Several Speeches

I Understand that the right Honorable the Lord Chancellor of Scotland had not right done him by the printed Copy of his Speech to the Kings Majesty at New-castle, concerning the Propositions of Peace, there being in that Copy Errors and Omissions, and both material; which hath moved me to resolve, as to print the former according to the true Copy, so for preventing the like mistakes and mis-representations, first to procure to myself, and now to communicate to the public view, the true transcrips of these last three Speeches: In which thou shalt find the merit of an excellent subject to speak for itself, for thou hast here a most solid, judicious, candid, and plain debate, concerning the best and most hopeful means of attaining a speedy and happy Peace, which may put a period to the lasting miseries of these three Kingdoms: Read and consider, and beware thou do not receive with the left hand what is reached forth with the right; This Noble Lord hath dealt freely and faithfully both with King and Parliament; and, as Truth and plain dealing did appear in his Speeches, so what he spake is here faithfully imparted; and thou mayest be confident, that in this it holds true, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Lord Chancellor of Scotland his first Speech: At a Conference in the Painted Chamber with a Committe of both Houses, Octob. 1. 1646.

T He end of this Conference is to advise what is fit to be done for the Peace and Security of the Kingdoms in relation to the King, and how to dispose of his Majesty's Person, which is a matter very ticklish, and of most high concernment; and they who would build very high, must dig very low for a firm foundation: And therefore I shall make bold to desire, That what ever we resolve upon concerning the Kings Majesty, it may be done by joint advice and consent of both Kingdoms, and that the Unity between the Kingdoms may be inviolably preserved, as that wherein (next to God's protection) the chief strength of both lies, which would be laid as a ground of our future debates. And because the purpose we are to speak of is very grave and serious, I shall speak of it with that sincerity, as I wish my words were written with the beams of the Sun, and registered to posterity, that all the world might see the candor and integrity of our proceedings towards the King and our Brethren of England. And (is I had occasion once to express in this place) so do I now say, That no man hath conscience nor honor who will not remember our solemn League and Covenant, as the strongest bond under heaven between God and man, between man and man, and between Nation and Nation, in which our Unity is founded upon Verity in a threefold relation; to God, to the King, and amongst ourselves. The first is the greatest, and ascends as high as heaven: for Religion, which hath its name a religando, unites us to God himself: and so long as he is in League with us, we need not fear who be against us. Let us therefore hold fast our Unity in Religion, and beware of Toleration of all Religions, which is the ready way to have none; for there is nothing more divine in God then Unity, and nothing more Diabolical in the Devil then Division, who therefore is known to the vulgar by his cloven foot to be the spirit of Division.

The next ground and relation of our Unity, is with the King, to whom we are bound (in the strictest bonds of loyal Subjection) by our Allegeance and Covenant, as to one Head and Monarch: and therefore the faithful endeavors of both Kingdoms should (without wearying) be constantly contributed, That we may be united to him by a happy and just Peace: For if one of the Kingdoms shall cast off the King, and the other have a King; if the one shall make Peace with the King, and the other not make Peace, but be still at variance with him, it is to be feared, that no human wit nor policy will be able to keep the two Kingdoms long without a rupture; And if it please God so to incline the Kings heart, and direct the wisdom of the Parliaments, as that the King and we could make a happy agreement, no power or policy can be able to divide us; for, Qui convenient uni tertio, convenient inter se.

The third ground and relation of our Unity, is the conjunction of the two Kingdoms, which hath been acknowledged to be so necessary and useful to both, That they have often declared, they would stand and fall, and (like Hippocrates twins) live and die together. And therefore, as we regard our solemn Covenant with God Almighty, and tender the standing and safety of the Kingdoms, let us (with one heart and mind) join our Counsels and Actions, That whatsoever we resolve upon for our common Peace and Security in relation to the King, and of each Kingdom to other, that it be done in zeal to Religion, in loyalty to the King, and with unanimity amongst ourselves. And as the Pythagoreans did note the number of Two with the mark of Infamy, as being the first number that durst part from Unity; so, which soever of the Kingdoms shall first violate the Unity which is bound up in our Covenant, may apply it to themselves: But if we shall adhere to that Unity which is built upon the firm foundation of Verity, in our relations to Religion, the King, and amongst ourselves, it will be a three-fold cord which is not easily broken; and our Unity, I hope, shall be turned into an Identity, both Kingdoms may be perfectly one.

Having thus in the first place laid a ground for Unity of Counsels and Resolutions, I shall in the next place humbly desire and protest, That whatever may be our Propositions or Debates concerning the King, it be not mis-construed, as if one of the Kingdoms were imposing conditions upon the other, or that we are absolutely wedded to any one desire more then to another; but that (all several ways being amicably debated and rightly pondered,) That which may serve most for the safety, security and happiness of the King and both Kingdoms, may be gravely resolved upon. And now I come to the Question itself, concerning the disposing of His Majesty's Person; first Negatively, and then Positively. Negatively, the Question is not of the power and authority of the Houses of Parliament in disposing of any person, or judging of any case which is of single concernment to England: Nor is the Question how the Kings Person may be disposed of de facto by any one of the Kingdoms; neither is the Question properly de jure & posse, but de esse, & been esse: And as it is neither good Logic nor good Divinity to argue a posse ad esse; so sure I am, in this case it is far worse policy for either Kingdom to dispute what they may do in the height of their power, when both are consulting what is sittest to be done for the Peace and Security of both. And the relation of both Kingdoms to his Majesty, and of each Kingdom to other being rightly considered, as he is King to both, as both are Subjects to him, as both are engaged in the same Cause, and have been in the same War, and are laboring under the same Danger, are seeking the same Remedies, and should have the same Security; we do hold, that the disposing of the Kings Person doth not properly belong to any one of the Kingdoms, but jointly to both. And after Scotland hath suffered the heat of the day and winters cold, have forsaken their own peace for love of their Brethren, have set their own house on fire to quench theirs: After so much expense of their blood in all the three Kingdoms, after we have gone along with you in all the hardship of this War, and (without vanity be it spoken) have been so useful in this Cause: And that the King hath cast himself into the hands of the Scottish Army, and that by the blessing of God upon the joint endeavor of both Kingdoms we are come to the harbor of a peace; We cannot expect, that the honorable Houses will think it agreeable with conscience or honor, or with the justice of the Houses, that the Person of the King should be disposed of by them as they shall think fit, or by any one of the kingdoms alone; but that what ever shall be resolved in this, may be done by joint advice of both, as may serve most for the peace, security, and happiness of both Kingdoms.

The Lord Charcellour of Scotland his second Speech: At a Conference in the Painted Chamber, with a Committee of both Houses, Octob. 6. 1646.

AT our last meeting in this conference, your Lordships did assert the Vote of the Houses, That the Person of the King should be disposed on as the two Houses shall think fit: And we did hold, that the King, who is the Head and Monarch of both Kingdoms, ought not to be disposed of by any one of the Kingdoms, but by joint advice of both, as might serve most for the peace, happiness, and security of his Majesty and both kingdoms, which we fortified with several arguments from the interests and relations which both Kingdoms have equally to the King, and from the covenant and treaty between the Kingdoms, as the best way to preserve our Unity. But since your Lordships do adhere to the Vote of the Houses, as that which you cannot part from, We do humbly desire, that your Lordships may be pleased (in time convenient, at the close of this conference) to report the difference of our judgment to the honorable Houses, who upon better reasons both may, and (we hope) will take their Vote into further consideration: And so with reservation of our judgment, that the disposing of his Majesty's person doth belong to both; and not to any one of the Kingdoms, especially in such a juncture of affairs, as both Kingdoms stand engaged in this cause; I shall descend particularly how the Kings Person should be disposed of to the best advantage of both Kingdoms, and for attaining such a happy peace as all good men should desire. But lest we should walk in the dark upon obscurity of ambiguous words, I shall desire that the word of disposing of the Kings person may be rightly understood, and the true sense of it may be clearly known: For, Dolus versatur in universalibus. For, To dispose of the Kings person, as both Houses, or both Kingdoms shall think fit, may in some sense be to depose, or worse: But because the word [Dispose] may admit a more benign interpretation, as when men commit their estates and children, or that which is dearest to them to be disposed of, (which is but to be advised) by these who have nearest relation to them, and in whom they repose most trust: I shall speak of the disposing of his Majesty's royal person in that sense, (which I hope) is also the sense of the Houses. Nor do I know any other way how his Majesty's person can be disposed of, but that he be put either under restraint, or be at freedom with honor and safety. As for the way of restraint, I look upon it as it looks upon us, as a remedy more dangerous then the disease, & as a mean to draw the war of foreign Kings upon us (especially the Prince being in other Kingdoms) rather then to quiet our troubles at home. And therefore supposing that none of the Kingdoms will take any way concerning his Majesty's person, but such as may consist with duty and honor, and which may lessen, and not increase our troubles, I shall lay aside the way of restraint, and speak of the way which may be with freedom, honor and safety, which can be no other, but that his Majesty shall go into Scotland, or come to his Parliament here, or some of his houses near-abouts.

His going into Scotland is full of dangers and inconveniencies to both Kingdoms: The Amalekites are not yet driven out of that I and. The bloody barbarous Irish, banded with a wicked crew of Malignants, possess the mountains and highlands, which are the strong holds, and never conquered parts of that Kingdom. They have not laid down arms, but keep in a body together, and they are so near Ireland, as the Forces of the Rebels there may in two or three hours space come over and join with them: and (Scotland) not being able to keep and entertain Armies long, the King being there, may raise such forces in Scotland, as may make way quickly into England. And therefore his Majesty's going into Scotland (before our peace be settled) being of most dangerous consequence to both Kingdoms, I shall humbly offer to your Lordships consideration his Majesty's coming to London, or some of his houses hereabouts, as the most probable way to procure a speedy and happy agreement, which is also his Majesty's own desire in his Answer to the Propositions. And although no persuasion of ours could prevail to procure a more satisfactory answer for the time, then what is returned to the Houses of Parliament, yet (I assure your Lordships) that the Committee of Estates of the Parliament of Scotland, and the Noblemen, who were at Newcastle, did faithfully contribute their best endeavors, that his Majesty might have given his assent to the Propositions: And, as we did then deliver our minds with that plainness and freedom which was fit for faithful and loyal Subjects, with no less regard to this Kingdom, then our own Nation; so are we now (with the same candor and tenderness of affection) willing and ready to concur with the honorable Houses in everything which may promote the great work of Reformation; and settle Religion according to the Covenant with a well grounded peace. And for these ends, we desire, that his Majesty's answer may be improved to the best advantage of the public.

For albeit the King hath not given a present assent to the Propositions, yet he hath not in his answer refused them; but doth promise, That he will cheerfully grant and give his assent unto all such Bills (at the desire of the two Houses) and reasonable demands for Scotland, which shall be really for the good and peace of his people: To which end he desireth and proposeth that he may come to London (or any of his houses thereabouts) upon security, That he shall be there with honor, freedom, and safety, as the best expedient to procure a happy agreement between his Majesty and his Parliament, which we desire may be weighed in the balance of righteous judgment, as a business of the greatest consequence which can fall within human consideration, and wherein the glory of God is most concerned of any business under heaven. For upon a blessed agreement between the King and his Parliament, Religion and Righteousness, Truth and Peace, which are the compend and height of all happiness will be established, to the eternal fame and glory of great Britain, and the great comfort of all the Protestant churches: And upon our disagreement, all the calamities of a bloody and unnatural war, will be continued, and nothing heard nor seen in church nor State but confusion. God hath brought both Kingdoms through the surges and waves of a boisterous tempest, into the harbor of a peace, and hath scattered most part of our Enemies, & now our work is how to come a-shore, & establish a right peace. I hope it is as far from our desires and intentions as it is against our Covenent and Professions, to change fundamental government. We have need to take heed that we run not from one extreme into another; Dum stulti vitant vitia, in contraria currunt: Therefore our study would be how to cure the wound which our sins and the evil counsels of others have made between the King and his Parliament to make up the breach, and not make it wider.

It hath been universally acknowledged, That the Kings removal from his Parliament is the immediate and chief cause of all the war, mischief, and calamities of the kingdoms: Then his Majesty's presence in joining with his Parliament must be the best, if not the only remedy to remove our traubles, for it is a maxim no less true then common, that Contraries have Contrary consequents.

The King desires to come to his Parliament, not only to have his doubts clecred, and have these difficulties explained which hinder his consent to the Propositions as they now stand: But likewise that his coming may raise a mutual confidence between him and his Parliament: If the last were done, the first would soon be performed, and all those mountains of difficulties would easily be removed, and become valleys.

Your Commissioners had no power to give any reasons, no not so much as tell what is the meaning of any of your demands, nor hearken to any desire of the Kings, And certainly some things might be justly moved by his Majesty, which are necessary for the Crown and a well grounded Peace, as, That he may have his Revenues, That he may return with honor and safety to his crown and government; And if the King were with his Parliament, where he might both give and receive satisfaction, he might with reason be convinced, to assent to what he now conceives to be unreasonable.

The making of a peace, is so great and glorious a work, and so acceptable to all good men, and to the whole people, that it would (after so great trouble) be like rain to the new mown grass, or like a resurrection from the dead, and is a work worthy of a Kings presence: And the King may without arrogancy desire that glory to himself, the more to reingratiate him to his people, and not devolve that honor wholly to any other, wherein he himself ought to be the prime Actor. And therefore the Kings presence with his Parliament is the most probable way to attain to a speedy and blessed peace, which certainly will be the more durable, if it be with the good liking of both sides.

I know there is one common objection (and I know not another) wherewith many are possessed and prejudiced against the Kings coming to his Parliament, That his presence may breed division, and that he may thereafter withdraw and continue our troubles. Unity and Concord (I confess) is that by which Kingdoms and Common-wealths do flourish, and there is nothing more dangerous then division, Concordia enim res parvae cresunt, discordia vero maximae dilabuntur. But is there any greater or more dangerous division, then to have the Head divided from the body, go have the King divided from his Parliament, the representative body of the kingdom, whereof he is the Head? Hath not this division divided brother against brother, the father against the son, and the son against the father, and Country against country? This division is the cause of all our other divisions; Take this away and all cur other divisions are at an end. Ablata causa tollitur effectus. The King doth (with all earnestness) desire to be joined with you, and stands more in need of rec •• ciliation, and I hope will (according to his profession) endeavor it rather then division; And (I trust) the wisdom of the honorable Houses is such as they will do so too, and rather be reconciled to the King, then divide amongst ourselves. And that argument, not to admit of the Kings coming to his Parliament, because his presence may breed division, is an argument to debar him perpetually from his Parliement And now the case is altered from what it was, when it was thought unfit, that the King should come to his Parliament, because then he had forces in the fields, garrisons and strong holds to return to: Now he hath none of these against you, And his desire of coming to his Parliament, cannot be but with resolution to agree and stay with you, for if he were once with you, where can he go from you? And if they were esteemed enemies to the Parliament and the peace of the kingdoms, who advised the King to withdraw from his Parliament, what estimation will the world have of them, who will not suffer him to return to his Parliament, when he offers to cast himself in your arms? Nor can there be a more real testimony of our respect and affection to England, then that we desire he may be with you, and be advised by you, neither can you have any greater honor, then that (after you have dissipated your Enemies) his Majesty is willing to return to you, And if so kind an offer shall be refused, and the King driven to despair, it is to be feared, these kingdoms will be involved in greater difficulties then ever, and we shall be driven out of the harbor and entrance of a peace, into the tempest of new and bloody wars.

For although Scotland be most willing and desirous that the King should return to his Parliament with honor, safety, and freedom, and that he may remain where his personal presence may serve most for the security and happiness of his people; yet if any such course shall be taken, or any demand made for rendering of his person, which cannot stand with his honor and safety, or which cannot consist with our duty, allegiance and Covenant, nor with the honor of that Army, to whom (in time of his extreme danger) he had his recourse for safety; it cannot be expected that we can be capable of so base an Act. And if (to shun this, and avoid occasion of quarrelling between the Kingdoms) he shall go to Scotland, and resent his expulsion out of England, and crave the assistance of that kingdom, for recovery of his right to his crown; He may in a short time raise such Forces in Scotland and Ireland, as with the assistance of Foreign Princes, these kingdoms may be made a field of blood, and the youngest amongst us not live to see the end of these unnatural wars. But if the present opportunity be wisely managed, and that we maintain the just privileges of Parliament and liberty of the Subject in both kingdoms, with that wisdom and discretion, as that may be given to God which is God's, and to Coesar what is Goesars, if we fear God and the King, and do not meddle with them who are given to change, That same divine providence and wisdom which hath brought us through many difficulties, will also teach us how to establish these kingdoms in peace, and the Kings Throne in righteousness, That the great blessing of a constant and friendly conjunction of the two kingdoms (now united by allegiance and loyal subjection to one Sovereign and Head) may be firmly observed and continued to all posterity.

The Lord Chancellor of Scotland his last speech, at a conference in the Painted chamber, with a Committee of both Houses, October 10.1646.

THis day I hope will bring our conference to some results to be reported to the Houses, and therefore I shall frame my Discourse and Arguments with that succinctnesse as may bring us soonest to a close.

At our first meeting, the subject of our debate was, Whether the Right & Power of disposing the person of the King, is solely in the two Houses, as they shall think fit, or in the two Kingdoms; and at our last meeting, we had some arguing about the same question, but your Lordships did still assert the Vote of the Houses; and we say (in respect of the interest and relations which both Kingdoms have equally to the King, especially in the present juncture of affairs, when both Kingdoms are entered in the same league and covenant, have jeoparded their lives in the same war, are laboring under the same danger, are seeking the same remedies, and stand in need of the same peace and security; and both Kingdoms are bound by our Covenant to preserve Unity, and are obliged by Treaty that none of us shall make any peace, cessation, or • greement whatsoever, without mutual advice and consent of both) That the person • f the King cannot be disposed of without the joint advice and consent of both Kingdoms. But as we do acknowledge that England hath parity of interest with Scotland, so do we still offer that they shall have parity of power in disposing of the King: and we do affirm, that the person of the King, who is King of Scotland as well as of England, and is Head and Monarch of both kingdoms, cannot be disposed of by any one of the kingdoms alone: but what ever is to be done concerning the dis • osing of his Majesty's person, ought to be done by joint advice and common consent of both, as may serve most for the Peace, security, and happiness of the King and Kingdoms, which we did prove by several Arguments: To which there was nothing answered in effect, but, that the King being within England, his person was to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think fit, and that the King being with the Scottish Army, and they being paid by the Parliament of England, he is in effect in the power of the Houses, and ought to be at their disposing, in the same way as if he had come to the army of Sir Thomas Fairfax, or any other of the Parliaments armies. To which we shall not need to make any reply other then we have made already, I hat the Kings present residence in England, nor no locality, can take away the reality of our relations formerly mentioned by us, far less can it take away the engagements and stipulations between the kingdoms; and though the Scottish a my be paid by the Parliament of England, yet they are the Army of Scotland, raised for pursuance of the ends of the Covenant, and are to be ordered and directed by the Parliaments or committees of both kingdoms: and therefore they cannot with conscience, duty, nor honor, deliver the person of the King without his own consent, to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think fit: but we have declared, and do still declare, that we are content that the person of the King be disposed of (the word Disposed being taken in a right sense) as may serve most for the peace, safety, security, honor and happiness of the King and both kingdoms: and did offer to your Lordships consideration his Majesty's coming to or near London, as the most probable means to procure a speedy and well-grounded peace. And seeing your Lordships have done us the honor to meet with us in this free and brotherly conference, we do expect that you will concur and assent to this proposition, or propound a better expedient for the good of both kingdoms. But if the honorable houses will not admit of this proposition, our next desire is (that it may appear, no lawful and possible means are left unassayed which may procure a happy agreement betwixt the King & his Pa • liaments, and for our further exoneration) that Commissioners may yet once more be sent from both Kingdoms to his Majesty, to show the meaning of our Propositions & to assert them, and to hear the Kings doubts, & difficulties, and desires, who may further intimate, that (if his Majesty shall not give a satisfactory answer to the propositions) then both Kingdoms will without making any such further application to him, take such course as they shall judge fittest for the peace and security of the kingdoms.

And as at the opening of this conference, I did begin with an humble, lawful and laudable desire for unity in relation to Religion, the King, and amongst ourselves; so shall I close in the same dialect. For the first of Religion, if we do remember our vows to God to perform them, and shall endeavor really, constantly, and sincerely, the reformation of religion, and uniformity according to our Covenant, we may certainly expect that God will crown this great work, wherein he hath honored us to be actors with his blessing; but if in place of uniformity, which we are obliged to endeavor there shall be a toleration of all sects and sorts of religion, and if we neglect to build the house of God, and become insolent upon our successes; although we could mount up with Eagles wings, and build our nests as high as the startes, and had an army who for valor and strength could march to Constantinople, God shall lay our glory low in the dust, and suffer the work to fall in our hands, like the confusion of Babel, And whatever hath been moved by us concerning the King, we desire it may be rightly constructed, as proceeding from such as have not wavered from their first principles; for when the King was in the height of his power, we did not, and (I hope) never shall flatter him; and when the enemy was in the height of their pride and strength, Scotland did fear no colors: and now when the King is at his lowest ebb, and hath cast himself into our army for safety, we hope your Lordships will pardon us from our sense of honor and duty to be very tender of the person and posterity of the King, to whom we have so many near relations, and not like the worse of us: that we cannot so far forget our allegiance and duty, as not to have an antipathy against the change of Monarchical government, in which we have lived through the descent of so many Kings, and under which both kingdoms have been governed so many ages, and flourished In all happiness. And now my last word shall be for constant unity between the kingdoms, which as it hath been the chief means to promote the great work wherein both kingdoms are so deeply engaged, so there is nothing can make us so formidable to our enemies, nor so much aiding one to another, as the cherishing and continuing thereof; and I dare say that no man would divide the one from the other, but such as desire to fish in troubled waters, and are real enemies to both. God hath blest the joint endeavors of both Nations, both are in one ship, and are come through a very great storm; and now when we are come into the harbor, it would be great shame to both to split upon the rocks of division ( & devorato bove deficere in causa ) and your Lordships may be confident that Scotland, who have esteemed no hazard too great for settling of Religion and love to their Brethren, will stick so fast and firmly to you (so long as you hold the principles of your Covenant ) as no fear nor favor will ever be able to divide them from you, and we do expect that reciprocal amity which may perpetuate our unity.

The Lord Chancellor of Scotland his Speech, to the Kings Majesty at Newcastle.

YOur Majesty was pleased on Monday last to cal the Lord's of your Privy counsel of Scotland & the Committee, to acquaint them with the Propositions, & told, that before the delivery of your answer you would make the same known to them. The time assigned for the stay of the commissioners is so short, & the conse • uence of your Majesty's answer is of so great importance, either for the preservation, 〈◊〉 ruin of your Crown and Kingdoms as we could not be answerable to God, nor to • ut trust reposed in us, unless we represent to your Majesty how necessary it is (as the • ondition of affairs now stand, and in so great an extremity) that your Majesty should • ssent to the Propositions, and that the danger and loss of your refusal will be re • edilesse, and bring on sudden ruin and destruction.

I shall begin first with the last, which is the danger, and shall next speak a word of • e remedy: The differences between your Majesty and your Parliament (which no • an knows better then your Majesty's self) are grown to such a heighth, that after any bloody battles, there is no cure but a present peace, otherwise nothing can be •… pected but certain destruction. The Parliamsent is possessed of your Navy and of all 〈◊〉 Forts, garrisons & strong holds of the kingdom: they have the Excise, assessements, 〈◊〉 sequestrations at their disposal, & have authority to raise all the men & money in the • ingdom, and (after many victories and great successes) they have a strong Army on •… ot, and are now in such a posture for strength and power, as they are in a capacity do what they will, both in Church and State: & some are so afraid, others so unwil •… g to submit themselves to your Majesty's government, as they desire not you, nor •… y of your race longer to reign over them: Yet the people are so wearied of the wars, 〈◊〉 great burdens they groan under, are so desirous of peace, and loath to have Monar •… all government (under which they have lived so long in peace & plenty) changed; a such as are unwearied of your Majesty's government, dare not attempt to cast it •… lly off, till once they send Propositions of peace to your Majesty, lest the people •… ithout whose concurrence they are not able to carry on their design) should fall •… m them. And therefore all the people being desirous that (after so great wars and •… ubles) they may have a perfect security from oppression and arbitrary power, the •… uses of Parliament have resolved upon the Propositions which are tendered to your •… jesty, as that without which the Kingdom and your people cannot be in safety, 〈◊〉 most part of the people think, that there cannot be a firm peace upon any other •… mes. Your Majesty's friends, and the commissioners from Scotland, (after all the •… stling we could,) were forced to consent to the sending those Propositions, or to •… ated as the hinderers of peace, and to send no Propositions at all. And now Sir, if 〈◊〉 Majesty (which God forbid) shall refuse to assent to the Propositions, you will •… all your friends, lose the City, and all the country, and all England will join •… nst you as one man, and (when all hope of reconciliation is past) it is to be feared will process and depose you, and set up another Government; they will charge 〈◊〉 deliver your Majesty to them, and to render the Northern garrisons, and to re •… e our Army out of England: & upon your Majesty's refusing of the Propositions, 〈◊〉 Kingdoms will be constrained for their mutual safety, to agree & settle Religi •… 〈◊〉 nd Peace without you, which (to our unspeakable grief) will ruin your Majesty your posterity: and if your Majesty reject our faithful advice, (who desire no •… g on earth more then the establishmrnt of your Majesty's throne,) and lose Eng 〈◊〉 by your willfulness, your Majesty will not be permitted to come & ruin Scotland. 〈◊〉 , We have laid our hand upon our hearts, we have asked counsel and direction 〈◊〉 God, and have had our most serious thoughts about the Remedy, but can find •… her (as affairs stand for the present) to save your Crown and Kingdoms, then Majesty's assenting to the Propositions. We dare not say, but they are higher in some things (if it were in our power and option to remedy it) then we do approve of; but when we see no other means for curing the distempers of the Kingdoms, and closing the breaches between your Majesty and your Parliament: Our most humble and faithful advice is, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to assen • to them, as the only best way to procure a speedy and happy peace; because your Majesty shall thereby have many great advantages, You will be received again in you • Parliament with the applause and acclamations of your People; by your Royal presence your friends will be strengthened, Your enemies (who fears nothing so much as the granting the Propositions) will be weakened, your Majesty will hav • a fit opportunity to offer such Propositions as you shall in your wisdom judge • fit for the Crown and Kingdom; all Armies will be disbanded, and you • people finding the sweet fruits of your peaceable Government, your Majesty will gain their hearts and affections, which will be your strength and glory, and will recover all that your Majesty hath lost in this time of tempest and trouble.

And if it please God so to incline your Royal heart to this advice of your humb •… and faithful servants, who (next to the honor of God) esteem nothing more prec • ous then the safety of your person and crown, Our actions shall quickly make appear to all the world, That we esteem no hazard too great for your Majesty's sa •• ty, and that we are willing to sacrifice our lives and fortunes for establishing your Throne.

And now, Sir, we prostrate ourselves at your Majesty's feet, and in the lowest p • sture of humility do beg, That your Majesty may (in end) grant the suit of your 〈◊〉 humble servants and faithful subjects who have no private aims, but only the g •… ry of God, and safety of your Majesty's person, posterity, and crown before 〈◊〉 eyes. And the granting of our desires will revive our fainting spirits: refresh our hearts, which are overwhelmed, and like to break with sorrow, and will turn prayers and tears of the many thousands of your people, in praises to God and m •… them embrace your Majesty with acclamations of joy.