Works

§. 4. The reason of the use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , so often in this Story.

The intent of this word is the rather to be looked after, by how much the less it is used in all the New Testament beside, and by how the more frequently in this Story. It is used in reference to the twelve Apostles alone, Chap. 1. 15. it is used here in reference to the whole hundred and twenty; and to the whole number of believers, Chap. 2. 46.

Now the reason why the Evangelist doth so often harp upon this string and circumstance of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or of their conversing together with one accord, may be either in respect of the twelve, and one hundred and twenty, or in respect of all the believers.

First, The Apostles had been exceedingly subject in the lifetime of Christ, to quarelsomness and contention about priority, and who should be the chiefest, as Mark 9. 34. Mark 20. 24. Yea, even at the very Table of the Lord's last Passover and Supper, Luke 22. 24. And therefore it hath its singular weight and significancy, and showeth a peculiar fruit of Christ's breathing the Holy Ghost upon them, Joh. 20. 22. when it is related that they now so sweetly and unanimously converse together without emulation, discord, or comparisons.

Secondly, The 108 Disciples were in a subordinate or lower form, in regard of some particulars, to the twelve Apostles; and yet was there no heart-burning, scorning, or envying, no disdaining, defying, or controlling of any one towards another; but all their demeanor carried in the unity of the Spirit, and the bond of Peace.

Thirdly, If those two places in Chap. 2. 46. & 5. 12. be to be applied to the whole multitude of believers (of the latter there may be some scruple) the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there doth singularly set out the sweet union that the Gospel had made among them, though they were of several Countries, several conditions, and several Sects; yet in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in singleness of heart, as they did convenire in the tertio of the Gospel, so did they convenire affectionately inter se. And this began to be the accomplishment of those prophesies that had foretold the peacemaking of the Gospel, as Esa. 11. 6. & 60. 18. & 65. 25. & 66. 42. Zeph. 3. 9. &c. and it was an eminent fruit of Christ's doctrine, Joh. 15. 12. of his prayer, Joh. 12. 17. and of his legacy, Joh. 14. 27.

Vers. 2. Cloven Tongues like as of fire. Vers. 3. They began to speak with other Tongues.

§. Of the gift of Tongues.

The confusion of Tongues was the casting off of the Heathen, Gen. 11. For when they had lost that language in which alone God was spoken of and preached, they lost the knowledge of God and Religion utterly, and fell to worship the Creature instead of the Creator, Rom. 1.

Two thousand two hundred and three years had now passed, since that sad and fatal curse upon the world, the confusion of Languages; and millions of souls had it plunged in Error, Idolatry, and Confusion: And now the Lord in the fullness of time is providing, by the gifts of Tongues at Zion, to repair the knowledge of himself among those Nations that had lost that Jewel, by the confusion of Tongues at Babel.

The manner of exhibiting this gift, was in Tongues of fire, that the giving of the Holy Ghost at the initiating of the Christian Church, might answer and parallel the giving of the Law at the initiating of the Jewish; and so it did both in time and manner, that being given at Pentecost, and in appearing of fire; and so likewise this, as was said before.

Vers. 5. And there were dwelling at Jerusalem, Jews, &c.

It was indeed the Feast of Pentecost at this time at Jerusalem, but it was not the Feast of Pentecost that drew those Jews from all Nations thither.

First, It was not required by the Law, that these Jews that dwelt dispersed in other Nations should appear at Jerusalem at these Feasts.

Secondly, It was not possible they should so do, for then must they have done nothing else but go up thither, and get home again.

Thirdly, These Jews are said to dwell at Jerusalem, and they had taken up their residence and habitation there: but those that came up to the Festivals, stayed there but a few days, and so departed to their own homes.

The occasion therefore of these men's flocking so unanimously from all the Nations of the world, was not the Feast of Pentecost, but the general knowledge and expectation of the whole Nation of the Jews, that this was the time of Messias his appearing and coming among them.

This they had learned so fully from the Scriptures of the Old Testament, especially from Dan. 9. that both the Gospel, and their own writers witness, that this was the expectation of the whole Nation, that the Messias was now ready to appear.

In the Scripture, these passages assert this matter, Luke 2. 26. 38. & 3. 15. & 19. 11. and Joh. 1. 20, 21.

In the Hebrews own writings we may find divers that speak to the same matter, as that The Son of David shall come about the time when the Romans have reigned over Israel nine months, from Mic. 5. 3. that his appearing shall be under the second Temple, that it shall be not very long before Jerusalem should be destroyed; and many such passages; fixing the time of the Messias his coming, to the very time that Jesus of Nazareth did appear and approve himself to be the Christ, as may be seen in Sanhedrin. cap. Helek. Galat. lib. 4. Jeronym. a Sancta Fide, Mornaeus de Veritat. Christ. rel. And this so clearly and undeniably, that when the wretched and blasphemous Jews cannot tell what to say to their own Doctors, that assert the time so punctually agreeable to the time of Christ's appearing, they have found out this damnable and cursed way to suppress that truth, as to curse all those that shall be industrious to compute these times; for they have this common execration 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let their spirit burst, or expire, that compute the times.

And to these assertions of the Jews own Authors concerning this opinion of their Nation; we may add also the testimony of Suetonius, affirming the very same thing, Percrebuerat Oriente toto, saith he, vetus & constans opinio, esse in fatis ut eo tempore Judea profecti rerum potirentur: In Vespas. And so likewise Tacitus, Pluribus persuasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret Oriens, profectique Judea rerum potirentur, Histor. lib. 5. That is, An old and constant opinion had grown through the whole East, that it was foretold, that at that time some coming out of Judea should obtain the rule of things: And many were persuaded, that it was contained in the old records of the Priests, that at that very time the East should prevail, and some coming out of Judea should obtain the rule: which, though the blind Authors apply to Uespasian and Titus their obtaining of the Empire, yet there can be no Christian eye but will observe, that this opinion that was so prevalent, regarded matters of an higher nature, namely, the coming of Christ, and the conquest of the world by the Gospel, which came forth from Judea, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem.

And to these might be added that Eclogue of Virgil, which is titled Pollio, in which he doth clearly speak of a new world then beginning, of a child to come from Heaven, of a wondrous repair of the world in point of happiness, and the like; that it cannot be doubted but this same opinion was got into the West also, as well as in the East, very many of the Jews being there also, and raising this expectation, as well as in the other place.

So that this expectation and thought being so general among all the Nations of the Jews, yea, among other Nations also; that this was the time that the Kingdom of God in the coming of Christ should appear; this was it that brought such multitudes to Jerusalem about this time out of all Nations under Heaven, to see the accomplishing of those things that they so earnestly and eagerly longed and looked after: and this made them to take up their dwellings and residence in Jerusalem, and to resolve to settle there; for that though they were acquainted with the time of Christ's coming, yet were they not acquainted with the manner of his Kingdom, but expected that it should be earthly and pompous, and his Royal seat in Jerusalem, as the Disciples themselves opinionated; yea, even after long converse with Christ himself, Matth. 20. 20. Acts 1. 6. And therefore these men make sure to get into Canaan out of other Countries, and to get houses in Jerusalem, that they might share in this pomp and prosperity which they expected.

It was not therefore Pentecost that brought them thither, nor were they flitting Guests there, to be gone home as soon as Pentecost was over, but they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dwellers and resident there, and when they were converted to the Christian Faith by thousands, they had their Congregations.

Vers. 9. Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, &c.

The Text speaketh of Jews of all Nations under Heaven now dwelling at Jerusalem, and yet it reckoneth but fifteen here, which were not all the Nations in the World; no, nor all that were in the Roman Empire, by very many: but to omit the Hyperboles that the Scripture useth very commonly, as Cities walled up to Heaven, shooting at an hair, and not miss, &c. The languages here spoken of, took up all the Nations where it is imaginable any Jews were scattered at this time through the world. [If so be they were not also all the languages that were spoken at Babel: ] as to take example of one or two; the Parthian, Median, Persian, and Mesopotamian, were the Tongues that served all the Eastern dispersion; and all the Jews that had been Captivated by the two first Monarchies, Babylonian and Persian, wheresoever they were, in East or North, spake some of these Languages, throughout the vast space of that their scattering. For to instance in the Mesopotamian only; how many large and mighty Countries spake that one Tongue? Assyria, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Syria, Caelosyria, to inquire no further; all these spake that Chaldee Language, so certainly, that there needeth not the least pains to prove it. And Judea was fallen into the same Tongue now also; but with so much difference from the Mesopotamian, Syriac, or Chaldee, that here it is nominated as a Language distinct: And this showeth the reason of the Phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : that he might distinguish the Syriac of Judea and of Chaldea asunder: that those that dwelt in Mesopotamia heard their Syriac, and those that dwelt in Judea heard theirs. Or if we should instance in the Cretan Tongue, that is here intended: the Island of Crete was but of a small compass, but the Language of Crete reached all over Greece, not to search how far it reached further. And the like might be observed of other of the Tongues that are here mentioned.

So that it is hard to find, if not impossible, any Jews at this time under Heaven, where one or other of these Languages here mentioned were not spoken vulgarly in that Country where they were; and so may we very properly understand that phrase, there were Jews of all Nations under Heaven, now gathered to Jerusalem.

Now as it was impossible for these to understand one another in the Languages of the Countries where they were born; for it was impossible an Arabian should understand a Cretan, or a Cretan an Arabian, a Parthian a Roman, or a Roman a Parthian; and so in the most of the rest; so was it impossible they should all of them understand any one Tongue, either Hebrew or Syriac, which are the likeliest to suppose, or whatsoever else may be supposed.

For first, how easy is it to show how the Hebrew Tongue was utterly lost among them from common use; and how the Syriac which was in common use in Judea, yet was unknown to them in other Countries, as appeareth by the necessity of the Chaldee Targum, by the most familiar use of the Septuagint, by the writings of Philo and Josephus, and others of the Jews themselves.

Secondly, If they could have understood any one Language, which was as the common Language of the Nation; then was the gift of Tongues most utterly needless: for why should the Apostles speak divers Languages to them that could have all of them understood one Tongue? Tongues indeed were given for a sign, 1 Cor. 14. 22. but this was not the proper end for which they were given, but for instruction and edification; and as was said before, for acquainting those Nations with the knowledge of God, which had lost it and him, by the loss of the Hebrew Tongue. And if the Jews had understood all of them one Tongue, this gift had been needless to have been given till the Apostles were to go to preach to the Heathens.

This then being past all denial, that these Jews of several Nations, could neither understand one another in the Tongue of the Country where they were born, nor understand any one Language as common to them all; it is past all denial also, that when they were converted to Christianity, they were severed into divers Congregations; for else it was impossible for them to join together in Public Worship.

Vers. 13. Others mocking said, these men are full of new Wine.

Malice is often senseless and reasonless in her accusations, especially, when it is bent against Religion: Yet can I not hold these men so stupid and senseless, or so shameless and impudent, as either to think that drunkenness could make men speak Languages which they never understood before: or if they thought not so, yet to go about to persuade the people so. But their words proceed from this occasion as I should suppose; these Folks that mocked were Natives of Jerusalem or Judea, and not understanding the Languages of the Nations there present, they could not tell that the Disciples spake those strange Languages when they did speak them; but conceived they had babbled some foolish gibberish, and canting, they themselves could make nothing of, as drunken men are used to do. And this caused their so wretched a construction of so Divine a Gift. For the Jews of the strange Nations and Languages, that perceived and understood that the Disciples did speak in their Languages; were amazed, and said one to another, What meaneth this? Vers. 12. But these other Jews, Natives of Jerusalem and Judea, that understood only their own Syriac, and did not understand that they spake strange Languages indeed, these mocked and said, These men are full of new, or sweet wine: grounding their accusation the rather, because that Pentecost was a feasting and rejoicing time, Deut. 16. 11.

And according to this conception it is observable, that Peter begins his speech, Ye men of Judea.

Vers. 14. But Peter standing up with the eleven said, &c.

Reason itself, if the Text did not, would readily resolve, that it was not Peter alone that converted the 3000 that are mentioned after; but that the rest of the Apostles were sharers with him in that work: For if Peter must be held the only Orator at this time, then must it needs be granted, that either the 3000 which were converted were all of one Language; or that the one Language that he spake, seemed to the hearers to be divers Tongues; or that he rehearsed the same speech over and over again in divers Languages; any of which to grant, is senseless and ridiculous; and yet unless we will run upon some of these absurdites, we may not deny, that the rest of the twelve preached now as well as Peter.

But the Text, besides this, gives us these arguments to conclude the matter to be undoubted:

First, It saith, Peter stood forth with the eleven, verse. 14. Now, why should the eleven be mentioned standing forth, as well as Peter, if they spake not as well as he? They might as well have sitten still, and Peters excuse of them would as well have served the turn. It was not Peter alone that stood forth to excuse the eleven, but Peter and the eleven that stood forth to excuse the rest of the hundred and twenty.

Secondly, It is said, They were pricked in their hearts, and said to Peter, and to the rest of the Apostles, What shall we do? Why should they question and ask counsel of the rest of the Apostles as well as Peter, if they had not preached as well as he?

Thirdly, And it is a confirmation that so they did, in that it is said, Vers. 42. They continued in the Doctrine of the Apostles; of the rest, as well as Peter.

Fourthly, If that were the occasion that we mentioned why they suspected the Apostles and the rest drunk; then will it follow, that Peter preached and spake in the Syriac Tongue, chiefly to those Jews of Judea and Jerusalem that would not believe, because they could not understand that the Disciples spake strange Languages, but thought they canted some drunken gibberish: And to give some probability of this, not only his preface, Ye men of Judea; but also his laying flatly the murder of Christ to their charge, Vers. 22. 23. do help to confirm it; and the conclusion of his Sermon, and of the story in the Evangelist doth set it home, that if Peter preached not only to these Natives of Judea, yet that he only preached not at this time, but that the others did the like with him, in that it is said, They that gladly received his words were baptized; and then as speaking of another story, he saith, there were added about the same day 3000 souls.

Now the reason why Peters Sermon is only recorded, and the story more singularly fixed on him, we observed before.

§. Brief observations upon some passages in Peters Sermon.

Vers. 15. [ It is but the third hour of the day ] And on these solemn Festival days, they used not to eat or drink anything till high noon; as Baronius would observe out of Josephus and Acts 10.

Vers. 17. [ In the last days ] The days of the Gospel: because there is no way of salvation to be expected beyond the Gospel: whereas there was the Gospel beyond the law; and the law beyond the light of the ages before it. Yet is this most properly to be understood of those days of the Gospel that were before Jerusalem was destroyed: And the phrase the last days used here and in divers other places is not to be taken for the last days of the world, but for the last days of Jerusalem: the destruction of which and the rejection of the Jews is reputed the end of that old world, and the coming in of the Gentiles under the Gospel, is as a new world, and is accordingly called a new Heaven and a new Earth.

[ Upon all flesh ] Upon the Heathens and Gentiles as well as upon the Jews, Act. 10. 45. contrary to the axiom of the Jewish Schools: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The divine Majesty dwelleth not on any out of the Land of Israel.

Vers. 20. [ Before the great and notable day of the Lord come. ] The day of Jerusalem's destruction, which was forty years after this, as was observed before: so that all these gifts, and all the effusion of the Spirit that were to be henceforward, were to be within the time, betwixt this Pentecost and Jerusalem destroyed. And they that from hence would presage prophetic and miraculous gifts, and visions, and revelations to be towards the end of the world, might do better to weigh, what the expression, The great and terrible day of the Lord, meaneth here and elsewhere in the Prophets.

The blood of the Son of God, the fire of the Holy Ghosts appearance, the vapor of the smoke in which Christ ascended, the Sun darkened, and the Moon made blood at his passion, were all accomplished upon this point of time; and it were very improper to look for the accomplishment of the rest of the prophesy I know not how many hundreds or thousands of years after.

Vers. 24. [ Having loosed the pains of death; ] or rather, Having dissolved the pains of death; meaning in reference to the people of God; namely, that God raised up Christ, and by his resurrection dissolved and destroyed the pangs and power of death upon his own people.

Vers. 27. [ Thou wilt not leave my soul. ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. Thou wilt not give my soul up. And why should not the very same words, My God, my God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be translated to the same purpose, Why hast thou left me, and given me up to such hands, and shame and tortures; rather than to intricate the sense, with a surmise of Christ's spiritual desertion?

[ In Hell, ] Gr. Hades: the state of souls departed: but their condition differenced, according to the difference of their qualities; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Diphilus apud Clem. Alex. Strom. 5.

Vers. 38. [ Be baptized in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ. ] Not that their Baptism was not administered in the Name of the Father and the Holy Ghost also; but that he would specially work them up to the acknowledgment of Christ. For the Father and the Holy Ghost they acknowledged without any scrupling, but to own Christ for God, whom they had crucified, and to be initiated into Jesus of Nazareth; was the great work that the Apostles went about to work upon them: and therefore especially endeavor to enter them into Jesus, and to have them baptized in his Name.

[ Be baptized and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost. ] Not that everyone that was baptized, was presently endued with these extraordinary gifts of Tongues and Prophesy, for they were bestowed hence-forward by imposition of the Apostles hands; save only when they first fell from Heaven upon the company of Cornelius, to complete that Prophesy which now had its beginning, I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh; but Peter inviteth them into Baptism, and then should they be capable of those gifts; and no doubt they were bestowed upon some of them by the Apostles hands.

Vers. 42. And in breaking of Bread.

The Syriac expressly understandeth this of partaking of the Lord's Supper, for he useth the very Greek word Eucharistia here. And so divers take that to be the meaning of this phrase, both here, and in some places else in the New Testamen •• Yea, even they that suppose that it meaneth partaking of their common meals and food; yet do they think that they had the Sacrament added to it, as our Savior added it to the Passover. And indeed the manner of speech doth signify both the one and the other, both ordinary meals, and the receiving of the Sacrament, as in Luke 24. 35. He was known of them in breaking of bread; here it meaneth a common Supper in the Inn at Emmaus: 1 Cor. 10. 16. The bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of Christ? Here it betokeneth the receiving of the Sacrament. But it may be conceived to intend the Sacrament the rather, and chiefly, if not only.

First, Because the phrase of breaking of bread for common eating, is very rare both in the Old Testament and Jewish Authors; but eating of bread is the expression that speaketh that.

And secondly, because breaking of the bread in the Sacrament, is a concomitant that cannot be parted from it, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he blessed and brake, and said, this is my body which is broken, 1 Cor. 11. 24.

Vers. 44. And all that believed were together.

This Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is of frequent and of various use in the Septuagint. It sometimes betokeneth the meeting of persons in the same company, as Josh. 11. 5. Judge. 6. 33. & 19. 6, &c. so of Beasts, Deut. 22. 10. Sometimes their concurring in the same action, though not in the same company or place, as Psal. 2. 2. & 34. 3. & 49. 2. & 74. 6. & 83. 3. &c. Sometimes their concurring in the same condition, as Psal. 46. 10. & 62. 9. Esa. 66. 17. Jer. 6. 12. And sometimes their knitting together though in several companies, as Joab's and Abner's men, though they sat at distance, and the pool of Gibeon between them, yet are they said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 2 Sam. 2. 13. And in this sense is the word to be understood in this story: For it is past all imagination or conceiving, that all those thousands of believers that were now in Jerusalem, should keep all of one company and knot, and not part asunder, for what house would hold them? But they kept in several Companies or Congregations, according as their Languages, Nations, or other references did knit them together. And this joining together, because it was apart from those that believed not, and because it was in the same profession and practice of the duties of Religion; therefore it is said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , though it were in several companies and Congregations. And to such a sense doth Rabbi Solomon understand the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Deut. 25. 5. as indeed it must of necessity be understood, not of brethren dwelling in the very same place, but of brethren 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that are united in inheritance; as these believers were now in the Gospel. And so is the building of the Jews to be understood, Ezra 4. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in separation from the Samaritans, and in joining in the action, though they were of several companies in the building, and those companies far distant one from another, Neh. 3. per totum. & 4. 19.

Vers. 46. Continuing daily with one accord in the Temple.

This is not to express, that the Temple was their meeting place, either for hearing of their Sermons, or administering the Sacraments, for neither of these would have been endured there, as appeareth, Chap. 4. 1. but this is to show that they had not yet shaken off all the Worship of the Temple, nor the observance of Moses, but resorted thither to the duties of Religion, at the hours of prayer, as they had done before. For many years after this, the believing Jews were still tenacious of the Law, and reverential of the Temple, Acts 21. 20. which they might lawfully be while the Temple stood, if their observance of Moses did not destroy in them the doctrine and application of their justification by faith in Christ. And hence was it that the Apostles did so far comply with them both in that place in Acts 21. and also in Acts 15. because Moses was to stand till the Temple fell, those Rites not nullifying the death of Christ, if rightly used.

ACTS. CHAP. III.

Vers. 1. Peter and John went up together into the Temple.

IT may be this was likewise on Pentecost day; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth signify identity of time: as it doth, 2 Sam. 21. 9. and in the Chaldee of Jonathan on Deut. 25. 5. And the ninth hour mentioned here in reference to the third hour in preceding story, Chap. 2. 15. at nine a clock in the morning was that conversion of 3000, and at three a clock in the afternoon this of 5000. Howsoever, whether it were on that day, or no; certainly it was on some solemn day, either a Sabbath or Festival, as appeareth by the number that were then prese •• in the Temple, when so many of them were converted. For ordinarily on the common days of the week, the company that was in the Temple was very few, besides the Priests and the Stationary men ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as they are called by the Rabbins) which were a number of men chosen to be constantly there, to represent the whole Congregation, in laying their hands on the heads of the Sacrifices in their behalf. This concourse of people on such a solemn day, was a fit subject and opportunity for these Apostles to work upon; and that in all probability was the main induction that brought them into the Temple at this time. That they should go thither to institute the Canonical hours by their own example, as Baronius dreameth, is a fancy that far better deserveth laughter, than any answer.

Vers. 2. The gate of the Temple which was called Beautiful.

This was the Gate that entered into the second Court, or out of the Court of the Gentiles, into the Court of the Jews: And there this Creeple lay, begging of the Jews that came into the Temple, but disdaining, as it seemeth, to beg of the Gentiles. This seemeth to be that gate that Josephus calleth the Corinthiack Gate, and which he describeth to be of so much gorgiousness and bravery, de Bello Jud. lib. 5. 14. and which we shall have occasion to describe in another work, fully and on set purpose.

Vers. 11. The porch called Solomon's.

Not that the very porch built by Solomon was now standing, for that was burnt and destroyed by the Babylonians, as well as the rest of the Temple, but because this was built on the very same pile that his was built upon. For the Temple standing upon an high and steep hill, with a deep and sharp precipice about it; Solomon to make room for the floor of the mount, which was too strait, filled up the ditch on the East side with huge stones strongly jointed together, and he built his porch upon that pile; and because this of Herod's was erected also upon that very same foundation, it therefore is called Solomon's porch. It was the first gate, or entrance into the mountain of the House; and not only the very building of the porch, but the Court within bare the same name, Josephus ubi supra.

Vers. 12. And when Peter saw it, he answered, &c.

Here Peters Sermon is registered again, but Chap. 4. 1. it is said, As they spake, which resolveth that John preached as well as he.

Vers. 16. Through faith in his name, &c.

Faith is twice named in this verse, because of the Apostles faith in doing, and the Creeples faith in receiving the miracle; the former was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : the latter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Vers. 17. Through ignorance ye did it.

So Christ said himself, Luke 23. 34. Father forgive them, for they know not what they do. This their ignorance proceeded mainly from mistaking the place of Christ's birth, for they supposed it had been Nazareth; and from mistaking the Kingdom of the Messias, for they expected it would have been pompous, and full of worldly glory; the title on the Cross, Jesus of Nazareth King of the Jews, spake out both the ignorances that carried them on to so wretched an act.

Vers. 19. When the times of refreshing shall come.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : The Syriac readeth it, That your sins may be blotted out, and the times of refreshing may come: and so the Arabic and Irenaeus, or at least his interpreter cited by Beza; the Vulgar, ut cum venerint, but concludeth not the clause to make it sense. Beza, postquam venerint, but what sense he would make of it, I do not well understand. He pleadeth much to prove that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth signifi • postquam, and it is not denied him, but he cannot deny withal that it signifieth ut likewise: and so may it best, and most properly be understood, That your sins may be blotted out, so that the times of refreshing may come. The Apostle Peter taketh his speech from Esa. 28. 12. where the Prophet at once prophesieth of the gift of Tongues, verse. 11. of the preaching of the Gospel, verse. 12. and the infidelity and obduration of the Jews, verse. 13. and speaketh of these very times and occasions that are now in hand: And accordingly is the Apostle to be understood that speaketh from him, concerning the present refreshing by the Gospel, and God's present sending Christ among them in the power and Ministry of that, and not of a refreshing at the calling of the Jews which is yet to come; and God's sending Christ personally to come and reign among them, as some have dreamed, and it is but a dream: For let but this Text be seriously weighed in that sense that opinion would make of it; Repent therefore and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out when the times of refreshing shall come: As meaning this, Repent you now, that your sins may be blotted out, 2000, or I know not how many hundred years hence, when the calling of the Jews shall come: If this be not the sense that they make of this Text, that produce it to assert Christ's personal reign on earth for a thousand years; I know not why they should then produce it; and if this be the sense, I must confess I see no sense in it. The words are facile and clear, and have no intricacy at all in them, if the Scripture may be suffered to go upon its own wheels; and they may be taken up in this plain and undeniable Paraphrase; Repent ye therefore and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out; so that the times of refreshing by the Gospel may come upon you from the presence of the Lord; and he may send Jesus Christ in the preaching of the Gospel to you, to bless you in turning away everyone of you from his iniquities.

Vers. 20. And he send Jesus Christ.

As Vers. 26. God having raised his Son Jesus, sent him to bless you: Now this cannot possibly be understood of Christ's personally and visibly coming among them; for who of this audience ever saw him after his Resurrection? But of his coming among them now in this means and offer of Salvation: and in the same sense is this clause in hand to be understood: and so the 22 verse interpreteth it of the sending of Christ as the great Prophet, to whom whosoever will not hearken must be cut off: Not at the end of the world when he shall come as a Judge; but in the Gospel which is his voice, and which to refuse to hearken to, is condemnation. Peters exhortation therefore is to repentance, that their sins might be blotted out, so that refreshing times might come upon them, and Christ in the Gospel might be sent among them, according as Moses had foretold, that he should be the great instructer of the people.

§. Which before was preached unto you.

The very sense of the place confirmeth this reading: for though Beza saith, that all the old Greek Copies that ever he saw, as also the Syrian, Arabic, and Tertullian read it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , fore-ordained; yet the very scope and intention of Peters speech in this place doth clearly show that it is to be read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which before was preached to you, namely by Moses, or the Law, verse. 22. and by all the Prophets, verse. 24.

Vers. 21. Until the restitution of all things.

Or the accomplishment of all things, and to that sense the Syriac translates it, until the fullness of the time of all things, &c. And the Arabic did not much different, until the time in which all things shall be perfected, or finished, &c. The Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 indeed signifieth a restitution to a former estate, a repairing, or an amending, as might be frequently shown in Greek Writers, but in Scripture doth not so properly signify this, as what the Rabbins would express by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a fulfilling or accomplishing: and the Preposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth not so much stand in the force of Re, or again, but it stands in opposition to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . privative in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which signifieth unsettled or unconfirmed, and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is opposed to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Polyb. Hist. lib. 4. Settlement of a City to tumult. And to take up these two places where this word is used in the New Testament, Matth. 17. 11. and here. Elias indeed shall first come, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : and shall restore all things: What? To their former estate? Nay, that the Baptist did not, for he brought them into a clean different estate to their former: or he shall amend all things? That is true indeed, so the Baptist did, but how will this place in hand bear that sense, which speaketh not of the mending of all things, but of their ending? And how improper would either of these senses run in this verse, Till the restoring of all things to their former estate, which God hath spoken by the mouth of his Prophets? Or till the amending of all things which God hath spoken by his Prophets: But clear and facile is that sense that is given, Till the accomplishment of all things that God hath spoken by the mouth of his Prophets? The things which God had spoken by the mouth of his Prophets from the beginning of the world were, Christ's victory over Satan in the Salvation of all his people; his conquest of the last enemy, Death; the calling of the Jews, the fullness of the Gentiles, &c. and how can these things be said to be restored, or amended? They may most fitly be said to be accomplished, perfected, or performed: and so must the same words be rendered of the Baptist, Elias truly cometh and accomplisheth all things, that are written of him, and so must the Son of man do all things that are written of him; as Mark follows the sense, Mark 9. 12.

Vers. 24. All the Prophets from Samuel.

He is reckoned the first of the Prophets after Moses.

First, Because Prophesy from the death of Moses to the rising of Samuel was very rare, 1 Sam. 3. 1, 2.

Secondly, Because he was the first Prophet after Moses that wrote his Prophesy. From the beginning of Samuel's rule, to the beginning of the captivity in Babel, was 490 years, and from the end of that captivity to the death of Christ, 490 years more, and the 70 years captivity, the midst of years between, as I have shown elsewhere: But I must advertise the Reader here, that the beginning of Samuel's Prophetickness in this reckoning, is not from the death of Eli, but from one and twenty years after. And here let me take up a verse of as much difficulty, and of as little observing of it, as almost any in the Old Testament: as that is 1 Sam. 7. 2. And it came to pass while the Ark abode at Kiriath-jearim, that the time was long; for it was twenty years: and all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord. Now the Ark was undeniably above forty years in Kiriath-jearim; namely, all the time from Eli's death, till David fetched it to Jerusalem, which was seven and forty years, and somewhat above, only that first excepted, in which it was seven months in the Land of the Philistines, 1 Sam. 6. 1. and a little time in Bethshemesh; what then should be the reason that it is said to be in Kiriath-jearim only twenty years? Why, the meaning is not that that was all the time that it was there, but that it was there so long a time, before the people ever hearkened after it. Their idolatry and corruption of Religion had so transported them, that they thought not of, nor took regard to the Ark of God for twenty years together: Then all the house of Israel lamented after the Lord: for so must it be rendered; and not, And all the house of Israel, &c.

And so have we one and twenty years taken up from the Death of Eli till this time of Israel's repentance, which yet are counted to Samuel's forty, but are not reckoned in the account of Habakkuk, of the extent of the race of the Prophets.

Upon this place therefore we may take up these pertinent observations.

First, That God did now on a sudden pour a spirit of Reformation generally upon all the people of Israel after a long time of profaneness and Idolatry. They had been exceedingly profane in the time of Eli's sons: And therefore the Lord in justice forsook his Tabernacle in Shiloh, the Tent which he had pitched besides Adam, when Israel passed through Jordan, Josh. 3. 16. Psal. 78. 60. and he gave the Ark into the Enemies hand; yet was not Israel humbled for it. The Ark was restored to them, and was among them twenty years together, and they continued in their Idolatry still, and never sought after it, nor took it to heart. At last, upon a sudden, and with a general conversion, Israel begins to turn to the Lord, and lament after him, and forsake their Idols.

Secondly, Here was a strange and wondrous spirit of conversion poured upon the people at the beginning of the race of the Prophets, as there was at the end of it, in these Chapters of the Acts of the Apostles.

Thirdly, As the practice here in the Acts, was to repent and to be baptized; so was it then with Israel; as that expression may most properly be interpreted, verse. 6. They drew water and poured it out before the Lord, as washing or baptizing themselves from their Idolatry.

Vers. 25. Ye are the children of the Prophets.

That is, the Scholars or Disciples of them, as the phrase, The children of the Prophets, is ordinarily used in the Old Testament, 2 King. 2. &c. and Amos 7. 14. I was neither Prophet, no Prophets son; that is, nor Prophets Scholar. And Matth. 11. 19. Wisdom is justified of her children; that is, of her Disciples.

ACTS. CHAP. IV.

Vers. 1. The Captain of the Temple.

THIS was the Captain of that Guard, or Garison which was placed in the Tower of Antonia, for the guard of the Temple. This Tower stood in the North-east corner of the wall that parted the mountain of the House from the City. It was built by Hyrcanus the Asmonean, the High Priest, and there he himself dwelt, and there he used to lay up the holy Garments of the Priest-hood, whensoever he put them off, having done the Service of the Temple, Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 6. Herod repaired this Tower, and bestowed much cost upon it, and in honor of Antony, named it Antonia; and fortified it, that it might be a guard for the Temple; and as in former times, so still were the holy Robes laid up there all his time, and all the time of Archelaus his Son: after the removal of Archelaus, from his Kingdom, and the confiscation of his estate, this Tower came into the Romans hands, and was kept as a Guard or Garison by them; and the High Priests garments laid up there under their power, till Vitellius, as we shall see hereafter, did restore them to the Jews own keeping. Antiq. lib. 15. cap. 15. So that the Captain here meant, is the Captain that was over the Company that kept this Castle: a Roman Commander, and he joining with the Priests and Sadducees to hinder the Gospel, and imprison the Disciples; the Jews and Romans do again conspire, as they had done against Christ, so now against his Apostles, Psal. 2. 1, 2.

There was a chief Captain that was Governor of the whole Garison at Jerusalem, as Chap. 21. 33. & 24. 7. and his several Companies lay placed in several Courts of Guard about the City; among the rest this was one, within the virge of the Temple, the greatest badge and sign of all other of the Jews present servitude and subjection, when their very Temple and service had a heathen bridle put upon it. And thus did the abomination of desolation begin to creep in, and to stand in the place where it ought not.

Vers. 2. Being grieved that they taught the people.

This grievance of the Priests, Sadducees, and Captain of the Temple, proceeded from several principles and causes. The Captains distaste was for fear the business should tend to innovation or tumult: the Sadducees, because they preached the Resurrection of the dead, which they denied, Chap. 23. 8. the Priests, because they being private men, went about to teach the people; and chiefly, because they preached the Resurrection through Jesus.

Through Jesus the Resurrection from the dead.

Though the whole Nation did so generally assert and hold the Resurrection of the dead (the Sadducees only excepted) that they made the deniers of this point, one of the three Parties that should never have part in the world to come: as they speak in the Talmud, in the Tractate of Sanhed. Perek. Helek. These are they that have no portion in the world to come, he that saith, The Resurrection of the dead is not taught from the Law, and he that saith, That the Law is not from Heaven, and Epicures: Yet was this no less than heresy in their esteem; to teach that the Resurrection of the dead was either 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 proved and experienced in Jesus; or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the power and efficacy of Jesus; that either Jesus was risen, or that he should be the Author of the Resurrection.

Vers. 4. And the number of the men was about five thousand.

The 5000 mentioned here, were the number of Converts, and not of Auditors; and they were a single number by themselves, and not an addition to the 3000 mentioned before, to make them five thousand.

For, first, the Holy Ghost intendeth in this Book to show the power of the Gospel, rather than the bare preaching of it, and how many it converted, rather than how many heard it.

Secondly, The juncture of the verse is so close and facile that none can understand it any otherwise than of the number of believers, unless it be for very captiousness; for the Text saith, that many of them that heard the word believed. And how many was that many? Namely, 5000 men.

For, thirdly, how ridiculous were it to interpret that the Holy Ghost should tell us, that there was an audience in the Temple of 5000 men? Why, Josephus saith, that generally, every course of the Priests contained so many: And it would be utterly strange, if the Holy Ghost, which in all the Bible never numbered an audience at the Temple, no, not when he was intentionally writing of the service and assembly there, should do it now when he is purposely upon a story of men converted to the Gospel.

Again, That this is an entire sum different from the 3000 in the second Chapter, is plain by the very story in hand.

For, first, it is a discourse concerning a miracle done by Peter and John; and all the Chapter to the three and twentieth verse, keeps close to that relation: and what reason possibly can be given, that this clause only should start from it?

Secondly, It were an uncouth manner of reckoning, and such as the Scripture is utterly unacquainted with, to number 5000, and to mean but 2000; and never to give any notice that it so meaneth.

Thirdly, The number of the men were 5000. Of what men? Of those which heard the word. What word? The word preached by Peter and John, verse. 1. and not the word preached on Pentecost day by all the Apostles. Thus is the Church become 8000 numerous by two Sermons; besides the multitudes that were believers before, and those whose conversion is not summed.

Vers. 5. Their Elders, Rulers, and Scribes, &c.

In this Council and Consistory that was now gathered, the Evangelist exhibiteth variety of members:

First, Their Rulers: or the Chief Priests, the heads of the twenty four courses.

Secondly, Scribes: or other Doctors of the Tribe of Levi.

Thirdly, Elders: or the Seniors and Senators of the other Tribes.

Fourthly, Annas, the Nasi; or President of the Sanhedrin.

Fifthly, Caiaphas the High Priest, the Ab beth diu, the father of the Court.

Sixthly, John, as it seemeth, the son of Annas: the Governor of Gophins and Acrabatena in the time of Nero, Joseph. de bello, lib. 2. cap. 25.

Seventhly, Alexander, called also Lysimachus and Alabarcha, of whom we shall have occasion to discourse afterward.

Eighthly, As many as were of the High Priests kindred, Brethren or Cozens of that family: so that by this concourse of all these at this time, divers of whose employment and residence was at distance, it may be the rather supposed that this was at some solemn Festival that had brought them all to Jerusalem.

Vers. 7. And when they had set them in the midst.

The Sanhedrin sat in half the floor in a circle, Rambam. Sanhedrin, Per. 1. Those who had anything to do in the Court, stood or sat in the midst of them, Luke 2. 46.

§. By what name have you done this.

So did they very foolishly conceit that the very naming some names might do wonders, as Acts 19. 13. and the Talmud. in Shab. forgeth that Ben Saida (they have a blasphemous meaning in this expression) wrought miracles, by putting the mutterable name within the skin of his foot, and there sewing it up.

Vers. 11. This is the stone which was set at naught.

In Psal. 118. 22. which is the place from which this speech is taken, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the stone refused, and so is it, Matth. 21. 42. and that according to the Hebrew Text: but here the Apostle heightens the expression, that he may set home their abuse of Christ nearer to their hearts, and may show the humiliation of Christ the more. The Syriac mindeth not this, but translates this place, and Matth. 21. 42. by the same word refused.

The Chaldee interpretation of the Psalm from whence the phrase is taken, is exceedingly conceited, it runneth thus. The youth which the builders refused among the sons of Jesse, obtained to be set for King and Governor. This was from the Lord, said the builders, and it is wondrous before us, said the sons of Jesse. This is the day which the Lord hath made, said the builders. Let us be glad and rejoice in it, said the sons of Jesse. Save us now, said the builders. Prosper us now, said Jesse and his wife. Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord, said the builders. Let them bless you from the house of the Lord, saith David.

The Lord give us light, said the Tribes of the house of Judah.

Tie the youth for a Festival sacrifice with cords, until ye offer him up, and pour his blood at the horns of the altar, said Samuel the Prophet, &c.

At which Psalm and place, how far the Chaldee in Bibliis Regiis, and the Chaldee in Bibliis Buxtorfianis, and Venetis do differ, it is worth the Learneds observation.

Vers. 13. And ignorant men.

Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ a word exceedingly much taken into use by Jewish writers, and both in them and in Greeks, it signifieth, Private men, or men in no public employment, and men of inferior rank, and men ignorant or unskillful. Examples of all these significations might be alleged. Lucian, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The common multitude, whom wise men call Idiotae. Galen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unskillful in Physic. Ibn. Ezr. on Levite. 13. Vers. 2. Aaron, that is, the Priest anointed in his stead, or one of his sons, that is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sacerdotes Idiotae, the inferior Priests. Rab. Sol. on Levite. 1. 1. To what purpose served the pausings? To give Moses space to understand between division and division, sense and sense 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 much more to a private man that learneth from a private man.

In all these senses may it very well be applied here; and it is more than probable, all these senses were in the thoughts of the Council concerning Peter and John at this time; they saw they were unlearned, private, inferior, ignorant men, and thereupon they could not but wonder at the miracle and cure that they had wrought.

Vers. 23. They went to their own company.

That is, to the Society of the one hundred and twenty mentioned, Acts 1. 15.

Vers. 25. Who by the mouth of thy Servant David, hath said, &c.

The second Psalm which owns not its Author in the Title, the Holy Ghost ascribeth here to David: and seemeth by this very passage to give us close intimation, that every Psalm that telleth not in its title who was the Author and Penman of it, is to be ascribed to David as the Penman. The rule of the Jews ( that every Psalm that bears not the author of it in the title, is to be reputed of his making who was last named in a title before ) is at a nonplus at these two first Psalms, and helps us nothing at all to understand who made them: and thereupon Ibn Ezra conceiveth not that this second Psalm was made by David, but by some of the Singers. But this passage of the Apostles in their prayer, doth not only own David for the Compiler of this Psalm, but also teacheth us to own him so of every Psalm, whose Author is not mentioned in the title of it; as might be further confirmed if it were ad hic & nunc, from Psalm 96. & 105. & 107. & 132. compared with 1 Chron. 16. 7. The ancient Rabbins, and Doctors of the Jews, interpreted this Psalm concerning Christ, even as the Apostles do here, as it is confessed by Solomon Jarchi at his entrance into it, though himself, and some other latter Jews apply it to David, and it may be in spite to Christ.

Vers. 32, & 33. §. Community of goods.

This community of goods, howsoever it sorted and suited with the present state of the Church at Jerusalem at that time; yet can it not be taken up for an example or president for the time to come.

For, first, the thing was not done by command, but at the free disposal of whosoever was minded so to do, Acts 5. 4.

Secondly, The Lands that were sold, were many of them out of the Land of Canaan; for the converts were Jews from all Nations, and one instance is given in the Land of Barnabas in Cyprus; now when these men were resolved to cleave to the Apostles, and not to return to their own Country; what good would their Lands in those foreign Countries do them?

Thirdly, If these Lands and Houses were in Judea, as it is undoubted many of them were, it may be supposed that the faithful owners thereof took notice of the threatened destruction of Jerusalem, spoken of by our Savior, and so would part with their estates for the benefit of the Church, before they should be surprised by the enemy.

And fourthly, Thus did God provide against persecution to come; that neither the poor of the Church should fall off through penury, nor the rich start back through worldly mindedness; but by a competent distribution among them, the one might have enough, and the other not too much.

And lastly, Such was the state of the Church at this time, as never was the like to be again. It was but newly born, it was all in one City, the most of the people far resident from their own houses, all in a possibility to be scattered by persecution, they could not tell how soon: and therefore that present administration of the Church in such a case, cannot be any copy for times to come either to follow as a command, or to imitate as a perfection.

This very year was a Jubilee among the Jews in the very proper sense, it being the eight and twentieth that the Land had had since their settling in it: and these people now converted to the Gospel, are so far from returning to their possessions, if they had sold or mortgaged them, as the Jubilee privileged them, that they part with their possessions that they had in their hands; having by this time learned that the earthly Canaan and inheritance, was not that possession that was to be looked after, and that the Kingdom of the Messias should not be earthly.

Vers. 36. Barnabas a Levite, and of the Country of Cyprus, &c.

As Saul a Benjamite of the Country of Tarsus, yet educated and lived at Jerusalem: so did Barnabas in Canaan, though a Cypriot born. He had land to sell though he were a Levite, for the Levites might purchase Lands of their own, even in the Land of Canaun: much more might they in foreign Countries. Samuel a Levite, was born upon his Fathers own Land which had been purchased by his great Grandfather Zuph, 1 Sam. 1. 1. & 9. 5. Now Barnabas had one motive more to sell his Land, than other of the common believers had; namely, those words of our Savior to those Disciples that were to be Preachers, Provide neither silver nor gold, &c. Matth. 10. 9, 10. and this was the ground of Peters answer, Silver and gold have I none, Chap. 3. 6.

ACTS. CHAP. V.

Vers. 1. But a certain man named Ananias.

AMong the offerings of others that sold their Lands, there ereepeth in the hypocrisy of Ananias and Sapphira, a couple that at once would have served God and Mammon; Vain-glory, or Policy, or both, did here strive with covetousness and distrust▪ or rather to speak truly indeed, did conspire. They had the formality to sell their Lands as others did, but they had not the sincerity to part with the money as others had. Their double dealing both in word and deed, is fearfully punished with sudden death at this beginning of the Christian Church (as Nadab, Abihu, and the Sabbath-breaker were at the beginning of the Jewish) that future times might learn from this to beware dissembling with God, and not to dishonor and shame the gifts of the Holy Ghost.

Vers. 3. To lie to the Holy Ghost, or rather, to belie the Holy Ghost.

It was not the sin only, barely, and simply considered, that provoked and procured so fearful a Judgment upon him, but the sin, as it was circumstantiated and aggravated by some respects. For it seemeth that Ananias was not a common or ordinary believer, but one of the Ministerial rank, and one that had received the gift of the Holy Ghost, as well as the rest of the 120. And considerable to this purpose are these two things.

First, That as soon as the Evangelist hath mentioned the pious and upright dealing of Barnabas (which was a Preacher) in the sale of his Lands, he cometh to the story of Ananias, as a man of the same function, and relateth his wretchedness in the sale of his.

Secondly, That though it be said in verse. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he lied to God, yet is he said in the third verse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , To belie the Holy Ghost. By which Phrase it seemeth that he had received the Holy Ghost among the rest that did receive it; and yet for all that excellent gift in himself, and the excellent gift that he knew in the Apostles; he durst by this base dissembling belie and shame the gifts that were in himself, and tempt the power of the Holy Ghost that was in Peter.

And thus was Ananias much like Judas, exceedingly qualified and eminently gifted with the gifts of the Spirit, but like him undone with covetousness, and for it perished by an exemplary end. There was none among all the twelve so fit to give sentence upon this fact as Peter: as who might hereby show his own repentance for his lying and perjury in denying his Master, and that he was entirely repaired and recovered from it, when he durst pass so heavy a doom and judgment upon a lie.

Vers. 13. And of the rest none durst join himself unto them.

It is some difficulty to resolve, who these rest were that durst not knit themselves to the Apostles: the matter may be construed so many ways that it is hard to fix which is the right.

First, It is understood by Beza of such as were as yet out of the Church, and yet not strangers to the Kingdom of God, but such as for fear durst not show themselves, either because of the Jews, or because of the judgment afflicted on Ananias.

Secondly, It may be understood of those that were within the Church, yet durst not join themselves in Consistory or Presbyterial society with the 120 Disciples, but kept their distance in regard of judging, though they knit with them in communion.

Or thirdly, It may be understood of the 108 Disciples, that were appointed by Christ to be Ministers, and kept in continual society and consistorial association with the Apostles, yet durst not join themselves to them in the form or dignity of Apostleship, nor durst offer to parallel themselves to that rank, yet the people magnified them also: And this I take to be the very meaning of the place, and that upon these grounds.

First, Because the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seemeth to import a residue or the rest of their own company, and not the people that were out of the Church, for of them it had been more proper to have said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the skillful in the Greek language will readily judge.

Secondly, The joining here spoken of in regard of the object to whom, is to the Apostles, and not to the Church, as is apparent by the very Grammatical construction.

Especially, thirdly, The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in verse. 12. being understood not of the Congregation or whole company of believers, but of the Apostles, as the words immediately before might argue, or rather of the whole number of the 120 as it is taken, Chap. 2. 1. And so the sense of all redounds to this; that besides that terrible and dreadful work that was done by Peter upon Ananias and Sapphira, all the other eleven Apostles did great and wondrous miracles among the people, and the whole College and Presbytery of the 120 were unanimously in Solomon's Porch joining together in association and advancing the Gospel, but the rest of the 120 durst not one of them join themselves to the twelve in the peculiar office and dignity of Apostleship properly so called, having seen so lately the dreadful judgment that one of the twelve had brought upon Ananias one of their own number, and seeing the continual wonders that they did in an extraordinary manner among the people, howbeit the people magnified them also, they also having the admirable and wondrous gifts of the Spirit upon them.

Vers. 15. §. Peters shadow.

Many miracles were wrought by the Apostles hands, and many as it seemeth by Peters shadow: but the Text hath left it so indifferent, that it is hard to determine whether it is to be taken in a good sense or a bad, and indeed some that have taken it the better way have made it the worst of all. Luke saith only thus, They brought forth the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by might overshadow some of them. But it neither telleth who they were that laid them, nor a word at all that those were healed that were laid. And it may be thought they were unbelieving Jews that laid them as well as otherwise: for believers might have brought them to the Apostles, or brought the Apostles to them: And it may possibly be thought that they laid them there either out of a superstitious blindness, thinking his shadow to be miraculous as well as his person, or out of a c • eating perverseness, thinking to gain by his power though they would none of his doctrine: and that none of their sick were healed because there is no mention of any such healing at all. If we should thus understand the story, surely we should do less wrong to the Text, and to our own understandings than some have done that have taken it in a better sense. For be it, that God intending to magnify Peter the Minister of the circumcision in the eyes of the circumcised, did give him a more extraordinary power of miracles, for their sakes that stood upon miracles so much, so that not only himself, but his shadow also could heal diseases, yet how ridiculous and senseless is that which Baronius would infe • hereupon, namely, That Peter therefore was Prince of all the Apostles: and that therefore the shadows or images of holy men are of holy use and Religious Worship, and that the Pope who is Peters shadow and representation hath Peters power and qualification?

Vers. 20. All the words of this life.

It hath scrupled divers Expositors why the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should be added here to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as seeming to bend the meaning and sense to this present and temporal life: and thereupon they have concluded that there is an hypallage or change of construction, and that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the words of this life, is instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , these words of life, and to this sense is it translated by the Syriac: But the construction is easy, and the composure of the words will appear most proper, if the seventeenth Verse be a little seriously considered, it is said there that it was the Sect of the Sadducees that imprisoned the Apostles, a generation that denied the Resurrection, and the life to come; and to this it is that this divine revelation referreth, when it chargeth the Apostles, that they should go again into the Temple where they had been apprehended the day before, and imprisoned for preaching the Resurrection, and that they should not spare to speak and utter the doctrine of this life which the Sadducees so much denied.

Vers. 21. And they called the Council together, and all the Senate of the children of Israel.

The Syriac reads, they called their companions and the Elders of Israel: taking 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here to mean either their fellows and companions in the same Sadducean Opinion and Heresy, or their fellow Priests and Scribes which were not of the Sanhedrin: But since 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 will very harshly bear either of these senses, and constantly is used in another for the Sanhedrin or bench of Judges of the LXX Elders: I should take it so also in this place; and by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all the Senate, understand the Judges or Elders of the two other Judicatories which were erected, one in the outer Court gate, or in Solomon's Porch, and the other in the inner or the beautiful gate of the Temple, consisting of three and twenty men a piece. Maymonid. in Sanhed. Per. 1. And so did this busy High Priest call together all the three Courts or Benches of Judges in Jerusalem, an hundred and seventeen Elders in all if there were a full appearance, the Lord so disposing it, that all his Apostles and all his chief enemies might deal it together: And now as that was fulfilled which Christ had spoken of them; They shall bring you before Councils for my name sake, so was also that which he had promised unto them, that it should be given them what they should speak, that their enemies should not be able to gainsay. But the Judges of the earth would not be wise nor instructed to serve the Lord and to kiss the son, therefore his anger shortly kindled, and Jerusalem perished in her unbelief.

Vers. 24. Now when the High Priest.

So is it to be understood though in the Greek it be only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Priest: and the reason is because, first, Annas in this meeting was not the President of the Council, for which he is called the High Priest elsewhere, for this was not a Sanhedrin, or the usual Court, but an extraordinary and unusual Convocation: Secondly, Mention is made of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 immediately after: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 would scarcely have sounded well so near together.

Vers. 34. A Pharisee named Gamaliel, a Doctor of the Law, had in reputation among all the People.

This was Paul's Tutor, Acts 22. 3. the son of Simeon, that took Christ into his arms, Luke 2. and the Grandchild of famous Hillel. He is called Gamaliel the Elder, for there were two others of the same name, one his Grandchild, the other his great Grandchild in the fifth descent; and he is always called Rabban Gamaliel, and so likewise were those two his Grandchildren intitled. These being three of the seven, that only carried this title Rabban. A title which was of the highest eminency and note, of any title among their Doctors, and that very title the weth the great reputation he had among the people. In the Talmudic Writers there is very frequent mention of Rabban Gamaliel, but scarcely distinguishing which of the three they mean; yet so much to be collected out of them, as to confute that forgery of Lucians Epistle (which yet Baronius hath graced with this Testimonial: Narrat Lucianus in ea quam totus Christianus orbis recepit Epistola ) that Gamaliel became a most zealous Christian, and professor of the Gospel; that he received Nicodemus when the Jews had • ast him out; and that he buried the body of Stephen, and held a solemn mourning for him seventy days.

In Pirke Abhoth. Perek. 1. this saying is ascribed to this Gamaliel, among the several Adagies of those Doctors 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Procure thyself a tutor, and get thee out of doubting, and do not multiply to pay thy tithes by conjecture.

He is held to have died 18 years before the destruction of the City, or about 22 years after this, and Onkelos the Targumist of the Law is reported to have burnt threescore and ten pound of Frankincense for him being dead: And by this it is more than a conjecture, that he died not a Christian, but lived and died in his Pharisaical opinions, and profession.

Vers. 36. For before these days rose up Theudas.

There is mention of one Theudas in the Talmud in Sanhedr. Perek. Helek. and he is called a Physician, Theudas the Physician saith, that neither Cow nor Sow cometh from Alexandria: And there is mention of one Theudas a Sorcerer in Josephus Ant. lib. 20. cap. 2. When Fadus was Governor of Judea, saith he, a wizard named Theudas persuaded a great company to take their goods and to follow him to the river Jordan, for he said he was a Prophet, and that dividing the river by a command he would procure them an easy passage: and thus saying he deceived many. But Fadus suffered them not thus to enjoy their folly, but sent against them a troop of Horse, which falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many, took others alive, and catching Theudas himself, cut off his head and brought it to Jerusalem.

This were a very ready and easy interpretation of these words of Gamaliel, if this great scruple did not lie in the way: namely, that this Theudas mentioned by Josephus, was about the fourth or fifth year of Claudius: but this Theudas mentioned by Gamaliel was before Judas the Galilean, which was in the days of Augustus: There is a great deal of ado among Expositors what to make of these two stories, so like in substance, but so different in time. Some conceive that Josephus hath missed his Chronology, and hath set Theudas his story many years later than it fell out: Others refuse Josephus his story as not applicable to this Theudas of Gamaliel [though they hold that he hath spoken true in it] because the time is so different, but they think Gamaliel's Theudas was some of those villains that so much infested Judea in the times of Sabinus and Varus. Joseph. Ant. lib. 17. c. 12. though Josephus hath not there mentioned him by name.

A third sort conceive that Gamaliel's Theudas was not before Judas the Galilean, who • ose about the birth of Christ, but a long while after, namely a little before Gamaliel speaketh these words: And they render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the strict propriety, namely that it was but a few days before: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not post eum, after him, but praeter eum, besides him.

In these varieties of opinions and difficulties, it is hard to resolve which way to take, and it is well that it is a matter of that nature that men may freely use their conjectures in it, and be excusable.

I cannot but observe and conceive these things upon the stories of Gamaliel and Josephus laid and compared together.

First, That Gamaliel meeteth with the double misprision that the present Council had concerning the Apostles, with a double story. First, They suspected and censured them for false and erroneous Teachers; to this he applies the story of Theudas. Secondly, They suspected them of innovation, and of what might tend to mutiny and insurrection, and to this he applieth the story of Judas.

Secondly, That the miscarriages of these two men that he instanceth in, proceeded from two different and dangerous principles; pretence of new lights and revelations; and pretence of liberty of conscience and of persons. Theudas was for the former, Judas for the latter.

Thirdly, That Gamaliel's counsel was not of any Christianity that was in him, but of policy, not that he favored the Apostles, but that he feared if anything were done to them by violence or injustice, it might incur a Premunire or prejudice; and that is apparent, in that all the Council consent and entertain his counsel.

Fourthly, That Gamaliel's Theudas and Josephus his is not all one: their descriptions indeed are very agreeable, for as Gamaliel saith that Theudas took on him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be somebody, of note and eminency, so doth the relation about the Theudas in Josephus. Simon Magus boasted himself 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be some special person, Act. 8. 9. and how did he carry on this arrogation? Why, by magic and doing some strange things among the people: and just in the same kind hath Josephus described his Theudas, but yet these two Theudases seem not to be the same.

Fifthly, For Josephus setting the story of his Theudas so late as in the time of Claudius, a dozen years or thereabouts after this speech of Gamaliel, [although it might be said it is no strange thing with Josephus to misplace stories, and to faulter in point of exact Chronology, as Baronius supposeth he hath done in this] yet seemeth it rather to be upon the very native propriety of the time of the story: And the matter to be conceived thus, that as Sects and Heresies, though buried, yet do oft revive, and though dispersed, yet do recollect: and being once begun are not suddenly extinguished, but like quenched fire are ever breaking out in one place or other, that so it was with this business of Theudas. And so also it may be instanced in the very Sect and Opinion of him that Gamaliel speaketh of immediately after, namely Judas of Galilee: He rose up in the days of the tax in the time of Augustus, as Luke 2. He pleaded against the Jews being subject to the Romans, and dissuaded them from paying taxes and tribute to them: and maintained they ought to have no ruler over them but God: and so became the original of a fourth Sect among the Jews, besides the Pharisees, Sadducees and Esseans, as Josephus reports of him. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 1. and de Bell. lib. 2. cap. 12. Now though Judas himself perished in his error, and as many as obeyed him were scattered abroad, as Gamaliel relateth, yet was not his error extinguished with him, but revived and grew again: So that at the least 40 years after his first appearing, his two sons James and Simon are crucified for it by Tiberius Alexander, the successor of Fadus. Jos. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 3. And many years after that, Eleazar a branch of the same Judas appeareth in the same opinion with a desperate company with him, De Bel. lib. 7. cap. 30.

Even so may it be conceived of the Sect of Theudas: that it began before that of Judas, and that the first Author of it took upon him great things, as to be a Prophet, and to work miracles, and the like, but he was soon slain and all that obeyed him were scattered abroad and came to naught. But his folly and fancy perished not with him, but [however at other times] in the time of Fadus one of the same foolery and name, and probably his son, would be a Prophet again and divide Jordan and do I know not what, whom Fadus destroyed and brought his company to ruin. So that Gamaliel's and Josephus his Theudas, are very probably two men, but very likely Father and Son, or Tutor and Scholar, agreeing so jump in the same folly and madness that they agreed in the same name: and that name either given to the latter at such an accidency as Parents name their children, or assumed by him in imitation of the former Theudas, whom as he delighted to imitate in his Enthusiastic folly, so delighted he to follow him in denomination. And I am the rather confirmed in this opinion about these two men, because that as soon as ever Josephus hath told the story of the destruction of Theudas by Fadus, he telleth of the destruction of the sons of Judas, by Tiberius Alexander, and I cannot but interpret both the stories in one sense, that as in the latter he speaketh of the offspring of Judas, whose Sect had begun many years before, so in the former he speaketh of the offspring of Theudas, whose Sect had begun before that of Judas.

Vers. 41. That they were counted worthy.

Or, That they had obtained: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seeming to interpret the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so common among the Rabbins which soundeth to that sense: and so is it not only most easily, but so it must be most commonly rendered in them: And of the very same sense is the Latin word Mereri [when it is applied to man with reference to good] generally in the Fathers: As when it is said that the Virgin Mary, meruit esse mater redemptoris, she obtained to be the mother of the redeemer, not she deserved: Mary Magdalene, Audire meruit, Fides tua te salvam fecit: she obtained to hear it said, Thy faith hath saved thee; and a thousand such examples might be given, which too many thousands interpreting by the word merit, wrest an harmless word to their own destruction.

R. Solomon speaketh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Meritum volucrium, the privilege of birds: and some fathers speaking of our obtaining God's favor and salvation and the like, express it, sine merito nostro meruimus, we have obtained it without our merit.

§. 1. The state of the City hitherto.

THE City Rome was built by Romulus in the year of the World 3175. in the fifteenth year of Amaziah King of Judah, and in the first year of Jeroboam the second, the King of Israel. It had stood from the time of its first foundation, to this year in which it put the Lord of life to death, seven hundred fourscore and five years; And had undergone and passed thorough two different and diverse kinds of government, and was now but lately entered upon a third.

The first was under Kings, for 243 years, and the foundation of this government as of the City itself was laid in the blood of Remus, shed by his brother Romulus, who was the founder of the City.

The second was under Consuls, 467 years from the expulsion of Tarquin the last King, to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, which was the year that Augustus began to rule, with Antony and Lepidus. This change of the government, was likewise founded in blood as the former had been, namely of Lucrece, Aruns, and Brutus, and in the extirpation of Tarquins house.

A third manner of government, had the City and Empire now begun upon, and had been under it threescore and two years; namely, a monarchy again, but the name only changed from a King to an Emperor. And the foundation of this change was also laid in blood as the other had been, namely in the death of Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.

The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the City into an opinion that Monarchy was an enemy to Liberty: And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion, that they were sooner put out of their Liberty, than out of belief of that Position. Brutus and Collatinus, who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him, had found out a government likely enough in all human judgment to heal all these mischiefs and miscarriages, that Monarchical Tyranny did bring upon them, when they appointed two supreme Governors instead of one, and their Power and Rule to be but annual instead of, for life. The success was agreeable to the policy, and so happily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers, [and some others mixed as occasion urged], that to offer to reduce it to Monarchy again, was infallibly held to be, to reduce it to slavery; and Julius Caesar found how deeply grounded this opinion was in the heart of a Roman, by the loss of his life: they supposing his affecting the Empire single, aimed at the loss of their Liberties.

Augustus his Nephew and adopted son, though he had before his eyes in Julius his death a clear and convincing Lecture, how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, to affect the monarchy, yet did he dare it; but managing his desires and designs with so much discretion and noislesness, that the government was gotten into his hands alone, and the Empire slipped into a monarchical subjection even before it was aware.

Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose,

Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus, to bring the Roman state into a Monarchy, and himself to be the Monarch; the decrees and determination of Heaven having so ordered, that here should begin a fifth Monarchy after the destruction of the four, Dan. 2. & 7. which should equal all the four in power, pomp and cruelty, and should be the continual persecutor of the Church of the Christians, as they had been of the Church of the Jews: And thus doth the Gospel and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once, and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are born together.

§. 2. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperor: his damnable dissimulation.

Augustus as he had got the sole government into his hands, by a great deal of wisdom, and daring, so did he keep it with the same wisdom, and as much moderation: He sat Emperor for the space of four and forty years, honored and beloved, and died desired and lamented, though he had thus impropriated, as it was conceived, the whole liberty of the Empire into his own hand: Now whether it were the native gentleness and goodness of the Emperor, that kept him in such a sweetness and moderation; or whether it were some policy mingled with it, as knowing it not to be safe to be too busy and rigid so near the change, he so demeaned himself for the benefit of the City, and love of the people, that as he was the first of all the Emperors, so in a manner was he the last that shown such mildness, goodness, and nobleness, either to people or City.

Tiberius succeeded him, his Wives son by nature, and his by adoption; a man as incomparably evil, unworthy, and cruel, as Augustus had been glorious, noble, and human. And if that were true which some supposed and believed, That Augustus had nominated Tiberius for his Successor, that his own worth might be the better set off by the others wickedness; and that he might be the better spoken of, because the other was so odious; this his last action was more to his dishonor than all his former; and howsoever Tiberius might do him honor by his miscarriage, yet did he do himself dishonor in Tiberius.

This wretch, whose Story we are now to follow, was, as his own Tutor used to define him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A lump of clay mingled with blood; and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousness, as it was almost possible for human nature to contain.

This dissimulation he began withal at his very first entrance to the Empire, pretending great unwillingness to take it upon him, and when it was urged on him past denial, then pretending to take two partners with him, as to share in the burden and honor: but when Asinius Gallus took him at his word, and bad him choose his part, he took it so ill, that he dogd him for it to the death. The same dissimulation he took along with him, when he had taken the Empire on him, carrying it with all mildness and moderation, as if he had been a second Augustus, whereas indeed the reason was, because Germanicus was alive, and most dear in the people's affection, and he feared him lest he should have been preferred before him.

Yet did his best demeanour bewray what he was within, for all his skill in dissembling, and at the very best he gave just suspicion that he would prove but evil.

He began his reign with the murder of Agrippa, a man once in as high favor with Augustus as himself. He went on with the murder of a poor man for a piece of wit: For as a corps was carried to its interring, this man came to it and whispered in the dead man's ear: and being asked by the standers by what he meant, he answered, that he desired that dead man when he came into the other world, to tell Augustus that his Legacies to the people were not yet paid. This cost the poor man his life, for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself, and so he slew him, but this got the people their Legacies.

It would be infinite to reckon up the murders, oppressions, and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeen years of his reign, or before this year that we have in hand: The most remarkable were that he raised Sejanus purposely that he might help to ruin Germanicus and Drusus, though they were his own adopted sons, and when that was done by Sejanus he ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him. We shall have mischief enough from him in those years that we are to follow him in, namely from his eighteenth and forward, and therefore let the story hasten thither.

§. 3. The year of Tiberius his reign at our Savior's death.

This year is determined by common consent of Historians to be his eighteenth: and the matter is past all doubt, if it were as certain that Christ was Baptized in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, as it is certain that John began to baptize. For whereas John began to baptize about the vernal Equinox, and Christ was not baptized till the Autumnal, beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth year, and whereas Tiberius began to reign about the 18 day of August, as appeareth by the Roman Historians▪ the fifteenth year of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weeks before Christ was baptized. And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius John came baptizing, Luke 3. 1. yet was it in the sixteenth year of Tiberius (as it seemeth) before Christ came to his baptism: and so should the death of our Savior fall into Tiberius his nineteenth year. But it is not safe to hang the Chronology of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this: therefore according to the universal consent and determination of all Christian writers, we will take the eighteenth year of Tiberius to have been the year of Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperors that we have to go through proportionate or agreeable to this beginning.

The Roman Consuls for this year that we have in hand were Cn▪ Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus, as is obvious to any eye that counteth, the years and Consuls in the time of Tiberius.

§. 4. His lusts and beastiality.

HE had certain years before this departed out of Rome, resolving never to return to it again, which indeed he never did, though often taking on him to come, and drawing very near unto the City. The pretence of his departure, was the grief that he took on him to take for the death of his two sons, Germanicus a • d Drusus, and the dedication of a Capitol at Capua and a Temple at Nola: but the reasons indeed were, partly in disdain of the authority of his mother Livia, partly to avoid the dangers of the City, partly to outrun the shame of his evil actions, and partly that in the retiredness of the Country he might be the more freely wicked as not restrained by the public shame. This last he made good by his badness, if such a thing may be said to be made good. For having gotten the liberty of retiredness, saith Suetonius, and being removed from the eyes of the City, he now let go loose all the vices that he had so long dissembled. Uncleanness both with Boys and Girls, ravishing both of wives and maids, new invented arts of lechery, and trades of lust, obscene bathings and filthy feasts, and such horribleness of beastiality that the mention thereof is not fit for a Christians hearing, nay Rome herself had not heard of none such till this very time.

§. 5. Divers cruelties.

Sejanus his high exalted favorite, had been found, or at least suspected by him to go about to undermine him as he had done Drusus by his setting on, and he had the last year been put to death upon that certainty, or suspicion; and now must all his friends, creatures, kindred and adherents, which had been exceeding many to so great a favorite, come to the same reckoning and ruin with him. And this advantage had the old Politician by his kennelling in the solitariness of the Country, that both he might be as impudent as he would in putting forward his designs, for his letters could not blush, and resolute enough in following them to their accomplishing, for he was far enough from the danger of the discontented City.

He began with the confiscation of Sejanus his goods, and went on with the banishment of Junius Gallio one of his friends. This Gallio or Gallenus (as Dion calleth him) in a base flattery to Tiberius made the motion that the Soldiers of his guard should at the shows sit in the Knights form: A proposal more full of simplicity and fawning than of any danger or suspicion: and yet is he sharply taken up for it by the Emperors letters, as for an overture of sedition made by a friend of Sejanus as thinking to corrupt the minds of the Soldiers by hope of honors: And for no other fault but this is Gallio banished to Lesbos, but recalled again ere long, because it was thought by the Emperor that he took delight in the pleasentnes • of the Island, and then he was committed to custody in the Magistrates houses. The same letters thunderbolt Sestius Paconius, and either they or the next, do as much for Latiaris the betrayer of Sabinus, and shortly are the like come for Caecilianus a Senator, Quintus Servaeus once Pretor, and Minutius Thermus a Knight: and if they came not into the same black bill, yet did Julius Africanus and Seius Quadratus come into the same danger.

§. 6. Strange accusing.

Thus came his packets very frequent to the Senate, and seldom or never but written in some man's blood or other: he being cankered and crafty enough to accuse and pretend, and the Senate so officious and serviceable to him, as to condemn and execute. And happy had the condition of the City been, had he rested there, to have been accuser only himself, but his subtle policy had found out a way, and practiced it, and he thought himself happy in it, to set such division and sow such seeds of accusations among the people, that now they do nothing, nor affect nothing more, than to accuse, impeach and charge one another, and to contrive and compass each others death. Cruel and inhumane that he was thus to divide and imbroile his own people and Subjects to destroy each other, that the clearer way might be made to his tyranny through their destruction; and that he cannot think himself an absolute Prince, nor truly happy, unless his people die at his pleasure or live in misery. Yet can I not but think of an invisible hand of justice in this deplorate condition of the City and State wrought and brought upon her by her own Prince, that she now perisheth daily and sadly by her false accusing, and condemning, and destroying one another; for at this very time, by false accusation and unjust condemning, she had destroyed and murdered the Lord of life.

Now, saith Tacitus, did Tiberius, inciting the chiefest men to mischief, admonish C. Caestius the father, to tell the Senate what he had written to him: and Caestius took upon him to accuse: A bane which those times brought forth, when the chief men of the Senate would practice most base accusations, some openly, many secretly; nor could you then discern strangers from kinsmen, friends from men unknown, nor what was new, nor what was obscure with age: So surely were men accused of whatsoever they had spoken in the open streets or at feasts, as others could make hast to prevent, and accuse them for guilty: some for their own refuge, more as infected with contagion and a sickness. So Tacitus.

Seneca also utters his complaint of these doleful times, and alledgeth one example of these accusations, which at once showeth the baseness of them and the frequency.

In the times of Tiberius Caesar, saith he, there was a frequent and almost common madness of accusing, which more tormented the gowned City, than all their civil wars had done before. Now the words of drunkards were catched at, and the harmlessness of jesters. Nothing was safe, every occasion of being cruel gave content: Nor was there any expecting of what would be the event of those that were accused, for they had all one and the same. Paulus the Praetorian was at a certain supper or feast, having the picture of Tiberius graven in the stone of his Ring, which something stood forth; I should do but very foolishly, if I should pump for words to tell, that he took the Chamberpot, which thing Maro one of the spies of those times took speedy notice of. But a servant of his for whom the trap was prepared took off his Ring when he was drunk. And when Maro took witness of the guests that Caesar's Image was laid to a filthy base thing, and was ready to subscribe the charge, the servant shown the Ring upon his own finger.

Exceeding many do the Roman Histories mention and nominate, that came to fatal ends, or heavy dooms under the bloodiness of this inquisition, but many and many omitted, saith Tacitus, and not named by the Roman writers, either because they were cloyed with multitude of examples, or lest, as what they suffered was much and grievous to themselves, so likewise might it be unto the Reader.

§. 7. Desperate boldness, and discreet.

In these so dangerous times of the City, and raging humors of the Emperor, it cannot be omitted for the strangeness of it, how two men came off, Marcus Terentius by a resolute bravery before the Senate, and Lucius Sejanus by a desperate scoff and mocking of the Emperor.

In the sports and feasts of Flora, this Sejanus being Pretor, had caused all things to be performed by baldheaded men, and by no other, and this he did because Tiberius was baldheaded himself. And to make up the scorn to the full, at night, when the company was to depart, he caused five thousand boys with their heads shaven bare, to carry Links and Torches to light them away. And yet Tiberius would take no notice of all this though he knew it well enough, either because he would not second his own derision, by taking it to heart, or because he intended to revenge this scorn at some other time, under some other title, or because by this toleration he would animate more to be saucy with him to their own confusion.

But far more brave, because far more necessary and discreet, was the courage of Terentius, who had the sober and well guided valor, not to thrust himself into danger, but to bring him out. He was accused of dependence upon Sejanus, and of complying with him, and he denied not the accusation, but strengthened it, and came off better by extremity of confession than others could do with the utmost of excusing. I loved, said he, and honored Sejanus, because Tiberius loved him and did him honor: So that if he did well I did not amiss, and if the Emperor that knoweth all things exactly, were deceived, it is no wonder if I were deceived with him. It is not for us to regard or search, for what cause the Emperor promoteth such a man: to him belongeth the property of that judgment, to us the glory of obsequiousness. His treasons against the Commonwealth, and plots against the Emperors life, let them bear the punishment they have deserved, but as for friendship and observance, the same end will acquit Tiberius and us, &c.

And in this strain and boldness proceeded he on, still driving on his affections to Sejanus thorough Sejanus to the Emperor, that he led the accusation the same way to light upon him also, insomuch that in an instant his accusers had changed place with him, for they were accused and he discharged.

§. 8. Other Occurrences of this year.

But Tiberius his humor was too strong to be stopped with such Rhetoric, in behalf of anymore, though this prevailed for Terentius himself. For presently come accusatory letters against Sex. Vestilius, as a libeller against C. Caesar, who to avoid death, by the hand of some other man, would prevent it with his own, and so cut his veins: but tying them up again and repenting his fact he sent a supplicatory petition to the Emperor that he might live: of which receiving but a comfortless answer, he let them open to bleed again. Afterward followed the accusation of Annius Pollio, Apius Silanus, Scaurus Mamercus, Sabinus Calvisius: Vitia the mother of Fusius Geminius late Consul, put to death for nothing but for bewailing the death of her own son; Vescularius and Marinus executed in Capreae. And Geminius and Celsus came to such fatal ends towards the end of the year. In this year there was a book of the Sibyls offered to the Senate, but he that offered it was sharply checked by the Emperor for his pains. Some scarcity of provision oppressed the City, and plenty of mocks upon the stage jerked the Emperor, but course was taken ere long for the remedy of both, and for the latter sooner than the former. Scribonianus his place of Consulship was often changed according to Tiberius his wavering pleasure, the politician craftily shaking and unsettling that ancient government, that his new one of Monarchy might sit the faster. Flaccus Avilius was made Governor of Egypt, an Iberian by birth as may be collected from Dion, and a future scourge of the Jews, as will appear hereafter. Rubrius Fabatus when he saw the City in so desperate an estate, betook himself to fall to the Parthians, but was apprehended by the way, and yet escaped punishment, being forgotten rather than forgiven.

§. 9. Tiberius perplexed.

Among all the troubles of that City (that hath been ever the troubler of the world) that befell her this year, when she slew the Prince of quietness and peace, it may not be amiss to look a little upon the disquietness of him himself within himself that caused this disquiet to her, and imbrued her so oft in her own blood: And this we may do by the Anatomy that Tacitus hath read upon his entrails, spying the thoughts of his heart, through the words of a letter, that he wrote in behalf of Cotta Messalinus an old favorite of his, the letter bearing the date of this year, as appeareth by the same Tacitus, and the words this tenor, as is attested both by him and Suetonius. Quid scribam vobis P. C. aut quomodo scribam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, Dii me, Deaeque pejus perdant, quem perire quotidie sentio, si scio. What I shall write to you O fathers conscript, or how I shall write, or what I shall not write at all at this time, the gods and goddesses confound me worse than I feel myself to perish daily, if I can tell. Whereupon Suetonius saith, that being weary of himself, he almost confesseth the sum of his miseries: But my other author thus largely. Thus did even his villainies and flagitiousness turn to punishment to himself. Nor was it in vain that the wisest of men was wont to affirm, that if the minds of Tyrants were but opened, tortures and stripes might be spied there: seeing that the mind is butchered with cruelty, lust and evil projects, as the body is with blows. For, not solitariness, not fortune, could protect Tiberius, but that he confesseth the torments of his breast, and his own punishment.

§. 1. The state of the City hitherto.

THE City Rome was built by Romulus in the year of the World 3175. in the fifteenth year of Amaziah King of Judah, and in the first year of Jeroboam the second, the King of Israel. It had stood from the time of its first foundation, to this year in which it put the Lord of life to death, seven hundred fourscore and five years; And had undergone and passed thorough two different and diverse kinds of government, and was now but lately entered upon a third.

The first was under Kings, for 243 years, and the foundation of this government as of the City itself was laid in the blood of Remus, shed by his brother Romulus, who was the founder of the City.

The second was under Consuls, 467 years from the expulsion of Tarquin the last King, to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, which was the year that Augustus began to rule, with Antony and Lepidus. This change of the government, was likewise founded in blood as the former had been, namely of Lucrece, Aruns, and Brutus, and in the extirpation of Tarquins house.

A third manner of government, had the City and Empire now begun upon, and had been under it threescore and two years; namely, a monarchy again, but the name only changed from a King to an Emperor. And the foundation of this change was also laid in blood as the other had been, namely in the death of Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.

The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the City into an opinion that Monarchy was an enemy to Liberty: And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion, that they were sooner put out of their Liberty, than out of belief of that Position. Brutus and Collatinus, who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him, had found out a government likely enough in all human judgment to heal all these mischiefs and miscarriages, that Monarchical Tyranny did bring upon them, when they appointed two supreme Governors instead of one, and their Power and Rule to be but annual instead of, for life. The success was agreeable to the policy, and so happily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers, [and some others mixed as occasion urged], that to offer to reduce it to Monarchy again, was infallibly held to be, to reduce it to slavery; and Julius Caesar found how deeply grounded this opinion was in the heart of a Roman, by the loss of his life: they supposing his affecting the Empire single, aimed at the loss of their Liberties.

Augustus his Nephew and adopted son, though he had before his eyes in Julius his death a clear and convincing Lecture, how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, to affect the monarchy, yet did he dare it; but managing his desires and designs with so much discretion and noislesness, that the government was gotten into his hands alone, and the Empire slipped into a monarchical subjection even before it was aware.

Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose,

Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus, to bring the Roman state into a Monarchy, and himself to be the Monarch; the decrees and determination of Heaven having so ordered, that here should begin a fifth Monarchy after the destruction of the four, Dan. 2. & 7. which should equal all the four in power, pomp and cruelty, and should be the continual persecutor of the Church of the Christians, as they had been of the Church of the Jews: And thus doth the Gospel and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once, and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are born together.

§. 2. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperor: his damnable dissimulation.

Augustus as he had got the sole government into his hands, by a great deal of wisdom, and daring, so did he keep it with the same wisdom, and as much moderation: He sat Emperor for the space of four and forty years, honored and beloved, and died desired and lamented, though he had thus impropriated, as it was conceived, the whole liberty of the Empire into his own hand: Now whether it were the native gentleness and goodness of the Emperor, that kept him in such a sweetness and moderation; or whether it were some policy mingled with it, as knowing it not to be safe to be too busy and rigid so near the change, he so demeaned himself for the benefit of the City, and love of the people, that as he was the first of all the Emperors, so in a manner was he the last that shown such mildness, goodness, and nobleness, either to people or City.

Tiberius succeeded him, his Wives son by nature, and his by adoption; a man as incomparably evil, unworthy, and cruel, as Augustus had been glorious, noble, and human. And if that were true which some supposed and believed, That Augustus had nominated Tiberius for his Successor, that his own worth might be the better set off by the others wickedness; and that he might be the better spoken of, because the other was so odious; this his last action was more to his dishonor than all his former; and howsoever Tiberius might do him honor by his miscarriage, yet did he do himself dishonor in Tiberius.

This wretch, whose Story we are now to follow, was, as his own Tutor used to define him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A lump of clay mingled with blood; and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousness, as it was almost possible for human nature to contain.

This dissimulation he began withal at his very first entrance to the Empire, pretending great unwillingness to take it upon him, and when it was urged on him past denial, then pretending to take two partners with him, as to share in the burden and honor: but when Asinius Gallus took him at his word, and bad him choose his part, he took it so ill, that he dogd him for it to the death. The same dissimulation he took along with him, when he had taken the Empire on him, carrying it with all mildness and moderation, as if he had been a second Augustus, whereas indeed the reason was, because Germanicus was alive, and most dear in the people's affection, and he feared him lest he should have been preferred before him.

Yet did his best demeanour bewray what he was within, for all his skill in dissembling, and at the very best he gave just suspicion that he would prove but evil.

He began his reign with the murder of Agrippa, a man once in as high favor with Augustus as himself. He went on with the murder of a poor man for a piece of wit: For as a corps was carried to its interring, this man came to it and whispered in the dead man's ear: and being asked by the standers by what he meant, he answered, that he desired that dead man when he came into the other world, to tell Augustus that his Legacies to the people were not yet paid. This cost the poor man his life, for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself, and so he slew him, but this got the people their Legacies.

It would be infinite to reckon up the murders, oppressions, and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeen years of his reign, or before this year that we have in hand: The most remarkable were that he raised Sejanus purposely that he might help to ruin Germanicus and Drusus, though they were his own adopted sons, and when that was done by Sejanus he ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him. We shall have mischief enough from him in those years that we are to follow him in, namely from his eighteenth and forward, and therefore let the story hasten thither.

§. 3. The year of Tiberius his reign at our Savior's death.

This year is determined by common consent of Historians to be his eighteenth: and the matter is past all doubt, if it were as certain that Christ was Baptized in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, as it is certain that John began to baptize. For whereas John began to baptize about the vernal Equinox, and Christ was not baptized till the Autumnal, beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth year, and whereas Tiberius began to reign about the 18 day of August, as appeareth by the Roman Historians▪ the fifteenth year of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weeks before Christ was baptized. And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius John came baptizing, Luke 3. 1. yet was it in the sixteenth year of Tiberius (as it seemeth) before Christ came to his baptism: and so should the death of our Savior fall into Tiberius his nineteenth year. But it is not safe to hang the Chronology of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this: therefore according to the universal consent and determination of all Christian writers, we will take the eighteenth year of Tiberius to have been the year of Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperors that we have to go through proportionate or agreeable to this beginning.