Works

SECT. I. The Maps too officious.

YOU will see in some Maps, the Syrophenician woman pictured making her supplication to our Savior for her possessed daughter, almost at the Gates of Sidon. But by what right, I fear the Authors will not tell me with solidity enough.

In one of Adrichomius 's, the woman is pictured and no inscription added: but in the Dutch one of Doet, she is pictured with this Inscription, Hier badt de Cananeische Uron voor s • ine dochter, Here the Canaanitish Woman prayed for her daughter, Matth. XV. In that of Geilkirch, with these words written at it, Porta Sidonis, ante quam mulier Canaanaea filiae suae Doemoniacae a Domino salutem obtinuit: The Gate of Sidon, before which the Canaanitish Woman obtained health for her daughter possessed with a Devil, Matth. XV.

Before the gate of Sidon (saith Borchard the Monk) Eastward, there is a Chapel built in the place, where the Canaanitish Woman prayed our Savior for her Demoniacal daughter: concerning whom we read thus, Matth. XV. that going out of the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, she came to Jesus.

There are two things, which plainly disagree with that situation, and opinion.

I. That it is not credible, that Christ ever passed the bounds of the Land of Israel. For when he said of himself, I am not sent but to the lost sheep of Israel only: and to his Disciples, Go not into the way of the Gentiles: and, If these wonderful works had been done in Tyre and Sidon; you will never persuade me, that he ever went as far as the gates of Sidon.

II. It is said by S. Mark, that after that Maid was healed, Christ came from the coast of Tyre and Sidon to the Sea of Galilee, through the middle of the coasts of Decapolis. What? From the gate of Sidon to the Sea of Galilee through the midst of Decapolis? It would have been more properly said, Through the midst of Galilee: and hence, as it seems, some have been moved to place Decapolis within Galilee, with no reason at all. We shall meet with it in another place, in the following Chapter, and in such a place, that it is not easy to conceive how Christ could pass through it from the Gate of Sidon to the Sea of Galilee.

SECT. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A Coast.

TO determine concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the coasts of Tyre and Sidon in this story, we first propound this to the Reader. It is said 1 King. IX. 11, 12. That Solomon gave to Chiram the King of the Tyrians twenty Cities in Galilee: which when he had seen, and liked them not, he called the Land 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul unto this day. The LXX render it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He called them the border, or coast. Now let any one, I beseech you, skilled in the Tongues, tell me what kin there is between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A bound, or coast, that moved the LXX so to render it.

The Talmudists speak various things of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul: but the sense and signification of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A coast, is very far distant from their meaning. The Jerusalem Talmudists speak thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul signifies a Land, which bears not fruit: The Babylonian thus; What is the meaning of the Land Chabul? Rabh Honna saith, Because its Inhabitants 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were wrapped up in silver and gold. Abba saith to him, Is it so? Behold it is written, That the Cities pleased him not. Should they displease him, because they were wrapped up in silver and gold? He saith to him, Yea, because they were wealthy and delicate, they were not fit for the Kings works. Rabh Nachman bar Isaac saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It was a salt Land, and gaping with clefts. Why is it called Chabul? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Because the Leg is plunged in it up to the garters. Josephus thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Outwards they called it the Land of Chabal: for this word Chabal being interpreted signifies in the Phoenician Tongue, that which pleaseth not.

These things they speak, tracing the sense of the word, as well as they can; but of the sense of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a bound, or coast, they did not so much as dream.

I cannot pass away without taking notice of the Glosser at the place, cited out of the Babylonian Talmudists, having these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Text alleged speaks of twenty two Cities, which Solomon gave to Chiram: he reckons two and twenty, when in the Hebrew Original and in all Versions, twenty Cities only are mentioned. Whether it be a failing of the memory, or whether he speaks it on purpose, who is able to define? Much less are those words of the Holy Ghost to be passed over, 2 Chron. VIII. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Grammatical interpretation is very easy, And the Cities which Churam gave to Solomon, Solomon built them: but the historical interpretation is not so easy. For it is demanded, Whether did Chiram give those Cities of his own; or did he restore them, which Solomon gave to him, when they pleased him not? And there are some Versions, which render the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not, he gave, but he restored, or gave back again; and in this sense, Solomon built the Cities, which Chiram had restored back to Solomon. As if Hiram would not keep those twenty Cities in the Land Chabul, because they displeased him, but restored them back to Solomon in some indignation.

Kimchi on the place more rightly, It is very well expounded, that Hiram gave Cities to Solomon in his own Land; and he placed Israelites there to strengthen himself. And he in like manner gave Cities to Hiram in Galilee; and that to strengthen the league between them. In the book of the Kings it is recorded, what Solomon gave to Hiram; and in this (of the Chronicles) what Hiram gave to Solomon. Most true indeed: for that Hiram gave to Solomon some Cities in his jurisdiction, appears beyond all controversy from thence, that Solomon is said to build Tadmor in the wilderness, 1 King. IX. 18. But what is that place Tadmor? Josephus will teach us: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thadamor, saith he, the Greeks call Palmyra. And the Vulgar Interpreters read, He built Palmira. Therefore we must by no means think, that Hiram rejected the Cities that were given him by Solomon, however they pleased him not; but kept them for his own, which Solomon also did with them, which Hiram gave to him.

But whence should the Greek Interpreters render that place called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a coast, when there is no affinity at all between the significations of the words?

SECT. III. The Greek Interpreters noted.

THE Greek Interpreters are not seldom wont to render the names of places, not by that name as they are called in the Hebrew Text, but as they were called in after times under the second Temple: which is also done often by the Chaldee Targumists. Of this sort are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cappadocians, for Caphtorim: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Rhinocorura for the River of Egypt: of which we have spoke before; and among very many examples which might be produced, let us compare one place out of the Talmudists with them.

The Jerusalem Talmudists, calling some Cities, mentioned Jos. XIX. both by their ancient and present names, speak thus at verse. 15.

: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kattath is Katonith. The LXX render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Katanath.

: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nahalal is Mahalol.

: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shimron is Simonia. The LXX render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Symoon.

: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Irala is Chiriah. The LXX render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Jericho.

He that observes shall meet with very many such. And from this very thing you may perhaps suspect, that that Version savors not of the Antiquity of the times of Ptolomeus Philadelphius.

The same that they are wont to do elsewhere, we suppose, is done by them here; and rejecting the former name whereby that Region of Galilee was called in the more ancient ages, namely Chabul, they gave it the name and title, whereby it now ordinarily went, that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The bound, or, the Coast.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I suspect, denotes the very same thing, in that Tradition in the Jerusalem Writers; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Those Cities are forbidden 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the border, or coast, Tsur, Shezeth, and Bezeth, &c. and those Cities 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are permitted, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the border, or coast, Nebi, Tsur, Tsiiar, &c. The permission, or prohibition here spoke of, as much as we may by guess, fetch from the scope of the place, is in respect of tithing; and the determination is, from which of those Cities tithes were to be required and taken, and from which not. They were to be required of the Israelites, not from the Heathen: which thing agrees very well with the Land of Chabul, where Cities of this and that jurisdiction seem to have been mixed, and as it were interwoven.

SECT. IV. Midland Phenicia.

THERE was a Midland Phenicia, as well as a Phenicia on the Sea coast. That on the Sea coast all know; of the Midland thus Ptolemy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. The midland Cities of Phenicia are Arca, Paleobiblus, Gabala, Cesarea of Paneas.

Whether Midland Phenicia, and Syrophenicia be to be reckoned all one, I am in doubt. I had rather divide Phenicia into three parts, namely, into Phenicia on the Sea coast, Midland Phenicia, and Syrophenicia. And the reason is, because I ask whether all Midland Phenicia might be called Syrophenissian: and I ask moreover, whether all Syrophenicia were to be reckoned within the bounds of Tyre and Sidon. Certainly Nicetas Choniates mentions the Syrophenissian Cities, as far as Antioch. For he in the story of John Comnenus, hath these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He resolved to set upon the Syrophenissian Cities bordering upon Antioch, which were possessed by the Agarens. But now will you reckon those Cities as far as Antioch to be within the jurisdiction of Tyre and Sidon? But certainly there is nothing hinders, but you may reckon those to be so, which Ptolomey esteems to belong to Midland Phenicia, only the scruple is about Cesarea of Paneas, which is Cesarea Philippi: and that we shall see, belonged to the Decapolitan Cities, and may be determined without any absurdity to be within that jurisdiction of Tyre and Sidon, as also Leshem of old, which was the same City, Judge. XVIII. 28.

Let one clause of the Talmudists be added, and then those things which are spoken may be reduced into a narrower compass. They, reducing the bounds of the Land under the second Temple, fix for a bound 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tarnegola the Upper which is above Cesarea. Observe that Cesarea is a City of Midland Phenicia according to Ptolomey; and yet Tarnegola which bends more Northward is within the Land of Israel according to the Hebrews.

So that in this sense, Christ might be within the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, and yet be within the limits of the Land of Israel. We must therefore suppose, and that not without reason, that he when he healed the possessed Maid was, 1. In that Country, in the outermost coasts of Galilee, which formerly was called Chabul, in the Seventy called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Coast; in the Talmudists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The border; which anciently was given by Solomon to the King of Tyre; and from that grant in the following ages it belonged to the right and jurisdiction of Tyre and Sidon; however it were within those boundaries, wherein the Land of Israel was circumscribed from the beginning; yea wherein it was circumscribed under the second Temple. 2. We suppose him to have been not far from the spring, or stream of Jordan, which being passed over he could not come to the Sea of Galilee, but by the Country of Decapolis.

SECT. V. Of the Sabbatic River.

WHEN we are speaking of Syro-Phenicia, we are not far off from a place, where the Sabbatic River either was, or was feigned to be: and I hope the Reader will pardon me, if I now wander a little out of my bounds, going to see a River that kept the Sabbath: for who would not go out of his way to see so astonishing a thing?

And yet if we believe Pliny, we are not without our bounds, for he fixeth this River within Judea. In Judea, saith he, a River every Sabbath day is dry. Josephus otherwise, Titus, saith he, (going to Antioch) saw in the way a River very well worthy to be taken notice of, between the Cities of Arca and Raphana, Cities of the Kingdom of Agrippa. Now it hath a peculiar nature. For when it is of that nature, that it flows freely, and does not sluggishly glide away; yet it wholly fails from its springs for six days, and the place of it appears dry. And then, as if no change at all were made, on the seventh day the like River ariseth. And it is by certain experience found that it always keeps this order. Whence it is called the Sabbatic River, from the holy Seventh day of the Jews.

Whether of the two do you believe, Reader? Pliny saith, That River is in Judea: Josephus saith, No. Pliny saith, It is dry on Sabbath days: Josephus saith, It flows then. The Talmudists agree with Pliny, and Josephus agrees not with his own Country men.

In the Babylonian Tract Sanhedrin, Turnus Rufus is brought in, asking this of R. Akibah, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Who will prove that this is the Sabbath day? (The Gloss, For perhaps one of the other days is the Sabbath) R. Akibah answered, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sabbatic River will prove this. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He that hath a Python, or, a familiar spirit will prove this. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And the Sepulcher of his father will prove this. The Gloss writes thus: The Sabbatic River will prove this. That is a rocky River, which flows and glides all the days of the week, but ceaseth and resteth on the Sabbath. He that hath a Python, or, a familiar spirit will prove this. For a Python ascendeth not on the Sabbath day. And the Sepulcher of Turnus Rusus all the days of the year sent forth a smoke; because he was judged and delivered to fire. But Transgressors in Hell rest on the Sabbath day. Therefore his Sepulcher sent not forth a smoke on the Sabbath day.

Do you not suspect, Reader, whence and wherefore this fable was invented? Namely, when the brightness of the Christian Sabbath was now risen, and increased every day, they had recourse to these Monsters either of Magic, or of Fables, whereby the glory of our Sabbath might be obscured, and that of the Jews exalted. The various, and indeed contrary relations of Historians, bring the truth of the story into suspicion.

SECTION I. The Region of Decapolis not well placed by some.

WE meet with frequent mention of Decapolis in the Evangelists, as also in foreign Authors; but nowhere in a more difficult sense than in those words of St. Mark, Chap. VII. where it is thus spoken of Christ; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And again departing from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, he came to the Sea of Galilee through the midst of the coasts of Decapolis. The difficulty lies in this, that supposing by the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, a place near the gates of Sidon is to be understood, of which before, it can scarcely be conceived how Christ went through the middle of Decapolis to the Sea of Galilee, unless it be supposed, that Decapolis was within Galilee.

Hence Borchard certainly, and others that follow him, seem to be induced, to number these Towns of Galilee for Decapolitan Towns; Tiberias, Sephet, Kedesh Naphtali, Hazor, Capernaum, Cesarea Philippi, Jetopata, Bethsaida, Chorazin, Scythopolis. Upon whose credit Baronius writes thus:

Whom should we believe? Borchard and his followers place all Decapolis within Galilee, being extended the whole length of Galilee, and adjacent to Jordan, and on the shore of the Sea of Gennesaret. Pliny and his followers, place it all in the Country beyond Jordan, except only Scythopolis.

In Scythopolis both parties agree, and I in this with both: but in others I agree with Borchardus hardly in any, and not with Pliny in all. In them, it is absurd, to reckon the most famed Cities of Galilee for Cities of Decapolis, when both in sacred and profane Authors, Galilee is plainly distinguished from Decapolis. In Pliny, it seems an unequal match to join Damascus and Philadelphia, formerly the two Metropoles of Syria and the Kingdom of Ammon, with the small Cities of Gadara and Hippo.

With Pliny and his followers, Josephus also consents, in reckoning up some Cities of Decapolis. For severely chiding Justus of Tiberias, he has these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . You also and all the men of Tiberias, have not only taken up arms, but have fought against the Cities of Decapolis in Syria. Observe that, The Cities of Decapolis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Syria, not in Galilee. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thou hast set their Cities on fire. And a little after; After that Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The chief men of Decapolis of Syria sharply accused Justus of Tiberias, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he had fired their Towns. But what those Towns of Decapolis were, he hints elswehere in these words: Then Justus persuading his fellow citizens to take arms and compelling those that would not, and going forth with all these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he fires the Villages of the Gadarenes and the Hippens.

You see how with Pliny Josephus joins the Region of Decapolis to the side of Syria, and how he reckons Gadara and Hippo for Decapolitan towns with him. And yet as we said, Pliny doth not please us in all: but that which in him might seem most ridiculous and absurd, namely, that he reckons Scythpolis, which is beyond Jordan, with the other Cities, pleaseth me most of all. For from that very City we are certified what were the other Cities, and why they were of such singular name and note: having first taken notice of the condition of Scythopolis, it will be more easy to judge of the rest.

SECT. II. Scythopolis, heretofore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bethshan, one of the Decapolitan Cities.

THE Talmudists very frequently propound the particular example of the City Beth-shean, which is also called Schythopolis (see the LXX in Judge. I. 27.) and do always resolve it to stand in a different condition from the other Cities of the Land of Israel.

Rabbi, say they, looseth Beth-shean, Rabbi looseth Cesarea, Rabbi looseth Beth Gubrin, Rabbi looseth Caphar Tsemach from the Demai; that is, from the tithing of things doubtful. Jarchi citing these words addeth these moreover, For all those places were like to Bethshean, which the Israelites subdued coming up out of Egypt, but they subdued it not when they came out of Babylon.

R. Meir, say they, ate the leaves of herbs (not tithed) in Bethshan, and thenceforth Rabbi loosed all Bethshean from tithing. Upon which story thus Jarchi again, R. Meri ate leaves in Bethshan not tithed, because tithing is not used out of the Land of Israel. Note this well, I pray, that Bethshean which plainly was within the Land of Israel, yet is reckoned for a City, which is out of the Land of Israel, and for a Heathen City: and the reason is given, because although it were within the Land, and came into the possession of the Israelites in the first conquest of it, yet it came not into their possession in their second conquest, but was always inhabited by Heathens. The same with good grounds we judge of the rest of the Cities of Decapolis, which were indeed within the limits of Israelitic Land, but which the Syrians or Heathens had usurped, and until then possessed. After we have numbered some of those Cities, the thing will appear the more clearly.

But if you ask by the way, who the Inhabitants of Bethshean were, when the Jews came up out of Babylon; and who would not, could not be subdued by the Jews, is a matter of more obscure search: you would guess them to be Scythians from the derivation of the word, and from the words of Pliny: Scythopolis, heretofore Nysa, from Scythians brought down thither. But if you go to Herodotus, discoursing concerning the Empire of the Scythians in Asia, and especially in Palestine, you will find that that Empire was extinct, when the Grandfather of Cyrus was scarce born: that it may seem more a wonder, that the name of Scythopolis did so flourish, when the Jews under Cyrus went back to their own Land. But concerning this matter we will not create more trouble either to the Reader, or to ourselves.

SECT. III. Gadara and Hippo Cities of Decapolis.

SO Pliny and Josephus in the words lately alleged out of them: and so the Evangelists not obscurely concerning Gadara. For Mark saith, He began to preach in Decapolis; Luke, He departed preaching throughout all the City of Gadara.

And that Gadara was of Heathen jurisdiction, besides what may be gathered out of those words of Josephus, may be made out also from thence, that Hogs were kept there in so great a number, ( Mat. VIII.) the keeping of which was forbidden the Jews by the Talmudic Canons, as well as the eating them by the Mosaic Law. Hence in our notes on Mark V. we are not afraid to pronounce that possessed Gadaren to be a Heathen; and that if our conjecture sail us not, upon good grounds.

That Hippo also was of Heathen jurisdiction, the testimonies of the Jews concerning the City Susitha, may sufficiently argue: which as it is of the same signification with the word Hippo, so without all doubt, it is the same place. So they write of its Heathenism. The Land Jobh, to which Jephta fled, is Susitha. And why is the name of it called Tobh, (that is, good) Because it is free from tithes. And whence came it to be free from tithe? Because it was of Heathen possession. For there was no tithing without the Land, that is, out of any place, which belonged to the Heathen. And again, If two witnesses come forth out of a City, the greater part of which consists of Gentiles, as Susitha, &c.

SECT. IV. Pella, a City of Decapolis.

PLINY numbers Pella also among the Decapolitan Cities: and so also doth Epiphanius: and that it was of the same condition, under which, we suppose, the other Decapolitan Cities were put, namely, that it was inhabited by Heathens, the words of Josephus make plain. The Jews recovered these Cities of the Moabites from the Enemy, Heshbon, Medeba, Lemba, Oronas, Telithon, Zara, Cilicium, Aulon, Pella. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. But this (Pella) they overthrew, because the Inhabitants would not endure to be brought over unto the customs of the Country. Behold the Citizens of Pella vigorously Heathen, so that their City underwent a kind of Martyrdom, if I may so call it, for retaining their Heathenism. And when it was restored under Pompey, it was rendered back to the same Citizens, the same Josephus bearing witness.

But take heed, Reader, that his words do not deceive you concerning its situation; who writes thus of Perea, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. The length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and the Nothern Coasts are bounded at Pella: that is, of Perea, as distinct from Trachonitis, and Batanea. For Pella was the furthest Northern coast of Perea, and the South coast of Trachonitis. Hence Josephus reckons and ranks it together with Hippo, Dio, Scythopolis, in the place before cited.

There is no need to name more Cities of Decapolis beyond Jordan, these things which have been said make sufficiently for our opinion, both concerning the situation of the places, and the nature of them. Let us only add this, while we are conversant beyond Jordan, and about Pella. Ammon and Moab, say the Gemarists, tithe the tithe of the Poor in the seventh year, &c. Where the Gloss thus, Ammon and Moab are Israelites who dwell in the Land of Ammon and Moab, which Moses took from Sichon. And that land was holy according to the holiness of the Land of Israel. But under the second Temple its holiness ceased. They sow it therefore the seventh year; and they appoint thence the first tithe, and the poor • tithe the seventh year, for the maintenance of the poor; who have not a corner of the field left, nor a gleaning that year: Thither therefore the poor betake themselves, and have there a corner left, and a gleaning, and the poor's tithe.

We produce this, for the sake of that story, which relates how the Christians fled from the siege and slaughter of Jerusalem to Pella. And why to Pella? Certainly if that be true which obtains among the Jews, that the destruction of Jerusalem was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the seventh year (which was the year of release) when on this side Jordan they neither plowed nor sowed, but beyond Jordan there was a Harvest, and a Tithing for the poor, &c. hence one may fetch a more probable reason of that story, than the Historians themselves give. Namely, that those poor Christians resorted thither for food and sustinence, when husbandry had ceased that year in Judea and Galilee. But we admire the story, rather then acquisece in this reason.

SECT. V. Caphar Tsemach. Beth Gubrin. Caphar Carnaim.

WE neither dare, nor indeed can, number up all the Cities of Decapolis, of the same condition with Bethshean: yet the Jerusalem Talmudists fix and rank these three under the same condition with it, in those words which were alleged before, Caphar Carnaim excepted, of which afterwards.

• I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Tsemach. Let something be observed of its name out of R. Solomon.
  • 1. In the Jerusalem Talmudists it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Tsemach; but R. Solomon citing them reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Amas: which one would wonder at. But this is not so strange to the Chaldee and Syriac dialect, with which it is very usual to change 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsadi into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ain. So that the Rabine in the prouncing of this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amas, plays the Syrian in the first letter, and the Grecian in the last, ending the word in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Samech for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cheth.
  • 2. We dare prononnce nothing confidently of the situation of the place: we have only said this of it before, that it is reckoned by the Jerusalem Writers among 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Cities forbidden in the borders; perhaps 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the Coast, of which before: but I resolve nothing.
• II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth Gubrin. The situation of this place also is unknown. There was a Gabara about Cesarea Philippi, called by the Rabbins 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tarnegola the Upper. But we dare not confound words and places. It is famous for R. Jochanan of Beth Gubrin, who said, there are four noble tongues, &c.
• III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Karnaim, say the Jerusalem Talmudists, is of the same condition with Bethshean: that is, of Heathen jurisdiction.

And now let the Reader judge, whether these were some of the Decapolitan Cities. Whether they were or no, we neither determine, nor are we much solicitous about it: that which we chiefly urge, is, that by the places before mentioned, it appears, as I suppose, that the Cities of Decapolis were indeed within the limits of the Land of Israel, but inhabited by Gentiles. Jews indeed dwelt with them, but fewer in number, inferior in power, and not so free both in their possessions and privileges. And if you ask the reason, why they would dwell in such an inferiority with the Heathens, take this. The Rabbins deliver. Let one always live in the Land of Israel, though it be in a City, the greatest part of which are Heathens. And let not a man dwell without the Land, yea not in a City, the greatest part of which are Israelites. For he that lives in the Land of Israel hath God: but he that lives without the Land, is as if he had not God: as it is said, To give you the Land of Canaan, that God may be with you, &c. Would you have more reasons? whosoever lives within the Land of Israel, is absolved from iniquity. And whosoever is buried within the Land of Israel, is as if he were buried under the Altar. Take one for all. The men of Israel are very wise. For the very climate makes wise. O most wise Rabbins.

SECT. VI. Cesarea Philippi.

THIS City also is of the same rank with Bethshean in the Talmudists: and Ptolemy besides encourages us to number it among the Cities of Decapolis, who reckons it among the Cities of Midland Phenicia; and Josephus, who in his own life intimates Syrians to be its Inhabitants. We correct here that which elsewhere slipped us, namely, that the Arabic Interpreter while he renders Cesarea for Hazor, Jos. XI. 1. may be understood of Cesarea of Strato, when he seems rather to respect this Cesarea.

And now from what has been said, think with yourself, Reader, what is to be resolved concerning those words of St. Mark, Jesus went from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon unto the Sea of Galilee, through the midst of the coasts of Decapolis. Think, I say, and judge, whether by the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, any place can be understood at the very gates of Sidon: and not rather some place not very remote from Cesarea Philippi. And judge again, whether Decapolis ought to be placed within Galilee, and not rather (with Pliny and Josephus ) that a great part of it at least, ought not to be placed in the Country beyond Jordan, and if any part of it stood in Galilee, whether it ought not to be placed in the utmost Northern coast of it, except only Scythopolis, or Bethshan.

SECT. VII. The City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Orbo.

BY occasion of the mention of Bethshean, I cannot but subjoin the mention of the City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the words of R. Judah in the place at the margin. R. Judah saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Ravens (or The people of Orbo) brought bread and flesh Morning and Evening to Elias. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That City was in the borders of Bethshean, and was called Orbo.

Some Jews raise a Scruple, whether Ravens brought Elias bread and flesh, or men called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ravens. So Kimchi upon the place: There are some who by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 understand Merchants, according to that which is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The men of Orbo of thy merchandize, Ezech. XXVII. 27. Hence you may smell the reason, why the Arabic renders it Orabimos. To which sense our R. Judah, who thinks that they were not • avens, but the Inhabitants of the City of Orbo that ministered to Elias. But here the objection of Kimchi holds. God commanded Elias, saith he, that he should hide himself, that none should know that he was there. And we see that Ahab sought him everywhere, &c.

But omitting the triflingness of the dream, we are searching after the Chorogaphical concern: and if there be any truth in the words of R. Judah, that there was a City by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Orbo, by name near Bethshan, we find the situation of the brook Cherith, or at least, where he thought it ran. That brook had forever laid hid in obscurity, had not Elias lay hid near it: but the place of it as yet lies hid. There are some Maps which fix it beyond Jordan, and there are others fix it on this side; some in one place, and some in another, uncertainly, without any settled place. But I especially wonder at Josephus, who saith that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He went away towards the North, and dwelt near a certain brook: When God in plain words saith, And thou shalt turn thee, or go towards the East. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 For he was now in Samaria. God adds, Hide thee at the brook Cherith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is before Jordan. So, you will say, was every brook that flowed into Jordan. But the sense of those words, which is before Jordan, is this, which (brook,) as thou goest to Jordan, is flowing into it on this side Jordan. So that although the Rabbin mistakes concerning the creatures that fed Elias, yet perhaps he does not so mistake concerning the place where the brook was.

The story of the Syrophenissian Woman beseeching our Savior for her possessed daughter, and of his return thence by Decapolis to the Sea of Galilee, hath occasioned a discourse of the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, and the Region of Decapolis. And now having finished the search after the places, let us speak one word of the woman herself. She is called by Mark 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Syrophenissian Greek, which is without all scruple; but when she is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Canaanitish woman, by Matthew, that is somewhat obscure. If those things, which in our animadversions upon Matthew we have said, upon that place, do not please any, let these things be added. 1. That Canaan, and Phenicia are sometimes convertible terms in the LXX, Jos. IV. 1. 12. &c. 2. If I should say that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Greek woman, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A Canaanitish woman were also convertible terms, perhaps it may be laughed at; but it would not be so among the Jews, who call all Men servants, and Women servants not of Hebrew blood, Canaanites. It is a common distinction 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 An Hebrew Servant, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Canaanite Servant; and so in the feminine sex. But now a Canaanite Servant, say they, is a servant of any nation, besides the Hebrew nation. Imagine this woman to be such, and there is nothing obscure in her name: because she was a Servant woman of an Heathen stock, and thence commonly known among the Jews under the title 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Of a Cnaanite woman Servant.

SECT. I. The Measures of the Jews.

IT obtained among the Jews That the Land of Israel contained the square of four hundred Parsae. And they are delighted I know not how, nor why, with this number and measure. Jonathan Ben Uzziel interpreted from the mouth of Haggai, Zachariah and Malachi; and the Land of Israel was moved 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Four hundred Parsae every way. When a hog was drawn up upon the walls of Jerusalem, and fixed his hoofs upon them, the Land of Israel shook four hundred Parsae every way.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Parsa contains in it four miles. Ten Parsae, saith the Gloss at the place in the Margin, are forty miles. Which might be proved largely elsewhere, if need were. So that four hundred Parsae, (or so many thirty furlongs) made a thousand six hundred miles. Which measure why they ascribed it to the Land of Israel on every side of the square of it, whether from the measurings of Ezekiel, or from somewhat else, we do not here inquire. But we cannot but observe this; that the same number is mentioned, and perhaps the same measure understood, Revel. XIV. 20. Blood issued out of the Lake to the horses bridles for a thousand six hundred furlongs. Where the Arabic reads, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the space of a thousand six hundred miles.

The Talmudists measure sometimes by miles, sometimes by Parses, sometimes by Diets. Everyone of these you will meet with in them very frequently.

Of the Talmudic mile, take this admonition of theirs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Namely that it consisted (not of eight, as the Greek and Roman did, but) of seven furlongs and an half. For by what other word to render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I know not, nor do I think it to be rendered by any other.

And of the Diet take this. R. Jochanan saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 How much is a man's journey in one day? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ten Parses. From the first dawning of the morning to Sun rise, five miles. From Sunset until stars appear, five miles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 There remain thirty. Fifteen from morning to noon. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Fifteen from Noon till Even. Behold a days journey, of forty miles in one sense, that is, as much as may be dispatched in one day; and of thirty in another, that is, as much as most usually was wont to be dispatched. Where you are admonished by them also; that these are computed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 according to the Equinoctial day.

They feign that Saul in one day travailed sixty miles, as the Israelites did also from Jordan to mount Gerizim: but most commonly they judge the Diet, to be according to what was said, namely, that under it are comprehended thirty miles.

And hither let those passages be brought. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What is a long way? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From Modim (the Sepulchers of the Macabees) and forward, and according to this measure on every side. He saith, moreover: From Modim to Jerusalem were fifteen miles. The Dispute is upon that, Numb. IX. 10. where it is commanded that everyone keep the Passover in the first month, unless he be unclean, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Or in a long way, and it is concluded, that by a long way is to be understood the distance of fifteen miles at the least, which was the half of a common Diet.

SECT. II. The Jews measuring out the Land by Diets.

IN the place noted in the margin the Masters ask, How long is any bound to make known by public outery concerning something found? R. Judah saith, Three feasts, and seven days after the last feast. Namely, three days for any to go home to seek, whether he hath lost anything, and three days to come back (to Jerusalem) and that still one day might remain for public outery. (The Gloss is, That he might make an outery, I lost, such a thing, and these are the marks of it) But they object, the third day of the month Marheshvan they pray for rains. Rabban Gamaliel saith, the seventh of that month, which is the fifteenth day from the Feast of Tabernacles: namely, that the last of all the Israelites (who came up to the Feast) might go to Euphrates, and not be caught by the rains.

It is presumed by this Tradition, that the utmost bounds of the Land of Israel was within three days journey of Jerusalem, nor amiss: and under the same condition the utmost bounds of the Land beyond Jordan, are reckoned; namely that they exceeded not that distance; but how much they came short of it, is left in doubt. It is not my purpose to determine of that business in this place: that which we pursue is, to measure out the breadth of the Land within Jordan.

SECT. III. The Talmudists measuring the breadth of the Land within Jordan.

THere was a Traditon and National Custom famous among them, concerning which we have mention somewhere, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That a Vineyard of four years old should go up to Jerusalem in a days journey on every side. The sense of the Tradition is this; The second Tithes were either to be eaten at Jerusalem, or being sold at home, the money was to be brought to Jerusalem, whence some things were brought, that were eaten there. Now provision is made by this Canon, that the tithe of Vineyards which were within a Diet of the City should not be sold, but that they should be brought to Jerusalem, and eaten there.

But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What are the bounds say they, of that days journey.

So both Mishnahs. But the Babylonian Gemara in the places noted in the margin reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elath on the North, Acrabat on the South. By what reason, and in what sense these words agree, Commentators endeavor to resolve obscurely enough: but it is not of so much moment, to detain us.

Elath recalls to my mind some things which are spoken by the Notitia of the Eastern Empire. Where, under the Disposition of the Honorable man the Duke of Palestine, is substituted among others, Praefectus Legionis Decim • Fretensis Ailae, The Lieutenant of the Tenth Fretensian Legion at Aila. Where Pancirollus writes, that Aila was seated on the shore of the Red Sea. S. Hieron. upon Ezek. XLVII. writes thus, The tongue of the Red Sea, on the shore of which Aila is seated, where a Roman Legion and Garrison is now quartered. And the same Father elsewhere, Aila, saith he, is in the utmost borders of Palestine, joined to the South Desert, and the Red Sea, whence men sail out of Egypt into India, and thence into Egypt. And there also is a Roman Legion called Decima, The Tenth.

We dare not contradict so great an oracle, otherwise my thoughts would run back to this our Elath: and that upon this reason especially, because it seems somewhat hard, to substitute a Garrison at the Red Sea under the Duke of Palestine, when that was so far distant from Palestine, and since there was a Duke of Arabia (in which Elath at the Red Sea was) as well as of Palestine.

You see the Fathers of the Traditions measuring from Lydda by Jerusalem to Jordan in a double diary: but here also they leave us again at uncertainties of the breadth of the Land; because Lydda was not upon the utmost coast of the Land on that side. Unless perhaps you might say, that whatsoever space went between Lydda and the Sea, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Region of the Sea, esteemed as Heathen Land; when Caphar Lodim, which was seated in that Interval, and not far from Lydda, was of no better account, Let us get therefore, if we can, more certain accounts, and more faithful direction.

SECT. IV. Ptolemy consulted and amended.

IT would be ridiculous so much as to dream, that the breadth of this Land is everywhere the same: since the Seas bounding on all sides, here the Mediterranean, there that of Sodom, the Sea of Genazeret, the Sea of Samochonitis, and Jordan gliding, between them, cannot but make the space very unequal by their various windings.

Take a prof of this from Ptolemy in the Mediterranean Shore.

Of the last, namely of the haven of the Gazites, and Gaza itself, we may justly be at some stand. In Ptolemy himself, as you see, the Haven of the Gazites is in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 65. 45. But the Latin Interpreter hath 64 45. Nor indeed without reason, when Gaza itself is only in 65. 26. But indeed on the contrary it is more probable, that the Haven of the Gazites should be placed in 65. 26. and Gaza itself in 65. 45, Where by the Haven is by no means to be understood that place where Ships put in, and unladed, but the whole Bay comprehended within the Promonotories, that thrust themselves out into the Sea; the very last point of which thrusting forth you may conceive to be in degr. 65. and 26. From the City 19 minutes.

If therefore you are minded to follow Ptolemy with this amendment in measuring out the breadth of the Land between Gaza and Asphaltites, take it thus. Let Gaza be in degr. 65. 45. And in him also, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Latin Version is, Asphaltitis medium continet gradus 66. 50. The middle of Asphaltites contains degrees 66. 50. From Gaza therefore to the middle of the Dead Sea will be a whole degree, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 minutes; to which LXV mil • s, and V minutes do answer: whence if you withdraw the half of the Asphaltites, there will remain LV miles, or thereabouts, from the shore of it to Gaza.

SECT. V. Pliny to be corrected.

AND here I cannot but amend the reading of Pliny, or at least show that it wants mending, in whom we read thus. Deinde Nabataei oppidum, &c. Thence the Nabateans inhabit the Town called Petra, The Rock, in a Valley, little less then two miles in bigness, cirrounded with unaccessible Mountains, a River running between. It is distant fro • Gaza, a Town of our Shore, D. C. miles. From the Persian bay CXXII. miles. Two double ways meet here, the way of those who went to Palmyra of Syria, and of those who came from Gaza. Those words, It is distant from Gaza, &c. are they with which we have to do.

What? D. C. M. six hundred miles from Gaza to Petra, the Metropolis of the Moabites? I wonder the very Learned Heidman should so softly swallow down these words, and that without any regret. But let me have leave to conjecture, that Pliny in his own Copy wrote thus, It is distant from Gaza, a Town of our Shore CX. M. But by the carelessness of the Transcribers, the Numerical letter X was cut into two parts after this manner) (, and the left half of it at length closed in with the former C in this manner (), and so at last passed into D. And the other right hand half remained thus C, and was reckoned for an hundred.

However we may mistake in our conjecture, yet certainly concerning the space and number of the miles we do not so mistake. For allow XXXVIII miles or thereabouts between Petra and Asphaltites, and grant XX miles or thereabouts to the breadth of that Sea (that we may go something in the middle between Pliny and Josephus concerning the breadth of it) then there will remain, of the CX miles, which we suppose Pliny wrote, LII or thereabouts from that Sea to Gaza. Which is not far from the mark. But the mark is vastly overshot, when DC miles are assigned from Gaza to Petra. You will surely favor our computation, and conjecture of the injury done Pliny by the Transcribers, when you shall have observed, that the first shore of Gaza is according to Ptolom • y, as we have said, in Degr. 65. 26. and Petra is only in Degr. 66. 45.

Let us therefore grant LII or LIII miles or thereabouts for the breadth of the Land from the shore of the Mediterranean Sea to the Asphaltites: you must allow some more miles between the Mediterranean shore and Jordan: because by how much the more broad the Asphaltites is, so much the less broad is the Land; and the same must be said of the Sea of Gennesaret, and Samochonitis. And Gallilee is not only straitened according as they are enlarged, but it is straitened also by the Territories of Tyre and Sidon running between it and the Sea.

So that it would be in vain to trace out an exact breadth of the Land everywhere; and it would be ridiculous to measure it by any one measure or extension. It is well enough, if one come near the thing by some convenient guess here and there, or err not much of it.

The determination of the length of the Land seems more sure, while it is measured out by Towns and Cities, from Sidon to the River of Egypt: but here also is not the same space to all, and in some places the measuring is very uncertain.

SECT. VI. The length of the L • nd out of Antoninus.

THUS the Itinerary of Antoninus.

We have elsewhere measured out this space by the cords of Pliny and Strabo, less than this number by thirteen miles: where if some mistake hath crept into the computation, let Gulielmus Tyrius bear the blame, who stretched the bounds of Phenicia four or five miles only from Tyre Southward.

But what shall we say of another Itinerary? Which whether it be Antoninus his, I dare not define; where it is thus,

exceeding the former computation nine and twenty miles. There is somewhat there also, which how to reconcile with Josephus, it is not easy to show: for it is said,

Where from Aelia or Jerusalem to Askelon run out only XLIV miles: whereas Josephus saith of Askelon, that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : distant from Jerusalem DXX furlongs; or LXV miles. This breach is a little filled up by this, that New Askelon was nearer to Jerusalem, than the old, by sixteen miles, as Benjamin relates.

Whether Betaron were the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Betar, where that horrible slaughter was under Ben Cozba, we will not dispute here; there is no doubt to be made but Liamnia is illy writ for Jamnia. And now let us follow Antoninus to Pelusium.

Which how they agree with Pliny, who numbers only sixty five miles from Pelusium to the ending of Arabia, viz. to the Sirbon, on which Rhinocolura borders, I shall not take upon me to say. This I have said elsewhere, that it is a wonder, that some Maps should place the Sirbon between Cassius and Pelusium, when the contrary manifestly appears both here, and in Pliny and Strabo. Perhaps they took the error from Ptolomey, or at least from his Interpreter, in whom Cassius is in Latitude, Degr. 31. 15. But the breaking out of the Sirbon in 31. 10.

SECT. VII. The breadth of the ways.

THE Rabbins deliver. A private way ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) is four cubits. A way from a City to a City is eight cubits. A public way ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) is sixteen cubits. The way to the Cities of refuge is two and thirty cubits. The Kings way hath no measure: for the King may break down hedges to make himself a way. And the way to a Sepulcher hath no measure, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the honor of the dead. Compare Matth. VII. 13. 14.

There was this difference between a way from a City to a City, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a public way; that a public way was that along which all Cities passed; a way from a City to a City was that, along which this City passed to that, and that to this, but no other City passed that way.

The way to a sepulcher had no measure, that those that attended the Corps might not be separated by reason of the straitness of the way. They add, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A station, as the Judges of Zippor say, is as much as contains four Cabes, By Station they understand the place where those that return from the Sepulcher stand about the Mourner to comfort him. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

SECT. VIII. The distance of Sepulchers from Cities.

BUrying places were not near the Cities, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They are the words of the Glosser upon Kiddushin in the place quoted; and that upon this Tradition:

They produce examples,

The burying places were distant two thousand cubits from the Levitical Cities; from all other Cities a great space, if not the same. How far Jerusalem agreed with these in this matter, or not agreed, we must observe elsewhere.

SECT. I. The Roman Garrisons.

BEing to speak of some places scatteringly taken notice of here and there, let us begin with the Roman Garrisons, which were dispersed all the Land over: and this we do the rather, because the Notitia Imperii, whence they are transcribed, is not so common in every ones hand.

NOTITIA. Under the Command of the Honorable person, The Duke of Palestine.
• Equites Dalmatae Illyriciani Berosabae.
• Equites Promoti Illyriciani Menoide.
• Equites Scutarii Illyriciani Chermulae.
• Equites Mauri Illyriciani Aeliae.
• Equites Thamudeni Illyriciani Bitsanae.
• Equites Promoti Indigenae Sabaiae.
• Equites Promoti Indiginae Zodocathae.
• Equites Sagittarii Indigenae Havanae.
• Equites Sagittarii Indigenae Zoarae.
• Equites primi Foelices Sagittarii Indigenae Palaestinae Saburae, sive Veterocariae.
• Equites Sagittarii Indigenae Mohaile.
• Praefectus Legionis Decimae Fretensis Ailae. And those that are taken out of the lesser Muster-roll.
• Ala prima miliaria Sebastena Asuadae.
• Ala Antana Dromedariorum Admathae.
• Ala Constantiniana Tolohae.
• Ala secunda Felix Valentiniana apud Praesidium.
• Ala Prima miliaria hastae.
• Ala Idiota constitutae.
• Cohors Duodecima Valeria Afro.
• Cohors Decima Carthaginensis Carthae.
• Cohors Prima Centenaria Tarbae.
• Cohors Quarta Phrygum Praesidio.
• Cohors Secunda Gratiana Iehybo.
• Cohors Prima equitata Calamonae.
• Cohors Secunda Galatarum Arieldelae.
• Cohors Prima Flavia Moleahae.
• Cohors Secunda Cretensis juxta Iordanem fluvium.
• Cohors Prima Salutaria inter Aeliam & Hierichunta. The Office stands thus.
• Principem de Schola Agentium in rebus.
• Numerarios & Adjutores eorum.
• Commentariensem.
• Adjutorem.
• A libellis, sive subscribendarium.
• Exceptores, & caeteros Officiales.
• All this out of Notitia.

SECT. II. Zin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cadesh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

THESE places are named in the line bounding the Land Southward. Numb. XXXIV. and Jos. XV.

The Jews teach us that it was called the Desert of Zin from a Mountain of that name, and that the Mountain was so called from the Groves of Palm-trees, and that it was famous for Iron-mines. For those words, Numb. XXXIV. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And pass on to Zin, are rendered by Jerusalem Targumist, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And the border passed on to the Mountain of Iron. By Jonathan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And passed on to the Palms of the Mountain of Iron. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Talmudists are lesser Palms. Rabh Judah saith, He that sells a farm to his neighbor, must write, Possess to thyself, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let the Aruch be an Interpreter for us.

• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are loftier Palm-trees.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the rest of the greater trees.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the rest of the smaller trees.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the smaller Palm-trees.

And the Talmudists again 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Palms of the Mountain of Iron are fit, to make a bunch to hold in the hand in the feast of Tabernacles. Where the Gloss, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are smaller Palms.

It seems therefore to be some mountainous tract, very near to the borders of the Land of Israel, famous for Palms of a lower size, and Iron mines, called from its Palm-trees 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsin, and from that name giving a denomination to the adjacent Country, which was desert.

Cadesh, in the Eastern Interpreters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rekam, was a bound of the Land; yet Cadesh itself was in effect without the Land. Hence those words, He that brings a bill from a heathen place, &c. Yea, that brings it from Rekam. And, All the spots that come from Rekam are clean. The Gloss is, Some spots in the garments (namely of a profluvious woman) which came from Rekam, were clean, because they determined not of the spots of strangers. Another Gloss thus. In Rekam were Israelites, and yet spots coming from Rekam are clean, because they belong to Israelites, and the Israelites hide their spots, &c.

Cades, as Bridenbachius, relates, is called Cawatha by the Arabians: for thus he, At length we came into a certain Country, which in the Arabian Tongue is called Cawatha, but in the Latin Cades. Which while we read, those things come into my mind, which the eminent Edward Pocock S. T. D. a man of admirable Learning, discourseth concerning the word Kawa in his very Learned Miscellaneous Notes, that it should signify Crying aloud, an outcry, &c. To which whether the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gohe, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (whereby Rekam is also called) that denotes Bellowing, may any way answer, it is more fit for that great Oracle of Tongues to judge, than for so mean a man as I am.

SECT. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ONO.

ONO was distant three miles from Lydda, R. Jacob ben 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dositheus said, From Lydda to Ono are three miles; and I on a certain time went thither before day break, up to the anckles in honey of figs. R. Simai and R. Zadok went to intercalate the year in Lydda, and kept the Sabbath in Ono.

The Talmudists suppose this City was walled down from the days of Joshua, but fired in the war of Gibeah: because it is said, All the Cities also to which they came, they set on fire, Judge. XX. 48. but that it was rebuilt by Elpaal a Benjamite, 1 Chron. VIII. 12. R. Lazar ben R. Josah saith, It was destroyed in the days of the Concubine in Gibeah, but Elpael stood forth, and repaired it.

With Lod and Ono is also joined 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or, The Vally of Crafts-men, Nehem. XI. 35. which some of the Jews suppose to be a particular City; and that it was walled from the days of Joshua. But saith R. Chananiah in the name of R. Phineas, Lod and Ono 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 themselves are The Vally of Crafts-men. That R. Chananiah was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Citizen of the City of Ono, eminent among the Rabbins, one of the five Learned who judged before the wise Men. These were Ben Azzai, Ben Zuma, Chanan, and Chananiah, and Ben Nanas.

Why the Maps placed Lod and Ono near Jordan, not far from Jericho, I can meet with no other reason, than that in Josephus is found the Town Adida, not far from thence, and Hadid is reckoned with Lod and Ono in Ezr. II. 33. and Lod and Hadid are framed into one word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Lodadi, Ezr. II. 33. and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Lodadid, Nehem. VII. 37. by the Seventy Interpreters. But there were more places called by the name of Adida, so that that reason fails, if that were the reason. For there was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Adida in Sephel, Adida in the Vally. And, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The City Adida in the Mountain: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Under which lay the plains of Judea. And, Adida in Galilee before the great Plain, if it were not the same with Adida 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Sephel.

Of Lydda, which we are now near, when we are speaking of Ono, let that be considered for the sake of young Students, which the Gloss adviseth, That Lydda is called also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lodicea: and frequent mention is made of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Martyrs in Lydda, which is sometimes also pronounced 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Martyrs in Lodicea; as in that story among other places: When the Tyrant (or Trajan) endeavored to kill Lolienus (perhaps Julianus) and Papus his brother 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Lodicea, &c. the Gloss, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lodicea that is Lydda) he said to them, If you are of the people of Ananias, Michael and Azarius, let your God come, and deliver you out of my hand.

The Martyrdom of these brethren is much celebrated, which they underwent for the Kings daughter, who was found slain, and the enemies of the Jews said, that the Jews had slain her; and these brethren to deliver Israel, said, We slew her, therefore those alone the King slew. So the Gloss.

In the Tract Kelim there is mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which whether it refers to the same place, and be to be rendered The Sandal of Lydda, doth not appear. With it is mentioned also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Emkean sandal, so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Imki; the mention of which place is in the Tract Taanith, where it is said, The City out of which are five hundred footmen, as Caphar Imki, &c. So the Aruch and R. Solomon cite the place, and pronounce the name of the City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Imki; but in the Talmudic Text it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Imiki. About which we shall not contend.

SECT. I. It was the Land of the Hebrews, before it was the Canaanites.

ABRAHAM is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hebrew, then only, when the difference between him, and the Elamites was to be decided by war. And the reason of the surname is to be fetched from the thing itself, which then was transacted.

• I. The hereditary right of the Holy Land, which by Divine disposal was Shem Land, Elem the first born of Sem did deservedly claim; nor was there any of the sons of Sem, upon whom in human judgment it was more equally and justly devolved. But the Divine Council and Judgment had designed it another way; namely, that it should come to the family of Arphaxad, and Heber, of which family Abraham was. Him therefore God strengtheneth against the Army of Elam, and declares him heir by a stupendous victory; which Sem himself likewise does, blessing him, although he had overthrown in battle his sons the Elamites, born of his first born Elam. For that most holy Man, and a very great and noble Prophet withal, acknowledged the Counsel of God, whom he is so far from opposing him for the slaughter of his sons, that on the contrary he blesseth the Conqueror, and yields him the choicest fruits of his Land, Bread and Wine, not only for refreshment to him and his Soldiers, but also perhaps for a sign rather of resignation, and investing him with the hereditary right of it, whom God by so signal a mark had shewn to be the heir. Upon very good reason therefore Abraham is called Hebrew, to point as it were with the finger, that God would derive the inheritance of that Land from the family of Elam to the family of Heber: from the first born to him that was born after, which was also done afterwards with Reuben and Joseph.
• II. It neither ought, nor indeed can be passed over without observation, that the Country of Pentepolis, and the Countries adjacent, were subjects and tributaries to Chedorlaomer King of Elam. What? Was there any part of the Land of Canaan subject to the King of the Persians, when so many Kings and Countries lay between it and Persia? No idle scruple and difficulty, I assure you, nor, as far as I can see, any otherwise to be resolved, than that Elam the first born of Sem, or Melchizedek, by his birthright was heir of that Land, which his father Sem possessed by divine right and Patent; and the sons of Elam, also held after him, and his grandsons unto Chedorlaomer▪ For when it is said, that those Cities and Countries had served Chedorlaomer twelve years, the times of his reign seem rather to be reckoned, than the years of the reign of the Elamites. Not that those Nations were subject to the Scepter of the Elamites twelve years only, but that that year was only the twelfth of Chedorlaomer. But now God translates the inheritance to the family of Heber, called Hebrew before, but now more particularly, and more honorably, since of all the families of Sem, that was now most eminent. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Heber denotes Hebrews as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Assur denotes Assyrians in those words of Balaam, Numb. XXIV. 24. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And shall afflict Assur, and shall afflict Heber.

It is a dream of somebody among the Rabbins. That when the whole Land was divided among the seventy Nations, at the confusion of Tongues, the Land of Canaan came to none: therefore the Canaanites betook themselves thither; and being found not only empty, but conferred by lot upon none, they usurped it for their own.

But what then shall we say of Melchizedek, whom now all acknowledge for Sem? Which is more probable, that he intruded among the Canaanites, now inhabiting the Land, or that they intruded upon him? Was not that Land hereditary to him and his rather, than usurped by wrong and intrusion? And did not he by the direction of the Spirit of God betake himself thither rather, than either that he wandering about uncertainly lighted upon that Land by chance, or acted by a Spirit of ambition or usurpation violently possessed himself of it? For my part, I scarcely believe, either that the Canaanites went thither before the confusion of Tongues, or that Sem at that time was not there: but that he had long and fully inhabited the Land of Canaan (as it was afterwards called) before the entrance of the Canaanites into it: and that by the privilege of a Divine Grant, which had destined him and his posterity hither: and that afterwards the Canaanites crept in here, and were first subjects to the family of Sem, whose first born was Elam; but at length shook off the yoke.

When therefore all those original Nations from the Confusion of Tongues, pertook of their names immediately from the fathers of their stock, as the Assyrians from Assur, the Elamites from Elam, &c. the same we must hold of the Hebrew Nation, namely, that it from that time was called Hebrew from Heber: and that it was called the Land of the Hebrews before it was called the Land of the Canaanites. For I can neither think, that the stock of the Hebrews had no name for almost three hundred years after the Confusion of Tongues, until the passing of Abraham out of Chaldea found a name for it, which some would have: nor methinks is it agreeable, that Abraham was therefore called Hebrew, because travailing out of Chaldea into the Land of Canaan he passed Euphrates; when upon the same reason both Canaan himself, and the Fathers of all the Western Nations almost, should be called Hebrews; for they passed over Euphrates, travailing out of Chaldea. And when the Patriarch Joseph himself is called by his Mistress a Hebrew servant, Gen. XXXIX. 17. and so called by the servants of Pharaoh, Chap. XLI. 12. and when he saith of himself, that he was stolen away out of the Land of the Hebrews, Gen. XL. 15. it is scarcely probable, that that whole Land was known to other Countries under that name, only for one family now dwelling there, and that family a stranger, a travailer, and living in danger from the Inhabitants: but rather that it was known by that name from ancient ages, even before it was called The Land of the Canaanites. Nor, if we should raise a contest against that opinion, which asserts that the Language of the Canaanites and the Hebrews was one and the same, would that argument any whit move us, that the Towns and Cities of the Canaanites bore names, which were also Hebrew; for those their Hebrew names they might receive from Sem, Heber, and their children, before they were places of the Canaanites.

Heber lived when the Tongues were confounded, and the Nations scattered; and when none denied, that the sons of Heber were Hebrews (yea, who would deny that that Land was the Land of Heber? ) By what reason should not they, and that Nation take their name from him, after the same manner, as other Nations took theirs from their father, at the Confusion of Languages?

SECT. II. Whence Canaan was a part only of Canaan, Judge. IV. 2.

CANAAN with his people wandering from Babylon after the confusion of Languages, passed over Euphrates through Syria, and travailed towards Palestine, and the way led him straight into the Northern part of it first. And that which the Jews say of Abraham travailing thither, may be said of his person also, in this regard. God said to Abraham, say they, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To thee, To thee, the words being doubled by reason of a double journey, one from Arain Naharaim, the other from Aram Nachor. While Abraham lived in Aram Naharaim, and Aram Nahor, he saw men eating, drinking, and playing: he said therefore, Let not my portion be in that Land. But after he came 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To the ladder of the Tyrians, he saw men laboring in digging their grounds, in gathering their Vintage, and in husbandry: and then he said, Let my portion be in this Land.

Note, how Abraham coming into the Land of Canaan, is first brought into the North part of it; for there was Scala Tyriorum, The Ladder of the Tyrians. Canaan in like manner with his sons, travailing from Babylon went the same way, and possesseth first the North parts, both those that were without the Land of Canaan, and those that were parts of the Land of Canaan itself.

First, Let the seats of these his four sons without the Land of Canaan be observed.

• I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arvadi, The Arvadites. Which word in all Versions almost is read as Aradi, The Aradites. And their seats are easily discovered in Arad, and Antarad. Jonathan for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arvadi the Arvadites, reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lutasites. Which people, in what part of the World were they? When I search in the Aruch what the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lutas means, he cites these words out of Bereshith Rabba. A certain woman of the family of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tiberinus was married 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to one Lutas: and when accordingly I search Bereschith Rabbah, I find it there written, She was married 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to a certain robber.

  If it were written in Jonathan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I should suspect his eye was bent upon Latavin, a place of Phenicia: concerning which mention is made in the Notitia Imperii; where the Roman Garrisons under the Duke of Phenice are Otthara, Euhara, Saltacha, Latavis, &c.

• II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zemari, The Zemarites. In the Targumists both that of Jerusalem, and of Jonathan it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chamatsi. So it is in the Arabic, and in the Jerusalem Gemarists ; and also in Bereshith Rabbah ; which either supposeth them called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zemarites, or alludes to the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because they wrought in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zemer, woollen manufacture. But Chamats and Apamia are convertible terms in the Jerusalem Talmudists: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sea of Apamia, say they, is the Sea of Chamats. But now that Apamia, we show elsewhere, is the same with Sepham; on the utmost coast of the Land of Israel North, and North East.
• III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arki, The Arkites. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arki is Arcas of Libanus. Pliny writes thus, Paneas, in which is Cesarea with the Spring before spoken, Abila, Arca, &c. Borchard thus, In terminos (read Inter) Libani & Antilibani offendimus castrum Arachas, &c. On (or rather between) the borders of Libanus and Antilibanus we found the strong hold Arachas, and built by Aracheus the son of Canaan, when the deluge was over.

• IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hamathi, The Hamathites. In the Jerusalem Targum it is Antioch. And Berechith Rabbah not much from that sense, though in very different words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Sinite, saith he, and Arethusia: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chamathi is Epiphania. Thus Pliny, The rest of Syria hath these people, except what shall be said with Euphrates, the Aretheusians, the Bereans, and the Epiphanians.

  You see the Antiochian and Syrophenician Syria possessed by the Canaanites, and yet we are not come as far as the Land of Canaan.

  Let us therefore proceed onwards with Canaan, and the rest of his sons. The borders of the Canaanites, saith the Holy Scripture, were from Sidon to Gerar, even unto Gaza, Gen. X. 19. You will say, they were from Antioch, and utmost Phenicia, and a great part of Syria. True indeed, those Countries, as we have seen, were planted by the sons of Canaan, but the Scripture doth not call them Canaanites, but where their Coasts end towards the South, there the Canaanites begin. The Tract therefore, or Region, first possessed by them, is called by a peculiar name Canaan, as distinct from the rest of the Land of Canaan, Judge. IV. 2. Where Jabin the King of Hazor, is called The King of Canaan, that is, of the Northern coast of the Land of Canaan. And among the seven Nations, devoted by God himself to a curse and cutting off, the Canaanites are always numbered, when all indeed were Canaanites; and that, as it seems, upon a double reason: partly, because that Country was distinctly so called, as another Country, and was of a peculiar difference from those Countries inhabited by the sons of Canaan, of whom we have spoke: partly because Canaan the Father, probably fixed his seat there himself, and thence both that Country was called Canaan, and the whole Land moreover called The Land of Canaan.

SECT. III. The Perizzites, who?

REckon the sons of Canaan in Gen. X. and where do you find the Perizzites? And yet, a matter to be wondered at, they are always numbered in that black Catalogue, of the seven Nations to be cut off.

I know, it is supposed by some, that they are called Perizzites, as much as to say Villagers, because they dwelt in Villages, and small Towns unfortified: which indeed varies not much from the derivation of the word: But certainly it is needless, when all the Canaanitish families are reckoned up, which possessed the whole Land, to add The Villagers over and above, who were sufficiently included in the aforesaid reckoning.

But that which we know was done by the Israelites, we justly suppose was done by the Canaanites also; namely, that some families of the Canaanite stock, were denominated not from the very immediate son of Canaan, from whom they derived their original, but from some famous and memorable man of that stock. Nor do we say this upon conjecture alone, but by very many examples among the Israelites, and indeed among other Nations, and this in that very Nation, of which we are speaking. In Gen. XXXVI. Zibeon was the son of Seir, verse. 20. and the whole Nation and Land was called, The Nation and Land of the sons of Seir. But now that that Seir was of the Canaanite pedigree, appears sufficiently hence, that his son Zibeon was called an Hivite, verse. 2. After the same manner therefore as the Seirites, who were of Canaanite blood, were so named, I make no doubt the Perizzites were named from one Perez, a man of great name in some Canaanite stock.

SECT. IV. The Kenites.

OF the same rank were the Kenites, the Knizzites, Cadmonites: by original indeed Canaanites, but so named from some Cain, and Kenaz, and Cadmon, men of famous renown in those families. If so be the Cadmonites were not so called from their antiquity, or rather from their habitation Eastward: Which is the derivation of Saracens, from Saracon, the East.

The Masters of the Traditions do not agree among themselves what to resolve concerning these Nations. In the Jerusalem Talmudists you have these passages. Your Fathers possessed seven Nations, but you shall possess the Land of ten Nations. The three last are these, the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Cadmonites, R. Judah saith, These are the Salmeans, the Sabaeans, and the Nabatheans. R. Simeon saith, Asia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Damascus. R. Lazar ben Jacob saith, Asia and Cartagena, and Turkey. Rabbi saith, Edom and Moab, and the first fruits of the children of Ammon.

In the Babylonian Talmudists these passages. Samuel saith, All that Land, which God shown to Moses, is bound to tithes, To exclude what? To exclude the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Cadmonites. A Tradition. R. Meir saith, These are the Naphtuchites, the Arabians, and the Salmeans, R. Judah saith, Mount Seir, Ammon, and Moab. R. Simeon saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Asia and Spain.

These Nations were not delivered to Israel in this age, but they shall be delivered in the days of the Messias.

In the days of the Messias they shall add three other Cities of refuge. But whence? From the Cities of the Kenites, the Kenizzites, and the Cadmonites. Concerning whom God gave a promise to our father Abraham, but they are not as yet subdued.

We may borrow light concerning these Nations from those words of Moses, Gen. X. 18. Afterwards the families of the Canaanites were dispersed. First, They replenished Phenicia, and the Northern Country of the Land of Canaan; by little and little the whole Land of Canaan within Jordan. Then they spread themselves into the Land which afterwards belonged to the Edomites, and there they were called Horites from Mount Hor; and the children of Seir, from Seir the father of those families, he himself being a Canaanite. On the East they spread themselves into those Countries, which afterwards belonged to the Moabites, the Ammonites, the Midianites; and they were called Kenites, Kenizzites, Cadmonites, from one Cain, one Kenaz, and perhaps one Cadmon, the fathers of those families; if so be the Cadmonites were not so called from the aforesaid causes.

The mention of a certain Cain, calls to my mind the Town or City Cain, which you see in the Maps placed not far from Carmel: in that of Doet, adorned (shall I say?) or disfigured with a Dutch picture of one man shooting another, with this inscription, Cain wert geschoten van Lamech. Cain was shot by Lamech, Gen. IV. A famous monument forsooth! That place indeed is obscure, Gen. IV. and made more obscure by the various opinions of Interpreters: and you, Doet, have chosen the worst of all. If the words of Lamech may be cleared from the Text (and if you clear it not from the context, whence will you clear it?) they carry this plain and smooth sense with them. He had brought in Bigamy: that also had laid waste the whole World, Gen. VI. For so wretched a wickedness, and which by his example was the destruction of infinite numbers of men, Divine Justice and Vengeance strikes and wounds him with the horror and sting of conscience, so that groaning and howling before his two bigamous wives, Adah and Zillah, he complains, and confesseth that he is a much more bloody murderer than Cain. For he had only slain Abel, but he an infinite number of young and old by his wicked example.

SECT. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rephaim.

THE Samaritan Interpreter always renders these, Aseans, in Gen. XV. 20. written with Cheth. But in Deut. II. 20. with Aleph. If they were called Aseans, as they were by him, so by all other speaking Syriac and Chaldee; I know not whence the word Asia may more fitly be derived, than from the memory of this Gygantic race living almost in the middle of Asia, and monstrous and astonishing above all other Asiatics. The LXX call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Titans, 2 Sam. V. 18. 22. The word used by the Samaritan denotes Physicians, and so it is rendered by me in the Polyglot Bible, lately published at London, Deut. II. partly that it might be rendered word for word, but especially, that it might be observed by what sound, and in what kind of pronunciation he read the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rephaim. So the LXX render it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Physicians, Esa. XXVI. 14. &c.