Annotations on the New Testament

Annotations on Chap. XVI.

[ a] V. 2. Upon the earth ] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the earth or land, and the sea, and the rivers and fountains of waters, v. 2, 3, 4. may appear by v. 1. where the Angels are appointed to pour out their vials upon the earth or land. That in all reason signifies the Roman Empire, the thing represented in these Visions, as before it signified the nation and people of the Jews (chap. 7. Note b.) And there is no reason to affix any nice critical notation to either of these single, that the land, v. 2. should signify severally, and so the sea, v. 3. and the rivers, v. 4. but to take all together for that which was meant by the land, v. 1. for so the series here requires, where the Angels, that were commanded to pour out their vials on the earth, pour them out upon these three, evidently noting these three to be the distribution of that one, and so all one with it. So ch. 14. 7. God is described as the Creator of the heaven, and earth, and sea, and fountains of waters, where all those latter three are set to denote that which is elsewhere ordinarily called the earth, and no more, in opposition to heaven, that is, this inferior, terrestrial globe, and all in it. To this may be added, that when the judgments are represented to fall upon Judea, some are said to fall on the land, others on the sea, others on the trees, c. 7. not necessarily signifying such a separation of the judgments, some on this, some on that part, but the whole nation together, on which all those judgments fell; and this indeed agreeable to what we read of the judgments that fell on Egypt, where though some of them were caused by the signs that Moses wrought upon the land, Exod. 8. 16. others by smiting of the waters, streams, rivers and ponds, and all their gathering together of waters, Exod. 7. 19. and so again ch. 8. 5. yet 'tis manifest that the judgments thus produced by every of these, (each smiting of his rod there being proportionable to the pouring out of a vial here) fell indifferently on the whole land, and not one judgment on one part, another on another: And so sure is it to be understood in this place. Many judgments were to be poured out up • n the Roman Empire, and by all of them together the whole heathen part of it destroyed. This consideration makes it unnecessary farther to inquire into the productions of the several Vials▪ what each of them distinctly signified, it being sufficient that each of them notes some kind of destruction; and the number of seven being a perfect number, the seven Angels, and their seven vials, and their seven effusions signify utter destruction, and not necessarily anymore, unless it be this, that it was not all at once, but by several degrees and several sorts of judgments, those that ordinarily bring destructions upon provoking people, that have filled up the measure of their iniquities, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , infectious diseases, famines and wars: and that these in a very remarkable manner fell upon the Roman Empire about these times, appears as by all histories Ecclesiastical and profane, so especially by S. Austin in his first books De civ. Dei, written on purpose to defend Christian religion from that charge which was laid upon it, that it brought down all judgments upon the Empire. Which being false, as it was urged by the Heathens to the prejudice of Christianity, viz. that the Judgments came for that sin of permitting Christianity in the Empire, and contempt of their Idol-worships; so was it most true, that for the Heathens standing out and persecuting the Christian faith, most heavy wasting judgments were come upon them. Of the three first Vials it may be yet further noted, that they may have a peculiar aspect on the plagues of Egypt: the first, that of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the evil and grievous boil, that is, infectious, and very painful, will be answerable to the boil breaking out upon man and beast through all the land, Exod. 9. 9. and signify some infectious disease, plague and pestilente, which we know breaks out in boils. So likewise the second and the third, the sea becoming as blood, ver. 3. and the rivers and fountains becoming as blood, ver. 4. are answerable to Moses 's stretching out his hand and smiting upon the waters of Egypt, their streams, and their rivers, and their ponds, and all their pools, or collections of water, upon which they became blood, Exod. 7. 19, 20. Now for these three the histories of those times are very remarkable, viz. for the great pestilences, and horrible effusions of blood. That which Herodian tells us of Commodus's reign, will sufficiently qualify that for the time of the pouring out of these three vials. At that time, saith he, l. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a very great pestilence reigned over all Italy, but especially in the city of Rome (and Dio tells us, that there died above two thousand a day in the city ) and a vast number both of beasts and men perished thereby. And so this may be commodiously the pouring out the vial upon the earth, belonging not only to the city of Rome, but to all Italy, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the land was wont to signify not only Jerusalem, but all Judea. Hereupon the Emperor was persuaded to remove to Laurentum, so called from the grove of bay-trees there, the smell whereof the Physicians thought useful against the plague. And in like manner they prescribed sweet unguents and odors to anoint their ears and noses, to keep out or overcome the pestilential vapor. But nevertheless, saith he, the disease daily increased, and swept away a multitude of men and beasts. As for the blood that was then spilled, the same Author gives us a large story; Cleander, saith he a servant of the Emperors, bought out of Phrygia, and grown up with him from his youth, and advanced to greatest offices in court and army, aspired to the Empire; To that purpose bought up a vast quantity of corn (which caused a great famine also at Rome ) thinking thereby in time of need to oblige the citizens and soldiers, and to gain them all to his party. But the event was contrary; for the famine raging, and the cause of it being visible, all the citizens run out of the city to the Emperor, requiring this Encloser to be put to death. Cleander by his power keeping them from the Emperor (whose voluptuousness made this easy for him to do) sends out the Emperor's forces armed and hors'd against them, which made an huge slaughter among them, and in driving them into the city gates, by their horses and swords, saith he, meeting with foot-men unarm'd, they killed a great part of the people. Which when they that were in the city understood, they got to the top of the houses, and with stones and tiles threw at the soldiers, and by this means put them to flight, and in the pursuit beating them off from their horses, killed great multitudes of them: and this continued very cruelly for some time. And the appeasing of this cost a great deal more blood, the Emperor causing Cleander to be put to death, and his sons after him, and then a great many more, saith he, not daring to confide in anybody. To which that author immediately adds the many prodigies which followed at that time, and the burning down of the Temple of Peace; which beside that it was the treasury of a great part of the wealth of the city, and was accompanied with the burning of a great deal more of the buildings of the city, and among them of the Temple of Vest • , the fire continuing for many days, till rain from heaven put it out, (which made them impute the whole matter to the anger of the gods) be • ides all this, I say, it was by all then looked on as a presage of great wars, which, saith he, accordingly followed. And so in this one passage of story in that Author we have the interpretation of these three vials. As great a plague as ever hath been read of, to be suitable to the first; and a great deal of killing both in the sedition, and by the cruelty of the Emperor, and by the fire, and by the wars that followed, (wherein the whole region, and not only the city of Rome was concerned) answerable to the two latter, the sea, that is, the multitude of the city, and the rivers and springs of waters, the other provinces and cities become blood. But beside these under Commodus, there was store of the like judgments in the following Emperors times, until Constantine: A very great Pestilence under Gallus, another under Gallienus, both described by Zozimus; another at the end of Decius, on occasion of which S. Cyprian wrote his book of Mortality. And in Maximinus 's time, saith Eusebius, whilst he and his armies were sore distressed by a war with the Armenians, the rest of the inhabitants of the cities were grievously devoured with famint and pestilence, infinite numbers dying in the cities, more in the countries and villages, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the numbers of husbandmen which had formerly been very great, were almost all of them swept away by famine and pestilence▪ saith Eusebius Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 8. And for wars and • ffusion of blood and slaughters, the histories are all along full of them, and need not be here recited.

[ b] V. 5. And shall be ] Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he that shall be the Copies generally read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That is answerable to the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pitiful and merciful, as that is more then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 justice or righteousness, as hath oft been said. And so it is fitly superadded here to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thou art just or righteous, preceding. That the justice of God, here acknowledged in these vengeances on heathen Rome, denotes his punitive justice, there is no doubt, and accordingly follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , because thou hast judged these. Where the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to denote the persons neutrally set down, the inhabitants of the Empire, which are here supposed to be judged, that is, justly punished, and of whom it follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because they have shed the blood of thy saints and prophets, that is, of the Christians, and those that by their preaching would have wrought reformation among them, and so did act as Prophets, and had the portion of Prophets, were resisted and slain by them. But besides this punitive justice expressed by these judgments, there was also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pity, compassion to the persecuted Christians, whose sufferings were abated and taken off by this means. Thus 'tis often to be observed in Eusebius 's story, particularly at the end of the great slaughters, and famine, and plague in Maximinus 's time, l. 9. c. 8. (mentioned Note a.) Hereupon, saith he, God, the defender of Christians, having showed his wrath and indignation against all mortals for their persecuting us, restored the pleasant and bright splendor of his providence toward us, so that from that time peace and light, with the great admiration of all, shined out and was revealed to us that sat in darkness before, showing us that God hath the oversight of our affairs continually, chastising and afflicting us for a time, but after he hath disciplined us sufficiently, appearing favorable and propitious to us again.

[ c] V. 8. With fire ] If 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by fire were here literally to be understood, many completions there would be of it, by great fires, in the city of Rome especially, within the space referred to by this Vision. One remarkable one hath been mentioned in Commodus 's time, Note a, out of Herodian l. 1. falling on the Temple of Peace, and at length coming to the Temple of Vesta, and burning many great houses, and so continuing for many days, till the rain from heaven put it out, and so by the heathens, saith he, conceived to be begun also, as it was ended, by the gods without human means. And this being such, coming from heaven, not from any lower cause, may the more probably belong to this place, where the Sun is said to have power given it to scorch men with fire, the Sun in the firmament, the great fire of the world, being commodiously enough said to scorch them, or to set them on fire (so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies) who were burnt by fire from heaven. But it is not improbable that the Suns scorching of men, denoted ordinarily by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , may signify that scorching and drying up the fruits of the earth from whence a death proceeds, and so be here set to express a famine: so 'tis said of the seed on the stony ground, that as soon as it sprang up, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it was scorched, and, as it follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 withered away. And many such dearths there were in the stories of those times. A most eminent one in Maximinus's time, mentioned by Eusebius l. 9. c. 8. Some, saith he, for the least bit of victuals, parting with that which was most precious to them: one measure of corn sold for two thousand five hundred Atticks: some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a little time selling all their possessions to buy bread: others eating grass, and therewith poisonous herbs. Noble women going out of the city to the country to beg bread: Others staggering and falling down in the streets, and howling out for one bit of bread, and able to speak no word but that they were famished. And at length the dogs raving for hunger, and falling upon the men, in their own defense they fell on killing and eating dogs. As sad a description of raging famine as hath been read of, save in time of sieges. Another famine there was in Commodus 's time (mentioned from Herodian Note a.) which put the whole city into a sedition, but that not comparable to this, and caused by Cleander 's in • atiate covetousness and ambition, more then the scorching of the Sun. That which here follows, as the effect of this famine, that they blasphemed the name of God, may most probably be the heathens railing at the Christians, as the cause of all their evils; for so the ancients observe of them, that whenever plague or famine befell them, presently they cried out, Christiani ad leones, Let the Christians be put to death, as the authors of their miseries. An eminent place we have to this purpose in Arnobius l. 10. where naming the very judgments which are here expressed by the foregoing Vials, pestilences, wars, and dearths or famines, he saith of the heathens, that when these befell them, they presently cried out that since Christians began to be in the world, terrarum Orbem periisse, the whole world was destroyed, and all mankind afflicted with all sorts of evils: and S. Cyprian in that known place ad Demetrain. That many wars break out, that plagues and famines, that the earth is kept long without any rain, nobis imputari, 'tis by the heathens imputed to us Christians.

[ d] V. 10. Seat of the beast ] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the throne, or seat, of the beast signifies, may thus be gathered; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the beast signifies Idol-worship, c. 13. 1. and as the throne of that may signify the place where it resides, so it may signify also that which sustains and supports it, a seat being that which sustains and holds up from falling that which rests upon it. This was the power of the Roman Empire, the strength and dignity thereof, to which so great a part of the world was subjected, and which it made use of to maintain the Idol-worship against Christianity. And so the throne of the beast is expounded in the next words by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Kingdom or Empire of Rome. Now that which is here said to befall the Empire by the pouring out of the fifth vial is that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 darkened, that is, lost much of its splendor which before it enjoyed, which belongs clearly to the incursions of the Barbarians, Persians, Goths, Almans, &c. about these times which are here described, as everywhere appears in story. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pain that here follows, it is the great grief and anxiety that it cost them to contend and secure themselves from these Barbarians, who being so contemptible in the eyes of the Romans, it was matter of great indignation to them to be thus infested by them, as Egypt by flies and lice. And whereas, v. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 boils are joined with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pains, I suppose those boils may again refer to that plague of Egypt, (as the darkening of the Kingdom plainly doth) and denote the effects of the Barbarians incursions: as the boils, Exod. 9. 9. were produced by scattering ashes of the furnace toward heaven, to which the inroads of those Barbarians in respect of their multitudes might fitly be resembled. And then their blaspheming of the God of heaven, is their railing at Christ and Christianity, as that which in the heathens opinion brought all these evils upon them. See Salvian De provid. and Note c.

[ e] V. 12. Euphrates ] That it is agreeable to the calling of Rome Babylon (see Note on c. 18. a.) to set Euphrates, the River that belongs to Babylon, to signify Tiber that belongs to Rome, hath been formerly showed, c. 9. Note e. And that it so signifies here, there is little doubt. From hence it follows, that the drying up of Euphrates, being an allusion to the history of Cyrus, prophetically set down Jer. 50. 38. and drought is upon her waters, and they shall be dried up, and c. 51. where is mention of the drying up her sea, and making her springs dry, v. 36. it must in reason be interpreted thereby. There in the taking of Babylon, Cyrus turned away the river Euphrates, and entered the city through the channel thereof. (See Orosius l. 11. c. 6.) And so the drying of the river being the preparative to the taking the city, and the making that weak and accessible which otherwise was impregnable, this phrase of drying up the water of Euphrates is thought commodious to be made use of, to express the weakening of the strength of Roms, and making it conquerable, or, as it here follows, that the way of the Kings—might be prepared. To prepare a way we know is to remove difficulties and obstructions, to level and plain a passage, and that in the Prophets expressed by exalting valleys, and bringing hills low, and plaining the rough places. And when rivers or waters are in the way, then the drying them up, is preparing the way, making them passable. And so the fitting the city of Rome for conquest by Constantine and his sons (who are here called Kings from the rising of the Sun, see Note f.) is the full interpretation of drying up Euphrates, that the way of the Kings might be prepared. Of this the history is clear in Eusebius Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 9. (and so in Zozimus also) that Maxentius having fastened himself in Rome (out of which he went not himself, having no confidence in the love and fidelity of the people) he fortified every place and region and city with armies for guards, and had a thousand troops of soldiers to lie in ambush in every part of Italy, and the rest of his dominions where the enemy was likely to come: These sure were the obstructions, or difficulties, in Constantine 's way to Rome, which are here to be dried up, or removed; and accordingly it follows in the history, that Constantine being assisted by God set upon his first, and second, and third army, and overcame them all; and possessing himself of the greatest part of Italy, came close up to Rome. And so 'tis visible what this drying up the river, by which their way was prepared, signifies, the subduing those armies in Italy, so that now nothing withheld his passage from Rome; which is here looked on as a very great thing, proportionable to Cyrus 's turning the river Euphrates, and entering Babylon through the channel of it. But there was yet one difficulty more to be conquered, before Constantine could enter Rome. For his only design being to deliver the Romans from the tyranny of Maxentius, and not to do any hurt, but rather bring relief to the inhabitants of the city, there was now no way to reconcile this difficulty, whilst Maxentius remained fortified in the city. And therefore in God's wonderful providence it was so disposed, that Maxentius and all his party came out of Rome, but instead of joining battle with Constantine, fled from him immediately; and having formerly built a treacherous bridge over Tiber, on design to draw Constantine 's army over it, and so by the failing of the bridge to drown them, Maxentius himself and his forces are forced that way, and drowned in the pit which they had prepared for others, and himself and his life-guard were the first that thus perished. This so signal a destruction Eusebius thinks fit to compare to the Israelites victory over Pharaoh in the Red sea, and saith it was according to the prediction of the divine oracles in all probability referring to this Vision here. The conclusion of it was, that this being done, Constantine came Conqueror to Rome, where without any opposition he was received by young and old, Senators and Nobles, and all the people of Rome, with cheerful countenances and joyous acclamations, as the preserver and benefactor of them all; and commanding the sign of the cross to be set on the right hand of his statue, he affixed these words in Latin, H • c salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, civitatem nostram jugo Tyranni ereptam liberavi, et S. P. Q. R. liberatum prisco splendori & claritatirestitui, By this salvifick sign, the true expression of fortitude, I have freed our city, and delivered it from the tyrants yoke, and have restored the Senate and people of Rome to their ancient splendor and brightness. And in like manner the Senate dedicated to him a triumphal arch, Liberatori urbis, fundatori quictis, To the deliverer of the city, and founder of their peace, as may be seen in Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen and others. And so this was a farther completion of this prophecy, and a last part of the drying up Euphrates, (parallel to that of the drying up of the Red sea before the Israelites ) and preparing Constantine 's peaceable entrance into the city.

[ f] Ib. Kings of the east —] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from the rising of the Sun, signifies, may be resolved by these two considerations; first, that the Kings or Magi that came to worship Christ, soon after his birth, whilst Herod designed the killing of him, are said to come 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the rising of the Sun, Mat. 2. 1. And agreeably to that, Constantine and his sons, which had given up their names to the Christian faith, and were promoters of it whilst Maxentius persecuted it, may be thus in Prophetick style fitly described by the Kings from the rising of the Sun. Secondly, Christ himself is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the rising Sun (see Note on Luc. 1. 5.) and so seems to be called here, c. 7. 2. where the Angel ascending from the East is one sent immediately by Christ; and then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings from the rising of the Sun may be a very fit phrase to express Christian Kings. And it is to be observed, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings, in this Book, is not confined to the Emperors or supreme Governors, but is more loosely used for Commanders, all in authority (see Note g. and c. 11. Note.) and so may in the Plural be appliable to Constantine and his sons, and the Christian Commanders under him.

[ g] V. 13. Unclean Spirits ] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 unclean spirits may in part be resolved by Eusebius in the story of Maxentius, Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 9. where the first thing that he saith of him, is, that he relied on Magical arts in this whole matter, and thereupon kept himself up close in Rome, and would not go out of it. So again De vita Constant. l. 1. c. 30. At last he f • ll to Magic and Sorcery; sometimes cut up women great with child, sometimes ripped up the bowels of tender infants, sometimes killed lions, all to divine thereby: He often used wicked adjurations to raise up Devils, saith he, by whose help he might avert the violence of the war from him, hoping that they would help him to the victory. Now these impure spirits are here said to be three, but the Kings MS. wants that word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 three. If we read it without three, then it is already explained, that he made use of Magic and Augury. But if the word three be retained, then either may it signify that he betook himself wholly to these arts, (the number of three, as of seven, having oft no other importance in it but to signify a great deal) or else peculiarly these three sorts; first, Augury, or divination by entrails; secondly, Calling up of devils, (both particularly mentioned by Eusebius ) and thirdly, the use of the Sibylline Oracles, which the Roman Sorcerers and Diviners generally dealt in, and Maxentius made use of; see Zozimus l. 2. Of these it is farther said, that they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as frogs, referring to those creatures brought forth upon Egypt by the Magicians at Pharaohs command, Exod. 8. 7. Of which, as it is known that they are impure creatures, breeding and dwelling in the mire, and so these impure spirits or arts are fitly compared to them; so it is also observable, how useless and unprofitable they are, they croak, but do nothing else, and so they fitly resemble these Magical arts, which made a great noise, but never brought him the least advantage, but rather hastened his ruin, by relying on them. Then these frogs are said to come out of the mouth of the Dragon, and the beast, and the false prophet: which again, if the word three be not retained, will conclude these Magical arts, which he made use of, to proceed promiscuously from these three; but if the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 three be retained, then it will be proper to confine the responses of the devils, when they were raised by him, to the first of the three, those that came out of • the mouth of the Dragon, for that is everywhere the Devils title in this Book, (see Note on c. 12. d. and 13. b.) and the devils being (as was said) raised by Maxentius to direct and assist him, the first of these frogs is said to have come out of the devils mouth immediately. Secondly, the art of divining by entrails, and to that purpose killing of women and children as well as beasts, being directly a piece of Heathenism, confined to their Augurs and Priests; the second of these frogs is said to have come out of the mouth of the Beast, that is, Idol worship, so called, c. 13. 1. the Priests being the mouth thereof. Thirdly, the heathen Prophets undertaking to fetch grounds of their predictions most frequently from the Books of the Sibyls, such fragments thereof as were remaining among them; the third frog is said to come out of the mouth of the false prophet, that is, of the College of diviners, which thus by study in those Oracles undertook to foretell things to come. And of all these it is said, that they did signs, either by foretelling sometimes things that came to pass, which gave them authority among men, or else by showing some deceitful wonders: and that they went out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , upon, or to, the Kings of the whole world, that is, to Maxentius the Emperor, and his Commanders under him, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings in the Plural, (see Note f.) and incited them to the war of the great day of God, that is, to fight with Constantine, that instrument of God's to bring in Christianity into the Empire.

[ h] V. 16. Armageddon ] What Armageddon, which is here said to be an Hebrew word, signifies, or of what composition it is, is a matter of some question. The Learned H. Grotius conceives it to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the mount of meeting, to note the place and battle where the armies met, viz. on Constantine's side 90000 foot and 8000 horse, of Germans, Gauls and Britons, on Maxentius's side 170000 foot, and 18000 horse, of Romans, Italians, &c. in Zozimus: and that this is here said in reference not to the valley of Megiddo, where Josiah was slain, but to the waters of Megiddo, Judge. 5. 9. where the Canaanites were slain by Barac; which appears the more probable, because the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in Greek rendered 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Eusebius Praep. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mount Gerizin. But another composition of the word may be yet more probable, viz. that of Drusius, that it be made up of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the excision or destruction of their Armies, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Hebrew, or their fortunes, (all their former good successes) as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Chaldee signifies. And so the clear meaning of the verse is this, that the evil spirits. v. 14. the Magicians and Augurs, &c. gathered them together, (so 'tis said ver. 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and to them in the Plural neuter belongs the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Singular) caused them to fight this great battle with Constantine, which was the utter destruction of that great army of the Heathens, and so a very heavy judgment or excision, the effect of the Vial of the sixth Angel. This victory of Constantine over Maxentius was so signal and considerable, that, as Onufrius tells us, Fast. l. 2. the Indictions (that known way of computing of times among the Romans ) were taken from thence: ab eaque die primam Indictionem inchoari, saith Baronius, and from that day the first Indiction began; ut liberatam à Maxentii tyrannide urbem & Ecclesiam indicaret, that it might proclaim and commemorate the freeing of the City and Church from Maxentius's tyranny. By which it may appear, how memorable a passage this was, and how fit to be the matter of this Vision. See Abr. Bucholcers Chronology Anno Chr. 312.

[ i] V. 17. It is done ] It is usual in Prophecies to set down the sad events most covertly. Thus Scaliger observes, Augures sedentes in templo abstinebant vocibus male nominatis, ideóque Alteram avem potiùs quàm Aversam dicebant; The Augurs, as sitting in the Temple, abstained from the sadder expressions, and therefore when they meant to signify any ill ab •• d, • ey called it not the Averse but the Other Augury. Accordingly is that style of Horace,

This the Grecians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not to deliver any sad thing, not to speak any hard or evil saying. And their name for this figure is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Agreeable to this is the ordinary style of fuit, or vixit, he hath been, or he hath lived, for mortuus est, he is dead, fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium—we have been Trojans, Troy hath been; and in Demosthenes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , now it shall be rich, to signify that it hath been, and is yet poor. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith he, for thus I must speak, and not use gross or harsh expressions. And just such is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here, It hath been, that is, now it ceaseth to be, it is destroyed, by this figure 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , fit for Prophecies.

CHAP. XVII.

1. AND there came one of the seven Angels which had the seven vials, and talked with me, saying unto me, Come hither, I will show unto thee the judgment of the great whore, that sitteth upon many waters,]

[Paraphrase] 1. And another vision I saw to the same purpose. One of those executioners of God's wrath came unto me, saying, I will show thee the vengeance that is ready to befall the Imperial dignity of Rome, fitly entitled the great whore, (great in itself, and whore for their impieties against God, their worship of many heathen gods, directly owning that title, as an harlot is she that takes in many others instead of the one husband) sitting, that is, ruling, over many waters, that is, much people, having many nations under her dominion.

2. With whom the Kings of the earth have committed fornication, and the inhabitants of the earth have been made drunk with the wine of her fornication.]

[Paraphrase] 2. From the power and authority whereof many other kingdoms (see c. 13. 14.) have been confirmed and fortified in their idolatrous courses, and had their false worship propagated to them, the whole Roman Empire running mad after her vile heathen practices.

3. So he carried me away in the Spirit into the wilderness: and I saw [note a] a woman sit upon a scarlet-coloured beast, full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and [note b] ten horns.]

[Paraphrase] 3. And in this vision methought I was in a desert, (fit to represent the desolation that was to be expressed in that vision) and there I saw what he had promised me, v. 1. a woman, that great whore mentioned there, the Imperial power of Rome heathen, seated on an Emperor in a scarlet robe, a great blasphemer against the true God, and advancer of Idolatry, and he had seven heads, (the city of Rome built on seven hills) and ten horns, that is, so many other Kings that ruled over divers countries, and were confederate with the Roman Emperor.

4. And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet color, and decked with gold, and precious stone, and pearls, having a golden cup in her hand, full of abominations and filthiness of her fornication.]

[Paraphrase] 4. And this Roman power was in great prosperity, much sumptuousness was bestowed upon their Idol-worship, and all manner of abominable filthiness was committed therein.

5. And upon her forehead was a name written, [note c] Mystery, Babylon the great, the mother of harlots, and abominations of the earth.]

[Paraphrase] 5. Which being so frequent and acknowledged in their secreter devotions, are best described by the word Mystery, which was the word which the Greeks used for their uncleanest meetings, and by Babylon (see note on ch. 14. c. and ch. 18. a.) which of old was famous for these, and so destroyed. From hence came all the Idolatry of the other cities, see v. 2.

6. And I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints, and with the blood of the Martyrs of Jesus: and when I saw her, I wondered with great admiration.]

[Paraphrase] 6. And beside her Idolatries and uncleanness, she was represented as a great persecutor of Christians, (see c. 1. d.) At this sight of a woman thus represented, in all glory, and then drunk with blood, and vomiting it out, I was much astonished.

7. And the Angel said unto me, Wherefore didst thou marvel? I will tell thee the mystery of the woman, and of the beast that carrieth her, which hath the seven heads and ten horns.]

[Paraphrase] 7. And the Angel that shown it me, v. 1. told me the interpretation of it, viz. that it was designed by God to represent the Roman heathen power, the seven hills on which it was built, and the ten Kings consederate with it.

8. The beast that thou sawest, was, and is not, and shall ascend out of the bottomeless pit, and go into perdition: and they that dwell on the earth shall wonder, (whose names were not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world) when they behold the beast [note d] which was, and is not, and yet is.]

[Paraphrase] 8. And the scarlet beast v. 3. on whom this power is seated, and which blasphemeth and desieth the God of heaven, that is, the person of the Emperor, in whom this power is vested, at the time to which this part of the vision refers, (see note a.) is one which was in power, but at this point of time, that is, after Vespasian's return out of Judea, was out of it, but shall come to it again, sent, as it were, out of hell, to persecute the Christians. And when he, that is Domitian, shall have delivered up the Empire again to Vespasian, upon his return out of Judea, and for some years become a private man again; this shall be matter of great admiration and astonishment to all that are not Christians, wheresoever they are, seeing by this means that the persecutor of Christians is gone out of power (and when he comes in again, shall not continue long, but himself be cruelly butchered, v. 8. and 11.) and Vespasian, a favourer of the Christians, but destroyer of the Jews, is come in again, even while Domitian was alive, which made it the more strange.

9. And here is the mind which hath wisdom; The seven heads are seven mountains, on which the woman sitteth.]

[Paraphrase] 9. This is the meaning of the riddle; The seven heads are the seven hills, which are so famously known in Rome.

10. And there are seven Kings, five are fallen, and one is, and the other is not yet come; and when he cometh, he must continue a short space.]

[Paraphrase] 10. And beside they denote the seven Kings or Emperors thereof, (that have had anything to do with the Christians) which are here to be numbered from the time of the beginning of these visions, till this of the writing of them: Of them five are dead, all of violent deaths, poisoned, or killed by themselves or others, viz. Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, one then reigned, viz. Vespasian, and a seventh was not yet come to the Kingdom, viz. Titus, who when he should come to it, should reign but two years and two months.

11. And the beast that was, and is not, even he is the eighth, and is of the seven, and goeth into perdition.]

[Paraphrase] 11. And Domitian, described v. 8. as he that was, and is not, that is, one that in Vespasian's time, while he was busy in other parts, exercised all power at Rome, and was called Emperor, is the eighth, that is, comes to the Empire after those seven, being the son of one of them, to wit of Vespasian (in whose time also he held the government of Rome) and this a wretched accursed person, a cruel bloody persecutor of the Christians, and shall be punished accordingly.

12. And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten Kings, which have received no kingdom as yet, but receive power▪ as Kings one hour with the beast.]

[Paraphrase] 12. As for the ten Kings of the barbarous nations, noted by the ten horns, v. 3. those which (though after v. 16. they shared the Roman Empire, yet) as yet had not done so, had no Kingdom as yet within the Roman Territory, they for a small time complied with the Roman power.

13. These have one mind, and shall give their strength and power unto the beast.]

[Paraphrase] 13. And did as the Emperor did, persecuted the Christians in their Territories.

14. These shall make [note e] war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall overcome them: for he is Lord of lords, and King of kings, and they that are with him are called and chosen and faithful.]

[Paraphrase] 14. And having done so, they shall • re long be subdued to the Christian faith, according to God's promise that Christ should be King of kings, &c. that is, that Kings and Potentates should be subdued unto him, and (according to the reasonableness of it) that the Christian faith consisting of nothing but pat • ence and perseverance under persecutions, without any resisting, or rebelling against the persecutors, should at length approve itself to Kings and Potentates, and prevail upon them to embrace the faith of Christ.

15. And he saith unto me, The waters which thou sawest, where the whore sitteth, are people's, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues.

16. And the ten horns which thou sawest upon the beast, these shall hate the whore, and shall [note f] make her desolate and naked, and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire.]

[Paraphrase] 15, 16 And he saith, unto me, the waters, that is, the people of several nations, that were under the Roman Emperor so lately, a nd the ten Kings of those nations that had no power or kingdom within the Roman Territories, v. 12. shall invade the Roman Empire, and at length spoil the City of all the bravery, and deprive them of many of their former dominions, and set the City (a third part of it c. 16. 19.) on fire, (see Procop. Vand. l. 1.)

17. For [note g] God shall put in their hearts to fulfill his will, and to agree, and give their kingdom unto the beast, until the words of God shall be fulfilled.]

[Paraphrase] 17. And all this an eminent act of God's providence, both that all those nations should first confederate with the Romans, and also that they should now break off, and execute God's vengeance upon them.

18. And the woman which thou sawest; is that great city which reigneth over the Kings of the earth.]

[Paraphrase] 18. And the woman which thou sawest, is the Roman power, which hath many Princes under her, or the Empire of Rome and the world.

Annotations on Chap. XVII.

[ a] V. 3. A woman sit upon a scarlet —] That the beast here must signify the Idolatrous heathen worship, may be thought, by comparing this verse with c. 13. 1. There the beast, whereby that is acknowledged to be represented, is said to have seven heads, and ten horns, and upon the heads the name of blasphemy: And so here, much to the same purpose, the beast is full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns. But it must be observed first, that there are more beasts then one mendon'd in these Visions, and not all signifying the same, but visibly divers things, and that difference observable from other circumstances. As first, here is the addition of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scarlet-coloured, which refers to the color of the Imperial robe, which was such, saith Pliny Nat. hist. l. 22. 2. And so that inclines it to signify the Emperor in this place: and though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a beast, may seem a m • an title to represent so great a person, yet when it is considered, that rage and cruelty, and all manner of uncleanness, may be found in an heathen Idolatrous Emperor, all these being so fit to be represented by a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or wild beast, such an Emperor as this may well own that title. And so when Julian introduceth C. Caligula, it is in this style, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an evil beast succeeds, in his Sa • ire against the Caesar's; and in like manner of Vindex, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 these beasts; and of Domitian, with a peculiar Epithet, to denote his cruelty (such as was Proverbially observed in Phalaris) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Sicilian beast, and again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the bloody beast, exactly parallel to the scarlet-coloured beast in this place. Secondly, here is a woman sitting upon that beast, which makes it differ again from that representation, c. 13. And this woman appears to be the whore in the first verse of this chapter: for being there told by the Angel, that he shall see the judgment of the great whore, it follows immediately, he carried me, and I saw a woman, &c. Now that this woman or great whore is the Imperial power of heathen Rome, appears by her sitting upon many waters, sitting there noting rule and dominion as the many waters is great multitudes of people) and so by the Kings of the earth committing fornication with her, v. 2. Agreeable to which it is, that the beast whereon she sits should be the person of the Emperor, in whom that power was vested, or seated, as we say; which is farther expressed, v. 7. by the beasts carrying the woman, the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there being that which belongs to carrying of burdens, &c. on shoulders, and that, we know, is figuratively applied to power or government, Is. 9. 6. the government shall be upon his shoulders. And so likewise by verse 18. it is as evident that the woman is that great Imperial City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the names of blasphemy, they are most signally appliable to Domitian, who called himself Lord God (see c. 13. Note c.) and opposed the true God, and set up many false idol-gods in defiance of him, which is the most real blasphemy, and is so styled by the Author of the book of Maccabees. And to conclude, that this beast here is a person, and an Emperor (and not the heathen worship, ch. 13. 1.) it is evident by v. 11. where, of the Kings mentioned v. 10. this beast is said to be the eighth; and by the addition of he that was, and is not, it is as clear, that it was Domitian at the time when he had delivered up the Empire to his Father Vespasian at his return from Judea, being shortly to return to it again. Which with the rest of the description of him v. 8. is appliable to no other but to him: see Note d.

[ b] Ib. Ten horns ] That these ten horns, or Kings, were those barbarous nations that lay on the North of the Euxin sea, and of Danubius, and the Rhene, (which were the ordinary bounds of the Roman Empire on that side) the number of them will sufficiently evince. Procopius reckons them up to that number of ten, Ostrogothi, Wisigothi, Vandali, Gepidae, Longobardi, Heruli, Burgundions, Huns, Frank • , Saxons. Of these it is said, v. 12. that they were ten Kings 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which had not yet received the kingdom. This cannot be understood, that they had as yet (in that point of time to which the Vision belonged) no dominions of their own, for they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ten Kings, and it is evident in story, that those barbarous Nations had their several Kings in that time. The meaning then must be, that they had as yet no dominion within the Roman Territory, (but only made sudden incursion • into it) their receiving the Kingdom being when they shared the Empire among them. So the Fathers in the time of persecution interpreted it, Romani imperii abscessio in decem reges dispersa, saith Tertullian, The departure of the Roman Empire dispersed into ten Kings: & decem regibus, in quos dividetur quod nunc regnat imperium, saith Irenaeus, The ten Kings into which the Empire, which now reigns, shall be divided. And then, before they came to this having a kingdom, dominion in the Roman Territories, it is said of them, that as Kings they receive power with the beast, that is, join and comply, and act with the beast, assist heathen Rome in persecuting the Christians, (but that only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one hour, a small short while) which is farther expressed by having one mind, and giving their strength and power to the beast. What point of time it was when this was done, being but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a short space, is the only matter of difficulty. And here first, it is clear, that this time here pointed to is before they took kingdoms within the Roman Territory, both by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they had not yet received the kingdom; and because when they did so, they did make desolate and eat her flesh, v. 16. and therefore the Vulgar Latins reading, post bestiam after the beast, (as if it were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) must needs be an error. Secondly, it must be before the Emperors became Christian; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the beast signifying the Roman Idolatry, not simply, but having power and persecuting Christians, their giving that power to the beast supposes it to be while it is the beast, that is, heathen and persecuting. Thirdly, it must be before these barbarous nations had received the faith, for after, they would not join with the beast; and that is an argument again, that it was before they got possession of any piece of the Roman dominion: for it is manifest in story, that a great part of these nations were Christians, though Arians, before that. For the first of them that came on the South of Ister, (which is Danubius, when it toucheth upon Illyricum ) were those who in the time of Valens obtained of him to come into Thracia, and to dwell on that side of Ister, and to defend that limit of the Empire against the other Goths that were Pagans; see▪ Theodor. 1. 4. c. ult. Sozom. l. 6. c. 3, 7. Paulus Diaconus hist. Miscel. l. 12. c. 14. and Ammian. Marcel. And from these Arian Goths swarmed afterwards those which invaded Italy, Africa, Spain. As for the short incursions which the Goths made into Asia, or the Franks into Gaul, in the time of Gallienus and of Claudius, wherein the Christians suffered much by them, (and the space would fit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 well) that cannot be it neither, because then they did not give their strength and power to the beast. Fourthly, then that which is the most probable is this, That the Christian religion was propagated among those barbarous people, and was not publicly persecuted by them, whiles the Roman Emperors from time to time did most bloodily pursue it. That it was spread among them, that one place in Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 8. may suffice. Et Britannorum inaccessa loca Romanis, Christo ver • subdita, & Sarmatarum, & Dacorum, & Germanorum, & Scytharum, & abditarum multarum Gentium, &c. The places which the Romans had not come to were subdued to Christ, the Britons, the Sarmatians, the Dacians, the Scythians, the Germans, and many secret Nations. Which words do plainly point at those very nations which afterwards overrun the Empire. And there are not related any persecutions in those parts, which would not have been altogether omitted in Ecclesiastical history, if there had been any public authoritative persecution there. And it is observable here in England, from the days of King Lucius until the reign of Diocletian, (when Alban the Protomartyr of England suffered) the Christians continued in peace and quietness. See Bede Eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 4. Hereupon it may be collected that Diocletian being a violent and furious persecutor, that extended his persecutions to all parts of his Empire, at least in the two last years of his reign, a vigorous and active Prince, that enlarged the limits of the Empire, particularly to those Northern parts, Daciâ restitutâ porrectis usque ad Danubii caput Germaniae Rhetiaeque limitibus, having recovered Dacia, and reached out the limits of Germany and Rhetia as far as the head of Danubius, as it is said of him in the Panegyric ad Dioclet. & Maximian. (and more particularly Pomponius Laetus in that short history which he gives of Dioc • etian, speaks to the very point of time, Diocletianus, rebus toto Oriente compositis, Europam repetiit, ubi jam Scythae, Sarmata, Alani & Basterna jugum subiverant, una cum Carpis, Cattis & Quadis, &c. Diocletian having composed affairs over all the East, returned to Europe, where the Scythians, Sarmatians, Alans and Basternians, together with the Carpi, Catti and Quadi, and others had already undergone, and submitted to his yoke: so that at the time when he triumphed for the Persian victory, these Northern people were brought under some yoke, which was in the eighteenth year of his Empire. See Euseb. in Chronic. and then in the same year he and Maximian contrived and decreed the general persecution over the whole Empire, which before that time was but in some parts. See Euseb. l. 8. c. 1. and 9.) From these considerations, I say, it may be collected, that this was a time in which the Pagan bordering Princes might be stirred up in compliance with such Emperors, to persecute poor Christians within their Territories, and yet that persecution last but a very short time; partly; because the condition of that sort of people is to be restless, and always attempting somewhat upon their neighbors that did thus awe them, being impatient of any yoke; and partly, because Diocletian resigned the Empire about two years after. That we cannot attain unto a full knowledge of the proceedings of that time, the reason of Baronius is good, because no writer of that time (who did set down by way of History the actions of Diocletian) is extant, the work of Claudius Eusthenius his Secretary, who did write the actions of him and his three colleagues, being perished. In this obscurity of the time we can but guess▪ but this conjecture is probable, and suits well with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the short space, and all other circumstances of the Context.

[ c] V. 5. Mystery ] The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies a secrecy. It is also an unclean word, set by Achilles Tatius to signify the nakedness of a woman. Among the Gentiles it was used to denote their secretest Idolworships, their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which being for the most part very unclean and abominable, as in their Eleusinia sacra, &c. they were generally styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and divided into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , their greater & lesser mysteries. These, faith Tertullian, the Gnostics imitated, and had in their worships curtains drawn, and silence strictly kept to veil and keep secret what they did. Hence is it, that this word is here thought fit to express the Idolatry and heathen-worship of this city, which had generally this of uncleanness joined with it.

[ d] V. 8. d. Which was, and is not ] That Domitian had and exercised all power at Rome in his Father Vespasian's time whilst he was employed abroad in Syria, &c. appears by Tacitus, who saith of him distinctly, Domitianum Caesarem consalutatum, &c. that Domitian was saluted by the name of Caesar, Hist. l. 3. in fine, and nomen sedemque Caesaris Domitianus acceperat, Domitian had received the name and throne of Caesar, l. 4. in initi • , and by all other writers of those times. At the return of Vespasian he was devested of his power; and so though he had been Emperor, and still continued alive at that point of time to which this part of the Vision refers, yet 'tis true of him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he is not: by which it may be guest at what time these Visions were written, at least to what time this Vision refers, viz. to the time of Vespasian after his return out of Syria, the war being left unto Titus. And this distinctly appears v. 10. by the enumeration of the eight Emperors there, of which Claudius being the first, Nero second, Galba third, Otho fourth, Vitellius fifth, it is there said, five are fallen, and one is, that is, is now alive at this point of the Vision, viz. Vespasian, and Titus the seventh is not yet come, and after his short reign, then v. 11. follows this successor of his, Domitian, described, as here, by the title of, he which was, and is not, and is the eighth, (for so he was) and is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of, or, from, the seven, that is, the son or off spring of one of them, viz. of Vespasian. This person being a great persecutor of Christians, God's judgments were remarkably to fall upon him, which is the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he goeth to perdition, v. 11. for he was butcher'd by his own servants: and Apollonius Tyaneus the great Magician is said to have cried out at Ephesus many miles off, at the minute when he was killed, Strike the Tyrant, strike the Tyrant, and to have told them, Believe it, the Emperor is killed this very moment; which the Devil, it seems, (whether from this and the like prophecies of God here, or by his speedy conveyance of what he saw, I cannot affirm) by his familiarity with that Magician enabled him thus to declare.

[ e] V. 14. War with the Lamb] Warring with the Lamb, signifies opposing and persecuting Christianity; not as if there were set battles between them and Christians, but such as are supposable against those whose principle was to suffer, not to resist the persecuting Emperors, (under whom they were:) For this is the condition of the Lamb here to endure, to be slaughtered, but not to fight again. This is here said of these ten Kings (confederate with the Romans ) that they should thus war, that is, be used as soldiers to execute the Romans bloodiness upon Christians: and this is true of the Goths and others, while they were consederate with heathen Rome; though soon after they themselves came over to Christianity, (though most to Arianism,) (Gothi per legatos supplices poposcerunt, ut illis Episccpi, à quibus Christiane fidei regulam discerent, mitterentur. Valens imperator Doctors Ariani dogmatis misit. Gothi primae fidei rudimentum, quod accepere, tenuerunt, The Goths desired by their Ambassadors, that Bishops might be sent them from whom they might learn the Rule of faith. Valens the Emperor sent them Arian Doctors. The Goths retained those rudiments which they first received, Oros l. 7. c. 33.) no doubt much forwarded therein by seeing the patience and constancy of Christian Martyrs, who have no other way to overcome their enemies, and so in that only respect are said to conquer them here, that is, to bring them to Christianity, and subject them to Christ's kingdom. For of Alaricus 'tis clear that he was then a Christian, and sent Embassies to Honorius by Bishops, (see Sozomen l. 9. c. 8.) and that Attalus was baptized by Sigesarius a Gothish Bishop, and by that was the dearer to Alaricus and all the Goths, c. 9. And that in reverence to S. Peter, Alaricus gave mercy to all those that fled to his Temple for Sanctuary, and restored all that was taken out of the Church (by a Gothish soldier, who astonished with the richness of the sight told Alaricus of it) and at the putting all in their places, sung an hymn to God, Barbarians and Romans together, saith Orosius l. 7. c. 20. 39. and so 'tis clear of the greatest part of the army, of whom faith Orosius, Christiani fuere qui parcerent, &c. they were Christians that spared, Christians who were spared, Christians for the memory of whom there was any such thing as sparing. To the manifestation of this pertains that passage set down by Hieron. Rubeus, that Saul an Hebrew, or, as others affirm, a Pagan, who had the chief command under Stilico, designing to take advantage, and set upon the Goths when they were not prepared, did it upon Easter-day. And Alaricus discerning their approach, sent to desire he would defer the fight till the morrow, in respect of the religion of the day, promising then to meet him. But Saul would not hearken to it, but set upon them unarmed, and holding up their hands and eyes in prayer to heaven for aid, in tam sancti mysterii celebratione, in the performance of the duties of the day, and so killed many of them; till Alaricus after the space of an hour, saying that they had now satisfied the religion of the day, and exhorting his soldiers to follow him stoutly, brake in upon them with a great army, and repulsed and put them to flight; and if Honorius and Stilico had not come to their relief, eo omnino die de Roma t • rrarum domina, quae victori premium er at futura, actum fuisset, Rome had been destroyed upon the Fate of that day.

[ f] V. 16. Make her desolate ] The Goths and Vandals overrunning Italy and Rome itself, ( Alaricus the Goth and Gensericus the Vandal Kings, and divers others, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , many Kings making insurrections, saith Sozomen) is famously known in story. See Socrat. 1. 7. c. 10. Sozom. 1. 9. c. 6. Of the spoils also that were made by them Historians are plentiful, especially Procopius. Of Alaricus and his, that they left nothing behind them, either of private or public treasure, the Commander giving order to his soldiers, saith Sozomen l. 6. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to plunder all the wealth of the city, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as near as was possible to spoil every house. Of Gensericus, that he brought by sea to Carthage a vast deal of gold and silver; and that he robbed the Temple of Jupiter Capi • olinus, or Olympius. So Socrates of Alaricus, that they took the city and rifled it, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , burnt many of those admirable spectacles. So also that they conquered many Provinces of the Romans, and possessed them as their own, as Dacia, Pannonia, Thrace, Illyricum, France, Spain, Africa, Italy and Dalmatia, which is here called the eating of the flesh of the whore. As for their burning of the city, (though that signify not their burning it all down to the ground, but only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 many buildings of the city, and in Socrates, the many admirable spectacles there) that is known to be done by Totilas at the first entering the city, though Bellisarius was a means that 'twas not all burnt down; see Procopius Goth. 4. and Sozomen l. 9. c. 6. This being done in the time of Honorius the Emperor, and Innocentius Bishop of Rome, & so in time of Christianity, may be thought not to belong to heathen Rome. But then 'tis observable, 1. that by the providence of God not only Honorius himself was out of the city, but that Innocentius (after the first taking of it, before the second) was like Lot out of Sodom ( • aith Orosius l. 7. c. 39.) removed out of that city to Ravenna, where the Emperor was, on occasion of an Embassy mentioned by Sozomen l. 9. c. 7. and by Zozimus: 2 ^dly , that there were at that time very many professors of Gentilism there, in the Senate, not only in the city, as may appear by that passage in Sozomen, that at the first siege, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Gentiles of the Senate, or those of the heathen profession there, thought it necessary to worship and sacrifice in the Capitol and other heathen Temples (which 'tis clear were then among them) some Thuscian Magi being sent for by Aitalus the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Governor of the city, who promised by thunder and lightning to drive away the Barbarians. Continuo de repetendis sacris celebrandisque tractatur, Presently they entered into consultation about restoring their Gentile sacrifices, and offering them, Oros. l. 7. c. 38. And another passage there is in Sozomen c. 9. that upon the miscarriage of Attalus, (his losing that dignity of Emperor, of which he was so ambitious, that he would not be content to be a partner with Honorius ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. the Gentile Idolaters that were in the city, and those of the Arian party, were extremely troubled; the Gentiles guessing by Attalus's inclination and former course, (being but now lately become Christian, since from being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Governor of Rome, he was now joined with Alaricus, and christened by a Gothish Bishop) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , did verily believe that he would profess'dly favor and set up Gentilism, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and restore the ancient temples and feasts and sacrifices. And indeed 'tis clear by the passages of the story, that though the Heathens in Rome were the men that called Alaricus to their assistance, to take the patronage of them; yet by God's turning of things it • el out, that they beyond all others found the vengeance of his coming to light heavily upon them. Nay, 'tis Orosius 's observation, that God permitted Alaricus to enter the city, that he might bring contumely and reproach upon the Idolaters or Heathens there, and give the triumph and victory to Christian religion over Gentilism, now conquered and laid prostrate; and that many Gentiles, or Pagans, astonished with what they saw thus brought to pass quite contrary to their expectation, turned Christians by this means, 1. 7. c. 39 Thirdly, it was the common complaint of the Gentiles at that time, that the reception of Christianity had provoked the gods to send these vastations upon them, the direct contrary of which is at large shown by Salvian De providentia, viz. that the Christians were the only preservers of the world: and indeed it is clear by the story, that had it not been for them Rome had been quite destroyed; for, saith Sozomen, Alaricus when he took it, commanded his soldiers to rifle the city, &c. but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , through reverence to S. Peter, he commanded that the Church built about his Tomb which takes up a great circuit, and could hold a great multitude, should be a sanctuary to all that would make use of it: and so faith Orosius, Gothi, relict â intention praedandi, ad confugia salutis (hoc est sanctorum locorum) agmina ignara cogentes, The Goths gave over their intention of rifling, and forced troops of Christians, not knowing what they did, to save themselves by flying to consecrated places. (And I sidore adds, that of those that were by the soldiers found out of the Churches, as many as named the name of Christ, or the Christian Saints, were constantly spared by the soldiers, and that thus many thousands did escape.) By which means the Christians were generally delivered and saved from the general destruction, (and also with them some Gentiles, saith S. Augustine De civ. Dei l. 11. c. 1. which fled with the Christians to the monuments of the Martyrs and the Basilicae of the Apostles,) and so were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or escapers here too, as before among the Jews at the destruction of Jerusalem. And, as he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. this was the cause that Rome was not quite destroyed, those that were saved there in that Sanctuary ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith he) being many, who afterward rebuilt the city, c. 9. And Sozomen c. 10. hath a famous story to this purpose of a young soldier, that having taken a very handsome Christian woman, and being by her constancy kept from defiling her, carried her to the Basili • a, that so she might be safe from all others, and kept pure for her own husband. And S. Jerome on the other side tells of some Christians, which thinking by dissembling or concealing their religion to save themselves, were miserably used, but at last being discerned to be Christians, were released and carried safe to the Basilica. See Jerome. Ep. 16. ad Princip. & Ep. 8. in the former mentioning this of Marcella and Principia, in the latter of Proba, Juliana, and Demetrias. But then fourthly, (which is most to be considered) even the sins of Rome Christian at this time were so great, as most justly to bring these judgments upon them, those Gentile sins of all manner of unnatural villainy being most frequent among them, which were with as much reason now to expect the fury of God's wrath to be poured out on such vile impure Christians, as before we found the judgments that fell on the impenitent Jews, to have lighted on the Gnostic Christians of that people and that age. To this purpose, 1. 'tis Sozomens 's affirmation, that 'twas then the judgment of prudent men, that this that befell Rome, was from the wrath of God ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) as a punishment of what they had done upon themselves and strangers through sloth and incontinence (which sure refers to the sins of Sodom, pride of the flesh, pampering and idleness, and the effects of that, all unnatural lusts both on themselves and strangers, as the Sodomites on the Angels that came among them, and therefore Orosius said of Innocentius, that he was rescued as Lot out of Sodom ) though the Translator there make it to be but injustice and oppression of the poor, mistaking them for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 strangers there. 2 ^dly , 'It is the joint affirmation of Socrates and Sozomen, that a Monk of Italy coming in hast to Rome, to intercede, and persuade Alaricus to spare the city, he answered him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he did not voluntarily set upon this enterprise (just as Titus prosess'd of Jerusalem) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but that some body continually importuned and enforced him, commanding him that he should destroy Rome, which at last he did. These are the words in Sozomen and in Socrates to the same sense, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I go not a voluntier about this business, but somebody is very troublesome to me, tormenting me, and saying, Go, and destroy the city of Rome: which as it is the clearing of those words here v. 17. God put into their hearts, &c. so it signifies the great sins of this place, which thus brought God's judgments upon them. 3 ^dly , 'It is the plain acknowledgement of Salvian every where throughout his books De Providentia, that the impieties of Christians were so great, and particularly those abominable commissions and customary practices of all unnatural uncleannesses, (which have been constantly the destroying not only of the Canaanites, &c. but of the Jews and the Christians) that it was God's will they should thus be punished by the Barbarians, who though they were very weak and slothful, not sit for war at all, in comparison of the Romans, yet were, saith he, more chaste and pure then they, and so were appointed by God to be scourges of them. See l. 7. And again, that the Barbarians being Christians, though Arians, were much more tolerable then these, which though not all Arians, were many very abominable livers.

[ g] V. 17. God shall put in their hearts ] The strangeness of this judgment on that city, and the immediate hand of God in it, will appear (beside what hath been said of somebody molesting, and forcing Alaricus to it Note i.) by these three things. 1. By the suddenness of the taking of it, so suddenly, that when word was brought to Honorius to Ravenna, that Rome was destroyed, he thought they had meant a cock called by that name Roma, as Prosper hath it in Chronice: and this is referred to in the Vision, c. 18. 10. For in one day thy judgment cometh, and v. 19. for in one hour she is become desolate. 2 ^dly , That they made such speed in rifling it, that when one would think three years had been little enough to obey Alaricus 's command, in searching out and taking away all the treasure of the city, all Historians agree, that they were but three days about it; only Marcellinus saith, that the sixth day after Alaricus entered he went out again. 3 ^dly , That Alaricus having thus taken, and rifled, and possessed the city, should neither stay in it and keep it, nor go on with his army against the Emperor, but absolutely retire, so soon after so strange a success; as if God that had sent him on this message or service on purpose, and never suffered him to be quiet till he had done it, as soon as the work was done for which he sent him, had immediately recalled him, and not permitted him to go one step farther, and so only used him as a means to deliver up the city to the Christians, the Idolaters being generally destroyed out of it by this means, and the Christians as generally preserved.

CHAP. XVIII.

1. AND after these things I saw another Angel come down from heaven, having great power, and the earth was lightened with his glory.]

[Paraphrase] 1. And another representation I received of the desolation that was to befall heathen Rome by Alaricus, &c. and of the consequents of it; For methought I saw, a mighty Angel come down from heaven in a most glorious manner, or with power to disabuse the world, and show them what they saw not before, viz. how false it was that was said of that city, that it was eternal.

2. And he cried mightily with a strong voice, saying, [note a] Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird.]

[Paraphrase] 2. And he cried, aloud, that all might hear, saying, That great heathen city, so like Babylon of old for greatness, populousnesse, heathenism, luxury, oppressing the people of God, is now destroyed, fallen from that eternity it dreamed of, and is now overrun with Barbarians, (so scorned before and hated by them) that is, Goths and Vandals, &c. as with Satyrs and Owls, Zim and Ohim, &c.

3. For all nations have drank of the wine of the wrath of her fornication, and the Kings of the earth have committed fornication with her, and the merchants of the earth are waxed rich. through the abundance of her delicacies.]

[Paraphrase] 3. And this is a most just punishment of her foul Idolatrics, which she hath infused into other Nations as far as her power extended, and of her great pride and luxury, the expenses laid out on which were the enriching of the Merchants of other Nations, which brought in fuel to the feeding, materials to the supporting of it.

4. And I heard another voice from heaven, saying, Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues.]

[Paraphrase] 4. And another voice, methought, I heard, warning all Christians to come out of her, that is, first, to abstain strictly from all communicating with her sins (contrary to what the looser sort of Christians did;) and secondly, to depart out of the city (as the Emperor Honorius and the Bishop Innocentius did to Ravenna, at the time of Alaricus's siege;) and thirdly, to fly to the Basilica or Christian Church at the time of plundering or destroying Rome (as the Christians did) as the only way of rescuing them from the destruction.

5. For her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath remembered her iniquities.]

[Paraphrase] 5. For the voice or cry of her sins is come to heaven, and now the vengeance is come upon her.

6. Reward her even as she rewarded you, and double unto her double according to her works; in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double.]

[Paraphrase] 6. Now she shall be paid for all her provocations, and as she hath meted to others, (the Christians persecuted by her) so shall it be by the Goths, &c. meted to her with advantage; she hath mixed a poisonous cup, a mixture of wine and myrrh, in seducing some, and persecuting others, and now she shall have twice as much bitterness provided for her.

7. How much she hath glorified herself and lived deliciously, so much torment and sorrow give her; for she saith in her heart, I sit a Queen, am no widow, and shall see no sorrow.]

[Paraphrase] 7. For all her pride, and luxury, and haughtiness, and blasphemy in calling herself Eternal, and pronouncing that she should never be subdued (see Isa. 47. 7, 8.) now she shall see she is mortal, and subject to be overcome as well as others.

8. Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, death, and mourning, and famine, and [note b] she shall be utterly burnt with fire; for strong is the Lord God who judgeth her.]

[Paraphrase] 8. For as a punishment of her pride and huge opinion of herself, that she should reign forever, on a sudden, all together shall an huge vastation come upon her, a plague, a slaughter, and a famine, and a burning of the city, a third part of it, ch. 16. 19. & 17. 16. (see note on ch. 17. e.) and all this a visible judgment of God upon her, in whose hands are all the creatures, ready pressed for his service, to execute his vengeance on his enemies.

9. And the Kings of the earth, who have committed fornication, and lived deliciously with her, shall bewail her, and lament for her, when they shall see the smoke of her burning,]

[Paraphrase] 9. When this comes to pass, then shall those of the ten kingdoms which have continued under her obedience, and joined with her in her idolatries and luxuries (see 1 Tim. 5. c.) lament and mourn for her, but not be able to assist her.

10. Standing afar off for fear of her torment, saying, Alas, alas, the great city Babylon, that mighty city, for in one hour is thy judgment come.]

[Paraphrase] 10. But on the contrary forsake, & be afraid of bringing her any relief, the destruction coming so suddenly and irresistibly (see note on ch. 17. c.) upon her.

11. And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn over her, for no man buyeth their merchandise anymore:]

[Paraphrase] 11. And some loss this will be to the merchants, v. 3. who will have many commodities lying on their hands, without any vent, nobody being so rich and so vainly luxurious as these that are now destroyed:

12. The merchandise of gold, and silver, and precious stones, and of pearls, and fine linen, and purple, and silk, and scarlet, and all Thyine-wood, and all manner vessels of ivorie, and all manner vessels of most precious wood, and of brass, and iron, and marble.]

[Paraphrase] 12. None trading so much in all the bravery of attire and of household-stuff, buying all that any would bring of any of these kinds,

13. And cinnamon, and odors, and ointments, and frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour, and wheat, and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and [note c] slaves, and souls of men.]

[Paraphrase] 13. Of perfumes and festival plenty, of pompous attendants and addition of horses and chariots and of hired servants and bond-servants.

14. And the fruits that thy soul lusted-after are departed from thee, and all things which were dainty and goodly are departed from thee, and thou shalt find them no more at all.]

[Paraphrase] 14. Now is the enjoying of those things which thou lovest best interdicted thee, and all the instruments of thy luxury and bravery, thy Epicureanism and thy pride, have forsaken thee, never to return again; noting that Rome shall never be either the harbourer of heathen Idols, or the seat of the Empire anymore: see v. 21.

15. The merchants of these things, which were made rich by her, shall stand afar off for the fear of her torment, weeping and wailing.]

[Paraphrase] 15. And when the merchants hear the news, they shall stop their course, and divert to some other place, and do the same thing as if they were afraid of falling under the same calamities by approaching near her.

16. And saying, Alas, alas, that great city that was clothed in fine linen, and purple, and scarlet, and decked with gold, and precious stones, and pearls!]

[Paraphrase] 16. And make complaints that they have lost such an excellent customer so suddenly.

17. For in one hour so great riches is come to naught, and every ship-master, and all the company in ships, and sailers, and as many as trade by sea, stood afar off.]

[Paraphrase] 17. And the same is the case of the mariners, whose wealth is in the sea, there being now no occasion of such resort to this place.

18. And they cried when they saw the smoke of her burning, saying, What city is like unto this great city?]

[Paraphrase] 18. And therefore they bewail her former greatness, and their own loss in her destruction;

19. And they cast dust on their heads, and cried, weeping and wailing, and saying, Alas, alas, that great city, wherein were made rich all that had ships in the sea, by reason of her costliness, for in one hour is she made desolate.]

[Paraphrase] 19. And shall admire the suddenness and unexpectednesse of it: see note on c. 17. f.

20. Rejoice over her, thou heaven, and ye holy Apostles and prophets, for God hath avenged you on her.]

[Paraphrase] 20. But as this is matter of bewailing to all these, so is it of rejoicing to the Angels and Saints in heaven, to the Apostles and rulers of the Church, the persecuting and slaying of whom is it which is thus punished upon her.

21. And a mighty Angel took up a stone, like a great mil-stone, and cast it into the sea, saying, Thus with violence shall that great city Babylon be thrown down, and shall be founded no more at all.]

[Paraphrase] 21. And methought an Angel of God took a stone as big as a mil-stone (denoting this city) and threw it into the sea, and expressed his meaning in so doing to be, that he might represent the desolation of that city, and its great change both from its being the harbourer and promoter of heathen worship, and the seat of the Empire, v. 14. (see note b.)

22. And the voice of harpers, and musicians, and of pipers and trumpeters, shall be heard no more at all in thee, and no craftsman, of whatsoever craft he be, shall be found anymore in thee, and the sound of a mil-stone shall be heard no more at all in thee.]

[Paraphrase] 22. And consequently that all the jollity and gallantry & populousnesse of that place was now at an end (see note b.)

23. And the light of a candle shall shine no more at all in thee, and the voice of the bridegroom and of the bride shall be heard no more at all in thee: for [note d] thy merchants were the great men of the earth, for by thy sorceries were all nations deceived:]

[Paraphrase] 23. And the times of thy jollity (expre • sed by the nuptial lamps and solemnit •• s) are now at an end, (see note b.) And three eminent causes there are of this; first, Luxury, which enriched so many merchants, and made them so great; secondly, Seducing other people to their Idolatries, and abominable courses by all arts of insinuation;

24. And in her was found the blood of prophets, and of saints, and of all that were slain upon the earth.]

[Paraphrase] 24. And thirdly, the Persecuting and slaying of the Apostles and other Christians, and all the cruelties and unjust wars that this city hath been guilty of.