The Government of the Churches of Christ

Esau, in his speech, had implied that it would not be long to his death) had died, it was he that should have Officiated in the Priest's Office in the Family, and have performed the worship of the Family, as having bought the birth-right; and so was the head thereof in that respect. How soon his Father might die he knew not, and yet he fled, and fled upon this occasion and with this reserve, till his Brother's fury should be over.

I might from hence urge an argument against what is ordinarily alleged by people in our times, who, in the case of eminent danger, tell their teachers and one another, You must trust God, and not avoid or forbear.

I reply, why should not he have trusted God against such fears as these, which were indeed but from flying speeches of his brother? but because it was rationally probable that his Brother would indeed have killed him, he therefore flies to avoid it, but when indeed God really did call him to trust him, as when his brother Esau came with 400 men against him, he then trusted God, and prayed it out; but in this case, he was not called to do it, but wholly to avoid it rather.

2. To Sacrifice, and to worship God together in Assemblies had been the Religion of their fore fathers transmitted to them from before the flood, as appears from the first, in the case of Cain and Abel, Gen. 4. and from the 26. v. of that Chap. Then men began to call upon the name of the Lord, that is, to call upon him together. But while they were in Egypt, the people did forbear Sacrifices and public worship, Exod. 8. 25, 26, 27. Pharaoh called for Moses and for Aaron and said, Go ye, sacrifice to your God in the Land. And Moses said, It is not meet so to do; for we shall Sacrifice the abomination of the Egyptians to the Lord our God: Lo! shall we sacrifice the abomination of the Egyptians before their eyes, and will they not stone us? we will go three day's journey into the willderness, and sacrifice to the Lord our God, as he shall command us. videtur colligi non fuisse liberum; it seems to be infer'd, that it was not free, Sacrificia offerre, no not in their own dwellings for them to offer Sacrifices, no not in their own dwellings in Goshen, or if they did it, they did it but secretly. And it is for certain that public Sacrifices and meetings were not used; for it is but now granted as a special favor by Pharaoh, Go, Sacrifice in the Land, as that which they had not done afore, and they forbore upon a prudential ground (when yet according to the principles of trusting God in any case, &c. and if they were true, they ought not to have foreborn) they knew not infallibly and certainly, that the people would stone them, and yet thereupon Moses says, It is not meet so to do, verse 26. for we shall Sacrifice the abomination of the Egyptians before their eyes, and will they not stone us? we will go three days journey into the wilderness, and Sacrifice to the Lord our God. Which argues further that they knew their Fathers had offered up Sheep and Oxen; and so it was not out of Ignorance that they forebore, as if they knew not what God would accept.

From the transactions of Moses, this may clearly also be argued, that if, in case any person be to enter into a state of Church-Ordinances (which Sacrifice was then more eminently in the room of) or to join with a set company and with a Pastor suitable to them, &c. which hitherto they have not done, they may warrantably forbear and wait a due and fit season for it in a settled way. Or if a man intended to remove for ordinances to another Country he were not bound (perhaps for some good space of time) to enter presently into them in the place where he is, or upon the next opportunity, which will present itself. Also in that case of a dangerous opposition from their Relations, such as, by reason of their Spirits and Principles, do threaten to break all between them; we do use rightly in such a case to advise, that Wives and Children are not so bound up to do it, but they may forbear to gain the consent of such Relations. And our Argument we account strong, because, for present enjoyment, we are not to hazard or prejudice a future more settled and quiet enjoyment, which yet truly hath much of the case afore us: For we only profess to forbear at particular times, wherein there appears, rationally, a more certain danger, to preserve ourselves and our Estates to enable us to enjoy them more frequently at other times, and not to expend all your future enjoyments upon one present, and spend (as it were) the whole of all at once. And this is truly Mercy and is the same kind of Sacrifice too, viz. for the future instead of Sacrifice at present.

Now all this is justifiably inferred from the Case of the Israelites in Egypt, especially from the time that Moses presented himself as a deliverer unto them, for seeing deliverance was at hand, why did they not presently fall upon Sacrificing? Why doth Moses defer the time, and not set upon it presently? It was not that the duty of Sacrifice was not enforce, for it had been (as Christ says of Circumcision) from the Fathers, and obliged them as well as their forefathers, especially when Pharaoh had given liberty, saying, Go Sacrifice in the Land. No, but he defers it, to work about another thing, viz. a total deliverance, and sacrifizeth the present enjoyment they might have had unto the attainment of a future settled enjoyment. He forbears at present, that the present performing it for once might not hinder the future for a continuance.

3. During Saul 's wicked Reign, there was no frequenting the Ark, which yet was the Ordinance of God, 1 Chron. 13. 3. Let us bring again the Ark of our God, for we inquired not at it in the days of Saul. I omit David 's flying from Saul, and complaining of his dwelling in Meshech, and his saying, O that I were a Sparrow, a Door-keeperl in the house of God, Psa. 84. 3, 10.

4. We have another instance in the Case of the ten Tribes all the days of the Kings of Israel. There was in Elia 's Time 7000 had not bowed to Baal, but they kept themselves from the defilement of Idols conscientiously (1 Kings 19. 18.) and yet they went not unto ordinances at Jerusalem to Temple-worship, nor did not during all those times, which were well nigh 250 years, nor do we find them anywhere blamed for it. Yea, and surely, had they been observant thereof, it would have been here remembered by God for the evidence of their sincerity, as well as that Negative of not bowing unto Baal.

If the Objection be, that of Jeroboam and the rest of the Kings, it is indigitated, that he made Israel to sin, namely, in their notgoing up to Jerusalem as well as in worshipping his Calves.

I Answer, 1. That the sin of Jeroboam, and the Kings that imposed both, did lie in both, viz. in restraying them from their going to Jerusalem as well as in requiring their worshipping his Calves, & the ultimateaim on his part was to keep them from going to Jerusalem, If this people go up to Sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall the heart of this people turn again unto their Lord, even unto Rehoboam King of Judah, and they shall kill me, and go again to Rehoboam King of Judah: Yet the sin imputed to the people is eminently if not limitedly said to be their worshipping of the Calves, 1 Kin. 12. 29, 30. And he set the one in Bethel, and the other put he in Dan. And this thing became a sin; for the people went to worship before the one even unto Dan.

Answ. 2. The Nation generally incurred the guilt of both, because they walked willingly after Jeroboam 's Commandment, Hosea 5. 11.

But 3. Still those Godly people who kept themselves from the worship of his Calves (as certainly they did, as the prophets also did) and being under this hard restraint which hath been spoken of, and Mourners for it, to them simply their forbearance to go up to Jerusalem was not imputed as a sin, nor is anywhere found to have been so charged on them.

And that the greatest of the Prophets themselves did in that as well as in other Cases of danger betake themselves to ways of prudence to secure and save themselves after the most Heroic darings, and durst not abide by it; you have Elias for an example. Elias, indeed, once daringly offered a great Sacrifice, and gained thereupon the people to kill 800 of Baal 's Priests, in the midst of Ahab 's and Jezebel 's Reign, 1 Kings 18. But when he had done, he stayed not by it, but to save himself he betook himself to his heels and run away and went as far as his Legs could carry him, clear out of all Ahab 's Dominions and reach, 40 days Journey, even to Mount Horeb, where the Law was given, 1 Kings 19. 8.

Some further Objections may arise from the Adventures and seeming Hazards of utter ruin, that many godly of the 10 Tribes at several times made to come to Jerusalem to Sacrifice. There were three special times in which we read that many of that people after the beginning of Jeroboam 's Reign went up to Jerusalem to worship.

• 1. Then when the Division had been first made by Jeroboam during the space of 3 years.
• 2. In the days of Asa of Judah, and Baasha king of those ten Tribes, some 15 years after Jeroboam 's death, another irruption out of some of the 10 Tribes came unto Jerusalem, 2 Chron. 15. 9.
• 3. The third was just at the last, even but 5 years afore the final ruin of the Nation.

Of any other times we read not (that I know of) of any one's going up unless you will credit that which old Tobit says of himself, Tobit 1. 6. I went often alone unto Jerusalem to the feasts; and what the Angel is brought in to say (Chap. 5.) of two more that accompanied him at some of those times. Yet there it is not he always went when it was duty as well to do so, but only often, and that he alone did it, not others of the godly of that Nation in his days.

Now the Circumstances of those three times specified and the Condition of that people are to be inquired into that it may appear why then it was done by the godly, and not at other times (that are recorded) as that which will give a difference in the case, and give light to us in the point in hand, when to adventure and when not, for 'twill be found that none of these three Instances in the Circumstances of them will rise up to prove such an absolute obligation unto instituted Ordinances, but as may stand with mercy shewn to ourselves in our lives, preservation of our lives, and of our Families from ruin. I shall therefore make a particular enquiry into the Circumstances of all these three.

1. As touching that first flush or breaking forth of goers to Jerusalem, when it was but young-tide with Jeroboam and his Government, we read, 2 Chro. 11. 13, 14, 15, 16. And the Priests and Levites that were in all Israel resorted to Rehoboam out of all their coasts (for the Levites left their suburbs, and their possessions, and came to Judah and Jerusalem: for Jeroboam and his Sons had cast them off from executing the Priest's Office unto the Lord; and he ordained him Priests for the high places, and for the Devils, and for the Calves which he had made) and after them out of all the Tribes of Israel such as set their hearts to seek the Lord God of Israel came to Jerusalem to Sacrifice unto the Lord God of their fathers. But the Circumstances of the times and condition of the persons must be therein considered.

As, 1. That this was done at that time when this alteration together with the government was first made, and (which also is to be taken along) was practiced by the people; but the three first years, as v. 17. hath it: and although Jeroboam was thus rigid from the first towards the Priests and Levites (of which by and by) yet it being the beginning of his Government (when Politique Princes proceed by degrees) it may well be supposed that his being King depending much upon the people, he was a while more slack and conniving at the people; and indeed his first Declaration (I call it so rather then Edict) concerning the Calves and their going up to Jerusalem was (as to them) published in softer and milder and but exhortatory terms, and without penalties that we read of at first annexed, as appears, 1 Kings 12. 28. Whereupon the King took counsel, and made two Calves of Gold, and said unto them, It is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem, behold thy God's, O Israel, &c. It was but a presenting to them another worship and trying first how it would take with them.

2. The condition both of Priests and People is to be considered, to put the difference, between this and after times.

1. Consider the condition of the Priests and Levites who began first. as v. 13. 14. It is apparent that their Removal was Total and forced and absolutely necessitated. They could not choose, unless they would become Priests to serve Jeroboam 's Calves, for refusing which it was Jeroboam began with them. 'Twas he and his Sons had cast them off from executing the Priest's Office, 2 Chron. 14. and so their lively-hood and maintenance utterly ceased, for their portion always had been to live upon Jura templi, upon the revenues due by God's law to the Priests as serving the Temple, as you read, Num. 18. Deut, 18. and Josh. 18. all which ceased in Israel then with their Non execution of the Priest's Office. Only, it seems he left it yet free to them to continue in their dwellings, for'tis said, those they left, their suburbs, as v. 14. for, alas! what would that have conduced to their Maintenance, they having no inheritance or Lot of Lands? but on the contrary, if they would remove to Judah and Jerusalem (which at this dawn of his Government it seems Jeroboam yet hindered them not from but permitted them) there they had a service at the Temple waited for them; for in their Courts they were there to serve. They had also a maintenance by God's appointment set out for them, and the Priest's self-denial in this was but as that of Priests and Jesuits now with us in England, who, if they be banished from thence have yet Colleges and Monasteries and Universities to retire unto, where they have employments and other service to do and maintenance ready for them; which different case of theirs from others, who, if banished, have mere nothing to betake themselves to, is not enough considered and laid to heart. Yea, as things stood, it was every way their interest and advantage in this distress to take this course of resorting to Rehoboam out of all Israel.

Then 2. For the People who after them (as 'tis said) both after that time, and after their example, came to Jerusalem also; besides that (as was said) they as yet had no positive prohibition to the contrary (tht we read of) further, it is not apparent at all that they did for these three years remove their Stations from out of Israel, but keeping their houses and their Lands still did only go up to Jerusalem to Sacrifice at the usual times, and so it is only said of them, 2 Chron. 11. 16. They came to Jerusalem to Sacrifice unto the Lord God of their Fathers; and because this is spoken with an observable difference from what had been said of the removal of the Priests (verse 13, 14.) that they also left their dwellings, &c. and that the people here are barely said to go to Sacrifice: Hence therefore it seems more than probable that these people's going was only at the feasts for Sacrifice, but they returned again to their own dwellings and lively-hoods in Israel as in former times they had been wont to do. And if so, then this clearly argues that Jeroboam 's Laws (if any concerning them were yet made) were not as then so severe against the people's going up (that is, not for these three first years) as afterwards they were, when by the experience of their going up during those three years he saw that the Kingdom of Judah was strengthened thereby, v. 17. And that but three years are mentioned argues that then they ceased anymore so to go up.

On the other hand if the case of this people had not stood thus free in this respect for those three first years (as hath been argued) but that they should be thought utterly to have quitted their Station, it had been far harder with them than with the Priests and Levites, and indeed unsuportable. And the vast difference between the case of the Priests and the People (if thus stated) is very apparent. For the Priests and Levites left but mere dwelling-houses, but had a provision for them though perhaps less in Judah upon their removal, but the people, if they removed were to leave inheritances in Lands, Vineyards, Orchards, &c. which they already possessed in Israel, and that alloted them by God, which if Jeroboam had been so severe with them at first, as is supposed, they could not have sold them neither, for he would have prevented them in that also, and if they had liberty to have sold them, it had been but for the time till the year of the next Jubilee by the Law, which to many, would have been but little profit, for it was but 20 years at the utmost, as the Bishop of Ardmach reckons them, others but 14 between Jeroboam 's very beginning of his Reign unto the next Jubilee which was the 10. And when they should have come unto Judah they could not have brought any other lands of inheritance there, for those that were that time dwellers already had their inheritances fixed to them by Divine right, they were, bona immobilia, immovable Goods, which they could not sell longer than the next Jubilee, when they must have returned, and so these poor Israelites should have had nothing to have lived upon, no, nor to employ themselves in, in the Land of Judah, if thither they had removed.

Neither had they any ground (for ought I know that may be gathered out of the story) to hope for any support or encouragement either from that people of Judah or Rehoboam who was not a godly Prince nor sincerely hearty to the cause of Religion, but (2 Chron. 12. 1.) After he had established the Kingdom (once) and had strengthened himself he forsook the Law of the Lord and all Israel with him. And in that former place alleged 'twas but those three first years that he and they walked in the ways of David and Solomon, upon which it may therefore well be supposed that the Godly people of these ten tribes ceased to go up to worship, though in the end he humbled himself, and things went well again in Judah, 2 Chron. 12. 12.

But then that after those three first years Jeroboam 's severity interrupted any from going up (as we read of that none did) is very likely and most probable, for of Jeroboam it is particularly said that he began to use force and violence to keep the people from going up to Jerusalem, as the summary account which God gives why he removed that nation wholly, at the last shows, 2 Kings 17. 21. Jeroboam drave the people from following the Lord, that is, from their going up to Jerusalem, for, indeed, in that did his main interrest lie, and his Calves was but a device to divert them to another worship; and that word, drave from, imports violence to have been used. And this way of severity begun by Jeroboam, was continued by other of their Kings both by severe Laws, as the statutes of Omri, mentioned (Mic. 6. 16.) show whose Statutes are therefore mentioned, because he was under more strict penalties then ever had enacted the observation of the things which Jeroboam had first brought in. For unto the level of what Jeroboam had done Omri 's wickedness is limited, 1 Kings 16. 26. For he walked in all the way of Jeroboam the Son of a Nebat, and in his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin, to provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger with their vanities. And therefore those his Statutes in Micah are to be understood as more severely backing what Jeroboam had begun, and this Omri, who made these Laws, began his Reign not past 30 years after Jeroboams death; so that it did rise up to the highest severities very soon. And as he was severe by Laws, so also, by way-laying any that should go up to Jerusalem, which the Jewish writers do affirm their Kings did, and how they set guards and built watch-towers, on purpose, at the passages and ways to take and kill them that attempted to go to Jerusalem, and confiscated their Goods, and they do say that, that place, Hosea 5. 1. is an allusion to that practice which their former Kings had used upon Mount Tabor and Mispeh, whereon (says the Jewish writers) they had placed watch-towers and centinels as gins and snares to catch any that should attempt to go up to Jerusalem; these two places being out-lets into the dominion of Judah from some part of Israel. And that this was one way and course taken up & continued by these Kings, those Scriptures, do expressly relate. For of Baasha that succeeded but two years after Jeroboam, it is there said, Baasha King of Israel went up against Judah and built Ramah, that he might not suffer any to go out or come in to Asa King of Judah. Now Ramah was on the borders of Benjamin in the way to Jerusalem, and one fresh occasion of this design had been that (as 2 Chr. 15. 9. relates it) Many in abundance out of Ephraim and Manasseh and Simeon had fallen to Asa, and came out from those Tribes to Jerusalem for the worship of God's sake. And Ramah which he attempted to build was the direct passage for those particular Tribes to go into Judah by.

The Second out breaking over the banks which the Kings of Israel had raised up to restrain their Subjects from inundations into Judah, is recorded, 2 Chr. 15. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13. He (viz. Asa) gathered all Judah and Benjam in and the strangers with them out of Ephraim and Manasseh and out of Simeon (for they fell to him out of Israel in abundance, when they saw that the Lord his God was with him) so they gathered themselves together at Jerusalem in the third Month, in the 15th. year of the Reign of Asa. And they offered unto the Lord, the same time, of the spoil which they had brought, seven hundred Oxen and seven thousand sheep. And they entered into a Covenant to seek the Lord God of their Fathers with all their hearts and with all their Soul, that whosoever would not seek the Lord God of Israel should be put to death whether small or great, whether Man or Woman.

We see this was a Flowing in abundance, and there were two persuasives of them to it, 1 God's prospering Asa. 2. Their desires to worship God. Yet here in like manner the Circumstances of that juncture of time, as also of the persons (who and what Tribes these were) are to be duly weighed, and will still serve to contribute light to us in this great point, both as under what rationally probable apprehensions men are called to adventure for the enjoyment of Ordinances in the times of such distress; as also in what cases and Circumstances, they are to do it.

1. As to the persons (who and of what Tribes) although the number of them was in a great abundance yet but three Tribes only are specified; and so interpreters do much narrow it unto the Godly of these Tribes, Ephraim, Manasseh and Simeon. To clear which it must be further considered;

1. That a good part of Ephraim (called elsewhere in this Story Mount Ephraim, 2 Chron. 15. 8. that is the Mountainous part of that Country) had been already brought under the Dominion of the King of Judah since Jeroboam 's Revolt; first some by Abijah this Asa 's Father, 2 Chron. 13. 19. Abijah pursued after Jeroboam and took Cities from him, Bethel with the Towns thereof, and Jeshanah with the Towns thereof, and Ephraim with the Towns thereof. And those Cities were not recovered again by Jeroboam or their Kings, as verse 20. shows. Then again, more and other Cities had been taken by this King Asa himself, 2 Chron. 15. 8.

Other Cities were taken by him, besides the former by his Father, for it would not have been first there, and then again so expressly over and again said that Asa had taken Cities if they had been no other than those Cities his Father Abijah had taken afore him; and all these Jehoshaphat possessed in his time also, as that 2 Chro. 17. shows. Now this part of Ephraim bordered upon Benjamin, which was in the Tribe of Judah 's Lot, as in Josh. c. 16. and c. 18. appears.

Then 2. The Tribe of Simeon here specified, lay so near the Tribe of Judah, as it had been anciently a part thereof, and reckoned within it, Josh. 19. 1. And then the three Tribes, viz. Manasseh, Ephraim and Benjamin, were adjoining to one another, Josh. ch. 16. and 17.

So all these being immediate Borderers, and some of the Cities being already become the dominion of Judah, no wonder if many of those Tribes also fell in with Asa (especially if withal you take in the Circumstances that follow) and perhaps further many whole Cities of these Tribes, besides those formerly taken by them fell in, and not only particular persons out of them. And the way lying so open and fair to go forth out of these three Tribes unto Jerusalem, it is the less wonder that they should in such abundance come up thither, whereas others of the Godly Tribes, among them lying further off and remote, were cooped up and utterly debarred, disabled, and invincibly hindered from so falling in with him as these did, and therefore none of them are mentioned.

2. The Circumstances of the time were exceeding promising & inviting of them thus to fall in. And they were such, as I believe that every man will say, that if any Godly Zealous Christians were environed with the same in the like case, they would, and ought to do the like in any age for the enjoyment of the Ordinances of God. Let but the face of the Sky and of the times be considered with their difference from other times as both by the Prophecies of the prophets of that age and providence concurring they lay afore them then, and it must be said that it was in its self the best choice they could make for themselves (according as was meet for them to judge) to fall in to Asa, as things lay afore them, and to have done this, though' there had not been this superadded invitement (the greatest of all other) that they should have the Ordinances of God to boot. And this we may not assert, although we suppose withal that many of them had quitted their possessions, for all needed not to do so in coming to Jerusalem, from which City, and the worship of God there, their Brethren in other Tribes were utterly debarred.

The Circumstances of these persons who thus came to Jerusalem, were these;

In general, they had had many demonstrations and convictions from God of his wrath against their Kings of Israel, and against the People, who willingly continued to cleave to them, and who declared for this very thing of their Calves, and for the driving of Israel from the true worship.

1. They saw an instance of this wrath of God by prophecy and a Miracle accompanying it at the very Altar of Bethel one of the new Chapels, whilst Jeroboam stood there to offer incense, the Altar cleaving in two, and the ashes falling our, and the prophet crying out against it, Jeroboam 's hand dried up whilst he stretched it out to lay hold on the prophet for so crying. You read the story of this, 1 Kings 13. and this fell out within the memory of these Israelites.

Then 2. It would have amazed any man to have seen Jeroboam forever after so unfortunate, to have observed that fatal slaughter of five hundred thousand Men (a slaughter so great as was never read of afore or since anywhere in the world) out of an army of eight hundred thousand, and that but by half the number of the King of Judah 's men; and this was done when the issue and trial of the battle was in an appeal to God put upon this very gage and cause of Judah 's retaining the true worship, and Jeroboam 's having set up a false (2 Chron. 14. from the 4. v. to the end) To see these Cities taken from him, yea and his Bethel too, and himself so weakened as never to recover strength again.

Then, 3. It was an astonishing sight to see Jeroboam himself at last struck to death by some extraordinary immediate stroke of God The Lord struck him that he died, says the text, in the 1 Kings 13. 19, 20.

Then, 4. It was an affrighting consideration to have prophecy upon prophecy issued forth against his house, and one of the loudest of them as it were drawn upon himself whilst he himself of his own motion would needs send his wife Incognitio and disguised to Abijah the prophet, 1 Kings 14. 10, 11, 12. Behold I will bring evil upon the house of Jeroboam, and will cut off from Jeroboam him that pisseth against the wall, and him that is shut up and left in Israel, and will take away the remnant of the house of Jeroboam, as a man taketh away dung till it be all gone. Him that dieth of Jeroboam in the City shall the Dogs eat, and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat; for the Lord hath spoken it. Arise thou therefore, get thee to thine own houses, and when thy feet enter into the City the Child shall die: Of the certainty of the fulfilling of all which the prophets gave him a present and as sad a sign. The Child shall die (says he) and he names the very time and hour of his Sons death, verse 12. When thy foot enters the City; and in the 14. v. he declares how it would be that God would raise up a King, viz. Baasha, that should execute and perform all this, and do it within a very small space. And when was it to be done? Even now, says God, v. 14. that is, I will not stay long, but make quick work with them, I will do it presently; and he performed all this accordingly on Jeroboam 's son, and all his posterity within less than two years, some say, less than one after Jeroboam 's own death; and of this thing this people (we are speaking of who here fell in with Asa) knew; for these things, viz. both the prophecies and these events thereof newly fulfilled afore their eyes, were not done in a Corner, and the people knew this very sin to be the Cause of all this.

Then, 5. It must needs have a great influence on these persons, to have heard (which came more home to touch them) the same prophets with the same breath to have denounced a fatal Captivity and destruction of that whole Nation of the ten Tribes as that which should be the end & issue of these sins, v. 14, 15. Moreover, the Lord shall raise him up a King over Israel, who shall cut off the house of Jeroboam that day; but when? even now. For the Lord shall smite Israel as a reed is shaken in the water, and shall root up Israel out of this good Land which he gave to their Fathers, and shall scatter them beyond the River, because they have made their groves, provoking the Lord to anger. And this is uttered indefinitely for time, for no time is set or named when it should be, for ought they knew, it might be that or the next year; and they having had so signally seen the former part of that prophecy, Even now, fulfilled, they might well tremble to think that this Captivity and Destruction threatened of the whole Tribes might, they knew not how soon, come upon them and their posterity together with the whole Nation in common if they were found in the same sin.

Then 6. Another thing which had an influence upon them was, To behold the Kings of Judah (these two last of them especially) one after the other to be holy, good men, and every way to prosper; yea even the Grand-father of these two, Rehoboam, (from whom God rent the Kingdom) so to be favor'd, that in his last times things went well in Judah, and after him his Son Abijah, a godly Prince, to have so great a victory, as was mentioned, and to grow mighty thereupon (as in an opposition to Jeroboam 's decay, it is spoken of him, 2 Chron. 13. 21.) And then to see this Asa now Reigning, the third King, an holier man, to see how he still to be so prospered, as to have with a few so great a Victory against the Cushites, as to rout an Army of a Milion of men and more, (2 Chron. 14.) and to take all the spoil of them, together with the spoil of all the Cities about Gerar from their Confederates The PHILISTINES.

And then 7. It moved them, when they saw, hereupon, a new Prophet sent from God to Asa and all his Subjects and Compliants with him to revive the memory afresh, and their ears to rehearse the sum of these things to them, and so spread afore them the infinite vast difference God had put between him with them of Judah, and the others, the people of the ten Tribes; and this done on purpose to hearten and encourage them that God would still be with them and reward their work, setting afore them what and how great miseries had followed one upon the neck of another unto those of the Ten Tribes.

Thus in the beginning of this 15. chap. ver. 3. Now for a long season, saith he, (namely, from Jeroboam 's setting up) hath Israel been, v. 3, 4, 5, 6. without the true God and without a teaching Priest, and without Law. But when they, in their trouble, did turn unto the Lord God of Israel, and sought him, he was found of them. And in those times there was no peace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the Country: Nation was destroyed of Nation, and City of City; for God did vex them with all adversity.

The fourth verse Piscator Renders, interpreting the whole round about it of the time past, that if so be Israel (namely the ten Tribes) had turned, when trouble was upon them, unto the Lord God of Israel, he had been found of them seeking of him. The Vulgar Translation reads all this in the future, as if the Prophet Prophet laid afore them what for time to come would certainly be the condition of those Tribes, as thus, Israel shall be for a long season (yet to come) without God, &c. And in those times there shall be no peace to him that comes out or in, but great vexation shall be, &c. verse 5, 6. And the Original admitting either interpretation I should take both to be intended; and I am sure that in the event and matter of fact, both had been the Condition of these ten Tribes and had continued to be so more or less until their final Captivity. But whether it be a Narrative either of what had befallen them, or should hereafter befall them, or both, it serves all fully to the mainpurpose I cite the Prophet for, which was to move and hearten them of Judah (who both had had, and he promiseth should have for the most part clean contrary dispensations from God) to set up a reformation of the public worship of God, and together with them to hearten also the godly of the ten Tribes (that possibly any way could do it) to come over unto them (as v 9. we read they did) and to leave their interest amongst those ten Tribes, and to give themselves up unto the Lord and his worship as the most safe and secure allotment, they, in those times, could any way betake themselves unto. And that the prophet speaks all this as of a different condition of Israel from Judah, is evident, both, 1. In that his speech was directed unto Judah and Benjamin, and that Israel are the persons spoken of; Neither, 2. Was it true that Judah had been for a long time without God, &c. but the contrary. And, 3. The ten Tribes were after their separation from Judah 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 termed Israel; as also, 4. He tells them that Judah had enjoyed a clean contrary dispensation to this; The Lord (says he) is with you, v. 2. and will be whilst you are with him: And so indeed he had been from that first separation and rent made by Jeroboam from them until now. And that speech also you may put either in the time past, He hath been with you, or in time to come, He will be with you; the Original hath left it free for either, or for both, in saying only; The Lord with you, only the following words do carry it to the time to come.

These were the Circumstances of this Juncture of time, and after all these things thus related and urged by this prophet, thereupon that followed immediately in the story, which also had followed as the consequent (at least) of this his exhortation; which surely was divulged by Asa in his gathering them together, verse 9. And he gathered all Judah and Benjamin, and the strangers with them out of Ephraim and Mannasseh, and out of Simeon, for they sell to him out of Israel in abundance when they saw that the Lord his God was with him. So as this second Ebullition and inundation of these three Tribes in such abundance was effected in the view and intuition of all those things that have been mentioned; yea and also in the virtue and strength of them it was that Asa did gather such numbers, which must have been by sending unto all Judah and Benjamin, and these Tribes, inviting them to come in and to worship God at Pentecost at Jerusalem (verse 10.) and to enter into a Covenant so to do, &c.

Now if we look round about the Coast and face of these times and view the posture of affairs it will not be much material to inquire whether all these of the three Tribes or others of the ten that could remove had quitted their own possessions of Lands, &c. in their respective Tribes, and removed to Judah and Jerusalem to dwell therein.

It is most likely that many of these persons were necessitated to abandon their present possessions by reason that the people of their respective Cities that continued still under the King of Israel 's dominion, would see to it, that those who went out from them should no more return to possess what they had amongst them, especially seeing those that went are said to fall in to the King of Judah as unto their Prince, and not only to have come to him for the present, yea and to have entered into an Oath and Covenant to continue to worship God, &c. v. 12, 13, 14.

It must still be withal remembered and carried along with us, that these three Tribes were near borderers upon Judah; and so although they had been inhabitants in some of the Cities and Towns under the King of Israel 's Dominion, yet, being borderers, they had a fairer and shorter passage to slip into Judah, or any of the Cities in these Tribes in the possession of Judah. 'Twas but a day, or a day and a half's Journey. Yea and that a passage was at this time somewhat open for them so to do, may be argued from this, that Baasha the present King of Israel afterwards upon this very occasion did attempt to build Ramah to obstruct this passage (as the 1. verse of the next Chapter hath it) which passage for these Tribes therefore afore (and so at this time) lay more free for them to pass.

But this was not the present condition of the Godly, their Brethren in the other ten Tribes, who were distant many days Journeys, and who if they would remove must adventure far greater personal dangers of being taken and intercepted. Would not (think we) those hundred Prophets, whom Obadiah hid in Ahab 's Reign, have much rather run away unto Judah, unto the good King Jehoshaphat, then Reigning there, than to have lain hid in a Cave and live barely on bread and water, 1 Kings 18. 4. As the times were harder so the distance made the difficulty to have escaped far greater. These in the heart of those Dominions, or utmost parts thereof, were more strictly watched and encompassed and hedged in, and utterly dis-enabled to remove whole Families.

And the Consideration of this difference between these three Tribes and those others doth afford a great light unto the Case in hand, viz. What hazards we are to venture and what not.

But that which I urge and insist on in the case of those three Tribes (that did remove and had opportunity without such dangers to do it) as to the solving any seeming Objection that may arise therefrom, is; That, supposing the loss of their Estates at home (for that we will suppose) yet such a removal was simply and absolutely in itself best for them, and the best choice that possibly could be made by men considering all those Circumstances fore-mentioned, and they needed not to have much debate, or hesitance what to do.

The experience of so many former miseries which they and their Country-men had run through like one wave treading on the neck of another; the fore telling that the same, or worse, would continue for a long season (as indeed they did) and then the certain prophecies of a final Captivity at last to dispossess them of all and remove them to Heathenish Countries, which continueth even unto these our days were, considerations sufficient to make them change their abode, when they saw such changes of Princes, Usurpers over them made and like to be made, as the curse of their revolt from the house of David, when they saw so unstable a government, unhinged, and like a reed in the water tossed this way and that upon every alteration, so as they must needs make account to hold nothing that was their own in any certain way, but to tire out a dying life in fears and expectations of they knew not what calamities, nor how soon to come upon them, and when in the mean time they knew this to be certain, that the oppression of their Consciences in matters of Religion would continue as long as the Nation.

These thoughts were enough to make them weary of their dwelling, and it was best for these men in this case to quit all, and come into a settled stable Government, secured by a succession of Kings of the seed of David to which the promises were made for after times, whom God afore their own eyes had prospered hitherto unto wonderment, and to whom the promise was, that he would continue still to do great things for them. It was best for these men to remove into a place where a defense was upon all the glory. Yea, and they had this farther encouragement, that they had seen two such Kings farther and son, one after the other, so truly godly and Zealous of God's true worship, and lovers of their Brethren, the godly Israelites, whereof the letter now Reigning was holy to an Eminency; and farther they were encouraged to cast themselves upon the brotherly aid and assistance of their Brethren of Judah and Benjamin, &c. and upon the bounty of so holy and large hearted a Prince as this Asa was, and who, through the blessing of God was newly enriched with so great spoils (unto a consecrated part of which they came to join in the Sacrifice, v. 10.) and so was abundantly enabled to provide for them out of this abundance that fell to him, besides the other ordinary ways of doing it; who also had lately won Cities to put them into (if need were) especially considering that this King and this people had invited them to come and gathered them together upon the Sermon of a Prophet sent from God to that end to worship God and proposed unto them to join in a solemn Oath and Covenant afore God mutually, and also unto God so to do. For, by their access the Kingdom of Judah would be (as it was) greatly strengthened and grow in reputation and honor thereby, yea, and finally God had by that last Prophet promised this King and those of Judah, that their work should be rewarded, v. 7. and to unite and gather together, and so to support these strangers, their persecuted brethren in their sufferings, or to help any others who had afore voluntarily come into them, was one and a great part of that work the promise was made unto, that it should be rewarded. Now upon all these grounds. These persons had reason to judge that this King and this people were in the highest measure engaged and obliged hereunto. Since therefore they were in these Circumstances, and were rationally possesst with these and such like apprehensions, it was most eligible for them to leave their dwellings, &c. Though indeed in itself it was an hard and difficult trial, yet when they were so necessitated on the one hand and their way on the other side was so promising and sweet'ned, and on both hands rendered the only way to secure and preserve themselves and their posterity, an appeal might be made unto all men to judge if these alone were not simply motives sufficient to render it every way most eligible, yea and to make them so to rejoice in the good providence of God that had so wisely and so graciously contrived such a juncture and opportunity and season of advantage for them. And indeed their removal is put upon this very thing as part of the season of it in the text, v. 9. They fell to him (viz. Asa) in abundance when they saw that the Lord his God was with him, so wonderfully with him as hath been related, so as the outward prosperous condition of him moved them.

Sir Walter Rawleigh hath shown himself as deep-sighted, and apprehensive to spy out of the Stories and imperfect Narrations of Times, what the face or Scheme of things in any age was, as any Historian whatever that hath undertaken to set forth matters of that Nature. And he gives this Judgment of that juncture of time during Asa 's Reign and puts not only this Remark upon it, that it was the eminent sole time of advantage (for he could find no such other during the whole 250 years) for the whole people of Israel to have t • ken the opportunity to have set themselves free from that Idolatry, &c. and to have united themselves to this Asa King of Judah their natural Prince, and the people of Judah their Brethren; and he spends two whole sections upon the debate thereof, and that chiefly upon politique and prudent considerations. He begins his fifth Section thus, In the Reign of Asa the Kingdom of Israel felt great and violent Commotions which might have reduced the ten Tribes unto their former allegiance unto the house of David if the wisdom of God had not otherwise determined. And the sixth Section begins thus: Any man that shall consider the state of Israel in those times may justly wonder how it came to pass either that the whole nation wearied with the Calamities already suffered under these unfortunate Princes (from Jeroboam until now) did not return to their ancient Kings and re-unite themselves with the mighty Tribes of Judah and Benjamin.

And therefore give me leave, not to wonder, if, at such a season, multitudes of particular godly persons of those three bordering tribes, Zealous of the true Religion did thus choose to break from that Yoke for a time, when withal, this course was presented unto them to be the only probable way of safety, and so invited them thereto, and the opportunity lay so fairly open for it, especially when the enjoyment of the Ordinances of God was connext with it, and cast into the bargain to their present security.

3. There was a third going up of these Tribes in Hezekiah 's time but five years afore the final ruin of that people as a Nation; which was occasioned and drawn in by an invitation of Hezekiah (as that of Asa 's had also been) upon which it is said that Divers of Asher, and Manasseh, and Zebulon humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem, 2 Chron. 30. 11. when the generality of that people laughed at the message and messengers, v. 10.

But then, withal, let the case and condition of this people at that juncture of time be considered also, and it will be found, the people then had a far greater freedom than any formerly had.

Their Condition at that time, in 2 Chron. 30. (not to insist on that which was before-mentioned in the case of that second removal) was this, that there were many Cities of the ten Tribes that had continued all along subject to the Kings of Jerusalem from Abijah 's, and Asa 's days even to Hezekiah 's, whom Hezekiah could command as well as invite to come; Read for this, 2 Chron. 13: 10. and ch: 15. 8. Yea, and it would seem that the Cities of Manasseh and others of Ephraim had upon the commotions and Miseries that had fallen out in Israel given up themselves unto Hezekiah, or formerly unto some of the Kings of Judah; For 'tis evident Hezekiah had dominion therein what is said (2 Chron. 31. 1.) that after that passover the people went and brake down the Images in all Judah, in Ephraim also, and Manasseh, which being done by Hezekiah 's Subjects and with his authority, these Cities also must have been under his dominion.

But that which I principally consider and urge in the case, and which will carry all afore it and defend it from objections is this, That God, in his gracious providence had so disposed of this nick and juncture of time that all of the ten Tribes that would, had liberty to go to Jerusalem to worship by the permission of their King who was over them; which was a mercy and privilege never afore vouchsafed for almost two hundred and fifty years. Hosea was then their King (and the last King of their own over them) when Hezekiah sent this invitation to the ten Tribes, and the power of their Kings had been afore (as appears by 2 Kings 15. 19. and v. 29.) and was (as it remained in this Kings time) much broken; insomuch that the first nine years of the time from the vacancy of the former King whereinto this Hosea succeeded is reckoned by interpreters as a time of confusion and anarchy of the people, after those nine years when he is reckoned to have become a settled King, it was by his having been made but as a Tributary unto Shalmaneser King of Assyria (as in 2 Kings 17. 3. expressly tells us) and who, as many think had set him up King, and by reason of this dependence, on a foreign Prince, his interest was changed from that of those former Kings who had prohibited the going of People to Jerusalem, out of a fear which they had of their making a party among them for the Kings of Judah; and hence, as for other reasons which the Circumstances, wherein he was, led him unto, he, of all the other Kings, gave this liberty unto the people to worship as they pleased, and this that passage (which the Holy Ghost, as on purpose, hath inserted) 2 Kings 17. 2. seems to signify and point to us, And he did that that was evil in the sight of the Lord, but not as the Kings of Israel that were before him: Those latter words, but not as the Kings of Israel that were before him do notanter, remarkably, give a different character of this King from all the foregoing Kings and that in respect of that sin which had been common and universal to them all afore, and not of some particular personal sins only. Now what had that been but that sin which is noted all along to have been Jeroboam 's sin first, who was the Father of that abomination, and who led the round to all that succeeded, and which sin is heedfully all along from Jeroboam downward affixed to them all that they made Israel to sin as Jeroboam had in worshipping the Calves at Bethel, and who withal severely prohibited any of their Subjects to go up unto Jerusalem to worship; for that was the main intent that the Calves were set up for. This was general to them all whereas Heathenish Idolatry (which some would have to be the difference) was but the sin of some of them.

Many Interpreters, from hence, do plainly collect and, in terminis, in express Terms, affirm, that this Hoshea did give liberty to this people, his subjects, to go up to Jerusalem to offer there. The true reason whereof was, that the proper interest of those former Kings was broken, and he holding of a foreign Prince, strong enough to uphold him, scrupled not to quit this so long continued a Law, viz. that prohibition about going to Jerusalem; and thus Jewish writers themselves have understood it: Say they, though Hoshea himself did worship the Calves, yet permitted he his subjects that would, to go up to Jerusalem to worship in the Temple, which the rest of the Kings of Israel had not permitted, nay did use to set Watch-men and Gaurds at all ways whereby their people should go to Jerusalem, to stop and hinder them from going to worship.

And there is this further evidence for that in 2 Chron. 30. 6. where that serious and solemn invitation of Hezekiah 's is made by Letters and Posts unto the Cities of the ten Tribes in these words, So the Posts went with the letters from the King and his Princes throughout all Israel and Judah, and according to the commandment of the King, saying, Ye Children of Israel, turn again unto the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and he will return to the remnant of you that are escaped out of the hand of the Kings of Assyria. Where you see the King is twice mentioned, and the first mention doth evidently refer unto Hezekiah and his Princes, who were the writers, and senders of the Letters together with the Posts, and who were at the charge of it; but the second mention in these words, And according to the Commandment of the King, do refer (says Deodati) unto the Command or permission of the King of Assyria himself to them who was the supreme over them, and had assented to give them liberty. But I should say, those words refer rather unto this Hoshea himself, who though a Tributary King, under the Assyrian; was yet left to rule them as to their Religion, &c. as he should order, or else suppose him a King made by the people, and independent on any other, yet still so it fell out, that to gratify all sorts among the people he had given allowance by an edict that they who would, should go up to worship,; and so it was according to their own King's Commandment, that this was done as well as by Hezekiah 's invitation and Letters. And truly it cannot be rationally thought that the Letters as written in Hezekiah 's name should run in the style of a Commandment from him, as sent unto the ten Tribes of Israel (whom what follows there doth particularly concern) for they were no way under his Command or Jurisdiction, but subjects of another King; and therefore I take the whole of it up thus, That Hezekiah, the King of Judah, indeed wrote and sent the Letters, the contents whereof are specified, saying, Ye children of Israel, &c. But yet withal there had been an edict of granting freedom by their own King promulgated, which is termed his Command, and whereas that word saying, immediately following the word Commandment, seems according to our Translation to carry the contents that follow, as if commanded by that King, we must know that in the Hebrew this word, being in the place of a gerund, may and doth refer to the Letters Hezekiah sent, and shows what they contained, and not unto the Command; for, indeed, these words, according to the command of the King, are best read by way of Parenthesis, as signifying a coincident matter with the Letters, as if he had said, that these things were done by Hezekiah not against, but with an edict of their own King himself concurring, and declaring for leave to his people, which Hezekiah took the advantage of.

Indeed, if this Hoshea their own King had not thus far afore-hand someway declared this, it may well be thought that the entertainment of them that went with the Letters into his Dominion would not have been a mockage in word by the common people, but would have ended in blows rather, or in their having been intecepted at least, seeing the people were so highly and generally spirited against them for their Message (which their mocking shown) and for their coming into their Kingdom under the Jurisdiction of another King, and that boldly to invite them unto what in former times had been accounted Treason and Rebellion. Certainly, unless King Hoshea had some way promulgated and made publicly known so much as might quiet and hold the hands of this people off from violence unto these single persons the Messengers, they would have fallen upon them: But in that they only mocked and went not about so much as to excuse themselves for their refusal, which excuse had been easy and ready, if so be, they had been under the old wonted restraint in this King's days, which had been in force, all this put together would argue that they were indeed really at a liberty to have taken Hezekiah 's invitation if they had pleased, but that out of their own innate prophanness of heart they contemned it (having been for a long time disused thereto) which frame of heart (where it was let thus free to their arbitr'meant) God suffered to fore-run and make way for the filling up their own and their forefathers iniquity in this particular sin, and for justifying that fatal final Captivity that followed upon the whole Nation specially, and to this purpose further the Lord guided Hezekiah in his Letters to write in this manner to them, verse 7, 8, 9. And be not ye like your Fathers and like your Brethren which trespassed against the Lord God of their Fathers who therefore gave them up to desolation, as ye see. Now be ye not stiff-necked as your Fathers were, but yield yourselves unto the Lord, and enter into his sanctuary which he hath sanctified forever; and serve the Lord your God, that the fierceness of his wrath may turn away from you. For if ye turn again unto the Lord, your Brethren and your Children shall find compassion before them that lead them Captive, so that they shall come again into this Land: for the Lord your God is gracious and merciful, and will not turn away his face from you, if ye return unto him: Wherein he prompted to them, that their Captivity threatened might hereby be prevented, and not only so but that their Brethren that had already been led Captive might yet come to have that compassion from the Kings of Assyria, who had led many of them away, and that God would incline their hearts so, as even they also should come again into their own land; so good and gracious is our God as for the repentance of some part of a Nation to be moved to show mercy unto others of that Nation thereupon; which is a very great instance to encourage the people of God in a Nation to turn to him and seek to him for themselves and their Brethren.

One thing by the way I must here note, That whereas of these present inhabitants (to whom those Letters were sent) 'tis said, v. 6. They were a remnant that had escaped out of the hand of the King of Assyria, this passage is not to be understood as if the present King of Assyria had not been at this time supreme over them and they and their King Hoshea Tributary unto him, as was noted; but it is only to be understood that by God's goodness this small remnant had escaped from being carried Captives as the rest had been by Pul, and Tilgath-Pilneser, 1 Chron. 5. 26. 2 Kings 15. 29. and that these words (v. 26.) are spoken in relation unto Captivity, the comparing of v. 8. and v. 9. shows.

There is one appearance more of an argument that they had such a freedom granted them by their King Hoshea in that the Passover having been ended (2 Chr. 31. 1.) All Israel that was present brake down the images, &c. and after all was done, Then all the Children of Israel returned every man to his own posession into their own Cities. This being so indigitatively said [All the Children of Israel] carries this with it, that those of the ten Tribes that had come out of all Israel, returned every man to his own City from whence he had come, and where his own possession lay, which (if they had not liberty from their King Hoshea to have come up, such as in former times had not been granted) they could not peaceably have presumed to have done or to have again enjoyed their possessions, which also that passage in Chron. 30. 25. confirms And all the Congregation of Judah with the Priests and Levites and all the Congregation that came out of Israel, and the strangers that came out of the Land of Israel, and that dwelt in Judah, rejoiced. Where we see, that, The Congregation, who came out of Israel, are distinguished from the strangers that formerly came out of the Land of Israel, and then dwelt in Jerusalem: So as the most of that Congregation that had at that present come, returned to their own homes. And yet I cannot but think that God did persuade and guide many of their hearts, either at that passover or some of the next (that for five years followed) to stay at Jerusalem, and so they escaped that lamentable Captivity, which, after those years ended, fell upon those fore-mentioned mockers in that Nation.

You have seen how many instances the Old Testament holds out either for forbearance, or a prudent management of enjoying Ordinances, or avoiding the Case of Danger.

Object. There's no Objection of moment in the Old Testament to the contrary, that I know of, but that of Daniel, Chap. 6. v. 7, 10. Where all the presidents of the Kingdom, the Governors and the Princes, the Counselors and the Captains having consulted together to establish a royal Statute and to make a firm Decree, That whosoever shall ask a petition of any God or Man, for thirty days, save of the King, he shall be cast into the den of Lions. Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house, and his windows being open in his Chamber towards Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day and prayed and gave thanks before his God, as he did afore time. And this indeed is a great Objection; in appearance, for he neither forebore altogether the practice of the duty, nor used any avoidance, or so much as a concealment. For if he would have prayed he might have prayed secretly and performed the inward worship of prayer which God regards, or he might have performed the outward privately, as for time, he might have done it in the night; as for place, he might have done it in another place, in a privater room; he needed not to have opened his windows; but yet we see that he chooseth to use an open and an avowed profession, says the 10th. v. Now when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, that is, knew full well the nature of the Decree, that it was irreversible, knew his Enemies manner of getting it and their design in it, knew full well the danger that he should incur, viz. that the instant after he should have done it death must follow; for he knew the King, though he favored him, could not pardon him; yet, he never so much as deliberates at all whether he should or he should not, but went immediately into his house and down upon his knees with his window open, and as some read it, did every way do as he had wont.

The argument from hence is this, that when the supreme Magistrate forbids any part of worship of God public or private, every Christian is bound after Daniel 's example to continue to practice it with boldness, openness, yea, in all Circumstances as he had wont; there being the like reason of all worship else as there is of prayer.

Ans. 1. This is perfectly contradictory to all the former instances. And in a special manner unto that last, Ezra. 4. 23, 24. They made them cease by force and power, then ceased the work of building the Temple.

Answ. 2. That this example of Daniel should extend unto all duties of Religious worship when prohibited by the Magistrate, whatever the case be, cannot be. For neither were all these former instances sinfully acted, nor was Daniel the only valiant man in the Old Testament, whose example should reprove all the rest. The Scriptures (as our Savior Christ says) cannot be broken, and therefore of necessity there must be found out a reconciliation.

And those that are of that opinion of an absolute obligation in case of such prohibitions in any part of public worship, without any relaxation, ought not to run away with one part (as yet men use to do) but are obliged soberly to seek to reconcile these things as well as we of this other oppinion, and to do otherwise is a great contempt unto Scripture; and this Reconciliation is no way done but by finding out the clear ground of the difference from the nature of the duties and the cases. Our Non-conformists in the case of the Oath Ex Officio, in which a man was put upon it to accuse himself in matter of fact, had Christ's instance was urged upon them, that Caiaphas the High Priest by an Oath did adjure him, I adjure thee by the living God that thou tell us whether thou be Christ the Son of God, Jesus said unto him, thou hast said; And it was inferred from thence that therefore every man was bound to answer by Oath unto what he should by the Ecclesiastical power be put upon. The Non-consequence of this did easily appear from a contrary practice of our Lord, as that when false witnesses came and said in the words afore, This man said I am able to destroy the Temple of God and to build it in three days (which yet in the substance of it was what he himself had, indeed, spoken in relation to the Temple of his Body, yet unto this he answers nothing. Was it that he had an oath put upon him in the one case, which put the difference? No, he might have chosen whether he would have accepted of that Oath or no; yet, he thought himself bound to answer to the one, but not to the other.

There was therefore in this case this ground of difference suggested by those good men, between the one case and the other, that the subject matter whereabout he was asked was differing. The one was matter of fact, but the other was matter of confession. A point of absolute necessity to declare himself the Son of God, which was necessary at that time, or else forever his Testimony ceased. For his Enemies were resolved to put him to death, it was necessary, especially for the matter of it, it being that great point both of his concernment, and our faith, That he was the Son of God. And the difference of these two doth give a rational ground why he answered to the one and not to the other. The like may be observed when they asked him Concerning his Doctrine, he refuses to answer (John 18. 20.) because it was matter of fact in what he had preached, of which afterward.

Things that are thus like in all appearance have yet in the foundation of them a vast difference, and so will this Case of Daniel 's be found to have from the former Instances.

1. There have been some who have denied that it was well done of him, but that he was simple and foolish in it, and needlessly exposed himself to Death; for he might have prayed, say they, 1. Inwardly, and so have performed his Duty, At least, 2. If he would pray with bodily worship, he might have done it privately, or at night, and in another place.

But this opinion is confuted not only because the Holy Ghost hath recorded this great act of his, and also that it is witnessed unto, by so great a deliverance from God, which shown God's acceptance of it, and also that Darius, a Heathen, did witness upon it to Daniel 's integrity in those words, Thy God whom thou servest continually he will deliver thee (v. 16.) But also because Daniel himself (verse 22.) puts it upon this reason, For as much as before God innocence was found in me, and (v. 23.) No manner of hurt was found upon him, because he believed in his God.

2. Others say it was an Heroic extraordinary act that is not to be drawn into Ordinary Example. But we have no Warrant to think so, and I shall not have recourse to extraordinaries whereby to difference it from the former Instances.

3. It yet must be acknowledged to be a special act in a special case, whereof perhaps such another instance is not, in all points, to be again found in the Old Testament.

4. I will tell you what the good old Non-conformists principles were in this case. Their practice is known, that when they were silenced from preaching by the Magistrate, or Bishops, they forbare preaching all their days, and afterwards when the way of going to New-England had been started, some that were but in danger of the High Commission removed unto New-England, and so avoided the storm (as Mr. Cotton did, leaving the bulk of his Church here) and when this Instance of Daniel was urged Mr. Cotton gave this account of it.

He used to produce that example of Ezra 's ceasing the building of the Temple constrained by force, for justification of the Non-Conformists forbearance, and suffering themselves to be silenced and then being silent: so, in answer to this place of Daniel and reconciliation of both, and for the clearing of either, he put this substantial difference between the one and the orher, That Daniel 's case came under an immediate duty of the first Commandment, which was personal prayer unto God, as also under a duty of Confession to be made of the true God, in which case there is no room for mercy or preservation of a man's self; but he is called to lay down his life in that case. But that other Instance in Ezra, and the like, was the forbearance of an outward instituted worship, and such an one Temple-worship was, Sacrifice, and the like, parallel to our Ordinances of preaching by Ministers, and to our Churches, Sacraments, &c. and that of thesc latter with difference from the other Christ's rule holds true, I will have mercy rather than Sacrifice (which was the Temple-worship) Sacrifice being the highest Instances of instituted worship.

I shall enlarge this Notion and prosecute it farther.

I shall, 1. Consider the Nature of this fact of Daniel 's, in the Substance of it. And, 2. Insist on the differences of other cases.

3. I shall remove Objections that may be made from his retaining of outward Circumstances, kneeling openly and toward Jerusalem, as he had wont every day to do.

1. The substance of the act is a Complex of many things which, when stated, and first considered apart and then put again together, will afford a clear difference from the Case of other outward Ordinances. Calvin insists on two things, as I observe out of his Comment, as Mr. Cotton also hath done.

1. That the Object of the prohibition was, that none should pray to God for a Month together; and then he further adds that it came under the nature of the Case of a Confession of God. Now I will not lay all the stress of the whole weight upon each of these apart singly (though each would bear a rational ground of difference from the former instances) but on the whole Complexion of all together.

1. The Object of the Edict was, that none should pray at all unto God; for it runs thus, To establish a Royal Statute and to make a firm Decree, that whosoever shall ask a Petition of any God or man for thirty days, save of the thee, O King, he shall be cast into the den of Lions. Calvin first makes a great matter of this that prayer should be thus forbidden, because that in the worship of God Prayer is the top and the chief worship, and the highest Sacrifice of all other; and it is at large urged by him that it is that we own simply to God in all conditions; a duty whereby we are to witness God to be the Author of all good to us, to acknowledge our dependence upon him for all benefits, either to come which we obtain by Prayer, or past and present; and therefore, in Daniel 's practice here (v. 10.) as he prayed so he gave thanks before his God. It is by prayer that we offer up our Desires and Vows unto God and cast all our cares upon him, which if we forbear we show we can be without God, without His help, His aid; whereas if he withdraw, we perish every moment; and this we are to do every day. Now, to make a Decree that whatsoever a man's distress be, if he be sick he must not pray, if under lusts, if he were near unto death (as a man might think) he must not pray or call upon God for a moment together, would be to make an edict against all Religion: And others also urge it unto such a purpose as this; we further put it, it was against Nature, the Law of Nature (as the Dutch Annotations say) For, the Heathen Mariners in Jonah 's Ship, when in danger of death, called every man upon his God.

1. Hence then, there is this difference between Daniel 's Case and that of Instituted worship; That, in this case of Daniel, Prayer in the general Universal Nature of it was prohibited, not Family-Worship or Assembly-Worship, but all; and Prayer thus taken is immediately Natural, and needed no super-added Institution, but it is Essentially Worship, it is Cultus Essentialis, and not Medium Cultùs, as to pray in a Congregation, and the like, are, and so it doth differ wholly from Instituted prayers in a Church, & as put up by one man as the Mouth of the rest; such were Temple-Sacrifices, Synagogue-Prayers and Preaching, which are parallel to ours.

2. Add unto this that it was not only Commanded that thus prayer, in the general nature of it, and then simply considered should be forborne (though that had been an horrible impiety against the immediate Law of Nature, the highest Law of Nature that is for the worship of God) but further, this Act of Daniel 's, in the Circumstances he stood in, rose up to be a Confession and Profession of the true God as God, which he must have renounced if he had forborne; and Calvin makes that a second ground of this act of Daniel 's some interpreters puts it upon that though they extend that profession unto too great a Latitude, and leave the reader at an uncertainty about it. Calvin himselfmakes a distinction of two sorts of profession, excluding the one as not bindus, and in the other he speaks limitedly, and uncertainly, in saying, Quantum necesse est in cultu Dei, as much as is necessary, he doth not say what is absolutely necessary, but that in the worship of God we should not give any sign of a perverse and prefidious dissembling, as if we cast off godliness; which I would say too.

To explain this head, I shall distinguish thus: Confession is taken indeed;

1. Largely for the manifestation or holding out of any particular practice or duty, point or truth of Religion, of any or every Command of God whatsoever; for in holding forth of these, their is a profession (as we call it) runs along with all these. Now there is no man will say, that a man is bound to hold forth every truth he believes, although he is prohibited to speak it; Hast thou faith? (says the Apostle) have it for thyself; which is also the thing that Calvin asserts, that as there are many truths which a man may forbear to speak, as not being bound to do so, so many practices in which it is meet to forbear; and yet in all these there is a profession runs along; for in these Cases their not professing is not a denying such a truth or practice, but a concealing it, and forbearing to hold it forth at such and such a time, which at other times and in other cases we would do and were bound to do. Therefore the prudent shall keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time, Amos 5. 13. And this holding forth of duties or truths or practices in this general nature is rather profession than confession; And here there must be found a right joint or rational ground of difference, to Judge what we be bound to profess and what not, and at what Times and Seasons.

2. There is Confession strictly and properly taken: which is not at large a profession only, but an absolute Confession of God, wherein we must deny God, if we donit affirm him, if we conceal ourselves, and our Faith. And Confession so taken is a transcendent thing, and comes up into the first Commandment, and is all one as to avouch God to be a man's God, and to love God or to fear him.

This called in Scripture Confession, with this additament, and a not-denying of him, John 1. 10. when the Jews sent Priests and Levites from Jerusalem to ask John the Baptist, who art thou? as supposing he might be the Christ, it is said, He confessed and denied not, but confessed, I am not the Christ; and (says he, v. 27.) He it is, who coming after me, is preferred afore me, whom afterwards he pointed unto.

This must not be extended to every forbearance of a truth, or of an Ordinance, though prohibited by a Magistrate's Command. When therefore the point of absolute Confession is urged, as absolutely necessary, the Question still must be, and consideration must be had, of the Nature of the duty, and of the truth, which, in such and such cases to forbear or conceal, would be truly and plainly and really a declining it.

It is not barely, and hand over head that every man is bound, by the Law of Confession, presently to perform any or every practice, or any or every truth that the Magistrate shall interdict for the present; for concerning things of such a degree there may be some other Rule from God, who may warrant me to the contrary, as that which hath been instanced in of mercy and not sacrifice. Our Savior Christ would not tell the Jews by what Authority he did these things; but he made a positive answer when he came and was put to it whether he was the Son of God, or no, by Caiaphas the High Priest (and as it is said) by all the Assembly, Luke 22. 70. Art thou then the Son of God? and he said unto him, Ye say that I am; and they said, What need we any further witnesses? for we ourselves have heard it out of his own Mouth. When they asked him of his Doctrine, as preached by him, he would not directly answer, John 18. 19, 20, 21. The High Priest asked Jesus of his Disciples, and of his Doctrine, Jesus answered him, I spake openly to the World, I ever taught in the Synagogues, and Temple, whither the Jews resort, and in secret have I said nothing: Why askest thou me? ask them which heard me, what I said unto them; behold they know what I said. If any honest godly preacher were Questioned, by an Adversary that had power, what he had preached at such a time and should refuse to give in a Copy of his Sermon, and the like, they would be apt to cry out upon him, and upon others also perhaps, who are godly, Are you ashamed of what you have preached? do you go from your Doctrine? which if you donit confess openly, or forbear to tell it, you do, would they say. Yet, but take it as it had been preached and then it is matter of fact, and he is not bound to confess it. Our Savior Christ's example warrants it, referring them unto witnesses; but when they asked our Savior Christ, whether he was the Son of God, or no? and what his Faith and Conscience in that point was, he answers roundly, and without hesitation, though he knew his life lay upon it; and this is that good Confession which he witnessed that Paul speaks of to Timothy (1 Tim. 6. 13.) which, whether it include not also that Confession of his to Pilate himself, That he was a King, and that for this end he came into the world, may be a Question, for the words will bear either sense, that he witnessed before Pontius Pilate or under Pontius Pilate as Governor.

I come now to the Point of Daniel 's act of his praying in these Circumstances and in this manner, and to consider it, as it was a point of the highest sort of Confession strictly and properly taken, so that if he had not so confessed, he must have denied God, and if he had forborne, he must have renounced Religion.

1. The Command (as was said) was to suspend all prayer to any God for a whole month's space, which was to bring in total Atheism for so long a time, and to take away all worship that Daniel had left him, or was capable of performing. For there is no Worship can be performed without invocation of God. Prayer was by their Synecdoche signally all worship; yea and it was so according to their own principles that procured this Law; for themselves worshipped some God or other, which they did under the common notion and acknowledgement of a Deity and a God-head, and therefore to suspend prayer to him for that time was to make a Law that there should be no acknowledgement of God in the World during that time, according to their own principles; and therefore I see most interpreters do state it upon the whole of Religion, that forbearance of prayer would have been the abnegation of it, and therefore Daniel, by such a Total and visible forbearance (having been accustomed to such a Confession) must thereby have given by a visible withdrawing and concealment a visible profession there was no God extant to be worshipped. And his opening of the Window toward Jerusalem in this case, became a visible profession that the God that he Worshipt was the God that dwelt at Jerusalem and had seated himself there between the Cherubims formerly, and kept the same place still.

And 2. In this Decree not only God and all his worship is taken away, but a King, and a mortal Man was set directly up in the room of God and unto the denial of this God, for so the Decree runs, not to ask a Petition of any God or man for thirty days, save of the King.

This King was exalted above all that was called God, the true God and all God's else (in oppinion such) by this injunction to pray to none other God but unto him. For this was to ordain that during that time he should have all the respect and homage and reverence to be brought in to him instead of worship to God; and so though such Petitions put up to the King in the mean time, were but in Civil things for the matter of them, and such usually, were presented at other times, and so the Petitioning was in itself but a Civil act, as petitioning to a King is; yet in this case That all petitions to any God or Man must be forborne and none put up but unto the King, this was interpretatively a Worship of that Man because he was addressed unto, in lieu and stead of all addresses, or worshipping of God, and because it was to be to him with exclusion of God as thereby acknowledging no other God but him all that while. In this case therefore further, for Daniel to have concealed himself, invisibly worshipping the true God, had been a Manifest Denyal of God, and in a visible manner.

These Corollaries may be drawn from the former Examples.

1. We may admire the good and gracious providence of God, that in the times wherein his wrath was so high and great upon the generality of the ten Tribes during 254 years, and in the times of such great distresses as these were upon their Consciences; he should yet work out a liberty for any of them through a special providence at such several seasons. Yea, and the advantage which God did cast into the second, as also the third season of liberty, upon their removals, for the Ordinances, is very remarkable in the Event and success thereof.

1. As for the Second Company that removed in Asa 's time; They first came to live under the prosperous Reign of Asa, who reigned after this their falling in to him many years, and Jehoshophat his Son, a godly man, succeeded him and reigned many years; so as these, in the Event and Success by coming into Judah, enjoyed an age of rest and prosperity and a fullness of Ordinances with it.

Then, 2. They escaped very great miseries, which the ten Tribes fell into, as Benhadad 's invasion and the change of Government, and Governors, Zimri, and Omri, and Tibni (Sir Walter Raleigh reckons seven of their Kings in Asa 's Time) and besides that they escaped the Heathenish Tyranny in Ahab 's Time, which was the worst time the ten Tribes had.

Then for the third Company, who removed in Hoshea 's time, if it fell out that they removed their Stations altogether (as some think they did, because of that, 2 Chr. 30. 25. where it is said, All the Congregation that came out of Israel, and the strangers that came out of the Land of Israel, and that dwelt in Judah, rejoiced, so there was great joy in Jerusalem; for since the time of Solomon the son of David, King of Israel, there was not the like in Jerusalem) or if any of these strangers were of those that came up unto the passover upon Hezekiah 's invitation, in the former part of the Chapter, and placed their dwellings in Judah, then God in his providence did graciously guide them unto a great preservation of themselves and their posterity; for five years after Sennacherib came and carried the generality of the Nation away Captive, and the escape of this Calamity was the good which they got by removing for Ordinances according to Ahijah 's prophecy given in Jeroboam 's Time; and beside that these Strangers are twice said to be those that came out of the Land of Israel, which argues that they were of the ten Tribes.

Further, if you compare the Style that is given the former second Company that came out in Asa 's Time, (2 Chron. 15. 9.) you will find, that they are said to be the Strangers out of Ephraim, and Manasseh, and Simeon, so as God owned and highly rewarded this their practice of a removal for the enjoyment of the Ordinances of God in a continuance.

2. These things were written for our example that we thereby might have light to guide us, and all these instances show that as for any absolute obligation to instituted Ordinances (that fall back, fall edge, we should be bound to them) that assertion (whoever would maintain it) will come to nothing afore these Examples.

1. They fall short, and no ways rise up to any such proof; For,

1. All these three Instances show that those godly Israelites came up to Jerusalem upon opportunites and advantages afforded them in the providence of God, and not simply upon the absolute obligation unto these ordinances. For you read of no more such coming up in the interims, but only these three times, which, how they were Circumstantiated, you have seen.

And, 2. Thousands of others out of other Tribes, as godly as they, did not remove when these did and yet are blameless, and this because of the difference of the case as hath been explained. I will allude to what James says, Go take ye all, the Prophets of those Tribes for an ensample (the enumeration of whom that were during those 250. years doth arise to a great number) take also the 7000 that had not bowed to Baal, and the 100 prophets hide in the causes; take also Obadiah and his case, who is said to fear the Lord greatly, who being Governor of Ahab 's house, could not be supposed to have removed to Jerusalem for Ordinances in those times, though no man had more opportunities to get away than he, if he could have removed once for all; for he had the liberty to go through one part of the Land by Ahab 's appointment, 1 Kings 18. 6. and at other times could by the authority he had at Court, have taken the liberty to have gone out at any time, but being in a great calling of trust to Ahab, and doing service to the people of God in hiding so many Prophets, &c. he forbare. And Elijah that met him, reproves him not at all for it; yea he hath the commendation of the Holy Ghost himself, that he feared God greatly. And for Elijah himself, the Lord Commands him expressly to hide himself, and names a safe place, 1 Kings ch. 17. verse 23.

3. We read not of any in the Interims of these three times and seasons that did remove; which is to be put upon this supposition, that the oppressions of the times hindered them, as it did the former, and that there should be but these three times mentioned only, and a silence in all times else for so many years, argues that they cased in the Interims between.

4. The Rule and Measure given at first, I will have mercy and not sacrifice; was the ground of all this, and cuts off any alleged absolute obligation; for if they were bound at all times and in all cases, then they were not to forbear at any time for mercy sake, for then there were no room at all for it: The equity of which rule was then extant, as it had been in all ages, and must be to the end of the world; and one of the prophets of these ten Tribes of those times did first utter it, Hosea 6. 6. and Jesus Christ applies it unto the breaking of the Sabbath, in case of mercy by plucking the ears of Corn; as also in the case of eating the Shew-Bread, which David did, and then of the Priest's toiling, as much as men in any calling do, which Christ calls a profaning the Sabbath, and yet says that they are blameless, Mat. 12.

5. Nay, the omitting of an Instituted Ordinance, for mercy sake, is far less than the breaking of it, and this is but a forbearance, for Mercy's sake, of which we speak.

Object. But you will say, that Mercy to our Souls is to be considered, and it is mercy to our Souls to enjoy Ordinances, and they are to be preferred to all things else.

Ans. 1. I answer, it is true, this will go a great way, and weigh against many difficulties but yet we are to consider this; That mercy to our souls by Ordinances, depends upon our Edification by them, and what that will prove to be, and that edification depends upon God, as he will make them to be profiting; and so now if God comes in between and says, I will have mercy, he can make such means as we have (in the want of these other means) edifying to us, when as thus he calls us, to show mercy to ourselves. And he that hath given us this rule, out of his mercy and grace, will be sure to perform the other part of edifying us when he thus calls us out of the same grace.

2. Instituted Ordinances, though they have power of Obligation over us, for our edification, yet not when it is to apparent destruction, as the Apostles themselves had power for edification, but not for destruction.

3. There is some mercy to be shown to the Magistrate, that we ought not daringly to meet in so open a way, as we know beforehand will provoke and irritate them to persecute us.

4. The Ordinances in the performance of them require quietness and rest, in men's Spirits at least, we cannot pray when we are alone without distraction, much less can we worship God, when we are rationally under certain fears, Deut. 12. 9, 10, 11. Ye are not yet come to the rest and to the inheritance which the Lord your God giveth you: But when ye go over Jordan and dwell in the land which the Lord your God giveth you to inherit, and when he giveth you rest from all your enemies round about, so that ye dwell in safety: Then there shall be a place which the Lord your God shall choose to cause his Name to dwell there, thither shall you bring all that I command you, your Burnt offerings and your Sacrifices, your Tithes and the Heave-Offering of your hand, and all your choice Vows which ye vow unto the Lord. And they forbare many Ordinances in the mean time (as in verse 8.) Ye shall not do after all the things which we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes. The equity of which may be drawn from the Apostles Example. Paul, though he had an open door, yet, having no rest in his Spirit, left Troas. And it will in a great measure hold, that men should not meet in the midst of fears and terrors, when they are full of fears within and terrors without. It being also a dishonor to the Ordinance when the Assemblies are by force broken up, and the like: Therefore men should so meet both as to time, and place, as it is rationally probable that their present meeting may be in some safety, through secrecy and privacy. And God did, by his special promise, secure his people under the Old Testament, that when they went up to appear before the Lord thrice in the year, that no man should desire their Land at those times, (Exod. 34. 24.) which he hath not done to us in the like case.

2. But you will say, yea, but the glory of God is interested in our use of these Ordinances.

Ans. I answer, That if God will be so gracious to us as to quit that consideration of his own glory for mercy to ourselves, as we have cause to be thankful to him for it, so to conform ourselves unto this exception which himself hath made.

2. Men yet are to put themselves to much loss, inconvenience, and difficulties to enjoy the Ordinances, as this people of the ten Tribes did.

1. In the best times it was a weariness to the people of the ten Tribes, so remote, to go up to Jerusalem three times a year; though to the next Tribes it was not much labor: and Jeroboam used this as an argument upon the experience which the people had had, as what he thought would move them the more readily to forbear; 'It is too much for you (says he) to go up to Jerusalem, 1 King. 12. 28. It was an Argument ad populum, he spake their hearts, and that which was like to take their hearts, and as what had been a burden to carnal Spirits among them. And truly, do you measure it now, you that have Country-houses, how do you excuse yourselves from coming up to Ordinances, and if you had been put to it so much as they were to travel so far, you would grudge at it much more. It was also grievous to suffer great reproaches, to be made gazing stocks (which, those that went in the first three years of Jeroboam, must needs be supposed exposed unto from the generality of the people) and to be accounted next door to Traitors in going unto the Quarters of a Prince, whose yoke they had cast off.

But more expressly it is said in that third remove in Hosea 's time, that the messengers and message of invitation by Hezekiah was mocked at, and laughed to scorn by those Tribes sent to, 2 Chron 30. 10, 11. The Posts passed from City to City through the Country of Epraim and Manasseh even unto Zebulon; but they laughed them to scorn and mocked them. Nevertheless divers of Asher and Manasseh and Zebulon humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem. Of these it must needs be judged that they were mocked and laughed to scorn to purpose as they went out, or went along, and the word nevertheless imports that they went Maugre those reproaches, and despised the shame dispisings and scorns.

Then, 2. The Priests in that first of Jeroboams times removed unto their great loss as to their outward estate, for the revenues and perquisites of the Temple which the Priests lived much upon, were (as Sir Walter Raleigh says) very small. And as for the people, those of them that came up and lost their inheritances of Lands, must needs suffer much more loss, as hath been argued, and enjoy a mean livelihood in comparison to what they had in their own Country. Yet we see in what cases they did remove for Ordinances, an much therefore is to be allowed of loss of this way to enjoy the means for our Souls, yet so as to look as nature is the foundation of grace and the exercises of it, and if that should fail, the exercises of Religion would fail also, as we see in sickness, &c. so it is here, that there must be a subsistence laid as a foundation for the enjoyment of Ordinances, which, when there is, though it be with much loss and abatement, we are to rejoice in that as in a great portion, Isa. 30. 20. The people shall dwell at Zion in Jerusalem. To dwell in Zion at Jerusalem is to enjoy the Ordinances at Jerusalem; for Zion was the seat of them, and unto such it is said, v. 20. Though the Lord give you the bread of adversity and the water of affliction, yet shall not thy Teachers be removed. Bread and Cheese and the Gospel was said (in time of Old) to be good fare.

3. The consideration of the Circumstances these stood in, both those that went up to Jerusalem, and those that forbore, may instruct us, and give us light into our duty, and practice.

1. It instructs us, what proportion of mercy to our outward condition is to be weighed with Ordinances upon which we are to forbear, or not to forbear.

2. It directs us that upon the rational fore-sight of the same or like extremities, we should know how to guide ourselves in our adventures to enjoy Ordinances where the like hazards are run, and the like vigilances to hinder them are used, and soberly and conscientiously to consider of every opportunity we adventure to take, how probably secure it is, and not rashly, hand over head, rush upon and adventure upon all or any dangers, come what will.

4. As for the Case of the removal altogether to enjoy them elsewhere, if it be said that this we ought to do as they did, Go take the same state and Circumstances, and so it ought to be. I Answer.

1. When it is to the ruin of Families we are not obliged, as these were no •• that could not remove themselves and Families without ruin.

2. Parallel, put our case with theirs in those times, and it will appear far different, as will appear especially in the second instance when many of them removed for altogether, 1. They removed out of a Land over which the wrath of God hung, and was denounced against it, unto a Land where they saw that God was with them, and that is made one ground of their Remove, 2 Chron. 15. 9. 2. They removed to strengthen the Cause of God, which needed them in the Land they removed to. And 3. They were invited by a potent and able Prince and his people, who thereby were obliged to provide for them. 4. There was a final Captivity threatened in the end, by God, unto that Land from which they removed. And in this case for men to remove for Ordinances, was as if Protestant Borderers upon any Popish Country where the inquisition reigns, which Country they also knew was designed to ruin, should remove, being invited unto a Neighbouring Nation where the cause of God is, and all the advantages Mentioned. But to remove,

1. From a Nation where there is a bulk and body of Saints that need the strengthening of their Brethren; which is made one argument in the case of them that went in Jeroboam 's time that they strengthened Rehoboam.

2. Where there is hope of a Resurrection of a good cause, which was no way their case but the contrary;

And 3. To remove from Ordinances to a place where the wrath of God is more impendent, or at least, no less.

And 4. Where they can promise themselves no provision for their Families, but must put themselves out of their Calling and serve God with distraction, and are like to starve with their Families; In that Case they are not obliged to a remove elsewhere, merely for the Ordinances sake, but to a forbearance rather and waiting upon God.

I shall now give Instances out of the New Testament, and here first: Let the Prudence, which our Savior Christ used in case of appearance of danger, be considered.

Before I give you the particular instances, I premise these few things.

1. Our Lord was wholly free of any the least tincture of sinful fears, therefore what he did is to be resolved into Prudence, applying itself to the providence of God; and he, being God as well as Man, could have preserved himself until his hour came without any hidings or withdrawings: therefore his example herein must needs be for our instruction to guide us in the like cases.

2. When his hour to suffer was come, as himself speaks (which had been by a set compact and agreement between the Father and him, made known to the Son; for, John 18. 4 it is said, he knew all things he should suffer, and elsewhere, that so it was appointed) then indeed he avoided not.

These things premised, I come unto the particular Instances of his avoiding danger, and the occasions of them, which we shall find to have been but prudential fore-seeings and warinesses to preserve himself till indeed the hour appointed by his Father, and consented to by himself should come. Go tell that Fox (said he) I do cures today and to Morrow, and the third day I shall be perfected. But before that time he was managed by the Ordinary providence of God, as to what would befall him, and accordingly applied himself thereto. And hence he becomes an example unto us in two things.

1. How we are to manage ourselves under the Ordinary Providence of God, which we are always under, not knowing what will be the Event of things.

But 2 When we are called to suffer, then we should, after his Example, not withdraw, as in case we are necessitated to suffer by Providence we should then arm ourselves with the same mind as he did.

Object. An Objection is and hath been made by some, that the reason of his avoiding was, that he was to go and preach over all the Cities of Judah, and therefore it was all one to him when, and whither he did with-draw, since he still was not out of his way; which is not the case of Ordinary Ministers that are bound to a certain place.

Ans. 1. The Answer is, 1. That be it so, that whither ever he went he still had an employment to wait upon him; yet still it is evident, that the cause of his remove from that place where he was afore, was matter of prudence and avoidence, and that the Instances will show; and therefore that remains still as an Example for us.

Ans. 2. Ministers, who are by the like Providences (as Christ was) taken off, may wait, •• at in some other places unto which they may remove they may have such employments as the providence of God shall call them to, for the Exercise of their Ministry; as the Disciples that were scattered by Persecution, in Acts 8. went up and down preaching, Acts 11.

Ans. 3. That was not the ground why Christ did remove, who had not yet gone over the Cities of Judah; for we read it expressly said, that he went again to the same place that he was at afore.

1. The first Instance that we have of Christ's avoiding danger, is in Mat. 4. 12, 13. Now when Jesus had heard that John was cast into prison, he departed into Galilee. And leaving Nazareth he came and dwelt in Capernaum which is upon the sea coast in the Borders of Zebulon and Naphtali. That Galilee, that he went into, was not that part of Galilee which Herod had who was of a persecuting Nature, but which Philip had (as Grotius out of Josephus shows) and the occosion of his avoiding was but only when Jesus heard that John was cast into prison, namely, by Herod, and so it was time for him to look to himself, and thereupon he secured himself. It was but upon hearing that John was cast into prison, no more; only rationally thinking his turn might be next.

2. In like manner we have an account, John 4. 1, 2, 3. When therefore the Lord knew how the Pharisees had heard that Jesus made and baptized more Disciples than John (though Jesus baptized not but his Disciples) He left Judea and departed again into Galilee. Here again, though Christ knew only that the Pharisees had heard (which is remote enough from this, that Jesus made and baptized more Disciples than John) and although he had a plea for himself that he baptized none, yet upon this occasion he left Judea and departed again into Galilee. It was that he knew that such a report of him would contract an envy upon himself, and an Odium from the Pharisees, and so he avoided it, and breaks off, when he was in the midst of an Employment, with as much success as any he had at any time elsewhere afore or after.

3. We have another Instance, Mat. 12. 14, 15. Then the Pharisees went out and held a Council against him how they might destroy him: But when Jesus knew it he withdrew himself from thence, &c.

4. There is another Instance, Luke 4. 29, 30, 31. And they rose up and thrust him out of the City, and led him unto the brow of the hill (whereon their City was built) that they might cast him down headlong. But he passing through the midst of them went his way; and came down to Capernaum, a City of Galilee, &c. and not only went his way for the present, but removed to another place.

5. We have another Instance, John 8. 59. Then took they up stones to cast at him, but Jesus hid himself, and went out of the Temple, going through the midst of them, and so passed by.

6. There is another Instance, John 10. 39, 40. They sought again to take him, but he escaped out of their hand. And went away again beyond Jordan into the place where John at first baptized, and there he abode.

2. We have also Instances of the Apostles.

1. Who after Christ's Death until his Ascension, met secretly with the doors shut and in the night, John 20. 19. Then the same day at evening, being the first day of the week, when the doors were shut where the Disciples were assembled for fear of the Jews, came Jesus and stood in the midst, and saith, Peace be unto you. And again a Second time after eight days, v. 26. The doors being shut. And after eight days, again his Disciples were within, and Thomas with them: then came Jesus, the doors being shut, and stood in the midst, and said, Peace be unto you.

2. After Christ's Ascension, the Church by flying avoided persecution, Acts 8. 1. And at that time there was a great persecution again the Church which was at Jerusalem, and they were all scattered abroad throughout the Regions of Judah except the Apostles. And although the Apostles staid because they were extraordinary Officers, and had not a Commission yet from God to depart from Jerusalem, which afterward they had, yet the Church was so lessened by the Disciples scattering abroad (for which the Disciples had warrant by reason of perscution) That the Apostles might the safelier stay; and we read that for praying and preaching in the like cases they met in the night, and by parts, Acts 12. 12. And when he had considered the thing, he came to the house of Mary the Mother of John, whose Surname was Mark, where many were gathered together praying, James and others of the Brethren being in another place, v. 17.