Works

Reason of the Order.

THERE were no scruple at all about the series of this story, Mark and Luke have laid it so clear, were it not that Matthew hath brought it in a place so far different from them, that one would think in him, that this cure of the Palsy man was not till Christ's return out of the Country of the Gadarenes, for he relateth it thus. And, he entered into a ship, and passed over and came into his own City. And behold they brought to him a man sick of the Palsy, &c. As if the bringing of the sick of the Palsy were not till that time of his return, and that it was immediately upon it. But 1. the method of the other two Evangelists, who are far more punctual for order than he is, especially Mark, must state and rank the series of his story. For it may be easily observed by any that considerately will view the true progress of history in the three laid together, that Matthew setteth himself to give relation of the stories themselves, but is not so very precise in fixing them to their proper time. But Mark and Luke who wrote after him, have reduced those stories of his into the due order and method of time in which they were acted and came to pass: and so do, as it were, set his clock, and tell the time when his stories did occur. 2. We observed at the last Section, upon these words of Matthew, When he was come down from the mountain, great multitudes followed him, and behold there came a Leper, &c. that the word Behold doth not tie the two verses together in the same time, but that it singularly and only pointeth at that story to which it is prefixed, concerning the Leper, without looking back to the time of the story in the verse before: Such another behold is this, wherewith the same Evangelist beginneth this story in hand: Not that it tieth the bringing of the Palsick man, to the time of Christ's return out of the land of the Gadarenes, of which there is mention in the verse before, but it pointeth to the story, before which it is set, looking forward to that, and not backward, to the story in the verse before at all. 3. Now the reason why Matthew hath laid this story so far off, may readily be observed by looking into his Text in this ninth Chapter: He joineth this story about the Palsick man, and that about Levies or his own calling, and a third about his feast, and a fourth about Jairus coming to Christ, all together: But these were not all of the same time, only the two first were of the same time, and the two latter were also concurrent in time but a great while after. Yet he being minded to dispatch the story of his own call and of his Feast both together, as also the other two Evangelists do, he hath pitched all the stories upon the time of his Feast; His Feast indeed was presently upon Christ's return from among the Gadarenes, and Jairus his coming to him was at the time of that Feast, and so those are laid there in their proper time and order: Now though his Call was a long while before his Feast, yet to dispatch all that story of himself at once, he hath laid his Call also at the same place, and with it hath likewise joined the story of the Palsick man which was immediately before his Call. Why we have parted the story of his Call and his Feast which all the three Evangelists, that speak of them, have laid together, and why we have referred them to several times, we shall give the reason of it in the order of the next following Section.

Harmony and Explanation.

OUR Savior having walked and preached through Galilee for a good space, doth now near Passover time, betake himself to Capernaum to his own home again, that he might provide there for his journey to Jerusalem to the Feast: To Capernaum there had followed him, besides others that fell to him, in his Galilean perambulation, Pharisees, Scribes and Doctors of the Law, for all the three are mentioned by the three Evangelists in the relation of this story, and it will not be amiss, nor much besides our business to look a little distinctly what kind of men the Scribes and Pharisees and Doctors of the Law were, seeing there is so frequent mention of them in the Gospel.

§. 1. The distinction and division of the Jewish Nation.

For the proceeding in which inquiry, it may not be impertinent, in the first place, to look upon the division of the whole Nation of the Jews as it is held out very ordinarily and commonly in their own writers. And that was into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ The Scholars or Disciples of the wise, and The people of the land: or the learned sort of people, and unlearned: or those that were men of breeding, and that were not. Examples of this dichotomy might be produced by hundreds out of the Jewish Authors, I shall only offer these few.

Massecheth derech arets Zuta per. 4. The Scholars of the wise are comely in a society, but the people of the land are not comely in a society.

Juchasin fol. 22. Rabbi Akiba said, when I was of the people of the land, I said, Oh for a Scholar of the wise, how would I kiss him, &c.

Maym. in Talm. Torah. per. 4. Is there a matter of controversy between a Scholar of the wise and one of the People of the land? They adhere to the Scholar.

Idem. The Scholars of the wise might not eat in an Inn, nor in the streets, nor with the people of the land.

Idem. in Tephil. per. 12. A Priest of the people of the land readeth in the Synagogue before a great wise man an Israelite.

Id. in Talm. torah. per. 3. A bastard, if a Scholar of the Wise, is of more value than an High Priest of the People of the land. Where by a Priest and High Priest of the People of the land, he meaneth such as indeed was a true Priest or High Priest, but such a one as was unlearned. For, They called everyone that knew not the doctrine of the Law, The folk of the land, Elias Lev. in Tishb.

§. 2. The division and distinction of the learned of the Nation.

Thus was the first and general division of the Nation into learned and unlearned, men bred up in the study of Law, and men that were not: and to this division doth that speech of the Pharisees themselves refer, Joh. 7. 48, 49. Doth any of the Rulers or of the Pharisees believe in him? But this people which know not the Law, &c. Now the learned of the Nation which were called The wise and The Scholars or Disciples of the wise were parted and even crumbled into many sub-divisions: Scribes, Pharisees, Sadducees, Herodians, mentioned in Scripture, and Esseans, Chasidim, Jechidim, Zelotae, Therapeutae, in Jewish writers.

Now the reason of this their division was in regard of some of them holding to, and others of them warping from, the National and State Religion, some more, some less, someone way, some another. For if their own Authors did not tell, reason itself and common sense would do it, that that Nation, which only of all others, had Religion among them, had some common and set Rule for their Religion, by which they were to go and to be guided in the practice of it. The Rule was Moses and the Prophets: the setting of this rule for practice, that is, giving it its fixed and determinate sense for that purpose, was by the Sanhedrin or great Council: and according as any one kept exactly to the rule so determined, or swerved from it by excess, or defect, he came under one or other of these titles and recognisances.

§. 3. The National and State Religion of the Jews in the times of Christ.

Their Religion in these times, howsoever they pretended to the Scriptures for their rule, yet lay in a manner all in traditions, which they not only valued above the Scriptures, but by them they made the Scriptures of none effect at all. Mark 7. 7, 8, 9. They held That the Lord made his Covenant with them according to the Traditional Law. Baal Turim, on Gen. 1. 3. They held The written Law scant and narrow in comparison of the Traditional. Tanc. fol. 4. And that the written Law might be taught for hire, but the Traditional might not. Maym. in Talm. torah per. 1.

Now their Traditions were twofold, either those that they called and accounted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an unwritten Law given to Moses at Sinai and handed by Tradition from generation to generation: or the practical Glosses and Canons which were made upon that unwritten and traditional Law, in the several generations as they passed: Both these were called The Traditions of the Fathers and of the Elders, Matth. 15. 2. Gal. 1. 14. 1 Pet. 1. 18.

The deliverers of the Cabbalah, or unwritten Law (which they say came successively from Moses ) they will name you, as directly from generation to generation, as the Papists will name you Popes successively from Peter. Moses, say they, received this Traditional Law from Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua, Joshua to the Elders, the Elders to the Prophets, and the Prophets to Ezras great Synagogue: Talm. in Avoth. per. 1. The particular hands through which it passed thither we observed at Matth. 3. v. 7.

After the return of the Captivity they derive its pedigree thus, Simeon the Just received it from Ezra; Antigonus of Soco from Simeon; Joses the son of Joezer of Zeredah, and Joseph the son of Johanan of Jerusalem received it from Antigonus; Joshua the son of Perakiah, and Nittai the Arbelite received it from them; Judah the son of Tabbai, and Simeon the son of Shetah received it from Joshua and Nittai; Shemaiah and Abtalion received it from Judah and Simeon; Hillel and Shammai from them; Rabban Simeon the son of Hillel, and Rabban Jochanon ben Zaccai received it from Hillel and Shammai; Rabban Gamaliel, called the old (Paul's master) received it from Rabban Simeon his father; Rabban Simeon the son of Gamaliel received it from Gamaliel, he was slain at the destruction of the Temple; After him was his son Rabban Gamaliel of Jabneh who received it from his father; and after him was Rabban Jochanan ben Zaccai who had received it from Hillel and Shammai, &c. Avoth. ubi supr. Maym. in praef. ad Madda. & Juchasin fol. 13, 14. &c.

Thus is the Tradition concerning the descent and conveyance of the traditional Law; of which persons and of which Law these two things are to be taken notice of: 1. That all those that are named single in this succession, were the Heads or Presidents of the Sanhedrin, and where they are named double or ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) pairs, the first named of the two was Nasi, or President, and the second named was Ab beth din, or Vice-president. 2. That this Cabbalah or traditional Law whose conveyance they thus pretended from Moses, might not be disputed, as concerning the truth or certainty of it, though it received in every generation, some illustration and practical Gloss for the laying out of its latitude and extent.

They that fixed these positive practical senses upon it, were the Elders of the great Sanhedrin, concluding thereupon in the Council, and commenting this traditional Law into particular Laws and Ordinances as rules to the nation whereby to walk: and the Sanhedrin of every generation was adding something in this kind or other. And so they h • ld That the great Sanhedrin at Jerusalem was the foundation of the traditional Law, and pillars of instruction, and from them decrees and judgments went out unto all Israel: And whosoever believed Moses, and his Law, was bound to rest and lean upon them for the matters of the Law. Maym. in Mamrim. per. 1.

Now the way or manner of their legislative determining upon this unwritten Law was thus.

1. The general rule by which they went to work, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To make a hedge to the Law, that men should not break in upon it to transgress it. And this was a special ground and rise, and a specious color for all their traditions: for they pretending to make constitutions to fence the Law from violation, and to raise the observance of it the higher, they brought in inventions and fancies of their own brains for Laws, and so made the Law indeed nothing worth. Take a pattern of one or two of their hedges that they made to this purpose: The written Law forbad, Thou shalt not seeth a kid in her mothers milk. Now to make sure, as they pretended, that this should not be broken in upon, they fenced it with this tradition, Thou shalt not seeth any flesh whatsoever in any milk whatsoever. All things that were appointed to be eaten the same day, the command taught till the dawning of the next morning: If so, why do the wise men say but till midnight: namely to keep men far enough from trangressing, Beracoth. per. 1.

And such another hedge they made to the times, in that story that is mentioned by Tanchumah fol. 37. A man in the time of the persecution in the days of the Greeks, rode upon a horse on the Sabbath day, and they brought him before the Sanhedrin and they stoned him: not because it was fit to do so, but because of the times it was necessary to do so.

2. This then being the ground upon which they went to work (with an aim to this hedge, as they pretended in all their constitutions) they hammered their Cabbalah, or unwritten Law into these three parts or forms 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Constitutions, Decrees, and Customs, or practices: vid. Maym. in Mamrim per. 1, & 2. I shall not be curious to give the exquisite difference of these three in this place, they were (in a few words) Laws which they hewed out of their Cabbalah, enjoining some things to be done, or forbidding others, or prescribing the manner of doing. We shall take up one example or two to this purpose. It is a command to pray every day, as it said, Ye shall serve the Lord your God: They learned by Tradition that this service is prayer, because it is said, Ye shall serve him with all your heart. The wise men say, What service is that that is with the heart? It is prayer: Now there is no number of prayers appointed by the Law, nor no fixed time for prayer appointed by the Law, nor no obligation to this prayer set down in the Law, that is, no mention of persons tied to it. Maym. in Tephillah per. 1.

Therefore the Sanhedrin in several generations, made Canons and constitutions to decide and determine upon all these particulars, as their own reason and emergencies did lead them and give occasion: As in one generation they prescribed such and such times for morning and evening prayer: In process of time, they found these times allotted to be too strait, therefore the Sanhedrin of another generation did give enlargement as they thought good. And so concerning the number of prayers to be said daily, one Sanhedrin appointed so many, but time and experience found afterwards that these did not answer such or such an occasion, as it seems was not observed when they were appointed, therefore the Sanhedrin of another generation thought good to add more and more still as occasions unobserved before, did emerge, and so the number of their daily prayers grew at last to be eighteen, And in the days of Rabban Gamaliel (saith my Author last cited) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Heretics increased in Israel (he meaneth those that from Judaism turned to Christianity) and they vexed Israel and persuaded them to turn from their Religion. He seeing this to be a matter of more import than anything else, stood up, he and his Sanhedrin, and appointed another prayer, in which there was a Petition to God to destroy those Heretics: and this he set among the prayers and ordained it to be in every ones month: and so all the daily prayers were ninteen. ibid. per. 2.

Sect. IV. The Scribes and Doctors.

Thus was the State Religion of the Jews, and thus stated and settled. The groundwork was pretended traditions from Moses expounding the written Law, delivered from hand to hand in the Sanhedrins of several congregations: the superstructure was legislative and practical senses made hereupon, and determined for the use of the people by the Sanhedrin: Now they that had to deal in these determinations, were called The Scribes, and those were divided into four ranks.

• 1. The Nasi and Ab death din, that is, President and Vice-president, who were the special Treasurers of the Cabbalah, which they pretended did descend from Moses.
• 2. The whole Sanhedrin itself, which made their Canons and constitutions out of this Cabbalah, and did impose them upon the people.
• 3. Those men of the Sanhedrin or others that kept Divinity Schools, and read public Lectures in explication of these traditions, as Hillel, Shammai Gamaliel, Tyrannus, or Turnus, Acts 22. 3. & 19. 9. &c.
• And 4. Those that expounded these Laws, as the public preachers in their Synagogues.

According to which several acceptations the word Scribe is to be construed in the New Testament, suitable to the scope of the place, and to the occasion whereupon the word is used. As 1. in that division of the Sanhedrin into chief Priests and Scribes and Elders, Mat. 26. 3. the Scribes are here peculiarly to be understood, either for the President and Vice-president, the Receivers and deliverers of the Cabbalah, or for those that kept Divinity Schools: for properly all the members of the Sanhedrin were Elders, and all of them were Scribes: and yet this distinction is used to difference these Scribes in the sense mentioned from the rest of the company, and the Elders of the people from the Elders of the Priesthood. 2. In that passage, The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses chair, Mat. 23. 2. the word Scribes meaneth the whole Sanhedrin who sat in the chair of Judicature. And in this sense is the word taken in that common and ordinary phrase which the Hebrew Authors infinitely use, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The words of the Scribes. 3. In such passages as these, The Scribes say Elias must first come: and He taught as one having authority, and not as the Scribes: and, A Scribe taught to the Kingdom of Heaven bringeth out of his Treasure things new and old, &c. the word is more properly to be understood for their public teachers.

And so it is to be construed in this passage that we have in hand, Mark 2. 6. There were certain of the Scribes sitting there; which Luke expoundeth Doctors of the Law, out of every Town of Galilee, &c. For Scribes and Doctors were terms convertible, as Luke 5. 17. with verse. 21. and so were Scribes and Lawyers, Matth. 22. 35. with Mark 12. 28.

Sect. V. Of the Sects warping from this State Religion.

We shall not trouble the Reader with canvassing the question about all the Sects of the Jews which are or might be mentioned, we shall only look upon those that are of so frequent mention in Scripture, the Pharisees and Sadducees, especially the Pharisees which are named in the Text that we have in hand: Now that these, and the Esseans who commonly by human Authors are named with them, were but Schisms or Sectaries from the state and national Religion, may appear (to omit more) by these two particulars. 1. Because by Josephus they are commonly so called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 9. & cap. 18. De Bell. lib. 2. cap. 12. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 2. where he also calls them Philosophiae; which very title used by him and other Authors, doth evidently argue, that none of these was the general and set Religion of the Nation, but an excrescency, out of it, and a singularity from it: as Luke 18. 9. And reason itself might tell so much, because there was a long time when neither Pharisaism nor Sadducism, nor Esseanism were in being, and yet the Nation had National Religion in that time▪ and when these came up, they all differed from it, and one from another. 2. A passage of Josephus in the story of his own life, is remarkable to this purpose. I grew, saith he, to a great measure of learning, being reputed to excel in memory and knowledge. And being a youth but of fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for a scholar: and the chief Priests and the chief men of the City would come unto me to be informed of the Law. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Being of sixteen years of age, I thought to make trial of the Sects that were among us: Now they are three, the first of the Pharisees, the second of the Sadducees, and the third of the Esseans: For I thought I should choose the best if I were versed in them all. And so enduring much hardship, and with great pains I went through all three: And not thinking this enough but understanding that there was one Banus a Hermit, who used no clothes but what were made of Trees, and that ate nothing but what grew of itself, and that for chastiy sake washed himself often day and night in cold water, I was very zealous to become an inn • ator of him, and I spent three years with him.

By which words it is apparent that there was a Religion in which Josephus was brought up the most of his youth, distinct and different from any of these Sects Religion: and that he was a Student and learned in studies different from their learning and studies: till such a time as Curiosity put him to dive into their doctrines and practices, which took upon them to be the very Apex and perfection of Religion and Learning.

Sect. VI. Of the Sadducees.

Sadock and Baithus two Scholars of Antigonus of Socho were the first Schismatics and Heretics against this state Religion, of which we have spoken: They denied the resurrection, which to deny was heresy indeed; and they or their Scholars denied the whole Traditional Law, which the Jews did take for a worse Heresy than the other: Antigonus their Master had used an obscure expression in his doctrine, exhorting his Scholars to embrace the Law not looking for a reward, meaning that they should embrace it for the love of itself. But these unlucky Scholars misconstrued his doctrine even to the denying that there was any reward in the World to come at all: and thereupon they denied the Resurrection, and so did the Sadducees after them, who took their denomination from this Sadock the first Author of their Sect. Avoth. R. Nath. per. 5. Juchasin. fol. 15. Elias Lev. in Tishbi; See Matth. 22. 22. Acts 23. 8.

Hereupon that and the succeeding generations were put to it, to take up words and arguments whereby to face and confute this Heresy: And so came the Phrases The world to come, Gehennah, Paradise, Abraham's bosom, The second death, &c. into use and request, that the very expressions might assert the Resurrection, and cry down the wicked opinion of Sadock, Baithus, and their followers who denied it. And among other fortifications that were made against this Heresy, that argument of Gebikah ben Pasisa, or ben Kosem is deservedly renowned, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That which was not, came into being, and shall not that much more that hath been already? Juchas. fol. 13. meaning, that God who had made the body of man when it had never been in being, can much more raise up that body that hath been in being before.

This was the only Heresy of Sadock and his followers at the first, and they disturbed the settled religion with no other, (only he and his fellow Baithus went away to the Temple at Gerizim, and became Samaritans) but he afterward and the Sadducees which came after him, and took their name from him, held another opinion, which by the Jews was taken for as bad or a worse Heresy than this (though in itself indeed it deserved no such brand) and that was, They denied the Traditional Law, and would own no Law but the written Law of Moses: and hereupon they were also called Karaites or Scripturists, because they were all for the written Text, and would not endure any Traditions: and so they struck at the very root of the then religion, which was built upon Traditions in a manner only.

Hear how Rambam complains against them, From that arose saith he, the cursed Sect of Heretics which were called Karaites: but they are called also by the wise men Sadducees and Baithusaeans: they began to oppose the Cabbalah, or traditions, and to expound the Text as themselves thought good, without hearkening to any of the wise men at all. In Avoth. per. 1. And Elias Levita thus. Antigonus of Socoh had two Scholars Sadoc and Baithus, which grew exceeding wicked and denied the Traditional Law, and believed only what was written in the written Law, therefore they called them Karaites.

The Sadducees were addicted to a Ceremonious Religion as well as the Pharisees, though in all things they went not so far, and in the same things they went not always alike. They used Phylacteries as well as the Pharisees, but they wore them not after the very same fashion. Megil. fol. 24. Nay sometimes some of the Priests administered the service at the Temple, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after the way of the Sadducees, different from the Ordinary way, but such (as the Jerusalem Talmud relateth) died strange deaths. And the matters wherein they followed the way of the Sadducees were all about Ceremony.

But they would own • one of the Ceremonies they used, as derived from Tradition, but, (as they pretended) deduced in all points from Moses his Text: For they would acknowledge nothing but what was written, though oftentimes they did not so much find it to be written so, as they made it so by their construction: and joined in many things with the Traditional Ceremonies, but scorned to receive them from Tradition, but would make shift to find ground for them in the Text: even as many amongst us at this day, hold Arminian, Socinian, or Popish Tenets, yet scorn to fetch them or to acknowledge them fetched from Arminius, Socinus, or Rome, but will seem to fetch them out of the very Text of Scripture.

Let me conclude this matter with some words of Josephus to show how they despised and rejected traditions, and with a passage in Maimonides, that showeth how they would have nothing but what was to be seen in the Text of Scripture. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. The Pharisees (saith Josephus) delivered many things unto the people as appertaining to the Law, by Traditions from the Fathers, which are not written in the Law of Moses. And therefore the Sect of the Sadducees cast them off, saying that these things are to be accounted for Laws, which are written, but that these things that come by Tradition from the Fathers ought not to be kept. And about these matters were often great disputes and differences betwixt them. Antiq. lib, 13. cap. 18.

And, It is unlawful (saith Maimonides) for a man to teach when he is drunk: but if he teach a thing that is so plain in the Law, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that even the Sadducees will acknowledge it, then is it lawful: as that a creeping thing is unclean, a frog clean, blood forbidden, &c. In biath. hammikdash. per. 1.

Sect. V. Of the Pharisees.

As the Sadducees on the one hand made nothing of Traditions at all, so the Pharisees on the other hand did make exceedingly too much, not only beyond the Sadducees, but also the rest of the Nation that walked in the high way of the State-Religion, separating and singling themselves in a more strict course of Ceremonious devotion, from other people. The Jews do write their name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Parush & Parushim with u in the second Syllable. But the Greek of the New Testament, and Josephus, as also the Syriac and Arabic do read it with i 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pharish: Suitable to the Chaldee and Syriac language which was then spoken. The word Parash is used but once in Scripture for separation, as ii is observed by Elias Levita, whose words are these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Parash, saith he, betokeneth division and separation, and it is found in Scripture but only once. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ezek. 34. 12. (His scattered or parted sheep 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Septuagint rendered by the Latin, oves seperatae) yet our Rabins of happy memory have used it exceeding much. And from hence is the Noun Parush and Parushim, that is Pharisee and Pharisees, and they were men separate from the ways of the world, as were the Nazarites. Baal Aruch yet clearet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Pharisee (saith he) is he that separateth himself from all uncleanness and from all unclean meats, and from the common people that understand not the exact orders for meats, &c. According to this sense of separation Juchasin calleth Merlins mother a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Pharisee, that is a Nun or recluse. His story of him and her is briefly thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the days of Pope Leo was the great wise man Merlin in England: And they say he was the son of a Spirit: Now his mother was a Kings daughter, A Nun: And he made many books, fol. 144. col. 1.

And divers other passages in the Jewish writers might he produced, by which they show the general acceptation of the word Pharisee, namely, that it signified and imported separation: and that the Pharisees were Separatists from others of the Nation.

Now about the separation of the Pharisees from other persons, two things are to be examined. 1. In what their separation did consist. And 2. from what persons it was that they did separate.

As to the first; their Separation from others was not about the public Ordinances or refraining the public Assemblies as the Separatists of our times do, but it considered in some other thing, In Mat. 12. 9, 13. Luke 6. 6, 7. there were Pharisees in the Synagogue at the public Worship, &c.

And Separation from the public Assemblies was against their own position. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The prayer of the Congregation (saith their Tradition) is always heard: Yea though sinners be among them, yet the Holy blessed God refuseth not the prayer of the Assembly: Therefore it is necessary that a man join himself with the Congregation, and pray not alone at any time when he may pray with the Congregation: And let a man ever go to Morning and Evening prayer in the Synagogue: for his prayer is not always constantly heard but in the Synagogue: And everyone that hath a Synagogue in his City, and prayeth not in it with the Congregation he is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an evil neighbor. Maymon. in Tephillah. per. 8.

Nor did their Separation consist in refraining the company and converse of others, for they sat in the Sanhedrin with Sadducees, Acts 23. 6. Mark 3. 6. see also Mat. 16. 1. they to other men's houses. Mark 16. 16. &c.

Conversed with any sorts of men to make them Proselytes, Mat. 23. 15. conferred ordinarily with Christ and his Disciples, Mat. 15. 1. & 12. 1, 2, &c. And indeed it will be a hard thing to find in the Jews antiquities, mention of Separation of any of the Nation, from the converse of others: unless it were from a person Anathemated, which falleth not under the consideration that we have in hand.

To eat indeed with the common sort of people they made it sky, as Mark 2. 16. for none of the Scholars of the Wise would cat with the people of the Land, (as was observed before) no more would any of the people of the land with a Heathen, Act. 11. 3. (therefore that profane person of the Church of Corinth must be used as a Heathen or Publican, Mat. 18. 17. they must not eat with him. 1 Cor. 5. 11.) but to talk, walk, sit, buy, sell, and to use other common converse with men of the Nation, it was neither against the Tener •• nor practice of the Pharisees, nor any other Sects of the Nation, unless it were the Ess • a • s growing Theraputae, or the Colleges of Hermits in Egypt.

2. The separation of Pharisees therefore did not consist (which is the second thing to be looked after) so much in their withdrawing from the society of men, as it did in a singularity of holiness and devotion, which they pretended and took upon them to have above, beyond, and distinct from other men: walking beyond and above the rule of the State Religion, and common devotion of the Nation, and seeming something above Ela in the scale of holiness to the eyes of others, whereas he whose eyes walk through the Earth, saw them to be but painted Sepulchers full of rottenness and corruption, Mat. 23. 27.

Their transendency of holiness which they took upon them, they desired should appear especially in these two particulars. 1. In extreme Ceremoniousness beyond other men, as in frequent washings, large Phylacteries, Touch not, taste not, handle not, &c. And 2. In extraordinary pretended devotions, as long and frequent prayers, much show of fastings, &c. that they might be seen of men.

We will not antedate the consideration of these particulars, by insisting on them here, but reserve them to be looked after as they come to hand in our future progress: only here let us take the pattern and Character of the Pharisees, as the Talmud itself, and the Jews own Authors do picture them, which for the present may serve for some explanation of those particulars, wherein the Gospels do point at their pretended and hypocritical superlative holiness. The Talmud nameth seven kind of Pharisees. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Schechemite Pharisee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that doth like the Shechemites, who circumcised themselves, not for the commandment sake, but for advantage: 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The dashing or stumbling Pharisee, for so we may interpret it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that avoids thrusting upon men in the way: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And dashes his feet against the stones: he went so demure a grave pace that he would not lift up his feet from the ground, but dashed and stumbled against every stone that lay in his way. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Phlebotomizing Pharisee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He as he went would thrust up to the wall, lest he trouble the passengers that went and came, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so hard that he would dash his face against the wall and draw blood: 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Pestil Pharisee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that wrapped his coat about his hand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And kept off himself from touching of any men, lest he should be defiled: using his hand mu • led in his clothes, as it were a pestil to drive off men from him. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Supererogation Pharisee, that said what is my duty and I will do it and to spare, show me my transgression and I will amend it, as meaning, that there is no man that can show wherein ever I transgressed. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Another dashing Pharisee, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that went bending double, in show of humility: and winked as he went and dashed his feet against stones: but his heart was naught: He drew blood by dashing against walls: seeming to be very humble, and for the abundance of his humility, he would not look about him as he went, but dashed his arms or shoulders against walls, and drew blood: and all this not in the fear of God but to deceive men. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Pharisee of love: that became a Pharisee for the love of men or for the love of God. Vid. Talm. in Sotah per. 3. in Gemara & Aruch R. Nathan in voice, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where he also mentioneth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joanna a woman Pharisee: of whom he giveth this story in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joanna the Daughter of Retibi by witchcraft hindered women's childbearing, and put them to extreme pain in childbirth: Now she pretended to be a very holy woman, and they used to come to her and to beg her Prayers in behalf of such or such a woman, that she might be delivered: and then she would loose the charm, and the woman was soon brought to bed: At last she was discovered to be a Witch, and then they • lew her. He calleth her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Pharisee because of her pretended holiness.

Thus was the Pharisees Separation or distinction from other men: not in regard of refraining of the society of men, either in public or private, either in Synagogue or street, but in taking on him and seeming to be more incomparably holy, and most distinctively transcendent above all other: Luke 18. 10. They despised the Sadducees as Heretics; and the strictness of the Esseans as far short of their Ceremoniousness (though I believe they were the far honester and more sincerely religious men) and the rest of the learned of the Nation that were not of these Sects were nothing in their eyes, because not of their way and practice: But as for the common people, it is above expression how scornfully they looked upon them. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Pharisee that had an Issue might not eat with one of the common people that had an issue, though they were both under the same uncleanness: Sabbath per. 1. in Gemara. Nay they had a scornful Maxim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That the garments of the common people were to them as the shoes of him that had an issue: Hagigah. per. 2. for having touched their garments, they washed themselves before they ate, is having been defiled by them with an high uncleanness. Aruch in voice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And that speech of theirs mentioned before may top up all, John 7. 49. This people that know not the Law is cursed

Thus were the Pharisees separated and severed in their own conceit and practice, and would appear so in the eyes of others, from all other men of the Nation, as in an higher form, and pitch of holiness and devotion: looking down upon all sorts of men as below them in piety and Religion, and though not separating from their society, yet not equalling them within their thoughts, but despising them: conversing ordinarily with the common people, but washing after coming near them, as having received defiling from them.

This great pretence and show of holiness they politically used to bring them into the esteem and repute of men and in favor with the people: which end they accordingly attained unto so far, that they got all the applause and indeed all the power into their own hands. The Pharisees have so great power with the multitude (saith Josephus) that if they speak anything against the King, or against the High Priest they are presently believed. Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 18. And a little after. The Sadducees did only win upon the rich, but had not the common people on their side. But the Pharisees had the multitude for them: They had small reason, considering how they scorned them, and domineered over them. And there he relates how they stirred up the people's hate against Hyrcanus the King, and in chap. 23. how they did the like against King Alexander. And therefore when he was upon his death bed, he adviseth Alexandra the Queen to keep in with the Pharisees: For that they were very powerful with the people, and could hurt those they hated and help their friends. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For that they are mightily believed by the people, especially if they speak evil of any man whom they hate. And I myself saith the King came into disfavour by their means because I gave them offense: And to trouble the Reader but with one Character more of them: the same Josephus Ant. lib. 17. c. 3. gives them this badge: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Pharisees are exceeding strong to oppose Kings: they are subtle and very forward to make open war, and to do mischief.

Now although the word Scribes and Pharisees are made terms convertible in this portion of Scripture that we are upon (for whereas Luke calls them Pharisees and Doctors of the Law, verse. 17. and Scribes and Pharisees, verse. 21. the other two Evangelists have only called them Scribes ) and the like convertibleness is used in other places, yet was there a distinction to be made betwixt a Scribe and a Pharisee. To this purpose is that passage observable in Acts 23. 6, 7, 9. where the Sanhedrin is described to consist of Pharisees, Sadducees, and Scribes which were on the Pharisees part: that is, Scribes that were of the Pharisees mind and part in matter of opinion, but were not Pharisees in demeanour in matter of so precise conversation (unless the word Scribes there do mean the President and Vice-president of the Council.) For it was very possible, nay easy for a man, to be a Scribe, that is, either a member of the Sanhedrin, or a public Teacher, and yet neither a Sadduce in opinion, nor a Pharisee in practice. The Sadducees of the Sanhedrin may be called Scribes, because they were of the Law-makers to the Nation as well as the Pharisees, but the Pharisees more properly might be called so, because they were so zealous of Traditions and of the decrees of the Scribes that had still gone before them: but every Scribe that held with the Pharisees in that point, went not with them in the strictness of their Ceremonious demeanour: so that every Scribe was not a Pharisee, and every Pherisee not a Scribe. For the title Scribe did denote a function, but the title Pharisee did denote devotion: Now these that the Evangelists speak of in the place that we have in hand, were both Pharisees and Scribes, that is, not only the public Teachers in their Schools and Synagogues, of those Traditions upon which the State-Religion was settled, and according to which the body of the Nation walked, but such as took upon them a preciseness and devotion above the common rate and practice of those that walked in the State-Religion. The concourse of these Doctors was occasioned partly by Christ's peregrination throughout their Synagogues of Galilee, where they were eye and ear witnesses of his works and words, and partly by that fame that was now spread of him through all the Countries thereabout, as Mat. 4. 25. And Christ in this great concourse of such learned, prying and captious men, doth mightily and abundantly show forth his power of healing which Luke hath uttered, The power of God was present to heal them, that by such demonstrations he might convince them that he was the Messias.

It seemeth by some passages of Scripture, that as their houses were flat roofed, so that they had grates on the top of the roof, through which they received light and air when they pleased, and when they would they covered those grates with a covering to keep out cold and foul weather; So it is said of Noah that he removed the covering of the Ark and looked, Gen. 8. 13. though it had a window in the side of it to have looked out, Vers. 8. And of Ahaziah, that he fell through a lattice, 2 King. 1. 2. which may be understood of this grate, as he was walking over it. Now whether the Evangelists mean that these men, took up this cover, grate, and all, and let down the bed, or rather as their expression seem to carry it, that they broke the solid and whole roof, we shall not insist to make inquiry after it, only we cannot but observe how like this bed and man in it comes down from the top of the house to the coming down of Peters sheet from Heaven, Acts 10. let down by the four corners.

What Matthew and Mark utter, Son, Luke expresseth Man, Luke 5. 20. and the terms may be understood convertibly according to the idiom of the Language used both among the Hebrews and the Chaldees: or if the word son be construed in its closer strictness, it may be taken as an expression used by Elders to younger persons, or by superiors to inferiors, as Joh. 7. 19. 1 Sam. 4. 16. Luke 16. 25. But I should expound it in a closer strictness still, as spoken by Christ in much tenderness and cherishing to that singular faith of this man that he observed in him. It is said indeed by all the Evangelists, that Jesus saw their Faith, as applying it to the four men that brought the palsick man thither, but it cannot be so much as surmised but that the diseased man had faith as well and as vigorous as they. And indeed a greater faith had not been shown by any that had dealt with Christ in all the story hitherto, than was shown in this action, of bringing this man before him in such a manner, and thereupon it is the less to be wondered at, if Christ do in most melting and tender expression call him son, and pronounce healing of the Soul to him that came for healing of his body.

It is not to be doubted, but that upon these words of Christ the man had received healing though he had said no more to him: since none that came to him in faith went away not sped. Yet herein lieth some scruple and question, how the forgiveness of his sins could have influence into the healing of his disease. Since that is the cure of the soul and not of the body, and since justified persons are as incident to diseasdness and to death; as those that are not justified: There is a passage in the Prophet Isaiah, something agreeable to this matter in hand, and that is in Chap, 33. 24. The Inhabitant shall not say I am sick, the people that dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity. Now in such passages as these there seemeth reference to be had to those curses threatened for violation of the Law in Deut. 28. amongst which there are sad diseases of body and mind mentioned and denounced verse. 21, 22, 27, 28, 35, 59, 60, 61. And from that ground seemeth to have risen their giving up men that were palpable offenders to a Cherem or a curse, and the giving up of men to Satan: For as for incorrigible offenders, that would not be reclaimed by correction, and for whom there was no express and positive Law to put them to death, what was there to be done with them? But to devote them solemnly and to leave them to those curses that God denounced against such violaters of his commandments: which Judicial process founded upon the warrant, and belief of his word, it pleased the Lord very often to follow with answerable effect: and such a person became a curse among his people, as Numb. 5. 27. And this I suppose to be the giving up to Satan mentioned in the Scripture as devoting such a wretch, out of the care and protection of God, to the power and disposal of the Devil: And this that common and proverbial speech among the Jews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pack to Satan, which is to be found in their Talmudical writers seemeth to have respect and reference unto: And accordingly divers diseases in the Gospel are ascribed to the inflicting of Satan, as Luke 13. 16. & 11. 14. &c. And the giving up of the person to Satan, 1 Cor. 5. must be for the destruction of the flesh, verse. 5.

It was indeed a truth that the Scribes aimed at, when they said this man blasphemeth, namely that none can forgive sins but God only, but their ignorance concerning the person about whom they spake, did cause themselves to blaspheme, when they said he blasphemed. In this answer of Christ to them, whether it is easier to say, &c. 1. He meaneth not whether is it easier to pronounce those words, but whether is it easier to effectuate those words, that is, to do those things that the words do mean, namely to forgive sins, or to heal a palsy? 2. He meaneth that it had been an easier thing to have said, Rise, take up thy bed and walk, and so to have recovered the man of his malady, as a Prophet or one endued with the gift of miracles might have done. But 3. that he said Thy sins are forgiven thee, purposely that they might take notice not only by his uttering of the words, but also by the effect that was to follow them, that he had power to forgive sins: As he had mightily revealed his power in the two cures that he had wrought in the stories before, in casting out a Devil and healing a Leper; so doth he here show this power a greater power than either of those; and it may be conceived, That he purposely useth those word, Thy sins are forgiven thee, for the man's healing, rather than Rise, take up thy bed, not only because he would show his own power to forgive sins, but because he would glorify the doctrine of forgiveness of sins before these Pharisees, who stood altogether upon legal righteousness: And so at once would show the great work of the Messias to save his people from their sins, as Matt. 1. 18. and the great tenor of the Gospel, faith and remission of sins, He saw their Faith, and said, Thy sins are forgiven.

Matthew is now writing his own story, and he is not ashamed to speak the worst of himself, that the grace of God might be the more magnified in him, and to tell you that he was of the worst sort of men, namely, a Publican, as he speaks it out, Chap. 10. 3. He was also called Levi, for so Mark and Luke do style him, and whether he carried these names, one before his calling and the other after, it is but needless to inquire, since double-namedness among the Jews was so familiar. He was the Son of Alpheus or Cleopas and so Christ's kinsman; and thus that one man hath four sons that were Apostles, namely, James called the less, and Judas (called also Lebbeus and Thadeus ) and Simon called the Canaanite, and Levi called also Matthew.

Matthew it seemeth was a Publican at Capernaum Custom-house, on the Sea side (for so it appeareth by the relation of Mark ) to gather tribute or Custom of Passengers over the water, and of those whose employment lay in that Sea of Galilee. And here I cannot but mention a Gloss of Rabbi Solomon on Judge. 5. 10, 11. You (saith he) that walk afoot by the way, speak and mention this deliverance which you have from the noise of those that shot at you from Ambushes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thieves and Publicans that lay in wait by stocks to surprise those that came over the waters: And the Chaldee Paraphrast at the same place, speaketh of the Publicans sitting besides the waters. And to this purpose also, may be produced that Tradition in the Treatise Sabbath per. 8. To carry out ink on the Sabbath to write with it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one of the Publicans Tickets, and to carry out one of the Publicans Tickets was unlawful. The Gemarists there explain what these Publicans Tickets were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 How big (say they) was one of these Publicans Tickets? It was two great Letters written in Paper, or on something else, &c. And the intent of these Tickets were, that he that had paid his whole toll, or Custom on this side the water, showing it when he came on the other side of the water, he was freed from paying anymore.

Now Publicans were of two sorts, either those that voluntarily set themselves to a money-changing and money-breaking trade, and in that trade, by cheating and oppression raised profit; and such Baal Aruch meaneth, when he speaketh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Publican that sets up of himself, or such as were set up by the Romans to gather their Tribute of the Jews, (as saith Haggaon) and they favored some in partiality, and on others they laid load, and exacted more than right, and proved but thieves. Aruch in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And whether voluntary or authorized Publicans, they are both branded as wicked and unconscionable wretches, not only by the Scripture, but also by the Jews own writers: and as in Scripture they are commonly mentioned in conjunction with sinners or harlots; so are they also linked in their writings with the vilest persons: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vows made to murderers, thieves, and Publicans may be broken, Talm. in Nedarim per. 3. halac. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 These persons are profane or unlawful, Shepherds, alms-gatherers and Publicans, Sanhedr. per. 1. fol. 24. And in Baba kamah fol. 94. The repentance of shepherds, alms-gatherers and Publicans is very hard, &c. Of such a rank and profession was Matthew before his calling, and yet (so great is the power of Christ in his spirit and grace) he becomes not only an Apostle but a Penman of the Gospel: and (as it is not improbably held) the first that set Pen to paper in that kind, of all the four. Matthaeus in Judea Evangelium primus scribit. Euseb. in Chr. ad Annum Domini. 41.

Reason of the Order.

FOR the clearing of the Order of this Section (the currency and continuance of the story being the hardest here, to make out of any place in all the Gospels) we must seriously weigh, and if we can give an answer to these two questions.

Quest. 1. Whereas the next Section before, concludeth with the calling of Levi, unto which story the Evangelists and the progress of the history have fairly led us, and whereas all the Evangelists that have spoken of Levies call, have also spoken of a Feast that he made for Christ, in the very next verse, as if it had been on the very next day of his calling, if not on the same; upon what ground or reason can we part his call and his feast as we have done, which all the Texts have laid so close together, Matth. 9. 9, 10. Mark 2. 14, 15. Luke 5. 27, 28, 29.

Ans. As the Reader may find the time of Levies calling, to be as it is laid in the preceding Section, by the undeniable continuance of the story thither: so will he find by one passage afterward, that the time of his calling was not the time of his Feast, but his Feast was a good while after his Call: and that passage is this. In Matth. 9. 18. it is related that Jairus came to Christ to beg the healing of his daughter, whilst Christ was speaking concerning the children of the Bride-chamber not fasting, and of New wine to be put into new bottles: which speech as Luke doth inform us was made at Levies Feast, Luke 5. 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34. &c. Now the coming of Jairus to entreat for his daughter, will be found by any that will study the progress of the story, a long space after that time, which the undeniable continuance of the story hath given for Levies Call in the Section preceding. And at the same distance must we lay Levies Feast.

Quest. 2. But since the story of Levies calling and of his feasting must be parted, what reason is there, to lay this fifth Chapter of John, next to the story of his calling above any other part or story in the Evangelists?

Answ. The clearing of the reason of this, and the confirmation of the proper order of this Chapter here, will be made out by observation of these particulars.

1. That the Feast that is spoken of in the beginning of the Chapter, was the Feast of the Passover: which indeed is contradicted by some, as Cyril and Chrysostom, &c. and held to be the Feast of Pentecost (it may be they thought so because a Passover was the Feast last mentioned before Chap. 2. 23. and a Passover is so soon mentioned after, Chap. 6. 4.) but may be confirmed by these arguments. 1. Whereas this Evangelist John of all the rest, only undertaketh to give account of the time of Christ's public Ministry, reckoning it by Passovers: if the Feast spoken of in this Chapter were not a Passover, the Ministry of Christ will prove to have been but two years and an half, from his Baptism to his death, which the Prophet Daniel did foretell, and preceding Types did fore-signify should be three years and an half, as hath been cleared heretofore. 2. When Christ was in the field of Samaria, it was then but four months to Harvest, as was observed on Joh. 4. 35. Now their harvest began at the Passover, at which time, they offered the first fruits sheaf at the first putting the Sickle into the Corn. It was therefore four months before the Passover, when our Savior uttereth those words, or towards the latter end of our November: betwixt which time and the Passover, there was no Feast (unless the Feast of dedication were after those words spoken, which had no great solemnity at Jerusalem above what it had in other places, nor was there any command of attending it there: nor indeed could Christ reach up to it at Jerusalem, after his utterance of those words if it were after, considering the time he spent in Galilee before.) This Feast therefore that the Evangelist mentioneth here, being the next that Christ went unto or indeed could go unto, it must of necessity be the Feast of the Passover: And this may be supposed the reason why the Evangelist did not syllabically call it the Feast of the Passover, though he meant so, because that speech and passage in the fourth Chapter, did enforce it to be so understood, though not expressed.

2. Look back to the end of the last Section about Levies calling: and then forward to what must next follow it (since his Feast did not, as hath been observed) and the two Evangelists Mark and Luke will resolve you, that the next story in their relation that did follow, was the Disciples plucking the ears of Corn: They have indeed laid Levies Feast and the Disciples questioning at that time about fasting, between, because they would conclude all Levies story together, but it will sufficiently appear to him that will but studiously search and examine the Order of the story, that his Feast was not at his calling▪ but a good while after: The plucking of the ears of Corn then being the story that in those two holy Penmen is next to follow, we must conclude that a Passover must come between: For till the Passover the Corn was not ripe, and till they had offered a first fruits sheaf, on the second day after the Passover, it was not lawful to put the Sickle into the Corn to cut it down, to pluck the ears to eat neither, till the offering of the first sheaf had sanctified the Corn to their eating, as well as it gave them liberty to fall to harvest. But a word that Luke hath used hath put the matter out of all doubt: He saith the plucking of the earns of Corn was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, on the first Sabbath after the second day in the passover week, on which second day they offered their first sheaf, and from which second day they counted their weeks and Sabbaths until Pentecost. Between Levies calling then and the Disciples plucking of the ears of Corn, a Passover must necessarily be understood to have passed: and this Feast that is mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter must also needs be that Passover, or else you find not that Passover mentioned at all, and you find not any place in the series of the Evangelical story, where this Feast and the story attending it in the fifth of John can be so fitly and properly laid.

And for the clearer observation of these things, let us trace the time and the progress of Christ from his being in Sychar field at Jacob's well, when he saith it was then four months to harvest (or to the Passover when their harvest began) to this Feast which we doubt not to assert for that next Passover. Two days he tarried in Samaria, and then he goes for Galilee, Joh. 4. 43. There he preacheth up and down in their Synagogues, and at last cometh to Nazareth his own City, Luke 4. 14, 15, 16. with Joh. 4. 43, 44. Being refused and in danger there, he goeth and dwelleth at Capernaum, Matth. 4. 13. calleth four Disciples, Luke 5. 1. &c. continueth in Capernaum some Sabbaths, Luke 4. 31. on one casteth out a Devil, healeth Peters mothers in law, and divers diseased: Goeth and preacheth abroad in the Synagogues of Galilee, Mark 1. 23. 29. 32. 39. cureth a Leper in one of those Cities, Luke 5. 22. returns to Capernaum, and recovereth a Palsick man, and calleth Levi from the receipt of custom, Mark 2. and by this time his four months may well be expired, and we mustlook out for a Passover, which we find in this Chapter that we have in hand, or we know not where to find any.

Harmony and Explanation.

OUR Savior's constant appearing at the festivals at Jerusalem, did not only show his obedience to the Law, which enjoined that appearance, but his Communion with the Church of Israel, for those appearances were Ordinances and Symboles also of Communion. At such times he had most pregnant opportunities to reveal himself, (as far as his Divine Wisdom thought it fitting) when all the people of the Country were gathered together, and might be spectators and auditors of what was done and spoken by him. At the Passover before this mentioned, in this Chapter (which was at this time 12 month) he had done many miracles there, so that he could not but be looked upon as a Teacher come from God, as Nicodemus professeth of him, Chap. 2. At this Passover, of which there is mention in the present Section, he doth a remarkable miracle in healing a man so long diseased, but doing it on the Sabbath day, it became offensive to them that strained at a Gnat and swallowed a Camel, Chap. 7. 21. 23. For this he is convented before the Sanhedrin to answer for himself: and there he doth as clearly and fully not only confess, but also prove himself to be the Messias, as at any time, or in any passage in all the Gospel besides: And to this his speech, he himself doth refer them once and again (when they question him who he was) as to an acknowledgment so plain, that there had needed no more questioning, had they not been willfully blinded, Chap. 8. 25. They said unto him, Who art thou? And Jesus saith unto them, Even the same that I said unto you from the beginning, Chap. 10. 25, 26. They said to him, If thou be the Christ tell us plainly. Jesus answered, I told you and ye believed not, &c. He had preached before, That the Kingdom of Heaven, or the revealing of the Messias was at hand, and here in his plea before the Council, he confirmeth that doctrine and cleareth it, affirming and proving himself, most undeniably to be he. How he came off upon this his plain speech, the Evangelist hath not particularly mentioned or recorded; (within the compass of a week, at the least, he was walking in the Corn fields, and put to it again to plead about the Sabbath as he doth here:) Whatsoever the Sanhedrin said or did to him, upon this his discourse, certainly he left such a proof and evidence of himself amongst them, that he left them no room to plead ignorance of him, or that they did not know him, but made them, in their crossness and bitterness against him, utterly inexcusable: The Reader observing how plainly Christ speaketh out himself at this time, and that before the Sanhedrin may have occasion to use this his observation upon several passages in the story afterward, and he may make some advantage of the use of it.

The situation and the healing virtue of this people, do as much trouble Expositors to find out the place of the one, and the cause of the other, as any one verse doth in all the Gospel: for so little is said of either in the Old Testament, or in Josephus, or in the Talmudists, that all that have meddled with them, have had enough to do, to make but handsome conjectures concerning them. And the Anabaptists (as Tolet reports them) have held this story to be but a fiction, blaspheming what they could not understand, or what they thought did pinch their opinion.

In following the inquiry after these two things that lie so obscure, we shall not be much solicitous to find a substantive to fit the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whether to render it by the Sheep-gate, or by the Sheep-market, the one no doubt took the name from the other, and they were so near together as to breed no scruple in our iniquiry. I should rather render it the Sheep-gate, and so the most have done, because there is such a gate mentioned in Scripture, Nehem. 3. 1. 32. & 12. 39. and rendered 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the Septuagint.

1. This Gate lay upon the South-east point of the outmost wall of the City, as may be supposed upon these grounds. 1. Nehemiah in numbering the Gates and surveying this wall round about the City, beginneth at the Sheep-gate, and goes the round till he comes to the Sheep-gate again, Nehem. 3. 1, 32, 33. In this his circuit he goes from the East along the South wall, and so West, North, and to the East again: If this were a a place to survey Jerusalem, this might be shown at large through all the particulars of that Chapter; It will be enough to an observant eye, for discovery that his march is this way, when he sees him, go up from the pool of Siloam, which lay on the West of the City, (as shall be shown by and by) along by the ascent of the stairs of Zion, and so upward on Zion to the sepulchers of David, verse. 15, 16. and behind the Kings house full North, verse. 24. and at length he is got to the East quarter, to the Water-gate, verse. 26. to Ophel, verse. 27. and the Horse-gate, verse. 28. which was on the East, Jer. 31. 40. and about the turning of the South-East corner he is got to the Sheep-gate again where he began, verse. 32.

II. This pool of Bethesda, I cannot but conjecture to be the same with that which by Josephus is called the pool of Solomon, in this passage of his, lib. de bell. 5. cap. 13. where he thus describes the situation of the outmost wall. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 On the West it goeth along through the valley called Bethso to the Essenegate: and then on the South, turning above the fountain Siloam, from thence it winds about to the East, to Solomon's pool: and going along to a place called Ophel, it reacheth to over against the East cloister of the Temple. In this survey it is easy to observe that he comes the way back that Nehemiah had gone forward, and below the turning of the South-east corner (whereabout we place the Sheep-gate ) he placeth Solomon's pool, upon the East: Let any one but seriously consider of the situation of the Sheep-gate in Nehemiah, and of this pool of Solomon in Josephus, and he will not find about all Jerusalem a place so likely to be Bethesda as was this.

III. The waters of this pool were drawn and conveyed in a source thither from the fountain of Siloam. For the clearing of this we must 1. observe, that Gihon and Siloam were all one: And so the Chaldee Paraphrast renders these words, in 1 King. 1. 33. Bring him down to Gihon, and 33. They brought him down to Gihon; Bring him down to Siloam, and they brought him down to Siloam: and so likewise Rabbi Solomon and David Kimchi say upon the place, Gihon is Siloam. 2. The fountain Gihon or Siloam, had two courses or streamings into two several pools which were called the upper and the nether, see Esa. 7. 3. & 2 Kings 18. 17. The nether pool was that which was called the Pool of Siloam, Joh. 9. 7. Neh. 3. 15. which lay on the West of the City, being brought down thither by Hezekiah, 2 Chron. 32. 20. The upper pool was this pool of Solomon, called the old pool, Esa. 22. 11. from that its ancient author; the water-course to it was stopped by Hezekiah, that he might the better and fuller be furnished with water at his own pool of Siloam, near his gardens, Nehem. 3. 15. but in aftertimes opened again in times of danger for the advantage of the City, and so it continued. And thus did the fountain Siloam lying on the West of Zion called Siloam, and the other on the East of Jerusalem called of old Solomon's from its Author, and now Bethesda from its sovereign Virtue.

IV. Now when and whereupon this wondrous excellency accrued to this pool, it is easier to allege what others have supposed upon it, than to produce any substantial proposal of ones own: yet shall I not insist upon opinions given hereupon already, which are very well known, but offer mine own thoughts, in this conjecture. 1. The waters of Siloam in the Lord's own construction did signify and resemble David's, and so, Christ's Kingdom, Esa. 8. 6. And in regard of this signification Levi Gershom, and other of the Jews do not observe amiss, that David chooseth to have Solomon anointed at Siloam or Gihon: in token of the continuance and spreading of his Kingdom, as the springing of that Fountain was continual, and the streams of it did dilate themselves: And since God had put such an honor upon those waters, as to make them an emblem of that Kingdom, the Jews held them in so high a repute, that they applied those words of the Prophet to those waters, Esa. 12. 13. With joy shall ye draw water out of the Wells of Salvation: and they drew and poured out of those waters at the Feasts of Tabernacles in their highest rejoicing: nay stuck not to say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From thence they drew the Holy Ghost, Talm. Jerus. in Succah. fol. 55. 2. It may therefore be a conjecture not altogether groundless: That since God had made those waters of so high a resemblance, as to betoken so high a Kingdom: and since that that resemblance, (held out by God himself) had brought those waters into so high an esteem and observation with the people: It pleased him against the coming and appearing of that promised King and Kingdom, to honor and indue those waters with such sovereign and healing virtue as the story we are upon, speaketh of; that as they had hitherto represented his Kingdom, so their healing virtue, given them against his appearing, did represent his healing power, as Mal. 4. 2. And not only that, but also gave occasion to the people to think that the glory of David's Kingdom was near at hand, when such unwonted and wondrous excellency did now appear in those waters that did signify it. So when the time of the promise to Israel in Egypt drew nigh▪ God bestowed a miraculous and supernatural course of nature, if we may so call it, for the Generation and Birth of their children, Act. 7. 17.

V. I shall not strive to conclude any under this opinion with me; I shall only conclude with two things which are remarkable, about the waters of Siloam, from which Fountain I do suppose the waters of Bethesda to have their flowing. 1. The first is, that as this collection of Siloam waters in Bethesda was honored with this miraculous virtue of healing of all diseases: so that in Joh. 9. Christ honored the other pool that was filled from Siloam, with the miraculous cure of eyes born blind. 2. Secondly, Let it be observed, how strangely, and one would wonder to what purpose, the Holy Ghost doth construe the Hebrew word Siloam, into a Greek expression, Joh. 9. 7. Go wash in the Pool of Siloam, which is by interpretation sent. Who sent? Let the Reader but examine whether he can find any to whom the construction may so properly be applied as to Christ, sent of God, whom that Fountain or waters signified.