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A True Relation of the Battle and Newbury

Simeon Ashe (d 1662) · 5,674 words · 25 min

The source for this document is https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo2/A75714.0001.001

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This is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.

The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.

This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.

Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.

However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.

This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.

Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org

A TRVE RELATION, OF THE MOST Chief Occurrences, at, and since the late Battle at Newbery, until the disjunction of the three Armies, of the Lord General, the Earl of Manchester, and Sir William Waller, together with the London Brigade, under the Command of Sir James Harrington.

Published upon necessity, both to undeceive the mistaken multitude, and to vindicate the Earl of MANCHESTER, From many undeserved aspersions commonly cast upon him, either through ignorance or prejudice.

Penned by SIMEON ASH, Who as his Chaplain did wait upon his Lordship, in the Western Expedition.


PROV. 18, 17. He that is first in his own cause, seemeth just, but his neighbor cometh and searcheth him.

PROV. 19.21. There are many devicees in the heart of a man, nevertheless, the counsel of the Lord, that shall stand.

LONDON, Printed by G. M. for Edward Brewster at the Sign of the Bible at Fleet-Bridge, M.DC.XLIV.

A true Relation of the most chief Occurrences, at, and since the late Battle at Newbery, until the disjunction of the three Armies of the Lord General, the Earl of Manchester, and Sir William Waller, &c.

N Ot only importunity from friends, but necessity in regard of others of various ways and spirits, doth compel me to give in a true Narrative according to my knowledge and best intelligence, concerning the proceedings of the three Armies conjoined ( vid. the Lord Generals, my Lord of Manchesters, and Sir William Wallers ) both when the Battle was fought at Newbery, and since the Enemies retreat from thence. For not only the reports of many, but also a Letter sent unto me, do suggest; that my silence, now, when my testimony may do good service, doth give occasion both to my Noble Lord's foes and friends, to suspect his faultiness (if not unfaithfullnesse) in a great measure; because heretofore I openly appeared in relating his actions in the North, when there was no need to vindicate his reputation; but now I am mute, when his fidelity to Church and Common-wealth is questioned, and when he is censured, yea clamoured against, as the only blame-worthy cause of the disappointments lately in the West. For my silence hitherto, I can make this just apology. 1. In regard of the daily intelligence, which went from the Army to London, either by Post or otherwise, I conceived it not necessary, or much useful for me to be a weekly Intelligencer to my friends in the City, as when the Army lay before York. 2. Neither was I altogether silent, when I espied occasion and a call to speak: For within few days after the relieving of Dennington Castle, when I understood what clamours and censures were in London, through the misreport and mistake of our actions, I gave a short and true Relation of our Occurrences, for the satisfaction of private friends, which Relation, was the sum of that which I shall now report: and at that time I was very far from imagining, that my Lord, the Earl of Manchester, would by any Officer of the Army, be accused, as less faithful, or less careful then others, in promoting the Kingdoms good. 3. Since the Accusation charged upon my Lord, in the Honorable House of Commons, I have held my tongue, lest I should incur displeasure, by seeming pragmatical, in intermeddling in a business, committed by them to examination, with expectation of a report. But now hearing, that the business there is suspended (some say silenced) and knowing that the loud cries of people, either ignorant, or disaffected to my Lord's credit, do sound far and near, to his dishonor, I have resorved to take the boldness, to represent what I know, both to vindicate my Noble Lord's honor, and to undeceive them (if my testimony may be of any credit) who are too apt and easy to believe calumnies cast upon well-deserving men, wanting patience to wait for truths discovery, by a full and impartial trial; which in this business, cannot be more earnestly desired by any: then it is by my Lord himself, and by his best friends.

I wish that these things may be premised, which I suppose cannot with any color of truth be contradicted. 1. That no motion, no march, no service of the three Armies after their first conjunction, was made or undertaken, but according to the relust of the Council of War. 2. That the Earl of Manchester, never assumed to himself, to be accounted or observed, as Commander in Chief, but always voted, as one that had but equal authority with the rest, and acted accordingly in observation of the orders, concluded by common Council. 3. That he often professed unto the chief Commanders; that because himself was no experienced Soldier, therefore he would rather be guided, then guide; rather be acted by their counsels, then act on either himself or them, according to his own private thoughts.

Upon Friday Octob. 25. we hoped (from the news brought in by our Scouts) the day following, to fight with the Enemy; but the next morning drawing up our whole body, we found that the Enemies had in such sort blocked up the way to Newbery by many works, that our hopes of engageing with them were disappointed. Hereupon it was resolved at a Council of War, that to force the Enemy to fight, our Forces should in this manner be divided, (vid.) All my Lord Generals Horse and Foot, the greatest part of my Lord of Manchesters Horse, and almost all the Forces under the Command of Sir William Waller and Sir Arthur Heislerig, together with the London Brigade, did march to Speene hill: But the Earl of Manchester; Foot, with a small body of Horse, was left in the field on this side Shaw (a little village) near to M r Dolmans house, which was possessed and fortified by the Enemy. When the Army was thus divided, this order was left with my Lord of Manchester; that so soon as he heard of the engagement of our Friends on Spcene hill (by the discharging of the Canon) he should fall on the Enemy on this side the River, that he might divert the strength of the battle, from them there.

I will forbear here, to relate the hardship which both parts of our Army met with, that night; because that would be a digression not to my purpose.

On Sabbath day morning early, my Lord of Manchester, with the Forces remaining under his command, were in readiness to assault the Enemy, expecting from hour to hour, to hear of the engagement at Speene hill: And here to witness the Earl of Manchesters willingness to fight with the Enemy, let this be noted, which is a known truth (vid.) that in the morning, he commanded a party of about 400 Musketeeres to fall on, over the little River, on the left hand of Shaw, that he might soon enough divert the enemies strength from Speene hill: This party of ours, took two of the Enemies works, one Captain, and several prisoners; but marching too far, contrary to order, they were beaten back with some loss; by this service, the greatest part of the Kings Foot was drawn towards us, and so the work to which we were designed, was accomplished long before our friends on Speene hill did engage. In this place, I might take occasion truly to report, the great pains which my Lord Manchester took from morning till evening, often exposing himself to very much danger (the Enemies Drakes playing frequently upon us) in riding from Regiment to Regiment, to encourage the Soldiers, and to keep them in due order, fit for that service which every moment almost was expected: but there are many hundreds, I might say, divers thousands, who can tell the truth hereof, which proves, that my Lord was not so backward to fight, and so regardless of the Kingdoms service that day, as many would have the world to believe. About 4 a clock (as was guessed) we heard the Canon begin to play on Speene hill, at which time, my Lord commanded 2 Drakes to be drawn forth (though our Canon hitherto had not been altogether idle) and to be planted in a convenient place to do service against the Enemy at Dolmans house, and to make way for the falling on of our Foot there, according to the order given, when our Army divided. Those Drakes did good execution upon the Enemy divers times, forcing their retreat to their works about the house. Now we saw the fieting of the Muskitieres on Speene hill, which discovered the service there to be very hot; and not long after, with joy and thankfulness, we beheld the hasty, disorderly retreat of the Enemy towards Newbery, wondering that our party did not pursue the victory. It is besides my intention in this Relation, to report the posture of our Army on Speene hill, or to give by a full report, the due praise to my Lord Generals Foot and others, who then and there, did excellent and praiseworthy service: Neither indeed, need I, to bestow words hereon, because the world hath been acquainted with these things heretofore. But my Lord of Manchesters Horse, commanded by Liev. Col. Cromwell (from whom very much was expected) did little service, gained no honor in this work this day. For my part, I know not whom to blame, I will asperse no man, but leave it to their judgment, who were on the ground, to judge who were blame-worthy, in being backward to pursue that happy opportunity, upon the flying, fainting Enemy. Notwithstanding, let me here tell you, what many speak; That it my Lord of Manchester had now been in his own person, at the Head of his body of Horse, this neglect would have been charged home upon him, and conclusions would hence, confidently and clamorously have been inferred, that my Lord of Manchester was unwilling to bring the Kings Army too low, otherwise, now the woeful wasting wars, might in all probability have been fully well ended.

But to return unto my work. You must not imagine that my Lord of Manchesters Foot were all this while idle spectators on this side the River (although as I told you before, the Enemies best Foot were diverted from Speen hill, which might have extenuated the seeming fault of some delays) for while our Drakes (before mentiond) were at work, a commanded party of 500 Muskiteers was drawn forth as a Forelorn-hope, to assault the Enemy, who being seconded with the several Brigades of Foot, continued in hot service, until for want of day light to direct, our Soldiers wounded & killed one another. The undaunted valor of our Foot was admirable, they were indeed too forward too adventurous, overrunning their commands, unwilling to be called off. And here this is notable, that when one company of our Foot had taken one of the Works of the Enemy, another Company (through overmuch forwardness and mistake) did beat them out again. So that our greatest loss, both in regard of men wounded and slain, was from ourselves. All this while, my Lord of Manchester was with his Soldiers, (as mine eyes, and thousands more can witness) to countenance and encourage the service: and those who know what dangers he then adventured upon, and how long he continued in the field that night, yea, what care he took to prevent the mischiefs of the night from a Neighbor Enemy, and to prepare for the continuance of the battle, which was verily expected by us the next morning; those many (I say) who understood and remember these things, will not easily believe that his Lordship was averse to fighting, and unwilling speedily to end these wars, though multitudes, through ignorance, rashness, and misbelief, do in this manner asperse and calumniate him.

That night, the daunted Enemy did in the dark steal away from Newbery; what no tice our friends at Speen, had of the marching away of the Enemy, I cannot affirm, for reports are various; though all acknowledge, that they had some noise thereof: but this I am sure of, that my Lord of Manchester had not the least hint of the Enemies retreat, till near daybreak in the morning; and his intelligence then, was single and uncertain, from a stranger. Yet upon this intimation, his Lordship hastened into the field, to improve opportunity, there the news was confirmed, that the Enemy was gone indeed. Hereupon our whole body was called together; and so soon as we had in the field (near the dead bodies both of friends and foes, which lay on the ground) made our addresses to God, both by praise and prayer, according to the present affecting providences, we marched over the River to Newbery: all this while we neither met with, nor heard from our friends at Speen, whereupon we hoped that they were in pursuit of the scattered flying Enemy. My Lord of Manchester rested not, till he met with some of the Commanders, who had been upon the service at Speen, and with them returned to Newbery, to consult about the improvement of the present Victory. These particulars, which I knowingly do report, may evidence my Lord's forwardness, to husband advantages and opportunities, for the promoting of the public service. But though my Lord Generals Horse, and Sir William Wallers Horse were gone some hours before after the Enemy, yet my Lord Manchesters Horse, (commanded by Lieu. Gen. Cromwell ) we found in the field near Newbery, together in a body.

It would be impertinent, for me here to speak of by-businesses of small importance, which common fame hath trumpeted abroad. The taking of the Coaches, with the Men and Horses attending the persons in them, was effected by my Lord of Manchesters forwardness, to furnish Col. Birch with a party of Horse for his assistance, whereof I am a witness, being used as a messenger unto my Lord to expedite that work.

And whether his Lordship during our stay at Newbery, was not as desirous as any others, in every kind to serve the public, I refer it to the judgment of them who were daily conversant with him. We having after some days, full intelligence, that the King was at Oxford, there recruting his Army, and hearing also, that he intended to fight, so soon as the additional forces sent for, came to him, our Army marched from Newbery on Saturday towards Oxford, and that night the Head quarter was at Compton. Upon Sabbath day the Army marched towards Blewbery, and the Head quarter that night was at Harwell, and the Army quartered in adjacent Villages, until this time the Lord Warriston and Mr. Erem (who came to us at Basing, being sent from the Committee of both Kingdoms, to assist the service of the Army by their counsel) can testify what was my Lord of Manchesters care and carriage in his place, and unto their testimony thus far I might refer them, who are unsatisfied. This day at a Council of War (before these our friends left us) it was found impossible for us to march with our Carriages beyond Abbington, because the ways, were judged deep and unpassable.

On Monday my Lord with some few who attended him, went to Abbington to express his respects to Major General Brown; and that acquainting himself with the state of that place, he might the better know, how to be serviceable to it, and to the Kingdom in it, as occasion might require. On Tewsday, all our Horse were called to a Rendevouz upon Chilton -plain (if I forget not the name of the place) where all the chief Commanders of the Army, at a Council of War, concluded our return unto Newbery, the next day. Now because this act (as I hear) is much censured (though it was the result of the Council of War, and we had also the express approbation of the Committee of both Kingdoms, I will therefore make bold to suggest the grounds thereof as they were related unto me. 1. That corner of the Country (being bare before we came thither) could not afford means of subsistence for our Army, and we had small hope of receiving seasonably sufficient supplies elsewhere. 2. By continuing there, we should wholly devour those provisions whereby our friends at Abbington (being Neighbors) might expect some relief. 3. Because there was no hope of getting over Wallingford -bridge, to fight with the Enemy on the other side the River; and the Enemy might, by making overtures of engaging, and yet deceiving our hopes, have wasted our Army through unavoidable wants, without striking one blow. 4. And our forces did daily weaken very sensibly, through the great scarcity of provisions of all kinds, our Soldiers being under much discontent and discouragement.

These reasons (as I believe) moved our return to Newbery, upon Wednesday, and the same night some of the Enemies came from Wallingford, into the same Quarters, from whence we were removed. Upon Thursday, our Scouts brought news to Newbery, that the Kings whole Army was come over the River, with a parpose to relieve Dennington Castle. And although many amongst us, gave little or no credit to these reports; yet (of my knowledge) my Lord Manchesters cautiousnesse was such, that hereupon he moved the drawing up of all our Horse to a Rendevouz the next day, that we might be ready to prevent the relieving of the Castle.

How this his Lordships motion took with others I cannot say; but that it was disliked and gainsai'd by Lieu. Gen. Cromwell, myself, and many others can testify, who heard him earnestly dissuading it, by words to this effect; My Lord, you Horse are so spent, so harrassed out, by hard duty, that they will fall down under the Riders, if you thus command them, you may have their skin , but you can have no service.

Although I dare not say, that Lieu. Gen. Cromwell did from unfaithfulness to the public, thus dissuade the drawing up of our Horse on Friday. Yet this myself, and many thousands are most confident of, that through this neglect followed the advantage of the Enemy, in relieving the Castle, and our disappointments. For our Horse being (through the searcity of provisions) quartered at a great distance from one another, and some of our Troops being 10 miles, some 12, and some 14 miles from Newbery, they could not possibly (after the Alarm on Friday in afternoon) come in soon enough to prevent the Enemies coming to the Castle, much less to fight with the Enemy in a convenient ground, before he came thither: whereas, if our Horse had been brought together upon Friday (according to my Lord Manchesters motion on Thursday, before mentioned) we might have met the Enemy with a timely and successful resistance (through God's mercy) at least for the preventing of the Castles relief.

But I will look backward, and take up my Relation where I left it. The former intelligence received from the Scouts, and the motion from my Lord made on Thursday, not being improved, we waited, to understand, what another day would bring forth: and when certain unquestioned tidings came on Friday in the afternoon, that the whole Body of the Enemies Army was on their march towards the Castle; then Posts were dispatched to the several Quarters of our Horse, to command them to come in early the next morning: but the Enemy having gained the opportunity which we lost, the Castle was relieved, before we were ready to make resistance: yea, the Enemy had placed themselves in Battalia, in the field betwixt Dennington -Castle and Newbery, before our main Body of Horse were in any posture for service. It would not be to my purpose in this Relation, to specify how bravely a party of the Enemies Horse did assault a party of ours, routed them, and did beat them to our Foot, who received the Enemy with much courage, and repulsed them bravely, who took away with them (as we heard after) the dead and wounded bodies of many, who were much esteemed. Neither do I intend here to tell, how the several Commanders, had now disposed of themselves and their forces. My Lord Manchester was with Major Skippon in the field, where all the skirmidge was that day betwixt us and the Enemy, and they both often and earnestly called and sent for Lieu. Gen. Cromwell's Horse, (as I am credibly informed) but they came too late; for before they marched through Newbery towards the Army, the Sun was set, the Enemy was making his retreat out of the field, which mine own eyes and others beheld with much grief of heart. Major Gen. Crafford (who is known to be sufficiently forward to engage) though his command was over the Foot, yet upon my Lord of Manchesters cummand, himself also being moved in the approach of the daring Enemy, did with 9 or 10 Troops (some or most whereof he rallied amongst them formerly routed) charge a body of the Enemies Horse, and caused them to give ground. By this it may be guessed what good service might have been done, if more Horse had been at hand. That night, I hearing many accusations charged upon the Horse which came not in, I made bold for mine own satisfaction, to inquire (of a valiant Commander my worthy friend) the reasons wherefore those Horse kept at such a distance from service that day, from whom Ireceived these. 1. Because there was not field room for our whole Body to serve in. 2. Because (if they had come in) in that ground, they should have been exposed to the Cannon, playing from the Castle, which would in probability, either have broken, or disordered their several Bodies before they could engage. You see, that I am desirous in my Narration, to give all men their right, and to keep off groundless censures. And here I wish, that it may still be impartially considered, whether yet it appear by this true relation, that the Earl of Manchester was more averse to the Kingdoms service, then other men, when either necessity or opportunity did require it.

The Castle being relieved, and the Enemy retreated, our Commanders in chief, upon consultation resolved that night to send forth about 4000 Horse with some Foot, to fall upon the Enemies Rear, so soon as the Moon did arise, hoping by this means to regain what we had lost the day before: but the Enemy continuing all night in a full body, that design was disappointed.

In the morning our whole Army was drawn forth, with intention and expoctation to fight with the Enemy, before his removal out of our reach. This being noised, myself, with other Ministers who attended the Campe, did our duty by prayer and exhortation, to prepare them for the expected battle. But when our Commanders had viewed the strength and posture of the Kings Army, and the advantage of ground which they had gained, together with the dangerousness of the passages to the Enemy (being both near Dennington Castle, and through Lanes) they with one mind at a Council of War, judged it unsafe to engage. What passed in conference at the Council of War, I know not, neither did I judge it meet for me to inquire after those matters: But this I profess, that I heard not any, either Officer, or other, to blame my Lord of Manchester, as more backward at that Council of Want then others, to engage with the withdrawing Enemy. Afterwards, while the Army continued at Newbery, and the parts adjacent, I remember nothing of moment to be reported, but this one thing, (which if not rightly understood, may occasion mistakes, no prejudice) that whereas 3 Regiments of my Lord's Foot, were ordered to march unto Basing, to assist the Horse in the service there, they were commanded (when on their march) to return back, according to the counsel of Sir W. Waller and Lieutenant General Cromwell (as they were going with my Lord in his Coach to Aldermarston ) upon these grounds, as I was informed. 1. Because there would not in likelihood be any need of that strength there at that time. 2. Because their coming thither would straighten the Quarters of those who were already there, and consequently, make their continuance more uncomfortable. When upon an Alarm, that the Kings whole Army, was on their march to relieve Basing-house; it was ordered, that our Forces should remove from Newbery to join with our Horse sent to Basing before. Now I was necessitated through bodily distempers, to withdraw from the Campe, and therefore cannot from observation speak of the passages afterwards. But I have been told again and again, that the calling off of our Horse and Foot, from Basing, was from the order of a Council of War, no man deserting; and also, that no man was more forward in giving his vote, for that Order, then Lieutenant General Cromwell.

This is the sum of what I have to say, concerning the chief Occurrences in our Western expedition; wherein, though we had not such happy success, as was desired and expected, yet therein, those acknowledged much of God's goodness, who did most exactly observe his providences in our motions and adventures. Herein I have faithfully, according to my observation and best intelligence, represented things, with special references to my much Honoured Lord, because through misreports, and misbelief, his Lordship is rendered to the world, under the black cloud, of sad reproaches. His Honor I confess, is very dear unto me, and the heavy censures with which many do load and wound his estimation amongst men, do much afflict me: yet (I bless God) the cause, wherewith his Lordship hath been trusted, and wherein he hath successfully appeared, is much more deate and pretions, yea (if I know mine own heart) I would desert his Lordship, and myself also, deserting that glorious cause of Jesus Christ. I well remember, those words, Job. 13.7. Will ye speak. wiekedly for God, and talk deceitfully for him? And therefore I am awed with the fear of God, while I am pleading for man. Yet this I do most seriously profess, as in the presence of the heart-searching Majesty, that I know no cause, wherefore I should once question his Lordships sidelity to the cause of Reformation, and that service of the Kingdom, wherein he hath been prosperously employed. But as the matter of his Accusation is to me most strange and unexpected; so the manner of managing it, by many, who are accounted not only ingenious but eminently pious, is to me and many, a matter of much wonder: For should not those who have received favors from my Lord of Manchester, and have solemnly professed truth and strength of respects to his Lordship, rather have signified in private their suspicion of his faithfulness (if they apprehended cause) then proclaim to the world, offenses, whereof he never heard? Might not his known meekness and sweetness of disposition, have encouraged them, to perform this office of faithfulness, who often had the opportunity of secrecy to have performed it? Would not such a course rather have answered that rule of our Savior: If thy brother offend, go and tell him his fault, between thee and him alone, &c. then to divulge (I will say no more) in a public way, those things whereof his own heart never suspected himself to be suspected? What Christians, yea what men do not look for such friendship, such ingenuity, from them who converse with them daily, and ordinarily come to eat meat at their tables? And had the prejudice of the public long been feared, through the apprehension of any ill principles possessing the Earl of Manchesters breast, why was not this sooner suggested, for the prevention of public prejudice?

I will not dare to guess either at the grounds, or ends of that which now is broken forth, but shall leave secrets unto the Lord, who in his own time will make the counsels of all hearts manifest, and bring to light the deeds, the designs of darkness.

Neither do I thus expostulate, as yielding to the truth of the matters, which are commonly charged upon him: for I have many reasons to believe the contrary, some whereof, I shall briefly mention.

His Lordships former actions and adventures for the public, rendered him in the opinion of the godly party in the Kingdom, as a true, trusty Patriot, both to Church and Common-wealth; and truly, I am ignorant, what should cause people to alter that opinion, though I have of late, had more opportunities to discover him, then other men.

His Lordship hath often, in the hearing of many witnesses, thus expressed himself solemnly, I could contentedly part with halft my estate, upon condition the discipline of Christ was established, and a good Ministry settled in every Congregation of the Kingdom, yea with those couditions, how gladly could I betake myself unto a Country life, and leave all other contentments in the world. Oh how frequent, how constant have his breathings been after peace, with the perfecting of that Reformation which is hopefully begun. And therefore it is a thing incredible to them who know him, that he should take any course, to continue the Civil (or rather uncivil) wars of the Kingdom, which do continue and increase confusions. I know no man, who attends the Campe, less self-seeking, and more desirous to issue the Wars, in a comfortable Peace, then my Lord of Manchester.

And this is to myself, an evidence of my Lord's innocence, in regard of what is laid to his charge; that when friends had suggested to him by Letters, Lieutenant General Cromwell's purpose to accuse him (as was gathered from intimations looking that way) he solemnly protested, that his integrity was such, that he could not believe any such matter: Yea though he did cast about in his own thoughts, what matter of just exception might be laid in against him (for he was far from expecting false accusations) he professed seriously, he could not imagine what it might be; except it were some old complaints, in reference to Major General Crafford, and some late estrangements from Liev. Gen. Cromwell, since his heats expressed at Lincoln, which gave occasion of just offense.

And when upon his coming to London, his Lordship understood in generals, that unfaithfulness, and unwillingness to improve opportunities and counsels for the public good, against the common Enemy, was laid to his charge, by Liev. Gen. Cromwell; this was his Lordships answer: I pray God forgive him, for he knows in his conscience, that he hath wronged me, in speaking untruly. And these words falling from a friend, How much will your Lordship suffer in your honor, by means of this aspersion? His Lordship returned this reply, My defense is from God, who saveth the upright in heart. These things, which of my credit are truths (unto which many more might truly be added) I leave to the consideration of the ingenious, calm, unbiased Christian, how far they may at least persuade the suspension of censures and clamours, till my Lord hath vindicated himself from his accusations.

But it will be said. There is no smoke, but it argues some fire. And the reports of people, yea of good people, against my Lord of Manchester are so common, that doubtless all is not right.

I doubt not but God's hand is in my Lord's sufferings of this kind, who hath learned to justify God when injured by men. He hath expressed his desire to know God's meaning in the Rod, and hath professed his willingness to see, that he might reform, whatsoever others espy blame-worthy in his course. But the opinion and language of the multitude, is no good argument to prove him guilty in that kind and measure, as charged. It is an evil to be lamented, that people are so apt, with credulity to take up evil reports against their Brethren. Besides, the world understands, that divers persons acted by principles opposite to one another, are yet both violently contrary to the ways of my Lord of Manchester: from hence the dust may be raised and continued, which for the present doth darken his repuration, which was wont to shine forth more brightly, and which God (I hope) in his good time will clear again.

I might here take occasion, to mention many strange palpable untruths, standerously raised and spread, yea, conveyed by Letters beyond the Seas, to blast the credit of them, who desire to walk with God: and no reason here can be imagined, but their difference in indgement and practice from them, in some matters of Church-government. But that Scripture doth check me. Tell it not in Gath, and publish it not in Ask lon, lest the uncircumcised triumph. The Lord heal our breaches, reconcile our differences, and knit our hearts together in more strong brotherly love through Christ.

My self expects severe censure from many people for this service, which (in the judgment of many worthy godly friends) I had a call to discharge: but I hope the sincerity of my heart through God's grace will support me under such burdens, if they shall be cast upon me.

If my faultiness shall be discovered, the Lord I trust will so far preserve me, that I shall not add stubbornness to weakness. And if any shall passionately and unchristianly throw stones at me, and cast dirt in my face, I hope, that my God will make me able to pity them, and to pray for them, and to learn more humility and circumspection in my conversation.

FINIS.