. This came to Salisbury, and was shewn to my Lord-Duke: which put his Cabinet to meet together again. And 'twas a notable Shift which came into their Heads, and wrought upon the King's Judgment, as that which had likelihood of Reason. Which was thus, that as the Keeper had been complained of, so he should be charged home with his own Words; nay, with his own Letters: But none durst accuse him, till he was out of his Greatness. Upon the Expiration of that, the Proofs should be brought in: who coming about the first Week in October to Salisbury, and hearing this, told such, as were desired to carry it to the King, and the great Lord, that he would not sly the Tilt, nor start from any color of Accusation. That the World would see how preposterous it was first to punish, and then to bring to Judgment. Multis minatur, qui uni facit injuriam. The wrong that was done to one Man, would affright all others with that Oppression. What Lord, or Gentleman in England, that had Place and Means, would think himself safe upon the Example of such Proceedings? From the hour that the Keeper committed this Message to trusty Friends to deliver it, the Gorgen 's Head had a Veil drawn before it, and it never confronted him either at the Council-Table, or in any Court of Justice, but was laid still forever. Yet was not a jot the better for it. The Suspicion was smothered, and yet lived, and wrought as much to his prejudice, as if he had been tried before the Court of Areopagites, and convicted by their Verdict. Only this Happiness did live with him, and doth survive him, that such as have no Interest in it, but the discovery of Truth, do see, it was Crimen sine accusatore, Sententia sine Concilio, damnatio sine defensione, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem. He that was degraded without hearing, Trial, Proof, Witness, Judges, is overthrown by Calumny, not by Accusation. For Accusation admits a fair, and a legal Process: Calumny is believed without a Contestation. After this, it was not long before some quick Eye espied a way to execute the King's Resolution, for divesting the Party of his honorable Place, but with such Moderation, as would load him with no impeachment of his Service, but barely recalling the Great-Seal from his Custody, because it was committed to him at first upon triennial Trust, and no longer. Which was no unwonted Revocation, says the great, and learned Luminary of Records, Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary upon the word Cancellarius, Non perpetuus olim fuit honor, sed triennalis, vel quadriennalis. This device struck the Tally for all Debts, and Claims: and left the loser a more light Heart, though he parted with a heavy Purse. For he took his farewell without the least Charge of Trespass, or Miscarriage: he was cast down, but fell not in the Dirt. Sua vulnera ridet— Germanam comitata fidem, as Pruden. in Psychom. upon the Persecuted Church. Yet, though nothing was altered in him to appearance, when he was doomed to resign his Office with such a plausible Dismission, pruning away the Circumstances of it, I cannot see how the substance of the Act could choose but displease him. For whether it come from a white, or a black Whip, the Wound will be blew. The Transactions, with which all that remained were wound up, were first between the Lord Conway, and the Lord-Keeper: Lastly, with his Majesty, if they belong, let him skip them, that doth not like them. He that would satisfy Posterity, knows not how to leave them out. And it will be worth the noting, to learn from a wise Man, how to manage a broken Fortune. One of the first things that Comines praises in King Lewis his Master is, Optimorationem tenebat ex adversis rebus eluctandi. To be fallen into great disfavour, and yet to come off with no blot of Credit, proves him that could do it a great Master in State-wisdom. A Boat-swain will tell you, That a rotten Ship had need of a good Pilot.

On the 15th. of October the Lord Conway came to the Lord-Keeper's Lodgings in Salisbury, and began thus:

My Lord, His Majesty, some four days ago, gave me a Command to deliver a Message unto you, the which because it was sharp, and there might be occasion for change of Councils, I forbore to deliver till this Morning. That is, That his Majesty understanding that his Father, who is with God, had taken a Resolution, that the Keepers of the Great-Seal of England should continue but from three Years to three Years, and approving very well thereof, and resolved to observe the Order during his own Reign, he expects that you should surrender up the Seal by Allhallowtide next, alleging no other cause thereof. And that withal, that having so done, you should retire yourself to your Bishopric of Lincoln.

Answer.

I am his Majesty's most humble Servant and Vassal, to be commanded by him in all things whatsoever: The Great-Seal is his Majesty's. And I will be ready to deliver up the same to any Man, that his Majesty shall send with his Warrant to require it. And do heartily thank God, and his Majesty, that his calling for the Seal is upon no other ground.
(No indeed, said Mr. Secretary, no other ground that I know.)
Only this last Clause seemeth strange unto me, that I should be restrained to my Bishopric, or any place else. And I humbly appeal to his Majesty's Grace, and Favor therein. Because it is no fault in me that his Majesty or his Father, hath made such a Resolution: Nor do I dispute against it; although the King that dead is continued me in the Place after the three Years ended: and the King that now is delivered me the Seal without any Condition, or limitation of Time. And therefore deserving no restraint, I humbly desire to be left to my discretion, which I will so use, as shall be no way offensive to his Majesty.
Lord Conway.
I conceive it not to be a restraint, but to mount in effect, that his Majesty intends not to employ you at the Table, but leaves you free to go to your Bishopric.
Answer.
My Lord, I desire your favorable Intercession for an Explanation of that Point. And I beseech your Lordship to move his Majesty, that I may attend upon him (considering there is no offense laid to my charge) to present unto his Majesty two humble Petitions, nothing concerning this business in hand, but in general, the one concerning my Reputation, and the other my maintenance.
Lord Conway.
I shall move his Majesty in the best Fashion I can, for your content therein.
Answer.
I thank your Lordship, and I doubt not of it: and the rather because I vow before God I am not guilty of the least Offence against his Majesty, and am ready to make it good upon my Life. And I make the like Protestation for any unworthiness done against the Duke: whose Hand peradventure may be in this Business.
Lord Conway.
I am ever ready to do good Offices: and if my Lord of Middlesex had been persuaded by me, I believe I had saved him: I am the Duke's Servant, but no Instrument of his to destroy Men. My Lord, I being latly demanded by a great Personage, if it were true, that your Lord was guilty of such unworthy Practices towards the Duke, I answered plainly, I knew of no such things.
For which my Lord Conway having received due Thanks from me, he repeated my Answers, and my Petition to the King in few words, that he might not be mistaken. At the parting, my Lord Conway spake about the time of Resignation. I said it was all one to me, if it were before Christmas, as good soon as late. Then I asked his Lordship if I was restrained from the Board before the delivering of the Seal: His Lordship answered, He knew of no such Intent.

25. October 16. Waiting on his Majesty by my Duty and Place to go to Church, my Lord Conway told me, He was now for me: I thank'd him, and past on to the Church, heard the Sermon, and at the Anthem after Sermon, desired him to tell me my Answer. He said, Well, do you long for it? And so we went on to the upper-end of the Choir, and said to this effect. This Morning entering into our dispatches with his Majesty, I desired him to stay a while, that I might relate your Answer to him: I told his Majesty, that you yielded to his Command with all possible Obedience: that you said the King remanded but his own, which you were very willing, and ready to restore. That for the Condition of three Years you would not dispute against it: being a way, that once you had yourself recommended to the late King his Father. But for the Clause of retiring to your Bishopric (which seemed to be a restraint, and no cause of Offence expressed) it wounded you much: and you sent it back to his Majesty's Consideration. Then I acquainted his Majesty with your Lordship's desire, to wait upon him, and to present his Majesty, without touching upon things settled and resolved, two Petitions; the one concerning your Reputation, the other concerning your Estate. His Majesty said, for the first, which is your retiring, he meant no restraint of Place: but for some Questions that might be renewed, and for some Considerations known to himself, he intended not to use your Service at the Council-Table for a while, until his Pleasure should be further known. And for your Estate, you had no Wife, and Children. You had a Bishopric; and his Father, to help you to bear the Dignity of your Office, gave you leave to hold the Deanry. His Majesty intended not to debar you of any of these, until he should provide you of a better. But he was content to admit you to speak with him when you pleased, so as you endeavor'd not to unsettle the former Resolutions. I gave his Lordship hearty thanks for his friendly, and faithful Carriage of my Petitions, and speedy return of an Answer, and assured his Lordship it was as much Favor from him, as I could expect, or desire. Then I took occasion to kneel afterward, and thank'd his Majesty for his gracious Message sent by my Lord, who presently told my Lord Conway of it, and my Lord told me of it again. And that the King left it to me, when between this and Allhallowtide to deliver the Seal: which he desired for the manner to be done most to my Content, and Reputation: and to have some time to send for him that was to succeed. I answered I was ready whenever his Majesty would send his Warrant. Which my Lord desired I would draw up; and so we parted.

26. I sent upon Tuesday the 18th. of October, to desire leave to speak with the King, and Mr. Tho. Cary sent me word, his Majesty would speak with me the next Morning. But after Sermon the King told my Lord Conway what I had done, and was in a long, and serious Discourse with him. Then my Lord Conway (the King being gone to dinner) followed me into the Cloister, and told me what the King had told him: And that he conceived his Majesty was afraid, that I would press him to yield Reasons of those two Acts of his, the removing me from the Seal, and my abstaining from the Board. That his Lordship found the King much troubled thereat: and as a Friend, nay as a Christian man, he advised me by way of Counsel, not to do so: because it would much perplex the King, and do me no good. I answered, That I should falsify my Word to his Lordship, if I should speak unto his Majesty upon any other Points, than those of my Reputation, and Means. And should not come near those forbidden Rocks, unless it were in one Point, which I did intend to move, but with his Lordship's Approbation: and that was to preserve as much the Honoar of the King, as mine own, that for the manner of wishing my forbearance for a time from the Council-Board, his Majesty laying nothing to my Charge, would not be pleased to lay it as a Command by his Secretary, but leave it to my Discretion, who would be sure to use the matter, as to give his Majesty no Offence. That the rest of the Points were matters of means, which I repeated to my Lord Conway one by one. And his Lordship said, He thought verily the King would grant them everyone. And his Lordship telling me again of his fear of the King's Offence, if I should endeavor to unsettle his Resolution, and that the King might fall sharp upon me, I answered, That his Lordship knew I had neglected the time to wrangle with the King, which should have been done upon the first message: Against which I had two unanswerable Objections. The first, that the King that dead is, released me of the Restraint to three Years in my Office, and continued me in the Place four Years. The second, that the King my Master delivered me the Seal as absolutely, as his Predecessors did to other Keepers, and Chancellors, without reviving or mentioning any such Condition. But that I had waved of all Objections, and submitted at the first word to relinquish my Place. And for sharpness, or the like word, which passed from his Lordship on Sunday last, or that the King wisht my absence from the Board, lest Matters might be further questioned (his Lordship said he remembered it not) I said, Nec timeo, nec opto, it was a thing I did neither fear like a guilty Man, nor rashly desire like a vain-glorious Man. But my wishes were to retire to the Country, as without a Charge, by the King's own Confession, so, as near as may be, without any punishment: which concerned the King in Honor, I thought, as much as it did me. For God never destroys his Creature, but for some Sin. And if his Majesty did think the losing of my Place did disquiet me, to give him satisfaction, I vowed, and protested it did not: which my Lord-Duke also had under my hand. And that with his Majesty's leave and favor, and some consideration had of my Fortunes, I was willing to leave the Seal. Only I expected I should remain a Counselor, though' lest to my discretion, when to attend, and be respected by the Lord's from time time, as a Member of the Board. My Lord said, He conceived it no otherwise, and that I might promise myself all respect from that Table, and his Majesty in that kind. Then said I, my Lord, There remains no more, but that I show a Letter to your Lordship written to his Majesty, if you like it, which shall speak all my mind, because I will be utterly silent, when I come at Evening before his Majesty, save in preferring my Petitions, in which your Lordship did encourage me: Which Letter in the Copy his Lordship read over, and carried the Authentic with him. And so we parted.

27. After Dinner his Majesty took the Letter, and read that which followeth:

Most gracious Sovereign,

HAving done your blessed Father the best Service I was able while he lived (I am sure such as was acceptable to him) and some good Service at his Death; and being now fitted with a great deal of Industry, to do some Service to your Majesty in your great Affairs, yet it is your Royal Pleasure to displace me, not for any Crime or Unserviceableness, but to satisfy the Importunity of a great Lord. But I am ready with all Submission to bow myself to the Pleasure of God and my King. It is in your Majesty's Power to say to me your Vassal, as a Greek Emperor did to an Arch-bishop, Ego te Furne condidi, ego te destruam. I cast myself down at your Majesty's Feet, and do render your Majesty my inexpressible Thanks, that it hath pleased your Majesty to discharge me of this great Place, without giving me any cause at all to use an Apology. Yet being still haunted with the old Aspersions in Court (the which were they true in any part, would fret, and tear my Soul in pieces) give me leave, dread Sovereign, to make this last protestation, in the sight of that God, who must judge you, and my Accusers (if any such there be) another day, that in all my Carriage in the last Parliament I am not guilty in Thought, Word, or Deed, of any one Act, Advice, Speech, or Counsel disserviceable to your Majesty, or any way diverting that end, which your Majesty proposed unto us concerning that Assembly. Upon the same protestation I likewise avow before God, and your Majesty, that I am not conscious of the least Unfaithfulness against my Lord-Duke, by way of insinuating, encouraging, or abetting any one Clamour, or Aspersion against his Grace, or by omitting any one friendly Word or Action upon any opportunity I found to do him Service. Your Majesty can tell how I put my Life into his Hand and Power above a Year since in the Business of the Spanish Ambassadors. And what Plot could I have against his Grace in the Meeting at Oxford, when I opposed it at Hampton-Court, and Ricot, and would have had it put off at Woodstock? That I am as mere a Stranger, as any Lord that serves your Majesty, to all those disaffected Persons that appeared so opposite to your Royal ends in the House of Commons. That I never spake in all my Life with any of them (excepting one, and at one time only, and that by Order and Commission) concerning any Parliamentary-business whatsoever. That I am content, if at any time admitted to my Answer, I shall be sufficiently convicted in any of these Premises, or any other Particular included under any of these, to renounce your Majesty's Favor as long as I live, and (which is the only Hell upon Earth to me) never look on your face again. But if all these Informations against a poor Bishop, that so served your Father in his Life, and at his Death, be grounded only upon Suspicion, Malice, or Misapprehension, and be cried down (as they needs must be) by all the Members of the one, and the other House, pity me, dread Sovereign, and let me retire with the comfortable Assurance of your Majesty's Favor, that I may spend my days quietly in the Service of my God, in serving whom, as I resolve to do, I shall never fail to serve your Majesty, whom God Almighty prosper with all Success in this World, and with all Happiness, and eternal Glory in that to come.

28. The Letter being read, He was called for to the King immediately and had access to make his Petitions. His Requests were just, modest, and suitable to his Condition: and the King's Answers Princely and Prudent. The Petitioner asked first for his Majesty's Grace and Favor in general. His Majesty granted it, and gave him twice his Hand to kiss. 2. The Petitioner humbly thanking his Majesty for his gracious Promise, to take away none of his Church-Preferments, till he had given better in lieu thereof, besought his Majesty to keep the same benevolent Mind towards him: The King said, It was his Intention. 3. The Petitioner besought his Majesty to remember his Father's Promise, made before all the Lord's, that whensoever he took away the Seal, he would place me in as good a Bishopric, or Arch-Bishopric, as he could: a Promise not only seconded, but drawn from your Father first by your Majesty. The King said, There was no such Place yet void: when any fell then it would be time to make this Request unto him, 4. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would dismiss him freely and absolutely without any Command from the Table, but to leave it to his discretion to forbear: The King said, He ever intended it so, and never said a word to the contrary, but expected he would not offend by voluntary Intrusion. 5. The Petitioner besought that his Majesty would declare unto the Lord's, that he had willingly, and readily yielded to his Majesty's Pleasure, and that I part in your Favor and good Opinion, and am still your Servant. The King said, He would, but says he, I look that no Petitions be made for you by any Man at that time, but only for my Favor in general. 6. The Petitioner besought that his Majesty, in his good time would make his Atonement with my Lord-Duke, either upon, or without Examination of those Informations, which the Lord-Duke had received against him. The King said, It became not him, a King, to take up the Quarrels between his Subjects: And that the Duke had never expressed any such Enmity against him before his Majesty. The Petitioner thank'd his Majesty for the last part of the Answer, which revived him not a little, as did a short Letter lately received from the Countess, his Grace's Mother, which he besought the King to read, and 'twas this.

Noble Lord,

I Must not forget my Promise to your Lordship: I have had large Conference with my Son about you. And he tells me that the King is determined to put another into your Place. But for his own part he 〈◊〉 he is in Love, and Charity with your Lordship: And that he thinks your Lordship 〈◊〉 leave the Place better than you found it; and that you have done the King good 〈◊〉 in it. For the rest I shall give you better Satisfaction when I see you next, than I 〈◊〉 do by Letter. In the mean time, I am sorry there should be any unkindness betwixt your Lordship, and him that is so near to me, and that wisheth you both so well,

Mar. Buckingham.

Burleigh, Octob. 12.

The Petitioner went on, and besought, that whereas, by the King his Father's direction, he had bought a Pension, no new one, but the fame that was paid to Viscount Wallingford, of 2000 Marks per Annum, and had disbursed 3000 l. down for it, with which his Majesty was acquainted, and liked it, that his Majesty would be pleased, either to buy the Pension of him for the Sum laid out, and extinguish it: or to assign it to be paid him out of the Tenths and Subsidies of the Bishopric, as before he had appointment to receive it out of the Hamper. The King said, Assignments were naught, but he would take order with his Treasurer, either to pay it, or buy it, as should be found most convenient. 8. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would please to bestow the next Prebend in Westminster, that was void, upon his Library-keeper, as his Father had promised, or to let him resume his Books again. The King said, it was full of Reason. 9. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would please to ratify a Grant made by his Father of four Advousons to St. John 's College in Cambridge, whereof two he had bought with his Money, and two the King gave him for the good of that Society. The King said, He would ratify the Grant, and give way to amend any Errors in the Form, or in the Passing. 10. The Petitioner besought, that he might have leave to retire to a little Lodge lent to him by the Lord Sandys, where my Lord Conway may receive the Seal, when his Majesty commanded it, in his Journey towards Windsor. The King granted it. Lastly, The Petitioner besought, that the King would not be offended at him, if upon his discharge, reports were made that he was discontented, which he protested he was not, giving over so comfortably in his Majesty's Favor. The King said, He would do him that Justice, and that he little valued Reports: And, with a sweet Countenance, gave him his Hand to kiss with a gracious Valediction.

29. Poets use to have quaint Allusions in their Fictions: as when they tell us, that Pallas struck Tiresias blind, but gave him a Staff to walk with, Quo veluti duce vestigiis inoffensis graderetur, Politia. Miscel. p. 80. So the King had set the Keeper but a Week's Period to keep his Office, but gave him good words to carry him merrily home. And certainly his Majesty meant real Performance of all his Answers, both because, he limited them so warily, in all his Concessions; and because, if he were left to himself, he loved to keep his Word. For he was observed in all his Reign, that he seldom trod awry, but by mistrusting his own Judgment, and falling from it for their Perswasions, that came short of him a great deal in Wit, and Honesty. It was an Error: For a King should appear in that Magnitude, that no Man should expect to deceive him, or remove him from his Sentence. If he be too passive, he will be counted, at the best, but in the middle Rank of Men: who should not be contented with mediocrity of Reputation. For a Prince that is not valued for great, and excellent, will be contemned. Yet blame not that which came not from Sin, but from Softness. And say of his Majesly, as Eudaeus did of his Master Francis the first, Vir ad omnia summa natus: dignusque qui su e naturae magis, quàm hiantibus aliorum cupiditatibus indulgeret. The forlorn Keeper felt the Heaviness of this Lightness, who thought he had obtained much: but (excepting the four Advousons confirmed to St. John 's College) he mist all that he sought for, and expected. After he had lest Salisbury (which was the next day) he could never receive a Farthing of his Pension, nor bring it to an Audit, to his dying day. Was it not a Debt? True: But it must be forborne to be paid, because he did not want it. Must the Rich, if they ask their own, be sent empty away? A Rule for none but the Conscience of a Leveller. But I press it for him, that he wanted it, and more than it, to do Works of Piety and Bravery: to do Works of Splendor and Bounty; which was all the Use that he knew to be made of Wealth. As all is superfluous in a burning Candle, but that which the Snuff sucks up to maintain the Light: So the Life of every Man, especially of a temperate Man, is maintained with little: What should he covet more, than so much as will keep his Lamp in burning? Nor was the King's Scepter after that day held out to beckon to him, to come towards his Majesty. The Favor of a Prince is seldom found again when it is lost; like Plautus his Captive Maid, Semel fugiendi si data est occasi , nunquam post illam possis prendere; if she take her to her Heels, and be gone, she will run away so far, that she will never be taken. The Attendants about a King are in the fault for this. Who will grow Strangers, and worse of a sudden to those that were lately in their Bosom, if a King send them off with disgrace. A cashiered Courtier is an Almanac of the last Year, remembered by nothing but the great Eclipse. Look for gentle Strains, and Civilities among them, from the No •• es to the Huishers; but he that trusts to their Faith, and Friendship may go seek. That which this dismissed Lord did most pretend for, was to be called again, after some pause of time, to the Council-board. But he was utterly forgot: and his grief must be the less, because he was no Counselor in the Management of those Contrivances, which bred the Troubles, as 'tis thought, wherein the Kingdom miscarried: So he resolved not to offer his Presence, where he should be checked for appearing. It is sagely noted by Symmachus, Ep. p. 91. Qui excludi per improbos possimus, abesse interim velut ex nostro arbitrio debemus. Let it be my own act, says he, to refrain from the Imperial Palace, and let not haughty, and churlish Men have their Wills to exclude me. But before five days were run out, this relinquish'd Lord had intelligence, how the Duke talked so minaciously and loudly, that it made him throw all expectation of future Kindness over-board, into the dead Sea of Despair. Since this Disaster began, he was never courageous, and in good heart till then. Now, as Plato began, he was never courageous, and in good heart till then. Now, as Plato says of Socrates his Hemlock-Cup brought to him to drink it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he did not sip it, but carouse it off. So much doth it profit a Man towards a settled Mind, to let no false Comfort in, when he is in the darkness of Misery. Hermolaus Barbarus had many Troubles rushing in upon him, after he was made Patriarch of Aquileia: Whereupon he writes, Politia. Ep. p. 405. I am surrounded with Terrors, and Opposition: and I look for no better Times hereafter: which is the best, and only true Valour. Non est fortis, qui fortis est in spe: qui perfert mala, etiam si duratura viderit, fortis est. He that looks for better times, his Hope is his Compensation: but without Question it is too slack for Fortitude.

30. The Sun is now Setting. Upon the 25th. of October Sir John Suckling brought the Warrant from the King to receive the Seal; and the good News came together, very welcome to the Resignant, that Sir Thomas Coventry should have that Honor. From whom the Kingdom looked for much good, and found it. Between both those two Worthies in that Office, I may state the Comparison, as Quintilian hath done between Livy and Salust, Pares eos magis fuisse, quàm similes; rather Equals than altogether like in the Management of the Place. The Warrant under the Signet went thus.

Charles R.


TRusty and Well-beloved Counselor we greet you well:

You are to deliver, upon the Receipt hereof, our Great-Seal of England, whereof you are our Keeper, unto our Trusty and Well-beloved Counselor Sir John Suckling, Controuler of our Household, the Bearer hereof: And this shall be a sufficient Warrant unto you so to do.

Given under Our Signet at our Court at Salisbury, the 23d. of October, in the first Year of our Reign.

Which was instantly obeyed: And the Seal being put into a costly Cabinet, in Sir John Suckling 's Presence, the Key of the Cabinet was enclosed in a Letter, closed with the Episcopal Seal of Lincoln: The Copy whereof remains in these Words.

Most gracious, and most dread Sovereign,

HAving now no other Meditations left, than how to serve God and your Majesty in the Quality of a poor Bishop, I do humbly crave your Majesty's Favor in this last Paper, which I shall present to your Majesty in this kind, that I may president myself by two grave Bishops, St. Ambrose, and St. Chrysostom. In the former I find myself disposed for this Civil, as St. Ambrose was for his natural Death. Non ita vixi ut me vivere pudeat: nee mori timeo, quia bonum habemus Dominum. That as I have not lived in my Place so altogether unworthily, as to be ashamed to continue in the same: so am I not now perturb'd in the quitting of the same, because I know I have a good God, and a gracious Sovereign. For the other, I present this my last, and dying Request, in the very last Words of St. Chrysostom: Moriar ego, sed me mortuo vigeat ecclesia▪ Let me retire to my little Zoar, but let your Gracious Majesty be pleased to recommend ••• o my most able, and deserving Successor, an especial Care of your Church, and Church-men. To call upon the Judges, who (God's Name be praised) are ready enough to hear such Motions, to relieve the poor sort of Church-men, publicly affronted in their Persons by factious, and insolent Justices: or judicially wronged in their Causes by willful and partial Jurors. Likewise to entertain, and countenance their just Plaints in that great Court of Chancery, the which, of all the rest in Westminster-Hall, as not proceeding upon the Verdicts of Lay and Country Juries, hath been ever by those of my Coat held most equal, and indifferent. Also to mingle always some few of the Clergy of best Means, and Discretion in the Commission of the Peace: who with their very Presence, and sitting in that place, are a great Countenance to their poor Brethren. And withal to keep and preserve poor Ministers from the Oppressions of malicious Informers, in that great and chargeable Court of the Star-Chamber. Lastly, to afford all the Clergy of England that Solace and Relief, which his Lordship knoweth well they will expect from your Majesty, such a Son of such a Father. So may God make your Majesty more victorious than David, more wise than Solomon, and every way as good a King as your Majesty's blessed Father: It shall be the continual Prayer of,

Your Majesty's poor Subject and Chaplain, JO. LINCOLN.

Foxly, Octob 25.

This is the Dirge with which that Swan expired: Being careful of nothing, but that his poor Brethren might not be trampled upon over his back: especially those that served in Country Cures, among bad Pay-masters, and narrow-hearted, contentious Chuffs. So I have done with the ex-authorized Lord-Keeper, not fallen in his worth, or in himself, though fallen from a great Place. Be it justly ascribed to him, which Pliny doth to M. Cato, lib. 29. c. 1. Cujus autoritati triumphus, atque censura minimum conferunt, tanto plus in ipso est. There was enough in him still, to keep him as great as King James had made him.

31. The Subject which is now under the Quill is the Bishop of Lincoln. A few late Writers, who want the Polishing of Humanity, and the Meekness of Christianity, have done him high reproach in some Occurencies. They shall answer for it to God. I will only put this little Syrup into the Reader's Mouth, to take away the ill relish of those Defamations, that the Fire of Envy would have gone out by this time, but that there is a Pile of Virtue left behind, to keep it burning Yet even those Men have scarce given him a little scratch, or no more, anent his Episcopal Administration of his Diocese: He made that Office a good Work, 1 Tim. 3.1. Neither did he hold any Preeminence of Place, without an eminence of Worth, and Prudence. For four Years after his Consecration, he was not in Condition, through the great Burthen of other Employments, to appear among his Clergy. But it is well known to them that lived under his Charge in those days, that both Ministry, and Laity were greatly satisfied with his Government. For his Encouragements to the Best-deserving were very kind, his Dispatches were never intermitted, and his Directions strictly looked after, to be observed by those that were under him, in any part of his Jurisdiction. Yet to reach no further than Truth, from this time forward his Presence wrought more, than his Substitutes in his absence: his Light shined clearer, and the Influence of it was stronger, when he was six'd, and resident in his own Orb. As Columella commends it wittily to an Owner, to live upon his own Ground, if he would thrive; says he, Fimus optimus in agro est Domini vestigium: So the Vineyard of Christ in every part of it will prosper best, when the Vine-dresser himself doth walk about the Field. Or to go higher, as Moses said of the promised Land, Deut. 11.12. It is a Land which the Lord thy God cares for: the Eyes of the Lord thy God are always upon it, from the beginning of the Year, to the end: So it runs like a Verse set to the same Tune to say, that the Eye of God is all the Year long upon that Portion of his Church, where the Diocesan is not a Stranger, but a Co-habitant, or, if you will, a Companion with his Brethren. And the Bishop having now no more to do with civil Distractions, bethought him instantly of the Duty of his Pastoral Staff, made Provision for an Household, which attended him in a great Retinue, and removed from Barkshire, without touching at London, to Bugden in Hunting donshire. His Privacy at Foxly concealed his Double-diligence, to make haste to be gone, lest more Anger should shower upon him if he tarried. Wherein I espy into Salmasius his Note upon Solinus, p. 327. That a Lion never runs away fast from his Enemies, but when he hath got into a shady Wood, and cannot be seen: Ubi virgulta sylvasque penetravit, acerrimo cursu fertur, velut abscondente turpitudinem loco. Beside, he that felt the Frowns, or rather the Despight of the Court, by being near to it, knew it was wholesome to change Air, to be rid of that Disease, as well as Hippocrates prescribes it for the worst Symptoms of the Body, Aphor. 20. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , To go to a new Soil, is good to mitigate an old Sickness: No question but being lodged now in his Episcopal Palace, his most proper Watch-Tower, he found it best for the best Health, that of a quiet Mind, and a good Conscience. He was in the way to know himself better, when he was more alone to himself, than in late Years. He was at rest to make use of the Verse of a judicious Heathen,

Tacitum sylvas inter reptare salubres,
Curantem quicquid dignum sapiente, bonoque est.

He might now do, as well as know the meaning, what the Scriptures intend, when they say that Rulers go in, and out before the People. For how can they go out unto them, that are never in among them? Else they may be out, but never in. Here this History hath found him, and shall recount things most memorable that there concerned him, speaking after the rate of enough, and not a jot beyond it. This many, both Friends and Strangers to him, have desired often from the Author of this Piece to be informed in. And it is a quaint Rule which fell from Pliny, Lib. 35. c. 2. N. H. Nullum majus est felicitatis specimen, quàm omnes scire cupere, qualis fucrit aliquis. He is happy that hath lived so, that many desire to know how he lived. Into which everyone that looks, will like this Order to proceed by, to rank things praise-worthy on the right-hand, as it were, by themselves; and all things on the other hand, which fell upon him by malevolent, and vexatious Accidents. Many of the one sort, and the other were coincident in time, yet it is no error to part them in the Relation, because they are distinct in Condition. His Virtues were ever in motion; and so were his Crosses. For the first he was not exalted in Mind, because he knew they were the Gifts of God: For the second he was not dejected, for he knew they were the Trials of God. Joseph 's party-color'd Coat might portend many. Changes in his Life; but it was an Ornament; and he woe e it with distinction from his Brethren, because his Father loved him.

32. I open the Door now to let the Bishop in to his Exchange. He came to his Seat of Bugden at disadvantage, in the Winter. And Winter cannot be more miry in any Coast of England, than it is round about it. He found an House nothing to his content to entertain him. 'Twas large enough, but rude, waste, untrimm'd, and, in much of the outward Dress, like the grange of a Farmer. From the time of his Predecessor, Dr. Russel, that was Lord Chancellor of England, and sat there in the Days of Edward the Fourth, and laid out much upon that place, none that followed him, no not Splendian Woolsey, did give it any new Addition: but rather suffered it to be overgrown with the Decays of an ill-favor'd Antiquity. This Bishop did Wonders in a short time, with the Will of a liberal Man, and the Wit of a good Surveyor: For, in the space of one Year, with many Hands, and good Pay, he turned a ruinous thing into a stately Mansion. The out Houses, by which all strangers past, were the greatest Eye-sore; these he plucked down to the Ground, and re-edified with convenient Beauty, as well for use, as uniformity. These were Stables, Barns, Granaries, Houses for Doves, Brewing, and Dairies: And the outward Courts, which were next them, he cast into fair Allies, and Grass-plats. Within Doors the Cloisters were the trimmest part of his Reparations: the Windows of the Square beautified with Stories of color'd Glass; the Pavement laid smooth and new: and the Walls on every side hung with Pieces of exquisite Workmen in Limning, collected and provided long before. The like, and better was done for the Chapel in all these Circumstances; and with as much cost as it was capable of: For the over-sight from the beginning was, that it was the only Room in the House that was too little. He planted Woods, the Trees in many places devised by him into Ranks and Proportions: But Woods are the most needful Supplies for Posterity, and the most neglected. He fenced the Park, and stored it with Deer. He provided for good Husbandry, and bought in the Leases of the Demeasnes, for them that would stock the Grounds; which improvidently, and for hunger of Monies, were let out to the very Gates. And though Aristotle 4th. Eth. say of a magnificent Man, that he is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , costly upon himself: yet here was one of that Quality, that laid out much for his own Delight, and Satisfaction. He loved stirring and walking, which he used two hours or more, every day in the open Air, if the Weather served: Especially if he might go to and fro, where good Scents, and Works of well-formed Shape were about him. But that this was his innocent Recreation, it would amount to an Error, that he should bury so much Money in Gardens, Arbors, Orchards, Pools for Water-fowls, and for Fish of all variety, with a Walk raised three Foot from the Ground, of about a Mile in compass, shaded and covered on each side with Trees, and Pales. He that reports this knows best, that all the Nurseries about London for fair Flowers, and choice Fruits were ransack'd to furnish him. Alcinous, if he had lived at Bugden, could not have lived better. And all this, take it together, might have stood to become five Ages after his Reparation. But what is there that appears now; or what remains of all this Cost and Beauty? All is dissipated, defaced, plucked to pieces to pay it, I mean for them that sing with grace in their hearts to the Lord, Colos. 3.16. First, Well-tuned Music was intermingled in the Liturgy of Prayers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says Basil; Notions of Piety will sink further into the Mind, through delightful warbling; and a Lesson so pleasantly delivered, lodgeth surer in the Memory. Therefore the Agathyrsians, in Plato 's days, put their Laws into Songs, to prevent it in every Plebeian, that he might not forget them. Secondly, It must be very profitable to sing some part of holy Service, Quia cantans diutius super codem moratur, says Aquinas, 2.2. Qu. 91. Art. 2. the Understanding dwells the longer upon all that it pronounceth, and knows that best, which it rehearseth with leisure and distinction. Nihil in transeursu oportet à Dris petere. It is one of Numas 's Laws in Plutarch, and none of the worst of them; not to run over Prayers in haste, as a Bowl tumbles down a Hill, but with pause, and sober deliberation. Thirdly, all that love to have Church-work done with some of those holy Carols, appeal to experience, that they feel them now with a full Tide into their Heart sooner than plain reading. Aristotle in his 19 Probl. gives the Cause, why there is no Impression from Odours upon the Passions of the Mind, and but little from Colours, because the Objects of those Senses are conveyed into the Fancy without stirring, or agitation: but there is a great Consent between the Music, and the Spirits, because so much Motion concurs with the Harmony: how then shall the Affections be unstirr'd, when God is praised by Asaph, and the Choir? Will not the Heart be more passionate, when it applies itself to God in such tunable Solemnity, than by that which is uttered in the vulgar Mode of Elocution? Fourthly, David requires it of the Saints, to make a cheerful Noise to the God of Jacob. This is the use of Anthems, to make us merry, and joyful before the Lord. Can Flutes and Trumpets inspire a Resolution into the Breast of Soldiers? Or why do they carry them to Battle? Did Cornets, and other Wind-instruments animate the robustious Greeks, to stand out their Games with a Courage more than Manly? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Arist. lib. 8. Polit. c. 5. It cannot be denied, says that Philosopher, but such Music comforted them in their Conflicts, as if it had been an Enthusiasm. Turn it into a Church-way among good Christians, and will it not have alike Operation there? Will not a skillful Hymn made to God, enliven and penetrate as far to a Heavenly end, as other Minstrilsie had its effect in civil Applications? But this Seraphical Devotion is shut out of doors, and more than this, (O Lord thou seest it) until he open the Way again, who hath the Key of David.

34. Some will not be brought to like this, and some of later growth cannot easily be brought to understand it; it being hard for them to miss that, which they never knew. But in those days, when God was so worship'd, the Concourse was great that came to the Bishop's Chapel for Devotions. So he had more Guests at his Table of generous and noble Extraction, than any Prelate in a long Memory before; for the Music of his great Chamber, which did feed, and relieve the Ear, was sought unto, more than the Cheer which was prepared for the Belly. A Bishop, say the Scriptures, must be a Lover of Hospitality: and so said Melito, the ancient Bishop of Sardis, who wrote a Book, Entituled, For Episcopal Hospitality, Euseb. lib. 4. c. 25. To which there was no need to exhort our Bishop. Mr. IV. S. that gives him not a good word beside in his History; allows him to be laudable in this. Bugden is a Thorough-fare into the great Counties of Lincoln, and York; whose Nobles and Gentry, with their Retinues, called in at that Palace in their Passage, and found a sumptuous Table, and a Cellar free, if not too open. The House, as great as it was, was likely well sill'd. The Master of it delighted not in Solitude: for he loved not to save Charges. Beside such Passengers, he seldom sat to Meat without some of the Clergy, commonly a Coovy. The very Yeamanry of Fashion of the adjacent Towns were welcome, not only to his Hall, but to his Board. And though the Resort was such, yet he lived in that Order and Method, that his more serious thoughts were seldom interrupted with Domestic Affairs. The Poor were sharers in this Hospitality, more than any for their number, with whom he desired to divide the Goods of the Earth, that he might divide with them the Joys of Heaven. Aeque pauperibus prodest, locupletibus aeque, Horat. He hath been heard to say, that he would spend his own, while he had it: for he thought his Rivals would not always let him enjoy it. As the Athenians making merry with their Story, when Xerxes led his Army against them, would talk in a Frolick, that the Medes should not eat up this. Many thought a great Debt would grow upon him for his wasting. But he was too wise to need another to audit his Estate for him. The Spaniard hath a pretty Refrain, Mas save el loco en su casa, que el guerdo in casa axeno: A Fool knows more in his own House, than a wise Man in another's. But here was one whose Providence held up his Bounty. He run out far: but he knew where to stop; as he that takes a strong Purge, repairs it with a Cordial. Circumstances in some things are as much as Substance: every whit as much, nay more than the half of Hospitality. Some will have the Praise of the Entertainer to begin from the Chearfulness of the Countenance. Ante omnia v ltus—Accessere boni, Lib. 8. Metamor. of Philemon and Baucis, wherein the Bishop had as singular Grace: A 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his Person, a grave and a smiling Garb compounded together, to being Strangers into liking of their Welcome. The Honorable and the Mean had that share of Courtesie which belonged unto them. Well expressed by Aemilius Probus, in the Character of Pom. Atticus, Hic Athenis sic se gerebat, ut communis infimis, par principibus videretur. Chearfulness at the Threshold must continue with pleasantness to the parting, or else a Guest doth penance: Wherein the Bishop won greatly upon all that he received. He demonstrated that his Mind was the lighter, because his Friends were about him: and his facetious Wit was true to him at those Seasons, because his Heart was true to his Company. If neat Apophthegms, and sallies of Ingenuity deserved to be book'd, his would have made an elegant Cluster. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says Eunapius in his Proem: the Sports that drop from Virtue are observable.

35. These are Conditions looked for in every discreet Man. A great deal more is required in the Hospitality of a Bishop. Possidonius says of St. Austin, Anagnosten admensam adhibuit. So at this Table a Chorister read a Chapter in the English Translation at Dinner, and one of his Gentlemen another in the Latin Translation at Supper. For there was none of them but was bred at least to so much Learning. After that, Discourse took up the time: which was the Bishop's delight, and the Hearer's profit. It is the chief end of repast with Friends. Propter Sermons de lectationem tempestivis convivits delector. Cicer. de Senect. Let dumb Beasts hold their Heads in the Crib: But Man, that is a rational Creature, should be a rational Feeder: Herein the Bishop excel'd himself. For none could give better content in Discourse to all that sat with him at Meat. As Symmachus said of the like, coming from a learned Man's Mouth, Lib. 2. Ep. 6. Nihil quod non meum vellem, nibil quod non admirarer audivi. The old Fathers said the same things, or that which was like the same things in their Colloquies. He could make himself all things to all Men, and close with all sorts, according to their Argument, and Capacity. If a Barly-corn were fitter for some than a Pearl, he would scrape it out for them. Where it was vain to sound the shallowness of some with a deep Line, he instructed them with Perspicuity, after their own measure. But when he had the Society of them, that were of good Reading, and strong Notions, he would propose, and hear, and reply, and canvass a Question with that Reason, and Instances of Antiquity, yet with such a Gust of Hilarity, that he contented all with his Judgment, and endeared them to him with his Civility. Far more might be said than this to his praise: but it is better to supply it with Admiration. And because his Breasts were full, and had need to be drawn: the choicest, and most able of both Universities came thick unto him; as Erasmus in an Epistle to Sixtinus, p. 140. writes of some learned Men, that invited themselves to a Meal with him, Ejusmodi homines, qui Academiam possint facere, non modo convivium: So such company was often about the Bishop, as made Bugden look like an Academy, and the Cheer like a Commencement. None could reach himself out with more Humanity to please them all, unless any thought it troublesome, as I think they did not, that he continued Discourse till Midnight, or after. From Cambridge, that being so near, and he so hospital, he was daily visited. But when Dr. Ward, and Dr. Brownrigg (now the Right Reverend Bishop of Exon ) came to do him Honor with their observance, it was an high Feast with him. These were Saints of the red Letter in the Calendar of his Acquaintance. Occurrunt animae, quales neque candidiores—Terra tulit, Horat. This noble Pair were both most Godly, most Learned, most Humble; fit to make Friends with the most virtuous, and chiefly, (for so it was) between themselves. The first was of a sad Temper: the second more cheerful. The first slow, and profound: the second quick, and acute. Dr. Ward in the Chair a rare Determiner: Dr. Brownrigg in the Schools an unparalleled Disputant, and in the Pulpit a most divine Preacher: As Tully said of Crassus and Scevola, In aliquibus dissimiles erant inter se, statuere tamen ut non possis, cujus te malles esse similiorem. So these two in some things were Matches, in some things unlike, in all things excellent: and happy were he that could be like to either. He that received such as these under his Roof, might be comforted, not that he received Angels unawares, but Christ himself in his Disciples. This Matter might have broken off here, but that Mr. W. S. who likes the Gallantry of the Bishop's House-keeping, adds that which was very true, that Watches were set to note, and espy him. Warning was given by some, that were appointed to it. The Court is not always the closest Cabinet to keep Secrets: As Budaeus observes it, Lib. 3. de Ass. fol. 105. Aius ill Locutius arcanum nihil sinit esse eorum, quae in Aulâ geruntur. But the Bishop would take no knowledge, that such a Snare was laid; esteeming of it as Physicians do of Cancer Occultus, that it is more safe to let it alone, than to go about to cure it: nor was it easy for him to keep in his Freedom: Which yet many times had subtlety mixed with it; such as Fulgentius says was in Padre Paulo, That he would seem open in his Talk, out of an admirable Dexterity to make others speak freely. But more often custom did make his Words run from him, without regard to those that might be suspected: As Camerarius writes of Melanchthon, Oratio ejus erat libera, etiam sine circumspectione, & consideratione eorum, coram quibus illa haberetur. Where much Knowledge, and a sweet Nature meet with intelligent Company, Discourse will flow without an over-anxious advertency upon the Hearers. Yet Offence could never be grounded upon his Words, if a candid Interpretation judged them. Doubtless he that had lost one Eye, would be more tender to keep the other. As for those Spies, and State-rats that are set to run, and scent in every corner; Budaeus, a great Courtier as well as a Scholar, in his Work cited before, Fol. 188. Accounts them to be most ignoble Instruments, bred at first under the ragged Princes of Asia. But he that did most employ them was Midas, King of Phrygia, which gave occasion to the Fable, that he had Asses Ears. Quem narrant asininas aures habuisse, quod multos otacoustas, auricularios, & sermonum captatores haberet. Thistles were fitter for such Asses to feed on, than the sumptuous provision of a most bountiful Lord.

36. Though the good Fare remembered was much seen, and much talked of, yet there were Issues of Liberality from the same Purse no less, or more, to be approved. The Lordly Senators of Rome sed the Bellies of their Clients, that came officiously to salute them; Fructus amicitiae magnae cibus, Juven. Sat. 5. And that was all the good they did. But as this Bishop's Table was free and open, so was his Hand: Except Bishop Andrew's, who was sublime in all Virtue, there was not so great a Giver of his Order, to the Supply of the Learned, and of Gentlemen of hard Fortune: whom he gratified with no small Sums. Beside some poor Scholars of eminent Hopes in both Universities, whom he cherished with sufficient Pensions to maintain them modestly. A Servant of a worthy Family that looked to his Disbursements, Mr. John Mostyn, will avouch it, that in such charitable Out-lets, he spent a Thousand Pounds every Year at the least, sometime Twelve Hundred. Whatsoever Colours you lay upon the praise of a great Man, certainly such Works are the best Mettal of his Coat. Titulis & fascibus olim—Major habebatur donandi gloria, Juven. ut supra. And that's Truth in Ar. Will. History p. 196. That this Bishop was of a bountiful Mind to Men in want, being a great Patron to support them, when there was Merit that wanted supply. The same Author hath instanced in one of the best, to whom he did minister out of his store, the Man whose Renown will ever be fresh, Dr. Peter Moulin, the Elder; Who flying from the mortal Threatenings of his Enemies at the time of the Siege of Mount-Alban, and finding harbor in England, was not only furnished for his present use by this compassionate Providor, but he sent also for his Son Dr. Peter the younger out of France, ordained him a Deacon, to make him capable of his Patronage, instituted him into a Donative, one of the best in North Wales, and caused him to engage, that Provision should be made out of it for his Mother-in-Law, as it were in the way of a Jointure, if the survived his Father. A Benefit which the Father, that great Pillar of the Reformed Churches in France, neither sought, nor expected. For he had never seen his face that confer'd it: and came so welcome to discharge him from all further care of laying up for his Family, that among his other rate Gifts, he proved the most acknowledging, true-hearted, and constant Friend, that ever the Bishop had to do with. From whom he was presented every Month with all those Rarities, which the Gallican Church, and State set forth. Neither were the Moulins, the Father and Son, the All, and the only ones among the Worthies of the Transmarine Churches, that were Debtors to his Courtesie. But, as our holy Fathers Grindal, Whitgift, and Abbot had done before him, many in the Universities of France, and the Netherlands, that were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Men of Fame and Industry, were greeted from him with ample Tokens of Benevolence. For though the Government, and comely Order of our Church is far better contrived than theirs, through the good Hand of God upon us, yet he was not puffed up, like some, that think their Imperfections make them unworthy of Communion with us. Is there but one Tree of Knowledge in all the Paradise of the Church of God? Or must all be despised that are not reformed ad amussim? The good God pardon everyone, that prepareth his heart to seek the Lord God of his Fathers, though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the Sanctuary, 2 Chron. 30.19. Alas, yet many of these, or their Colleagues, since they were filled with good things from our Right Reverend Fathers, have turned against us, and have brought fuel to kindle the fire, which hath burnt up the houses of God in our Land. Lord lay not this sin to their charge. They have received good things from us: and we have received evil from them. The white stone is on our side: the blot is on theirs. But our Bishop's End was good, the Coagmentation of the parts of the Building of God's House, and to oblige the Master-builders; His Prudence, and Humanity went far to close up Breaches, and to advance Unity. And as the Showers of the Clouds drop upon Thistles, as well as Wheat, so a frank Spirit will not be over-curious to examine, into whose hands it puts a little Dust. Let it fall on the right-side, or on the left, let God look to that, who knows the Heart. This the Bishop believed, and knew that what he received from the Church, was not given for the Interest of one Man to lay it up for himself. St. Ambrose tells us so, Ep. 2. ad Valentini. Nihil ecclesia sibi nisi fidem possidet: possessio ecclesiae sumptus est egenorum.

37. Let me proceed a little further, and the Readers will wonder, out of what Mine the Bishop dig'd the Wealth to expend so much. It was never observed by those about him, that he gathered much in his great Office. He was provident indeed, and let nothing run waste: and honest Thrist will help to save a few Spoonfuls, but not so much as to fill a Cistern. I can refer it no better, I am certain, than to the unknown Blessing of God, who multiplied his Substance the more, because he gave it cheerfully. For in the midst of his Profuseness he fell upon Works of great Munificence, which could not come into a narrow Mind, nor be finished by a narrow Fortune. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says Plutarch out of Menander, Happy is he that hath a good Inheritance, and a good Will to use it. He looked first upon the Palace at Lincoln, built for none but the ancient Bishops of the See, that had Four and Thirty rich Manors belonging to them, which were alienated in Dr. Holbech his time, though not by his fault, and were never recovered: beside a vast Jurisdiction of great Profit, derived into other Channels. This Palace, fit for the Pomp of those great Potentates, was formidable to their poor Successors, that could not keep it warm, with the Rents that remained. But it was come into the Possession of one, that did not stick at such Considerations. For although it did seem irreparable in the Dilapidations; and Workmen did ask so much, as the Neighbors of the Close did think it would deter the Master of it, yet in three Years he brought it on, and up, to as much strength and comeliness, as when it was first inhabited. And because he found a decay of Learning in those remore Parts, for want of good Books, he designed it among his good Deeds to provide a Remedy, another Store-house for Authors of all Arts and Sciences, like those of Westminster, and St. John 's in Cambridge, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Athenaeus calls the Alexandrian Biblotheque, Lib. 1. c. 9. The Flasket, or coffer to put in the Jewels of the Muses. Presently he bought the Library, and caused it to be conveyed to Lincoln, belonging to Dr. Day, sometimes Rector of St. Faith 's in London, whom the Stationers, his Parishioners, had furnished with a full Study, fitting for such a Scholar, that knew how to use so great a Magazine. Timber was hewn out, and disposed in the Yard, to make a capacious Room to hold these Books. Other Benefactors were ready to garnish it with their Oblations. But unkind Troubles, that came thick upon the main Founder, stop'd the advance of it so long, that the Timber came into the Hands of Soldiers, to make Fortifications; and the Books became a Prey to every Vultur that could catch them. A Work of better success shall complete this Paragraph. A great Wit, and one that made this Bishop his Executor in his last Will, the Lord Bacon, says well in his Essay of Parents, That none have such care of Posterity, as they that have no Posterity: Which appears in this Prelate; who added to the rest of his famous Deeds, the repairing of one side of Lincoln College in Oxford, especially the Building of a most elegant Chapel, which it had not before. The Form of it was Costly, Reverend, and Church-wise. The sacred Acts, and Mysteries of our Savior, while he was on Earth, neatly color'd in the Glass-windows. The Traverse, and lining of the Walls was of Cedar-Wood. The Copes, the Plate, the Books, and all sort of Furniture for the Holy Table, rich and suitable. All which he did with the greater Willingness, because the Society flourish'd at that time with Men of rare, and extraordinary Learning. These so many costly pieces of Charity and Magnificence, are not Opuscula, but Opera, great Matters to be performed by one Man, in the compass of Seven Years: And it being, as I may say in the Words of Amos, Cap. 7.1. the latter growth of his Estate, after the King's Mowing. Such Works a Bishop should aim at, because therefore God gave him his high degree, says St. Jerome, Lib. 1. Con. Jovin. In majore ordine conslitutus, possit, si velit, occasionem exercendarum habere virtutum. Let our Bishops of old times have their due praise, they were great Benefactors to Churches, and Colleges. I say more, they did well, and left a Pattern to their younger Brethren, that rose up in their places, to do well by their Copy: And as Symmachus says, p. 205. Autor est bonorum sequentium qui reliquit exemplum. They are a kind of Co-founders with the good Men of after Ages, that gave them an Example to imitate their Fore fathers. But be it considered, without disparagement to their Piety, that their Wealth was great; they were at Cost upon the Houses of God, when their Wings were covered with Silver, and their Feathers were of Gold. But this Man had but a Scan ling of their ample Fortunes. Others we know larded all over with the Fat of the Earth, who are not Competitors, with the Bishop in this Glory. Such as by Profession of the Law, or Traffick by Seas have gathered up Gold like the Stones of the Streets, and leave it all to their own House; Qui usque ad centesimum nepotem se animi obstinatione propagant, as Budaeus tells them de Ass. p. 105. Who reckon that all they have is little enough, to bequeath to their Seeds seed, for an hundred Generations. And yet are no better than Persian Eunuchs, full of Honor and Riches, and leave no Memory behind them. And if they give one Sheaf out of a full Barn, they have not the Heart to do it with their own Hand, and see it well employed with their own Eyes; but commend it by their Will to the Execution of their Survivors. Whereas one Sacrifice of Alms, done for God's sake, offered up in our own Life, paid down in our own Person, and not by Proxy, is more acceptable, than five Legacies of posthumous Liberality. But I will stop, and will say no more of the Bishop's pious Benignity, than a Word out of Tertullian 's Apology, Quantiscunque sumptibus constet, lucrum est, quicquid pietatis nomine fit. He shall receive more than he gave; for Godliness is great Gain.

38. It was free for him to do what he would with his own, to be or not be a great Benefactor, or a great Giver: but it was his Duty to be a good Governor. Put him then into that Scale, and weigh him, and begin from his own Family: Wherein very effectual and imprinting Passages are not wanting. A Bishop should be blameless, and of good Report. Good Reason then for a Bachelor to walk very strictly, to shun the Defamation of his Chastity: Therefore this Man would suffer no Woman-kind to do any Service within his Gates. Tho' they are siner-handed than Men for Cleanliness, yet better to endure a little Dust in the Rooms, than that a single Man should have their Company. This was his Order, more for his Follower's sake, than for himself. Who was privileged from his Childhood from suspicion of Incontinency: and needed no Compurgation, but such as Methodius had, says Baroni. Anno. 843. c. 3. Methodius de fornicatione accusatus, prodidit seipsum eviratum esse. This will stop the Mouth of Slander, unless his Credit came before such as had rather hear the worst of Men, than the Truth. Fame is too hard for Innocency. If it get abroad, it will never stand still, till Age have made it weary. For whose prevention the Heathen knew no other way, but to set up an Altar to it, that it might befriend them. So Aschines in his Oration against Timarchus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Their Forefathers did those divine Honors to same, as to the mighty Goddess, that carried all before her. Not insisting to a Word more in the Negative, what they were, whom a discreet Governor could well want in his House: In the Affirmative it was taken up to be the School, or Academy of young Nobles. Such was the Fatherly respect that our ancient Prelates had, to the Sons of our greatest Peers, that their Palaces were the Nurseries of their Children: where they were bred to serve God, and the King; and to shun the Stains of Honor, Vice and Ignorance. The two, and only Male Branches of Charles Duke of Suffolk were brought up with Dr. Holbech, in this Mansion of Bugden, and died there both in one day of the Sweating-sickness, greatly lamented, as it is engraven upon their Tomb in the Chancel of the Church adjoining. So Pope Adrian the Sixth, says Onuphrius, carried the Sons of some great Princes of Germany to Rome, when he was elected to the Papacy, and kept them under his own Eyes, till the Italians, guilty of their own Filthiness, made Pasquins of the Pope, who meant well alla Todesea, and never dreamed of the odious Lust of that Nation. Which good Custom was revived among us by this honorable Person who lived in manner and order of the good Bishops, as Mr. W. S. confesseth, and made an Academy of his House, receiving into it many hopeful Branches of Honor, the Sons of Marquis Hartford, of the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and Leicester, with many others of the Gentry, of the same tender Age, to bear them company, whereof some were of his own Blood and Country. These had Preceptors, who accounted often to the Bishop, how their Charges were seasoned with Piety, and prospered in Learning. To such as grew ripe to be removed to the Universities, he read himself a brief System of Logic, and sent them from him, beside the Verbal Art of Grammar, tinctured with the Syllogisms of Reason. His own Servants resorted to the Exercises of this Education, as they were capable.

39. Chiefly his Care was Great and Godly, to ground them thoroughly in the Principles of Religion. Whom he committed not to a Chaplain, to oversee them in a point of that Consequence, which concerned the Life of their Souls, but proved them one by one himself, from the most honorable, to the meanest in the Kitchen and Stables, what Answers they could make to the Fundamental Questions of the Catechism. A most Christian Exercise for young and old: but the sweetest Milk that Youth can suck in. Sic lacte relicto —Virtutem gens tota bibit, as Sidonius hath it in his Panegyric. Good things that are soonest learnt, are longest remembered: As the Figure will continue, which the Seal imprints upon soft Wax. And it was thought of old, that the Catechist, waving this Offering of first Fruits before the Lord, did derive as much Benefit to himself, as to his Disciples, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that of Clemens is very elegant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lib. 1. If he be a sound, and sincere Man, he doth best learn the Doctrine of his own Questions, and is the best Hearer of his own Exhortations. The opportunity which this Bishop did observe, constantly to instruct his Domesticks in their Catechism was Lent. He that is a Lover of Antiquity, will the better love Piety. Look back Fifteen Hundred Years, which within one Century is at the top of the Primitive Church, and we find, that the best Practicers of Mortification, that lived in those blessed Times, made a more solemn use of Lent, than of any part of the Year, for Austerity of Temperance and Repentance, for Catechising and Preparation to keep the great Feast of Easter, with the unleavened Bread of Sincerity. Whom should we imitate? or if you will, whom should we emulate, rather than those whom Basil calls (and he was one of them) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the live Images of holy Profession? Which way do we walk, if we shun their Footsteps? Were not Men of the best times, best to set out the choicest times for Devotion, and remembrance of Christ's mighty Works? Suppose we did not appeal to those Examples: yet our modern Turn-abouts cannot evince us, but that we feel we are best affected, when the great Mysteries of Christ are celebrated upon Anniversary Festivals. He that will make no use of their Practice, that were famous above all, that lived in a most sanctified Generation, is very proud. But he that will check Experience, and will not trust to the Testimony, which millions of good Christians will protest that they feel in the inward Sense of their Hearts, is refractory: I must speak roughly, is impudently contumacious. Whom I will encounter with the Words of Pareus in 14 Cap. ad Roman. p. 372. Utile est praecipuas Dei patefactiones, & beneficia in ecclesiam collata, stato tempore publice repetere, & populo inculcare,—Ut sint notissima, & in perpetuâ memoriâ. Magis enim movent, & haerent in memorià juventutis & populi, quae solenniter, anniversary, simul, ab omnibus, & uno consensu fiunt, quàm quae alias ab aliis fiunt, & dicuntur. See more there. But see, and say what you will, Novelists had rather be talked of, that they began a Fashion, and set a Copy for others, than to keep within the Imitation of most excellent Presidents.

40. I have not done with the Governance of this Family. Which was the worse thought of by some strict Censurers, because the Bishop admitted in his public Hall a Comedy once or twice to be presented before him, exhibited by his own Servants for an Evening Recreation. Some, that lived in nothing but Pleasure in the Court, objected, that such Pleasure did not befit him, that was under a Cloud. But he that had cast all Hopes and Fears aside, did answer, What have I done to live the worse, for their sakes, that do not love me? Others did condemn all Stage-plays, and him that did allow them. These are small Quarrels, that cannot blemish so much desert. Atomi in sole natantes non augent pondus bilancis, says one. No Scale is the heavier for Atoms that fly about it. Nor will I put his Worthiness to a Compromise, for such a triffle. Young Men must have their Delights: and old Men must countenance them. Pliny the younger wrote but that which was equal to his Father, Lib. 9. Ep. Demus alienis oblectationibus veniam, ut nostris impetremus. There are divers ways of Solace, according to the taste of Sanguine, or Phlegmatick Complexions: of fine, or obtuse Wits. Allow others their acceptable Mirth; and then presume to be allowed your own. But it comes home to the Person, what Erasmus sent to Arch-Bishop Warham, Lib. Ep. p. 386. Cur vitio detur Summatibus viris, si quando curis delassatum animum risu resiciant? He that will not permit the gravest Senators to refresh themselves, and to laugh at Toys, deserves to be laughed at. No Man more wise, or more serious than Arch-Bishop Bancroft, the Atlas of our Clergy in his time: and he that writes this hath seen an Enterlude, well presented before him at Lambeth, by his own Gentlemen, when I was one of the youngest Spectators. But it was imputed to this Bishop, what Matchiavel notes in Scipio Affricanus, That he knew better how to keep himself from Faults, than to correct the Faults of those whom he commanded. Or, at the best, that the Bishop was more vigilant to prevent disorders in his House, than to punish them. The Exception is material: for those two things, Thou hast loved Righteousness, and hated Iniquity, Psal. 45.7. are conjunctive, and not to be separated. Yet consider, his Retinue was great. The Sons of no mean Men were prefer'd to wait upon him, not for Wages, but to learn Fashions, as the Style runs: who did not look to be bridled in with such attendance, and strictness, as their Fellows. Suppose some Trespass should fall out among them; commonly the Master of the House is the last that knows it. Dedecus ill domûs sciet ultimus, Juven. sat. 10. Yet this Pen shall not spare him: but will Vote with them, that think he did exceed in Oeconomical Clemency. As Camerarius would not excuse Melanchthon for it, p. 37. Qui conniveret ad familiarium suorum nimiam aliquando licentiam. This Bishop could not put off a charitable Propension, and Patience, to hope for their return at length, that had wandered. He could chide, and aloud, but he could not easily put away a Delinquent. The Gentleness of the Parable stuck close to him, These three Years have I come, and found no Fruit, but let the Tree stand one Year more, and it may prove better. He that proceeds impartially against Vice, is a righteous Phineas, Uni aequus virtuti, atque ejus amicis, Horat. Lib. 2. Ser. 1. And he that forgives much, is a meek Moses. Mercy, as I may say, is the Parelius that shines out of the Light of Sanctity. A difference is to be made of the size of Sins. Such as Hophni and his Brother committed, are not be slubber'd over with their Father Heli 's Daubing; Nay my Sons, I hear of your evil dealing, it is not a good report, 1 Sam. 2.24. Or as Pope Paul the Third carried himself to his ungracious Byslips (an Incubus could not have begot worse) who made no further Inquisition after their horrid Facts, but to say, They learnt it not of him: This were to take part with Sinners against Heaven and Earth. But if the Offence be no worse than Negligence, or Rashness, it is not Mercy, but Justice to pass it over. A small Cut in the Finger will heal of itself. If a Misdemeanour were done, that had apparent Corruption in it, and with Recidivation, which made it far worse, the Bishop was very eager, and full of Minacy in his Reprehension. Yet a little Submission, perhaps too little, would mitigate him. If the Offender did blush, which is the color of Virtue; much more if he wept, which is the Syrup of Virtue, he was restored to his Place, and too soon to Favor. A dry Eye in a Delinquent he could not well brook: it is a sign of a dead Heart. Therefore some say, that Witches neither upon Examination, or Torture, were ever seen to shed a Tear. The most that wrought upon him (his Discourse discovered it) was, that there is somewhat that is good in the worst Men: and he looked, and hoped that in time it would eat out the Rottenness of the bad part. As one should say, take a Brand's end, not by that part which is burnt, but by that which hath not taken fire, and you may hold it safely. This, the Impunity of lewd Ones, is not held out to be excused, but to be avoided. He that used it, I am certain, got no good by it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , says the Orator, ad Daemon. Employ no wicked Man in your Affairs; for some Judgment will retort upon you. Not to leave the Bishop altogether at blame for his Remisness, he cashier'd one or two that were incorrigible in their Riot, and one for Treachery. I would as bad had not come in his room. It was Mr. N. T. a Musician, and a Divine: one that could make better Music upon an Organ, than upon a Text. He had leave to use the whole House, to go into the Bishop's Bed-Chamber, or Study. Our Naturalists say a Lion suspects no fraud. Unawares the Organist transcribed some Letters which he found, and sent them to an Enemy, who compassed this Bishop about with such Toils, Saltusque indagine cingit, Virgil. The Romans thought it was possible by Incantation to draw the Tutelary God's out of a City, which they besieged, Plin. lib. 28. c. 2. So this Inchanter thought it feasible, to draw Intelligence out of Closets, and Cabinets, by such as wanted a Fortune: and that he could force open anything with the Petard of Preferment. He missed not his aim in this false Brother, upon whom he caused a Prebend to be confer'd in the Church of Woster. Wherein the Corruptor was worse than the Corrupted: as Malice is worse than Covetousness. I will say for N. T. as Isocrates doth for Euthynus in his Oration called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Nec Euthynus Niciam laesisset, si alium quempiam tantá fraudare pecuniâ potuisset. So this Musician would not have abused so kind a Master, if he could have got a Prebend by an honester Course. The Coronis to this Matter is thus: Some bad ones in this Family were punished strictly, all rebuked, not all amended. Curam exigeris, non curationem. The Bishop was not wanting in Care, but the Cure was in the Power of God.

41. Government the more public, and the further it extends, it gives the greater Luster: Whereof the Candle put upon the Hill that could not be hid, was his own Example, directing his Clergy to their Duty by his own often Preaching. Injunctions, Articles, Orders, Advertisements, and the like. I have heard wise Men say, expire with the Prince's Life, that appointed them: saving that their Prudence and Equity do never expire. But Canons oblige till they be lawfully repealed. The first Canon among us, that I know, past by Convocation, and confirmed by Royal Authority, is that of 1571. That all Bishops should diligently teach the Gospel, not only in their Cathedral Churches, which they govern, but also in all the Churches of their Diocese, where they shall think it most needful. And principally they shall exhort their People, to the Reading, and Hearing of the Holy Scripture, &c. Which Canon this Bishop did awake in his frequent Practice. He had good Gifts to preach withal, and good Gifts are given to prosit others. None of God's Talents must be hid in a Napkin, nor in a Rochet. And who doth hide them? Qui percepto dono sub otio torporis abscondit, says Gregory, Past. cu. Lib. 1. c. 9. Which Sin had been the greater in this great Divine, who was so apt to teach, so able by found Doctrine to exhort, and to convince Gainsayers. Who excel'd his Brethren in that Faculty, as much as he did transcend them in Dignity: It is not to set him forth at an Hyperbolical rate; but that this Testimony may be given him, that the best, that were famous in the Pulpit, might learn Method, and Perspicuity from him. He had not his fellow in that Point of Art. And he spake as one that delivered the Oracles of God, 1 Pet. 4.11. His Notions were not vulgar, but found and weighty, smelling of Pains, and of Piety. Many a Sabbath-days Journey he took to the adjacent Towns, to let them see, and hear their Diocesan: not omitting the Punctilio of the Canon, to stir them up to the Reading, and Hearing of Holy Scriptures, but taught it with much variety from Luk. 16. v. 31. If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, neither will they be persuaded though one rose from the dead. The sound of Aaron's bells were to be heard when he went into the holy place, and when he came out, that he died not, Exod. 28.35. Iram judicii exigit, si sine sonitu praedicationis incedit, says Gregory again, Lib. 2. c. 3. Be it that place be eminently meant of Christ our High Priest, who was heard of God in his Mediation, and of the People in his Instruction. Yet it belongs, by way of Pattern, to all them, whom Christ hath sent, as his Father sent him. Sweet is the Sound of their Golden Bells. Gold doth not give a shrill noise, like sounding Brass, or tinkling Cymbals: but it is rich, and precious. The Multitude, by ill custom, look for Clamour, strong Lungs, and weak Doctrine. But happy are those Auditors, that can try which is a golden Bell, upon the Touch-stone of their Understanding; and run not giddy after them, whose words are hot in the Mouth, and cold in digestion. Those Ages did afford the best Disciples, that learnt their Principles from the gravest Fathers. And the People did profit most, where the Bishops preached most. As St. Austin says, that so long as he staid at Milan, every Sunday he heard the great Doctor, St. Ambrose. Milan, or any other City; Bethany, or any Hamlet, would forsake others to hear them. It was so with us in England, to the brink of our great Change. High and low, of all sorts and degrees came with their greatest Attention to hear the Sermon of a Bishop. Their very Habit, which set them forth with Comeliness, did affect some: the Authority of their high Calling did move others: the Contemplation of their Learning and Wisdom, which had advanced them, did work more: their painfulness in their Duty did please all. Upon which of these hinges the Delight of the People did turn, I dispute not. It is enough that it was apparent, that the Message of God was heard with most reverence, when it was delivered by one that looked like an extraordinary Embassador. Above all, those chief Pastors were the best Trumpets to sound a Retreat from Innovations. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; As I take it from Longinus, p. 10. New-fangledness makes us giddy at first, and in time mad: and none were so powerful as the good Prelates, to warn the People of them. Experience, and Age, and Knowledge did plead on their side, that they best knew the Tradition of the Fathers.

42. Nor could it but have sped well, if it had been considered, that constant, or at least frequent Preaching, would have made our Bishops been rightly understood, that their Judgments adhered to the Doctrine of the Church of England, as it is settled in opposition to Popery. Some of our Reverend Fathers, that stated our Controversies moderately, and with no more than due distance (which is an infinite advantage to a Disputant) were had in Jealousy for almost Apostates, by those that shot wider from the Mark, which both aimed to hit. A Jealou ie which some Diligence in the Pulpit had prevented. For when did you hear of a Lecturer suspected for it? But this is the Imperfection of mortal Affairs, that when one inconvenience is removed, another will rise up in the room. For the good Office of Preaching, performed often by a Bishop, was called Puritanism by some in those times, that fomented such a Faction, that made the Name of Puritan the very Inquisition of England. Not using it, as formerly, to preserve the good Order, and Discipline of the Church; but to cast any Man out of Favor, that was so innocent, as not to be able to be charged with anything else. Thrust a worthy Man between the first and second Censure, and how hard did we make it, by such uncharitable Traducings, to live evenly in the indivisible Point of Protestantism? This Bishop being not indiligent to preach the Gospel, for which St. Paul, and our own Canons had provided, was decipher'd to the King for an upholder of Non-conformitants. Neque sapere Principi potest, quod his praegustatoribus non ante placitum sit, & probatum, Bud. Pand. Lib. 2. c. 14. The King's Tasters had disrelish'd him to his Majesty with that unsavory report, that he could not be believed, with proof sufficient made against the prejudice. Which made no alteration in him, but that he would follow the Plough, to which he had put his Hand. Like the Resolution of Alexander, Curt. Lib. 9. that would not be deter'd with Rumors, from finishing his Expedition in Asia, for says he, Fugissemus ex Asiâ, si nos fabulae debellare potuissent —So stout Lincoln would give no ground to Scandals, taken, but mistaken. No Discouragements could remove him from great Designs: from two especially. The former, that he began, and purposed to go on, to write a Comment in Latia upon the whole Bible. Are there some that will not believe it? stay, and take the Proof, and it will be the better it was not believed: As St. Austin says, de Vit. Cler. Serm. 2. Beatus homo qui tam bonum opus fecit, ut non crederetur. Happy is the Man that did so good a Work, that the World would not imagine it. And wherefore should it be thought that he would not go in hand with a Work of so great Learning, and Labor? Even for that reason, which Tully gives, Hoc usu plerumque venit, ut in rebus diversis eundem praecellere nolint homines. It is the Malignancy of Men, that will not conceive it possible for one Man to excel in many Endowments, because themselves fall short of all. But for satisfaction not to be control'd, he did not only discourse sometimes, that he would dedicate his Industry, and his Wealth to compile so excellent, and voluminous a Piece, but he left much of the Materials behind him. Much of the Wool was ready, yet not spun out, for the Garment intended, because his Loom was broken. To speak it out distinctly; Mr. Richard Gouland, Keeper of the Library of the College of Westminster, (till Men of good Parts in all kinds, himself not the least, were deprived) he hath in his Custody the Bible in three Parts in a large Folio, with the Translation of Jun. and Tremell. bound together, wherein are Notes upon all the Scriptures (except the Apocaclyps which is untouched) written with the Bishop's own Hand: in which are drawn out of all kind of Authors, of the first, middle, and chiefly the latter Age, and out of all Languages, as the prime of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, with the modern of Italian, Spanish, and French, whatsoever is the Choice and Flower of their Commentations. All this I have seen, and turned over, and observed so much Judgment in the Extraction, so much Industry in the Mass of it, that I admired one Man could compass so much: but more astonished, that he could find leisure for any business, or time for any Study beside. All is not barren Land that lies fallow. Nor all Scholars idle, that have not discovered their precious Treasures in Print. But the increase of this Knowledge increased his Sorrow, with the great Declension of his Health; As the Poet says,

Attenuant juvenum vigilatae corpora noctes.
His Lamp burnt many Nights till Morning (the constant time of his Study) before he had gathered in this rich Harvest. Yet neither Colick, nor Catarrhs, nor the Stone, the sharpest of Pains, could stay him from his main purpose. The Count Mirandulan in Politian writes of Marianus, a Divine whom he valued above all, Corpus habet invictum, infatigabile, ut non aliunde magis reparare vires, quàm de laboribus ipsis videatur. So the more feeble the Bishop was, the more he toil'd; as if he thought to repair his Strength by Watching, and assiduity of Labor. Yet he knew, that to expound the whole Scripture learnedly, was above the Powers, and Parts of one Man. Therefore he reserved both the filling, and finishing of it, to the assistance of Twelve, or more, of the ablest Scholars in the Land, whom he had in his Eye, and Thoughts, and purposed the Recompence of a great Stipend. For he hath said it to his Friends, that he would not stick at the Sum of Twelve, no, nor of Twenty thousand Pounds to perfect that Master-piece of Divinity. But this young Feature, like an imperfect Embryo, was mortified in the Womb by Star-Chamber Vexations. A Letter from King Ataxerxes caused Ezra, and the Builders with him, to cease from working. Yet so much of the Stuff, as was made ready with his own Pen in Three Volumes, if it be not deposited in the Library at Westminster, the Author will be wronged in his Fame, and Posterity in the Profit. His invincible Mind was not satisfied with this Task alone. But as Pliny spake to Trajan; Paneg. p. 57. Inter refectiones existimas mutationem laboris. So to pass from one Study to another, was not a new Labor, but the Bishop's Recreation. Therefore he laid out for the Works of his Predecessor, Robert Grost head; made Scrutiny for them in all Libraries of England, and in France, where he had Credit, and his Friends could furnish him. Bishop Grost head living in the Reign of Henry the Third, was a good Linguist, a famous Philosopher, a Divinity reader, an assiduous Preacher, a painful Writer of Two Hundred Books, says, Bale, wherein the Ambition, and Covetousness of the Church of Rome were his chief Subject. These being in Manuscript, and many obscured in blind Corners, this Bishop collected, digested them, had wrote Arguments upon divers parts of them, which others have read, as well as myself: expected daily more and more of the same Author, that all that could be got, might be printed fairly together. And as Symmachus writes, Lib. 2. Ep. Quodam modo societatem laudis affectat, qui aliena been gesta primus enuntiat. He that is the first that publisheth the worthy Acts of another Man, is a Sharer in his Praise. But by his Eclipse Bishop Grost head 's Works remained in darkness. The Success was unfortunate, but he that set it on, had a public Soul, and a studious Head. There is not a better Pattern of a noble and industrious Spirit, or of worse proof in the Up-shot. Fortunam ex aliis, says Aeneas in Virgil. Whose Fault was that?

43. Such, of whom, as a Bishop, he had most right to say, they were his Work in the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. were they, upon whom he confer'd Holy Orders by Imposition of Hands. Those blessed days did not last long, when the Apostles themselves appointed some over the Household of Christ, to give them their Portion of Meat in due season. They could discern, by the Gifts of the Spirit, who were sit for that high Calling. Such as Timothy, that was set apart, according to the prophesies that went before upon him, 1 Tim. 1.18. And Mich. Syncellus followed the Tradition, that Dionysius was made Bishop of Athens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : Lookt into by the Eyes of St. Paul, who could see him through and through. After which trial by Illumination, it was fit that the want of that Spirit should be supplied by the testimony of many, and by as much heed, and diligence as could reasonably be taken, by those that laid their Hands upon them, that were vouchsafed to be Stewards of the manifold Graces of Christ. Wherein (I rejoice in the truth) he that is before us was as strict an examiner of Novices, as any of his Order. Some that were not admitted by him in his first Ordinations, because they were found Light upon the Weight, saved him much work afterward. Divinity is a deep, and a copious Science; wherein he that feared he could not answer his expectation, would not venture upon his repulse. For he was so constant, and regular, that they knew what to trust to, before they came to him. Whether the 34th. Canon, Anno. 1604. ambiguously pen'd, will allow one to be made a Deacon, or Priest, that can yield an account of his Faith in Latin, according to the Articles of the Convocation 1562, though bred in no University, is disputable. He that had not been bred in one of them; or in those of Scotland, and Ireland, and a Graduate to boot, could not be accepted of him. His Answer was, It was not his Custom. To which the Churches of Germany held close, as Camerarius hath published it, Vit. Melanch. p. 161. Testator consuetudo literarum publicarum, quas formatas vocant, & aliquae Synodi decreverunt, ne sine progressu in Scholis, & Collegiis reciperentur ulli sacerdotes. I think our Canon intended no others, except in case of Chanters, and Vicars Choral, ministering in Cathedral Churches, who yet had no License given them to preach. And certain it is best to admit none, but such as have walked before the Learnedst of the Kingdom in their Education. It is a Resolution which will fall on its feet, and stand sure. It pieces well with that of the Prophet, Hos. 4.6. Because thou hast rejected Knowledge, I will also reject thee, that thou shalt be no Priest unto me. It discountenanceth Mechanics, and the lowest of the People, that they intrude not to teach more than they had ever learnt. Barricadoes of empty Barrels, whose sound is the louder, because they have no Liquor. Let me bestow a good Story upon them, who never read Arts, or Stories. Thessalus, a mere Quack, told Galen, that he would teach Men in a Month or two to become good Physicians, that had not the Elements of Philosophy. Oil-men, Butchers, some of the Gentle-crast left their Trades to learn this compendious way of Thessalus, to administer Physic, Sed in perniciem generis humani, says Galen. The Empyricks got Money, but their Patients got their death. 'It is far worse when such Thessalians Practice upon the Soul, that never came out of the Schools of the Prophets: and amuse poor People with Confidence, and Boldness. And great Boldness was never without great Absurdity. Now everyone that is a Candidate of Holy Orders, brings a Testimony with him to the Bishop, for the Commendation of his honest Life: often Subscrib'd formally, and with little Advice, and when Men are prevailed upon in their Weakness, I mean when they are over entreated. Yet he that receives it can hear with no other Ears. Then why should he be protested against, if other Names have broken with him? If some are so easy to pass their Names under such Letters of Commendation, as if a Libertine in Life were like to be transformed, nay tranfigur'd, by that sacred Calling, he is greatly out: allbeit those words were pronounced, when Hands were imposed, receive ye the Holy Ghost. Which is not spoken of the Grace, which makes Men gracious with God, but of the Office of Grace. Isocrates in Areopag. Oration says, That a loose Man, chosen to be a Judge in the Court of Mars-hill, incontinently became strict and temperate. Which was a Flattery that Budaeus flouts at, Pr. pars Pandec. p. 283. Tanquam loci genio afflatus ex ingenio suo migrasset. I would not believe but a Wolf would be a Wolf still, if he were chosen a Shepherd, though all the Beasts in the Wilderness should Vote the contrary in his behalf. This is the blind side on which the Bishop could not see so perfectly himself, whether he that came to be adopted into the Ministry, were unblamable in his Life. He might discover whether he were sound, and orthodox, especially not a Babe in Knowledge. Wherein he expected such a Talent, that one that was a Minister, a Master of Arts, a Wit, a Resident, presented to a Cure of good value in Bedfordshire, could not obtain Institution of him, for his slenderness in Learning, till he had respited him for Three Months, to read an whole System of Divinity (the Scholar might name which he would) who, at the time expired, was apposed by the Bishop, and had accompassed such Knowledge in a Quarter of a Year, that he gave satisfaction, and liked his Book so well, that from thenceforth he was taken for a Scholar. Here is the Collection of this Theme. The Ordinations of this Bishop past thirty Years ago, are famous in the Discourse of divers yet alive, who call to mind with what Judgment they were prepared, and examined: how the Bishop preached himself sometimes at that Solemnity: with what due Ceremony it was done: with what Grace and Gravity: with what bounty he feasted them: with what civility he took the most into his acquaintance: That I may truly say of him as Dr. Saravia doth of Samuel, de Christian. Obed. p. 11. Samuel, deposito magistratu, prophaterum princeps, & rector erat, dum vix •• . He had to be the great Magistrate, the Lord-Keeper, but he was like Samuel, when he had acquitted his Government, he lived in Estimation like the chief of the Prophets, and most beloved of the Sons of the Prophets.

44. And if he would ordain none that were unlearned, what manner of Men were they like to be, whom he presented to Dignities and Cures upon his own Collation? It is a mighty Trust to be a Church-Patron, no less than to be a Feo ee for Christ. Which this Bishop executed with that Conscience, that neither Friend, nor Favor, nor Consanguinity swayed him: I east of all Lucre; for he was so clear from Simony, and so well understood, that I think he was never tempted to it. Caslus quem nemo rogavit. Commonly he found out such to take his Patronage, as never sought him. Such whose Worth was great, but Humility had obscured them, Quantum eruditorum aut modestia ipsorum, aut quies operit, & subtrahit: As Pliny noted, Ep. Lib. 7. His, whom he made his, were such as commended him that gave: for they were among the best that could receive. Such as deserved to sit at the Helm, yet some of them that survive, in these days have scarce a Room in the Pump. Let no more be named but a Handful, whom the Bishop gathered out of one Society, Trinity College in Cambridge, and guess at all by their proportion. Dr. Simson, the Author of the great Chronology, Dr. Warr, Mr. G. Herbert, Dr. Meredith, Mr. H. Thorn dick, Dr. Creic on, Dr. Fearn, Mr. J. Duport, Mr. A. Scattergood, Mr. C. Williamson. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Here are Ten Nestors in one Militia, according to Aga •••• 's Wish. These, and far more that might be ranked in the same File, were his Donees, such as God might reap Glory by them. In the beginning of King Charles 's Reign, an Opposition in Doctrine began to show itself among the Fathers of our Tribe, and others of great Learning, some approving, some disproving the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort. Which had not exceeded to that Heart-burning, and open Emulation (as may be thought) if the disaffected to the Synod had not stickled to prefer them only who were of the same Judgment with themselves, and quite neglected others, who were seldom gratified by their means but with driblets. If a great Dignity fell void, Virro sibi, & reliquis Virronibus illa jub bit poma dari, Juven. sat. 5. It had been better not to commit Affairs to the Sway of small Moments, as they might seem, which insensibly breed great Mutations. Our great Prelates were great observers of Unity; Whitgift, Bancroft, Harsnet, Andrew's, Barlow, Overal, who pleased all sides indifferently, because as touching Opinions about Predestination, Converting Grace, &c. they made no discrimination, which, or which Propugners should be gratified in their Advancements. Whose Foot-steps our Bishop followed; who thought it the best Divinity to offend neither; and the most Christian Charity to indulge his Favors, and Preferments to both; as it was open to the World. He had read as much as most Men in those Controversies: he discerned Reasons Pro and Con to tilt one at another, and each to stagger the other to the Ground. He thought them worthy of Study, but not of Faction: worthy of crashing in the Schools, but not in the Church, and State: in no wise to make as thick as a Wall of Partition between the Champions, as between Piramus and Thisbe. Give the Protestants their due, on both sides they hold themselves within the Channel of the Scriptures in their Problems: but the Dominicans and Jesuits, tossing the same Argument too and fro, have cut a Thousand Ditches out of the great River, wherein there is more Mud by far, than clear Water. Such as Erasmus Scoffs in an Epist. to one of the noble Family of the Greys, p. 250. Quid 'tu Epimenidem somniasse reris: quid aliud, quàm subtilitates quibus se jactitant sophistae? Let Epimenides dream of them Fifty Years, and think of them as long when he was waking, he should never find out the Abstruseness of that, which God would not suffer to be comprehended. Because both Parts appeal to Melanchthon, let them imitate Melanchthon, of whom thus in Thuanus 's Hist. Anno. 1568. Cui maximum tranquillitatis, & quietis studium, ut nisi de necessariis minime contendendum putaret. Many that think the Bishop not the worse Patron for this Neutrality, blame him that he gave Hospitality, showed equanimity, afforded kindness, and sufferance to Puritans. That's ever the burden of the Satyr made against him, by them that think it a Sin, to speak well of any Faction, but their own. For certain St. Paul might be followed in a good Sense, who was made all things to all Men, that by all means he might save some, 1 Cor. 9.22. There is a way to comply with the weak, and with the strong. Our Bishop was very communicable, I have seen it, with dissentient Brethren, that did not conform; whom he gained first with kindness, and then brought over with Argument.