Works

In the time of this his abode there, he writeth THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS, which was the first Epistle that he wrote.

The poscript affixed to that Epistle doth date it from Athens [as it seemeth] because of that passage in Chap. 3. 1. We thought it good to be left at Athens alone: whereas 1. There was a Church in Achaia when Paul wrote this Epistle, Chap. 1. 7. now there was none there while Paul was at Athens, for from thence he went to Achaia, and began to plant the Church at Corinth. 2. Timothy and Silas were joint Writers with the Apostle of this Epistle, Chap. 1. 1. now if they were with him at Athens whilst he abode there, which it may be they were, at the least one of them, 1 Thess. 3. 1. yet was not the Epistle then written, for it is questionable whether Silas was there, and Timothy went a messenger thither, and returned again before this was written, Chap. 3. 6. The time of its writing therefore was when Timothy and Silas with him returned from Macedonia and came to Paul at Corinth, Act. 18. 5. and Timothy who had been sent thither purposely, gives a comfortable account of their faith and constancy. So that this Epistle was written from Corinth, somewhat within the beginning of the first year of Paul's abode there.

In it, among other things, he characterizeth the condition of the unbelieving Jews, Chap. 2. 15, 16. for the Thessalonian Church from its first planting had been exceedingly molested with them.

He saith, The wrath is come upon them to the utmost: which whether it mean passively, that the wrath of God lay so heavy upon them, or actively, that in their vexation and anger against the Gentiles, that was come upon them, that was foretold for a plague to them, Deut. 32. 21. it showeth that that Nation was now become unrecoverable: and so he looks upon it as the Antichrist in the next Epistle, as we shall observe there.

Paul abiding still at Corinth, a tumult is raised against him, and he is brought before the tribunal of Gallio the Proconsul, who refusing to judge in matters of that nature, [because the Jews themselves had power to judge such matters in their own Synagogue] the people become their own carvers, and beat Sosthenes even before the Tribunal. This Gallio was brother of Seneca the famous Court Philosopher, Nero 's Tutor: and of him Seneca giveth this high Encomion in the Preface to his fourth Book of natural Questions. I used to tell thee [saith he to his friend Lucius ] that my brother Gallio, whom no man loves not a little if he can love no more, is not acquainted with other vices, but this of flattery he hates. Thou hast tried him on all hands. Thou hast begun to praise his disposition—He would go away. Thou hast begun to praise his frugality, He would presently cut thee off at the first words: Thou hast begun to admire his affability and unaffected sweetness—For there is no mortal man so dear to any, as he to all—And here also he withstood thy flatteries, insomuch that thou criedst out, that thou hadst found a man impregnable, against those snares that everyone takes into his bosom. And again in Epist. 104. Gallio, saith he, when he was in Achaia and began to have a fever, he presently took ship, crying out, that it was not the disease of his body but of the place. To him he Dedicates his Treatise de Beata Vita. See more of this Gallio, Tacit. Annal. 15. Sect. 11.

From Corinth in the time of his present abode there [but whether before this tumult before Gallio or after, is not much material] Paul writeth THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS▪ whilst he and Sylvanus and Timothy were there together, Chap. 1. 1. as they had been at the writing of the first.

The exceeding much trouble and persecution that this Church had suffered from the unbelieving Jews from its first planting, Act. 17. 5, &c. 1 Thess. 1. 6. & 2. 14. & 2 Thess. 1. 4. gave the Apostle just occasion whilst he was present with them to discourse with them, and to inform them, concerning the condition and carriage and end of that Nation: that they might be settled and resolved to bear all whatsoever they should suffer from that accursed people and generation: and here he taketh up the same discourse again for their further establishment.

Besides outward molestation and affliction of their bodies, there were false teachers that troubled their minds, and especially with these two puzzles. 1. To make them to doubt what became of them that died in the faith and profession of Jesus: for whereas the Apostle handles the matter of the resurrection in the former Epistle, Chap. 4. 14. I cannot suppose that he doth it to them as to men of the Sadducee opinion, denying the resurrection, or as to men that had never heard of the resurrection before, for all the Jews, set the Sadducees aside, did assuredly believe it: but because that the opposers of the Gospel had buzzed to them their lost condition after death, for their revolting from the Jewish Religion, and becoming Apostates [as they reputed it] to the Gospel. The tenth Chapter of the Treatise Sanhedrin that names certain sorts of people that must not inherit the world to come, gives us good cause to suppose that this was no small terror that those envious opposers would perplex the minds of those withal, who had forsaken the Jewish Religion, and betaken themselves to the profession of Christ. The Talmudic place cited speaketh thus, All Israel hath a share in the world to come, as it is said, Thy people shall all of them be righteous: But these have no share in the world to come, He that saith, The resurrection is not taught in the Law, and that the Law is not from God, and Epicurus. Now by Epicurus they mean not luxurious ones, as the word Epicure is commonly used by us, but as the Gemara explains it there 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 One that despiseth their Doctors: and elsewhere they yoke it with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Apostates. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Apostates and Epicures. Rosh hashanah per. 1. and so they brought all that started from the vain doctrine of their traditionaries under this title, and under that terror of having no share in the world to come. 2. They went about to perplex the mind of these converts with urging how near the day of the Lord was. The Scripture, and the Apostle had spoken of the day of the Lord's coming, when he should come to take vengeance of the Jewish Nation for their wickedness and unbelief: and these would terrific this Church with inculcating the nearness of it, pretending for this, partly revelation, and partly the words or writing of the Apostle. The aim in this terror was to amaze the new believers and to puzzle them about what to hold, and what to do in that sad time, which they pretended was ready to fall upon their heads. The Apostle resolves that there was some good space of time to be before, for there was to be a falling away, and the man of sin to be revealed.

The phrase The man of sin and child of perdition, is plainly taken from that place, Isa. 11. 4. With the breath of his lips he shall slay the wicked one: and the Apostle makes it clear that he referreth to that place, by using the very words of the Prophet, at ver. 8. Whom the Lord shall consume with the breath of his mouth. The Jews put an Emphasis upon that word in the Prophet, The wicked one, as it appeareth by the Chaldee Paraphrast, who hath uttered it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He shall destroy the wicked Roman: And so the Apostle puts an Emphasis upon it, and translates it the Man of sin: And in that Christ is introduced in the Prophet, as having a special quarrel and vengeance against him, he is called the son of perdition, or he that is so certainly and remarkably to be destroyed. It is true, this meaneth the Roman, as the Chaldee, and our Protestant Divines by the warrant of John in the Revelation do interpret it: but in the first place and sense it meaneth the Jewish Nation, which proved Antichrist, as well as Rome ever did, and as far as Rome ever did, and before Rome ever did, and as long and longer then Rome hath yet done. As Jews and Rome joined in the murder of Christ, so are they joined in this character of Antichrist, but the Jews to be understood first: See ver. 7. the mystery of iniquity was already working when the Apostle wrote this Epistle, which cannot possibly be understood but of the Jewish Nation, and so it is explained again and again, 1 John 2. 18. & 4. 3. & 2 Joh. v. 7, &c.

The several characters that the Apostle gives of the Man of sin, agree most thoroughly to that generation and Nation, and so the Scripture plainly applies them to it.

• 1. There was a falling away in that Nation of multitudes that had embraced the Gospel. See Matth. 24. 12. Christ foretelling it, and Paul from thence, 1 Tim. 4. 1. by the later times that he there speaks of, meaning the last days of Jerusalem and the Jewish state, as the phrase is used in that sense abundantly. Such apostasy may be observed hinted in the Epistle to the Galatians, to the Hebrews, Colossians, Rev. 2. 4. 2 Tim. 1. 15, and to spare more, observe the conclusion of that Parable, Matth. 12. 43, 44, 45. So shall it be with this wicked generation. The Devil once cast out of it by the Gospel, but returned by their Apostasy.
• 2. How this Nation was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the great opposer of the Gospel, needeth no instance to any that hath read the New Testament. And he that reads the Jewish Records, shall find evidence enough of it, of which we have given some brief account at Acts Chap. 13.
• 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Which exalts himself against everything that is called God or worshipped: were it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Against God, it were most true, to the very letter, their Scribes in the Temple of God itself, sitting and setting up their traditions above the commands of God, Matth. 15. 6. But how they exalted themselves against everything called God, or the Magistracy and those that were set over them, we may observe in such passages as these, 2 Pet. 2. 10. They despise government, &c. Jude v. 8. They despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities, &c. and in their own stories to endless examples.
• 4. As for the fourth mark mentioned, verse. 9. namely his coming after the working of Satan with all Magical power and delusion, our Savior had foretold it of that generation, Matth. 24. 24. compared with verse. 34. of that Chapter: and it is abundantly asserted by Scripture, by Josephus, and other of their own Writers, as we have given some examples before.

Now what the Apostle meaneth when he speaketh of one that letted [ verse. 6. And now ye know what withholdeth, and ver. 7. He who now letteth will let ] is of some obscurity; we may without offense give this conjecture. As the term The day of the Lord, is taken in Scripture especially in this double sense, for his day of judging the Jewish Nation, and for his day of judging all the world; so are we to understand a falling away, and a Man of sin of the Jewish Nation before the former, and a falling away and Antichrist, betwixt the former and the later. This last is readily concluded upon, to be the Papacy, and he that letted, to mean the Imperial power: but what was he that letted in the former, that the Antichrist among the Jews was not revealed sooner? I should divide this stake betwixt Claudius the Emperor [who by his decree against the Jews in Rome, Act. 18. 2. give a check by the appearance of his displeasure, to all the Jews elsewhere that they durst not tyrannize against the Gospel whilst he lived as they had done.] And Paul himself who by his uncessant travelling in the Gospel, and combatting by the truth everywhere against the Jews, did keep down very much their delusions and Apostasy whilst he was at liberty and abroad, but when he was once laid up, then all went to ruin, as see Act. 20. 29. 2 Tim. 1. 15, &c.

Paul when he departs from Corinth, leaves a Church fairly planted there, but how soon and how miserably it grew degenerate, we shall meet with cause to observe before it be long. He cometh to Ephesus, and striving to get up to one of the Feasts at Jerusalem, he leaves Priscilla and Aquila there. Thither, ere long, cometh Apollos, an excellent Scriptureman, but one that knew only the baptism of John, but they instruct him better. Not that these Tent-makers turned Preachers, but that having had so much converse with Paul, they were able in private conference to inform him better then yet he knew, from what they had learned from Paul.

ACTS CHAP. XIX. from Vers. 1. to Vers. 19.

OThers at Ephesus there were, that were no further gone in Christianity neither, then the knowledge of the Baptism of John: Paul asks them, Have ye received the Holy Ghost? They answer, We have not yet so much as heard whether the Holy Ghost be: In which words they refer to a common and a true tenet of the Nation, which was, that after the death of Ezra, Haggai, Zacharias and Malachi, the Holy Ghost departed from Israel and went up: Juchas. fol. 15. and they profess they had never yet heard of his restoring. And it is very probable, that they had never heard of Jesus; whom when Paul had preached to them, they embrace; and the Text saith, they were then baptized in the Name of the Lord Jesus. Not that they were rebaptized, but that now coming to the knowledge of the proper end of Johns baptism, namely to believe in Jesus as ver. 4. they own their baptism to such an end and construction. For 1. What need had they to be rebaptized, when in that first baptism they had taken, they had come in to the profession of the Gospel and of Christ, as far as the doctrine that had brought them in could teach them? It was the change of their profession from Judaism to Evangelism, that required their being baptized, and not the degrees of their growth in the knowledge of the Gospel, into the profession of which they had been baptized already. How many baptisms must the Apostles have undergone, if every signal degree of their coming on to the perfect knowledge of the mystery of Christ, might have required, nay might have admitted a new baptizing? 2. If these men were rebaptized, then must the same be concluded of all that had received the baptism of John, when they came to the knowledge of Jesus: which as it is incredible, because there is not the least tittle of mention of such a thing, so is it unimaginable in the case of those of the Apostles that were baptized by John; for who should baptize them again in the name of Jesus, since Jesus himself baptized none? Joh. 4. 3. 3. These men had taken on them the baptism of repentance, and the profession of Christ, in the baptism of John, that they had received: therefore unless we will suppose a baptism of faith, different from the baptism of repentance, and a baptism in the name of Jesus different from the baptism in the name of Christ, it will be hard to find a reason, why these men should undergo a new baptizing.

And if it should be granted [which is against reason to grant,] that these men were really rebaptized, yet were not this a warrantable ground for rebaptization now, in regard of these main differences betwixt the case then and now. 1. That great controversy then on foot, about, Whether Jesus were the true Messias or no, which caused their rebaptization, if they were rebaptized. 2. The visible conferring of the Holy Ghost upon them, upon their baptism if they were rebaptized: as being a main induction of such a thing, if such a thing were, that the name of Jesus might be so apparently glorified, upon their being baptized in the name of Jesus: which indeed was equally glorified, when they received those gifts upon their acknowledging of Jesus, and owning their baptism that they had of old been baptized with, as a badge of that acknowledgment, though not baptized again.

[CHRIST. LIII] [CHRIST. LIV] [CLAUDIUS. XIII] [CLAUDIUS. XIV] ACTS CHAP. XIX. from Ver. 9. to Ver. 21.

THE Apostle hath a long time to stay at Ephesus: in which he first begins for the space of a quarter of a year to dispute in the Synagogue: and then when divers were hardened and believed not, he separated the Disciples, and disputed daily in the School of Tyrannus: Hitherto what converts there were to the Gospel, they resorted still to the public service in the Synagogue, where Paul reasoned daily for the truth of the Gospel: but finding dangerous opposition, he gets away the Disciples from thence, and in the School of one Tyrannus they are a particular Congregation.

In these great Towns where there were many Jews, both in Judea and elsewhere, they had a Synagogue and a Divinity-School: This Divinity-School they called Beth Midrash, and thither they used to go every Sabbath day, after they had been at the Synagogue: whereupon they had this for a common proverb, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : From the Synagogue to the Divinity-School. In the Synagogue they had prayers and reading of the Law, and plain Sermons of Doctrine, exhortation and comfort: In the Divinity-School were discussed and taught, dogmatical and controversial points concerning the difficulties of the Law, and other high matters. And hence it may be those different titles and administrations of Pastor and Teacher, Ephes. 4. 11. and He that teacheth, and he that exhorteth, Rom. 12. 7, 8. took their pattern: if Pastor mean one of the Ministerial function.

In the time of this stay of Paul at Ephesus, He fought with beasts there after the manner of men, 1 Cor. 15. 32. which seemeth to be understood, of a proper 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or fighting with wild beasts in the Theater, as was the barbarous and bestial custom of the Romans and those times. For 1. Observe in the hubbub of Demetrius, Paul's companions are hailed presently into the Theater, ver. 29. as if there the people had that that would take a course with them. 2. Observe that the Asiarchae or Theater-Officers are Paul's friends, as having knowledge and acquaintance of him and with him before. 3. Demetrius his uproar which was the greatest danger that Luke hath mentioned of him, was not till after he had written his Epistle to Corinth, in which, he speaks of fighting with beasts, and therefore that could not be meant. 4. The phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth seem clearly to distinguish it from any combat in a borrowed sense. 5. The trouble that befell him in Asia, by which he was pressed above measure, and even despaired of life, 2 Cor. 1. 8, 9. cannot be understood so well of the tumult of Demetrius, for we read not of any hand laid upon Paul in it, as of some other danger nearer dearth.

In the latter year of these two above written, which was part of Paul's last year at Ephesus, on the 13th day of October of that year, Claudius the Emperor dieth, and Nero succeedeth him: a wretch whose memory is not worth looking after, unless it be for detestation: yet must we in our further progress of viewing the actions of Paul, and ranking his Epistles, be beholden to the Chronical observation of his years.

Paul himself saith to the Elders of Ephosus, By the space of three years I ceased not to warn everyone▪ Acts 20. 31. And yet Luke in this Chapter specifieth only two years and a quarter, ver. 8. 10. The comparing of which two sums together, doth help us to measure the time of his abode there mentioned from ver. 20. and forward. Namely that he spent three months in disputing in the Jews Synagogue: and two years in the School of Tyrannus: and three quarters of a year after, in going up and down Asia. The expiration of his three years was about Pentecost in the first year of Nero.

[CHRIST. LV] [NERO. I] ACTS CHAP. XIX. Vers. 21, 22.

PAuls thoughts of going to Rome, do argue the death of Claudius, who had banished all the Jews from thence, Acts 18. 2. and that by the coming in of Nero, a new Emperor, that Decree was extinct, and freedom of access to Rome opened to them again: For it can be little conceived that Paul should think of going thither, when he could neither find any of his Nation there, nor he himself come thither without certain hazard of his life: as the case would have been if Claudius and his Decree were yet alive. It is therefore agreeable to all reason, that the death of Claudius, and the succession of Nero was now divulged, and Paul thereupon knowing that it was now lawful again for a Jew to go to Rome, intendeth to take a farewell journey and visit to Macedonia, Achaiah and Jerusalem, and then to go and preach there.

Claudius died the 13th day of October, as was said before, and Nero instantly succeeded him. A Prince of so much clemency and mansuetude in the beginning of his reign, that Titus the Emperor afterward used to say, that the best Princes exceeded not the first five years of Nero in goodness. And Seneca, if he flatter not the Prince, or his own tutorage of him, gives him this among many other Encomiums of him, Lib. de Clementia, which he dedicates to him: Potes hoc Caesar praedicare audacter, omnium quae in fidem tutelam{que} tuam venerunt, nihil per te, neque vi, neque clam, reipublicae ereptum. Rarissimam laudem, & nulli adhuc principum concessam concupisti, innocentiam: Nemo unus homo uni homini tam charus unquam fuit quam tu populo Romano, magnum longum{que} ejus bonum.

It must be some space of time before Claudius death could come to be reported at Ephesus: it is like, the new year after the Roman account, might be stepped in. Whensoever it was that Paul heard the news, and that a door of access to Rome was opened for the Jews again, he sets down his determination to stay at Ephesus till Pentecost, and then to set for Macedon, and back to Jerusalem, and then to Rome. Upon this resolution he sendeth Timothy and Erastus into Macedon before him: appointeth them to call at Corinth in the way, and intends himself to stay at Ephesus till they should come thither again to him, 1 Cor. 16. 10, 11.

Between Vers. 22. and Vers. 23. of this XIX CHAP. of the ACTS, falleth in the time of Paul's writing THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.

He being now at Ephesus, and having set down the time of his removing thence, namely at Pentecost coming, 1 Cor. 16. 8. He had now been at Ephesus well towards three years, and had met with many difficulties; yet had so prevailed by the power of the Gospel, that not only all along hitherto many people were continually converted, but even now alate, many conjurers, and such as used magical Arts, devoted themselves to the Gospel and their books to the fire, and became the renewed monuments of the power and prevalency of the divine truth. This was that great and effectual door opened to him, of which he speaketh, 1 Cor. 16. 9. and which occasioned his stay at Ephesus still, when he had sent Timothy and Erastus into Macedonia, Acts 19. 21. In the time of which stay there, Stephanas, and Fortunatus and Achaicus, come from Corinth, 1 Cor. 16. 17. with Letters from the Church to Paul, 1 Cor. 7. 1. and he upon their return, returns his answer in this Epistle sent by Titus and another, 2 Cor. 12. 18. Some Postscripts have named Timothy for the the bearer, antedating his journey to Corinth, which was not in his going to Macedon, but in his return back, and when this Epistle had already given them notice of his coming that way, 1 Cor. 16. 10.

Apollos when Paul wrote this Epistle was with him at Ephesus, and was desired by Paul to have gone along with the brethren to Corinth, but he would not, 1 Cor. 16. 11. it may be because he would not countenance a faction there by his presence, which was begun under his name. The Church was exceedingly broken into divisions, which produced very doleful effects among them. These several enormities raged in that Church, though so lately and so nobly planted, and all originally derived from this first mischief of faction and schism.

1. A member of the Church had married his fathers wife, yea as it seemeth 2 Cor. 7. 12. his father yet living▪ which crime by their own Law and Canons deserved death: For he that went in to his fathers wife was doubly liable to be stoned, both because she was his fathers wife, and because she was another man's wife, whether he lay with her in his fathers life time, or after his death. Talm. in Sanhed. per. 7. & Maym, in Issure biah. per. 1 & 2. And yet they in the height of the contestings they had among themselves, did not only, not take away such a wretch from among them, nor mourn for the miscarriage, but he had got a party that bolstered him up and abetted him: and so while they should have mourned they were puffed up. His own party in triumph that they could bear him out against the adverse, and the other in rejoicing that in the contrary faction there was befallen such a scandal. Or both as taking this Libertinism as a new liberty of the Gospel. The Apostle adviseth his giving up to Satan, by a power of miracles which was then in being. So likewise did he give up Hymenaeus and Alexander, 1 Tim. 1. 20. The derivation of this power we conceived at Act. 5. [in the case of Ananias and Sapphira ] to be from that passage of Christ to the Disciples, John 20. 22. He breathed on them and said, whose sins ye retain they are retained, &c. and so were the Apostles endued with a miraculous power of a contrary effect or operation. They could heal diseases and bestow the Holy Ghost, and they could inflict death or diseases, and give up to Satan. Now though it may be questioned, whether any in the Church of Corinth had this power, yet when Paul's spirit with the power of the Lord Jesus Christ went along in the action, as Chap. 5. 4. there can be no doubt of the effect.

2. Their animosities were so great, that they not only instigated them to common suits at Law, but to suits before the tribunals of the Heathen, which as it was contrary to the peace and honor of the doctrine of the Gospel, so was it even contrary to their Judaic traditions: which required their subjection and appeals, only to men▪ of their own blood, or of their own Religion. The Apostle to rectify this misdemeanor, first calls them to remember, that the Saints should judge the world, and this he mentioneth as a thing known to them, Chap. 6. 2. and it was known to them from Dan. 7. 18, 27. And the Kingdom and Dominion, and the greatness of the Kingdom shall be given to the people of the Saints of the most High. How miserably this is misconstrued by too many of a fifth Monarchy, when Saints shall only Rule, is to be read in too many miseries that have followed that opinion. The Apostles meaning is no more but this, Do you not know that there shall be a Christian Magistracy? Or that Christians shall be Rulers and Judges in the world, and therefore why should you be so fearful or careless to judge in your own matters? Observe in what sense he had taken the word Saints in the former verse, namely for Christians in the largest sense, as set in opposition to the Heathen. And he speaks in the tenor of Daniel from whence his words are taken, that though the world and Church had been ruled and judged and domineered over, by the four Monarchies which were Heathen, yet under the Kingdom of Christ under the Gospel, they should be ruled and judged by Christian Kings, Magistrates and Rulers. Secondly, He minds them, Know ye not that we shall judge Angels? ver. 3. Observe that he says not as before, Know ye not that the Saints shall judge Angels? But we. By Angels it is uncontrovertedly granted that he meaneth evil Angels the Devils: Now the Saints, that is all Christians that professed the Gospel were not to judge Devils, but we, saith he, that is the Apostles and Preachers of the Gospel; who by the power of their Ministry ruined his Oracles, Idols, delusions and worship, &c. Therefore he argueth, since there is to be a Gospel Magistracy to rule and judge the World, and a Gospel Ministry that should judge and destroy the Devils, they should not account themselves so utterly uncapable of judging in things of their civil converse, as upon every controversy to go to the Bench of the Heathens to the great dishonor of the Gospel. And withal adviseth them, to set them to judge who were less esteemed in the Church, ver. 4. Not that he denieth subjection to the Heathen Magistrate which now was over them, or encourageth them to the usurpation of his power: but that he asserteth the profession of the Gospel, capable of judging in such things, and by improving of that capacity, as far as fell within their line, he would have them provide for their own peace, and the Gospels credit. We observed before, that though the Jews were under the Roman power, yet they permitted them to live in their own Religion, and by their own Laws to maintain their Religion: and it may not be impertinent to take up and enlarge that matter a little here. As the Jews under the Roman subjection had their great Sanhedrin, and their less of three and twenty Judges, as appears both in Scripture, and in their Records, so were not these bare names, or civil bodies without a soul, but they were inlivened by their juridical, executive power, in which they were instated of old: So that though they were at the disposal of the Roman Power, and Religion, and Laws, and all went to wrack when the Emperor was offended at them, as it was in the time of Culigula, yet for the most part, from the time of the Romans power first coming over them, to the time of their own last Rebellion, which was their ruin, the authority of their Sanhedrins and Judicatories was preserved in a good measure entire, and they had administration of justice of their own Magistracy, as they enjoyed their own Religion. And this both within the Land and without, yea even after Jerusalem was destroyed, as we shall show in its due place. And as it was thus in the free actings of their Sanhedrins, so also was it in the actings of their Synagogues, both in matters of Religion and of civil interest: For in every Synagogue as there were Rulers of the Synagogue in reference to matters of Religion and Divine worship, so were there Rulers or Magistrates in reference to Civil affairs, which judged in such matters. Every Synagogue had Beth din shel sheloshah, a Consistory or Judicatory, or what you will call it, of three Rulers or Magistrates, to whom belonged to judge between party and party in matters of money, stealth, damage, restitution, penalties, and divers other things which are mentioned and handled in both Talmuds in the Treatise Sanhedrin per. 1. Who had not power indeed of capital punishments, but they had of corporal, namely of scourging to forty stripes save one. Hence it is that Christ foretells his Disciples, In the Synagogues you shall be beaten, Mark 13. 9. and hence had Paul his five scourgings, 2 Cor. 11. 24. So that in every Synagogue there were Elders that ruled in Civil affairs, and Elders that labored in the Word and Doctrine. And all things well considered, it may not be so monstrous, as it seems to some, to say it might very well be so in those times in Christian Congregations. For since, as it might be shown, that Christ and his Apostles in platforming of the model of Christian Churches in those times, did keep very close to the platform of the Synagogues: and since the Romans in those times made no difference betwixt Jews in Judaism, and Jews that were turned Christians, nor betwixt those Religions: for as yet there was no persecution raised against Christianity, why might not Christian Congregations have and exercise that double Function of Ministry and Magistracy in them as well as the Jewish Synagogues? And if that much controverted place, 1 Tim. 5. 17. should be interpreted according to such a sense, it were neither irrational, nor improbable. Nor to interpret Paul speaking to such a tenor here. Only his appointing of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the less esteemed in the Church to be appointed for that work is of some scruple: what if it allude to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Committee of private men? Of which there is frequent mention among the Hebrew Doctors. See Maymon. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fol. 253. col. 1.

3. It was the old Jewish garb, when they went to pray, to hide head and face, with a veil, to betoken their ashamedness and confusion of face wherewithal they appeared before God: And hence is the conjunction of these two words so common in their Writings 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He veiled himself and prayed. And this for a current rule, The wise men and their scholars may not pray, unless they be veiled. Maymon. in Tephillah per. 5. To which let us add that of Suetonius. in Vitell. cap. 2. Lucius Vitellius, saith he, had an excellent faculty in flattering: he first set afoot the worshipping of Gaius Caesar for a God: when returning out of Syria, he durst not go to him but with his head veiled, and then turning himself about, he fell prostrate.

Again it was the custom of the Jewish women, to go veiled, or their faces covered, whensoever they went into public. A woman, saith Maymony, may not go into public 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 if she have not a veil on. In 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 per. 24. And this the Talmudists call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Jewish Law: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The garb of modesty. Chetubboth per. 7. and Alphes. ibid. Where they say that that those women transgress the Jewish Law that go forth unveiled, or that spin in the streets, or that talk with every man.

Now in this Church of Corinth, the men retained the Jewish custom that they prayed veiled, or with their head and face covered, but the women transgressed their Jewish Law, for they went unveiled and bare faced into the public Congregation, and their reason was, as it seemeth by the Apostles discourse, because they, in regard of their beauty and comely feature, needed less to be ashamed before God in his worship then the men. The Apostle reproves both, and argues that if the man pray veiled, who is the Image and glory of God, then much more should the woman, who is but the glory of the man. But he cries down the man's praying veiled, as dishonoring his head; and exhorts that the woman have power on her head, because of the Angels, cap. 11. 10. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which we observed instantly before, out of Maymony signified a woman's veil, doth also signify power or dominion: and accordingly the Apostle speaketh, Let the Woman have power on her head: But what means he by, Because of the Angels? I should answer, Because of the Devils: for these he had called Angels also, a few Chapters before, viz. Chap. 6. 3. And his words may be construed to this sense, that Women should not expose their faces openly in the Congregation, lest the Devil make a bait of their beauty, and thereby entangle the eyes and hearts of the men, who should be then better employed, then gazing and longing after beauty. There are, that by Angels understood the Ministers, and interpret it, that Women should be veiled lest the Ministers eyes should be entangled by their faces: which exposition if it be admitted, it may speak for the admission of that also which we give, which provides for the eyes of the whole congregation as well as of the Ministers.

4. In the same eleventh Chapter he also blameth their disorder in receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in the height of their heats and contestations. Wherein they did not only not discern the Lord's body, a Symbole and tie of communion, but they even transgressed that rule now Christians, which those of them that were Jews would not have done in their Judaism. It was then a Canon current, and binding amongst them, that none should eat and drink in their Synagogues, and none should sleep, Jerus. in Megilla fol. 74. col. 1. Maym. in Tephillah per. 11. and Gloss. in Maym. in Shabb. 30. But now as they ate and drank the Bread and the Cup in the Sacrament, in their Churches, and that warrantably, so did they also presume unwarrantably to eat their own common Suppers there, and that only in defiance one of another, the rich to outface the poor, and one party another with their good commons; some banketing and feasting to the full, whilst others sat hungry by and looked on. [See how 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ver. 21. signifies in the LXX, Gen. 43. 34. Cant. 5. 1.] Thus did they eat and drink judgment to themselves in the Sacrament, whilst they would receive the symbol of communion and yet show such signs and evidences of disunion at the very instant: And the Lord accordingly overtook some of them with evident judgments, weakness, sickness and death, avenging at once upon them the indignity done to his Sacrament, and the indignity done to their brethren. Much like surfeiting Nabal's case and end.

5. And as the people were thus irregular in this part of worship in their public assemblies, so were their Ministers faulty in others, namely about the managing of spiritual gifts there. The pretence to the Spirit [where indeed it was not] hath always been the great usherer in of all error and delusion: And to this the very unbelieving Jews pretended, and often backed their pretences with magical impostures: and of this the Apostle speaks, Chap. 12. 3. No man speaking by the Spirit of God, as these men took on them to do, can call Jesus accursed, as they called him. And on the other hand, some that had spiritual gifts indeed, failed in the using of them to the edification of the Church, but put them forth sometimes for their own vain glory: and such was their miscarriage which he taxeth, Chap. 14. They that from that Chapter would ground a preaching by the Spirit now, sure do little observe what they do to build upon an example which the Apostle reproveth: and they infer from a place much mistaken.

There were indeed the extraordinary gifts of tongues and prophesying in the Church of Corinth, but who had them, and what had they in having them, and how used they them? 1. It was not every or indeed any private member of the Congregation that had them, but the Ministers only, and by these very gifts and imposition of the Apostles hands by which these gifts were conferred, they were inducted into the Ministry and enabled to it. The learned Reader will observe the difference that in ver. 16. is made betwixt him that spake with the tongues, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A private man, that sat by. 2. It was not to gabble with any tongue that is called speaking with a tongue [for to what edification possible could it be for any Minister in Corinth to speak Persick, Coptick, Gallick or any other strange language in that Congregation where all of them understood one and the same language?] but it was to understand and speak the Originals of Scriptures, as was touched before, and to be able to unfold them, and so to prophesy or preach to the people. Observe these passages in the Chapter: He that speaketh with a strange tongue edifieth himself, ver. 4. And, I would you all spake with tongues: Now how could a man edify himself by speaking in some strange remote language, when he might speak or understand the very same thing in his own mother tongue? And what were they better, if they all so spake, unless it were, that thereby they were the fitter to look into all human learning? But he or all of them that were able to understand and speak the original language of Scripture, might thereby edify themselves, and therein speak and understand what they could not in their mother tongue. 3. It appears by the Apostles discourse that these men used these gifts irregularly, confusedly and for their own vain glory, which he rebukes and rectifies.

6. There were also in or crept into this Church, those that were either down right Sadducees in denying the Resurrection, or that though with the Pharisees they acknowledged it, yet denied it of those that had forsaken their Judaism, and so would exclude all Christians from it: Upon this the fifteenth Chapter discourseth so fully and divinely that nothing can be more.

Those that this Church sent to visit Paul at Ephesus, brought with them a Letter from the Church, in the which they desired to be resolved about some doubts: as

• 1. About marriage, and a single life; what they should do in that case, since their Judaic Laws had always laid marriage upon them as a binding command. This they reckon the first command of the 613. Vid. marg. ad tripl. Targ. ad Gen. 1. And this their Canons did so strictly bind on as a duty, that they say that he that lives to such an age and marries not, transgresseth a preceptive Law. Maym. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 per. 1. In this case the Apostle saith, Praeceptum non habeo; that he accounted it no such command, but everyone was left to his liberty: according as he could contain, or not contain. And in his stating this case, how he speaks the language of his Nation, and how far he comes towards their opinions, or goes from them, the learned may observe, by comparing the beginning of this Chapter, with Maymony in his Treatise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 especially fol. [ apud me ] 251. & 248. & 249.
• 2. About cohabitation of man and wife, when the one party was a Believer or a Christian, and the other party an unbeliever or an Heathen. And here he concludes that the children, if either parent were a Christian, were holy, ver. 14. that is, Christians, and not to be reputed as Heathen Children. It is the very phrase that his Nation used about the Children of Proselytes, that were born after they were proselyted; they were said to be born 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in holiness, that is within the Religion, not in Heathenism.
• 3. About eating things sacrificed to Idols, and communicating in such things; a dangerous stumbling block of old, and particularly forbidden by the Council at Jerusalem: Of this he speaketh at large, and from the nature of Idol-sacrifices, and from the Nature of the Sacraments he showeth how far they should be separate from such communion with Idolatry. He speaketh of all Israel's being baptized unto Moses in the Cloud and Sea, and so separate from all Egyptian and other Idolatry and Profaneness; and our baptism speaks the like separation. The Jews say Moses was sanctified by the Cloud, Jerus. in Joma fol. 28. col. 2. and Paul speaks here the same of all Israel, Chap. 10. 2.
• 4. About Ministers maintenance under the Gospel, Chap. 9. which he confirmeth, and showeth that Peter and the rest of the Apostles and their Wives and Families were so maintained, Chap. 9. 5, &c.

He concludes the Epistle with a sad execration upon Whosoever loveth not the Lord Jesus Christ, let such a one be Anathema, Maran Atha, Chap. 16. 22. that is, let him be accursed or destroyed: Our Lord cometh. In which that he in the first aim and intention meaneth the unbelieving Jews, may be observed upon these four considerations. 1. Because the Jews of all men under Heaven were and are the greatest haters of Christ. Pagans indeed do not love the Lord Jesus, because they know him not, but again because they know him not they hate him not. The Turks love not Christ as Christians love him, but again they hate not Christ as the Jews hate him. The word Jesus here carries the Emphasis to level this execration at them: they pretended to love Messias or a Christ, but openly profess hatred of Jesus. 2. Because the Apostle here useth such Dialect, as that he speaketh in the very Jews language in the words Maran Atha. He had spoken in Greek all along the Epistle, and Greek all along his Epistles, and that here alone he should use a Syriac phrase and not translate it, it doth evidently show, that his speech referreth more especially to the Jewish Nation. So Jeremy in Chap. 10. v. 11. threatening and cursing the Chaldean Idolatry, doth in the Chaldean language; one clause of which he useth not throughout his Prophesy beside. 3. The Jews of all men did chiefly or only call Jesus anathema, as Chap. 12. 3. and as they are not ashamed openly to confess in their Talmud; therefore against them of all men first and chiefly is this Anathema aimed 4. This is agreeable to what the Scripture speaks copiously in other places: as Isa. 65. 15. You shall leave your name for a curse to my chosen, &c. Malac. 4. 6. Lest I come and smite the Land with a curse, &c. The most pious and charitable Apostle could wish himself to be Anathema for that Nation, on condition that they might believe and be saved, Rom. 9. 3. but since they will not believe, and do refuse salvation, and hate the Savior, he forgets consanguinity for the love of Christ, and dooming and devoting all whomsoever, that loved not the Lord Jesus Christ to destruction, he intends them in the first place who were his chief haters.

The words Maran-atha are held by some to be of the form of the highest excommunication; Sic signatur, say they, species extremi Anathematis, ac si diceretur, Maledictus esto ad adventum & in adventu Domini: And withal that Maran atha is the same in sense with Shammatha: but this utterly without the warrant of any Jewish antiquity [whose language it is] at all. I believe it is impossible to show Maran atha for a form of Excommunication or execration in any of their Writings, nay very hard if not next impossible to show the words Maran atha in their Writings at all in any sense.

The phrase in the Apostle refers first to Christ's coming in vengeance against Jerusalem and the Jewish Nation, as the execration is first to be pitched upon them: Maran atha, Our Lord cometh. Many and dreadful things are spoken of this his coming in the Scripture, of which we have spoken in several places as we have come along. So that in this sentence he doth both justly doom this unbelieving and wretched Nation to their deserved curse, and doth withal in this phrase intimate that the doomed curse was near approaching, in the Lord's coming in vengeance against them. Now though we construe the words in such an application to the Jews, it is not exclusively, but that their sense reacheth also to everyone that loveth not the Lord Jesus of what Nation soever, and the Lord will come in time to make him an Anathema.

There is some obscurity in a passage in Chap. 5. 9. both of Sense and History: I wrote unto you in an Epistle not to company with Fornicators: 10. Yet not altogether with the Fornicators of this world, &c. Where first we have to inquire what it is that the Apostle doth here forbid them, and then, when it was that he wrote this Epistle that he speaketh of. There are two things that are here prohibited; one, when he wrote that which he speaketh of, namely, that they should not company with Fornicators; and the other now when he writes this Epistle, viz. that they should not eat with such: the latter he had permitted till now, though he prohibited the former, which let them well observe that understand by eating the receiving of the Sacrament.

Besides what communion was among the Jews in sacris, there was a twofold companying or communicating among them in civil things; the one more common, the other more near and peculiar: Their more common was, eating together at the same common table: For even such eating they accounted of, as of a communion, under a rule: and hence no eating with Gentiles for any Jew, Act. 11. 3. nor with Publicans and sinners for any that were of the stricter sort of Religions: therefore Christ is cavilled at for it so oft in the Gospel. The other was that communion or associating, which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the former of which comprehended their near joining in partnership, deputations and the like, of the which the triple Talmudic. Tract Bava, and Maymonies of Shittuphin and Silluchin, do treat at large. The later comprehended their combining in joint interest and association, in the use of any common Court or Cloister where many dwelt together: of which the Treatise Erubhin is a large discourse and obscure enough. Now the Apostle in the former prohibition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , seems to forbid this nearer communion: that if any that is called a brother or a Christian, be a Fornicator, &c. they should not associate with him in any such conjunction as partnership, deputation, employment, cohabitation or common interest, &c. But upon the hearing of this horrid fact and example of the incestuous person, he heightens his prohibition, and now forbids, that they should not use so much as that common society with them, as to eat with them at common tables: which was to set them at the utmost distance, even at the same that the Jews did the very Heathens, for with them they might not eat.

Now how to understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is of some difficulty. Some conceive it means an Epistle, which was sent before this, and which was lost. Which is an exposition somewhat hard to digest. Certainly it is gentler and more warrantable, yea even by the rules of Grammar to render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to such a sense as this, I wrote, or had written, or was writing in this Epistle that you should not company with Fornicators, &c. but now hearing and weighing this high offense of the incestuous person, and the danger of such an example, I sharpen my style, and now forbid not only your near associating with such, but even the common fellowship of eating together at common tables, which was as much as that which is spoken, Matth. 18. 17. Let him be to thee as an heathen man.

ACTS Chap. XIX. from Ver. 23. to the end of the Chapter.

PAUL had determined to stay at Ephesus till Pentecost, because of a great and effectual door that was opened to him, and he was earnest to embrace that opportunity, 1 Cor. 16. 9. but before his determined time of departure thence came, and as it seemeth not long before, Demetrius, with the rest of the Silversmiths raise a tumult against him as the great impairer of their profit, by crying down the worship of Diana and other Idols. These men used to make silver temples of Diana, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or little models, as it seemeth, made after that Temple fashion: which they that came to Ephesus to worship, bought, either to consecrate to the Goddess, and to leave there in her Temple, or rather to take away with them home in memorial of that Goddess. Tully in Verre •• speaks of Aedes Minervae posita in fano Apollinis. And Dion Cassius lib. 36. of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. A little Temple of Juno set upon a Table looking toward the East, did of itself turn towards the North. And in lib. 40. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c.] The Eagle [saith he, meaning the Roman ensign] was a little Temple, and in it was set a golden Eagle: such a one pitched in everyone of the Roman Legions, and it never stirred out of the winter quarters, till the whole camp did remove: this Eagle fixed on the top of a spear one man carried: the lower end of the spear being sharp that it might be stuck into the ground. So that it seems the Roman Eagles were not flying Colours like ours, but a golden Eagle meddal wise enclosed in a little fabric like a Temple: of such a kind were these silver Temples of Diana, namely a little silver shrine made after the fashion of the Temple and the Goddess in it.

The great Temple was reputed one of the seven wondrous fabrics of the world: It was hundreds of years in building at the charge of all Asia, before it came to its last excellency and perfection. And as hither had been the conflux of the cost of all Asia toward the building of it, so when it was built, hither was the conflux of all Asia 's superstition. And as from hence it may be gathered how great a work it was to plant the Gospel in this center of Idolatry, so doth Demetrius readily observe, how great a detriment is like to accrue to him and his fellows by the Gospels destroying that Idolatry, as daily it did. Hereupon they raise a tumult against Paul, which is not only promoted by the Idolatrous Heathen, but by the Jews also, though upon another score. In the hubbub there is mention of Alexander, whom they drew out of the multitude the Jews putting him forward. And he heckned with the hand and would have made his defense unto the People, but when they knew he was a Jew they would not hear him, ver. 33, 34. And Paul in his second Epistle to Timothy, who was at Ephesus when he wrote to him, saith, Alexander the Copper-smith did me much evil, 2 Tim. 4. 14. I think there is little question to be made but that Alexander mentioned in both places is one and the same man: especially if we consider that he that Paul speaks of was of Demetrius his Profession a Copper-smith. Now whereas Luke saith the Jews put him forward, and he would fain have made a speech in his defense to the people: it is easy to guess what the subject of this speech would have been: Namely that whereas the Heathens everywhere looked upon the Jews as the great opposers and enemies of their Idolatry, and the Jews and Alexander were very apprehensive, that the eyes of the Ephesians was on that Nation as the enemy of their Diana, and so they feared the tumult might have fallen upon them, they put forward Alexander to make their Apology, who if he had had liberty to have spoken would have laid load upon Paul and his company, and have excused the Jews: but thus it pleased God to provide for the Apostles safety, that the tumultuous people would not hear what Alexander would have said: which would have laid all the blame on Paul.

ACTS CHAP. XX.

IT was his resolution to have stayed at Ephesus till Pentecost, had he had no disquieture or disturbance there, 1 Cor. 16. 8. Now though it be not certain how long it was before the time that he had fixed for his departure, that the tumult there did pack him away: yet this is apparent, that when he came thence, he had the whole summer before him, and in that summer he travelled these journeys, and thus was his progress.

• 1. From Ephesus he setteth for Macedonia, ver. 1 & 1 Cor. 16. 5. from whence though he had been driven some five years ago by persecution, Act. 16. as he is now from Ephesus, yet had he received so many evidences of the Macedonians faith towards God, and pledges of their tenderness and love towards himself, Philip. 4. 15, 16. that he is not only resolved to venture himself again amongst them, but he holds himself engaged to revisit them, and to bestow his pains again among them for their further proficiency in the Gospel. At his departure from Ephesus he leaveth Timothy there behind him, though in a dangerous place and time, yet necessity by reason of false teachers that were ready to break out, so requiring it, 1 Tim. 1. 3, 4.
• 2. By the way as he goes he makes some stay at Troas: where though he had fair success in his Ministry, yet not finding Titus whom he expected to have met withal from Corinth, he makes not long stay there, but sets away again speedily for Macedonia, 2 Cor. 2. 12, 13.
• 3. It was in his thoughts whilst he was at Ephesus, to have touched at Corinth, in this his journey, and to have made some stay there, 2 Cor. 1. 15, 16. but thus missing of Titus at Troas, and neither from him, nor yet from any other receiving intelligence how his Epistle that he had written thither took with them, he thought it best to go by, and not to call there at this time, because he doubted he should have a heavy and comfortless meeting with them, 2 Cor. 2. 1, 2.
• 4. Being come into Macedonia he finds some troubles there: fightings without, either from false brethren, or from open enemies: and fears and unquietness within lest all should continue at Corinth, as he had herd of it: but at the last Titus cometh and refresheth him with the desired and welcome tidings that all was well there, and that his Epistle had had that happy issue and effect among them that he longed for, 2 Cor. 7. 5, 6.
• 5. Whilst he stayeth in Macedonia and those parts, he preacheth especially in those places where he had been before, namely Thessalonica and Philippi; and now was the time also that he dispersed the Gospel as far as to Illyricum, of which he speaketh in Rom. 15. 19.
• 6. At this time whilst he was employed in these Macedonian climates, he writeth, as may be concluded upon these observations, THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY;
  • 1. It is apparent from 1 Tim. 1. 3. & 3. 15. that that Epistle was written after Paul's setting out from Ephesus for Macedonia, and yet when he was in some thoughts of returning shortly for Ephesus again.
  • 2. Now it cannot be conceived to have been written when he was going towards Macedonia, for then was he but newly parted from Timothy, and it is not likely he would so write to him when he was but newly come from him.
  • 3. Nor can it be conceived to be written when he was coming back again from Macedonia into Greece, for then he was going to Ephesus in his own determination, and might have been his own messenger, and had needed no Epistle sending at all. And besides he intimates in Chap. 3. 16. that it might be, he might stay a little long before he came to him: Therefore it cannot but be concluded that this Epistle was written whilst he was in Macedonia or the parts there abouts, at this time that we are upon.

It is something strange that there should be so various and roving conjectures about the time and place of the writing of this Epistle where there is so plain a demonstration thereof in the Epistle itself, if studiously compared with these times and voyages of Paul that are before us. The Arabic dateth it from Athens: supposing it, belike, at the time of his perambulation of Greece, of which there is mention in ver. 3. of this Chapter: the Syriac from Laodicea: some Greek copies add from Laodicea Pacatiana: which mistake belike grew, because there is mention of an Epistle from Laodicea, Colos. 4. 16. of which we shall speak and show the mistake when we come to the time of that Epistle. The Rhemists suppose this Epistle to Timothy was written at Paul's first imprisonment in Rome; when he was dismissed and set at liberty, but how erroneously, will appear when we come to observe the time of the second Epistle.

Paul had bestowed much pains and a long time with the Church of Ephesus being present with it: and he takes much care of it now he is gone thence: partly because of the eminency of the place, and partly because of the sickleness of some, who were ready to warp from the sound truth and doctrine received, to heresy and foolish opinions. For the keeping down of these therefore that they should not overgrow the Church, he leaveth Timothy there, when himself departeth; choosing him for that employment above all other his followers, because [as was said before] some prophetic predictions had sealed him for a singular and extraordinary instrument in the Gospel, 1 Tim. 2. 14.

He had two works to do in that City: first to prevent rising Errors and Heterodoxies, and secondly to direct and order the Orthodox aright in Worship and discipline: not as any Diocesan Bishop [for he stayed but a while there, and what he did, he did but by the Apostles direction,] but as one that Paul had found sound, bold, blameless, painful and, faithful.

Among the Jewish Churches that received the Gospel, there grew in time a very epidemical and dangerous Apostasy, either totally from the Doctrine of the Gospel, or partially from the purity of it, as we have frequent occasion to observe upon several passages that we meet withal as we go along: and this backsliding from the Doctrine and Profession of Christ once received, was the topping up of the iniquity of that Nation, and was a forerunner and a hastner of their destruction and casting off.

The first principles whereby their false teachers did prison them towards this recidivation, were, puzzling them with idle fables, intricate genealogies, and especially nice curiosities, and needless obligations of the Law: Their fables that were likeliest to serve their turn for this purpose [as near as one may guess upon view of the whole heap in their Talmudic • Records] may be supposed to have been those strange legends that they 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 related of the wondrous sanctity, devotion and facts of some of their Pharisaical and legal righteous ones, and the wondrous gallantry and golden days that they conceited in a carnal construction of the times of Messias.

Their endless genealogies which the Apostle speaketh of Tit. 3. 9. and mentioneth together with these fables, 1 Tim. 1. 4. were not any of the genealogies of Scripture, holy and divine, but their long and intricate pedigrees that they stood upon, to prove themselves Jews, Levites, Priests and the like, thereby to interest themselves in claim to all those brave things that they persuaded themselves belonged to a Jew as a Jew, upon that very account: And to these we may add the long genealogy and pedigree of their traditions which they derived by a long line of succession through the hands of I know not how many Doctors: of which the Talmudic Treatise Avoth, is as a Herald. And if we will construe the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Juchasin, Genealogies, in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aserah Juchasin Ten linages, that they speak of that came out of Babel at the return of the captivity, I am sure we may find endless questions wherewithal they puzzeled men's minds about them; as Vid. Talm. in Kiddushin per. 4. Alphes. ibid, &c.

And as for their making their baits of the Law for the catching and withdrawing of simple souls either totally from the acknowledging, or at least from the simplicety of the Gospel, it is very obvious in the Epistles of Paul and the other Epistles how they wrought, and how they prevailed: the witchery of old customs and long use, and the gawdiness of a Ceremonious Religion, helping them to speed in their designs, and forwarding their deceivings.

Such canker began to break out in the Church of Ephesus: whose creeping and infecting, it is the first and great work of Timothy to prevent, and to fill the ears of his hearers with sound doctrine and admonitions, which might keep such deceit and infection out. And answerably it must be his care to settle the Church in such a salubrious constitution of Worship, Ministry and Government, as that it should not be ready to sway and incline to such dangerous seductions. Hereupon doth the Apostle lay a divine Directory before him, concerning their manner of praying, choosing and ordaining of Ministers, approving Deacons, admitting widows, and regulating the people, that nothing could be wanting to the healthful temper of that Church if they receive and embrace these applications: In the most of which prescriptions he useth exceeding much of their Synagogue language, that he may be the better understood, and reflecteth upon divers of their own Laws and customs, that what he prescribeth may imprint upon them with the more conviction. He calleth the Minister Episcopus, from the common and known title The Chazan or Overseer in the Synagogue: Aruch in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He prescribeth rules and qualifications for his choice, in most things suitable to their own cautions in choosing of an Elder: Maym. in Sanhedr. per. 4. He speaketh of Elders ruling only, and Elders ruling and laboring in the Word and Doctrine: meaning in this distinction, that same that he had spoken of in Chap. 3. Bishops and Deacons. Both these in the common language then best known, were called Elders, and both owned as Rulers. Yea the very title that they usually termed Deacons by [ Parnasin ] was the common word that was used to signify a Ruler. The Jerusalem Talmud in Peah. fol. 21. 1. speaking of the three Parnasin or Deacons that were inevery Synagogue, hath these two passages, which may be some illustration to two passagesin this Epistle. They appoint not less then three Pernasin in the Congregation: for if matters of money were judged by three, matters of life much more require three to manage them. Observe that the Deacons Office was accounted as an Office that concerned life, namely in taking care for the subsistence of the poor. According to this may that in Chap. 3. 12. be understood. For they that have used the Office of a Deacon well, purchase to themselves a good degree. A good degree towards being entrusted with souls, when they have been faithful in discharge of their trust concerning the life of the body. The other passage is this, R. Haggai whensoever he appointed Parnasin [Deacons] he urged the Law upon the People, saying, All rule that is given, is given from the Law, &c. And here you may likewise observe, that Deaconship is called Rule.

We observe before, that it were not so monstrous as it might seem, if by Elders that ruled only we should understand a Civil Magistracy or Bench in every Congregation, as there was in every Synagogue; but since the Apostle nameth only Bishops and Deacons, his interpretation here is best taken from and within himself; and to understand the Elders that ruled only of the Deacons, which were called both Elders and Rulers, as well as the Ministers: and in the Jews Synagogues were professed Scholars: The Talmudic place now cited tells us that R. Eliezer one of their greatest Rabbing was a Parnas, or Deacon in a Synagogue. The Episcopy or Ministers are titled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that labored in the Word and Doctrine: which most properly is to be understood distinctly thus, which labored in the Word, and which labored in teaching: and the former to denote their laboriousness in study to enable them to teach, and the latter their laboriousness in teaching. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is but the common phrase of the Jews turned into Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [See the Syriac here] by which they mean a great student in the Law. Among multitudes of instances that might be alleged, I shall produce but this one out of Jeruslin Maasar sheni fol. 56. col. 2. R. Jonah paid his Tithes to R. Acha bar Ulla, not because he was a Priest 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but because he labored in the Law, that is, was a great student and an able teacher. They that suppose that the tithes under the Law were paid only at the temple, and to maintain the Priests in the ceremonious worship there, and upon this conceit look upon them only as Levitical, are far deceived: for as some were indeed paid at the Temple upon such an account, so others and that the Greatest part, were paid to the Priests and Levites in their 48 Universities, Josh. 21. to maintain them whilst they were studying there, to enable them for the Ministry, and to teach the people, for which they were designed, Deut. 33. 10. Mal. 2. 7. and when they were dispersed through the Land, into the several Synagogues to be Ministers in them, tithes were also paid for their maintenance there.

He speaketh of provision to be made for poor Widows, even much according to the Jews own rules, that they went by in their Synagogues, which herein were good. The Talmudic Treatise Jevamoth speaketh of this matter at large, and see Maym in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 per. 18. & 20. The Widows he allows to be taken in, to be maintained of the public stock, he would have not to be Widows by divorce, nor Widows young; but of 60 years of age, and of grave and holy qualifications: Not that these were to vow the vow of continency [as see what a miserable ado the Rhemists make upon the place] but that they must be such as were likely to bring no more charge then themselves upon the Church, nor bring any shame or reproach by the lightness of their lives to it, and might be serviceable in their places, to attend upon strangers, to wash their feet, &c. But as for younger Widows, their age and those times were dangerous, when the Nicolaitan doctrine without [which taught communicating with things of Idolatry and Fornication, and mixing and marriage indifferently with heathen] meeting with the heat of youth within, might make such to wax wanton against Christ, and deny the faith and marry with heathens: or at least to bring charge upon the Church if they continued in it.

He enjoins prayers to be made for all sorts of men, whereas the Jewish custom was, to curse the Heathen, and to pray for none but themselves and their own Nation. He calls the Church the pillar and ground of truth, Chap. 3. 15. the very title by which the great Sanhedrin was ordinarily styled. Vid. Maym. in Mamrin. per. 1. the observing of which may be of good use for the explanation of it here.

After some stay in Macedonia, and preaching up and down in those parts, Paul turns back again, and goes for Greece, Act. 20. 2. and by the way visiteth Crete and there leaveth Titus, Tit. 1. 5. thinking that he should presently after a little stay in Greece, have set towards Jerusalem, and that Titus should have stayed there till further time: For if what hath been spoken lately concerning Titus be considered, how Paul sent him with his first Epistle to the Corinthians, and that after their parting at Ephesus upon that occasion, they never met till Titus cometh up to him, when he was come from Ephesus to Macedonia, 2 Cor. 7. 5, 6. it will readily resolve, that in that first journey to Macedonia he left him not in Cree • , for Titus and he were not yet met again since their parting at Ephesus. And that he left him not there at his second coming up to Macedonia [namely after his travelling in Greece, and when he was prevented of his intended journey into Syria, Act. 20. 2, 3.] it is apparent also by this, that instantly upon his returning from Greece and from his prevented journey, he sendeth for Titus to come to him upon warning, Tit. 3. 12. which two particulars jointly observed do make it plain that he left Titus in Crete when he came back from Macedonia in his journey into Greece, and when he intended after his perambulation of Greece to have gone for Syria, but the lying in wait of some Jews for his life, turned him again to Macedonia.

In his return thither, or upon his coming there, he writeth THE EPISTLE TO TITUS.

It is not much material to controvert whether he sent this Epistle in the way as he went towards Macedonia, or when he was come up into Macedonia; it is enough to know, that it was in the scantling of time, either in his journey thither, or instantly upon his coming there. The postscript hath dated it from Nicopolis, because of his words in Chap. 3. 12. Come unto me to Nicopolis, for there I have determined to winter: from which words, as the affixer of the postscript hath gathered some ground to date it thence, so others have gathered better ground, to hold that it was not dated thence, because he saith not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Here, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 There I have determined to winter: as if he were not yet come thither.

Who first planted the Gospel in Crete may be an endless inquiry: certain it is that some Cretans were present at the first pouring forth of the Holy Ghost in the gift of tongues, Acts 2. 8. but whether they embraced the Gospel and returned with it into their own Country, is an inquiry as endless: Whether Barnabas ever preached there we may question also, but when we have done all we can never resolve. It is more then probable that Paul was there himself, from that expression I left thee in Crete, but his stay there when he left Titus could not be long, as is easily cleared from the time of his journeys lately mentioned.

Whether he had been there some time before, or whether he had sent the Gospel thither by some of his Ministers, or however it came there, there wanted something to the constituting of the Church, which he leaveth Titus to accomplish: And his work is just the same that he left Timothy at Ephesus for, as is easily seen by laying together the two Epistles, viz. to stop the mouth of the Heterodox, and to direct and advise the Orthodox in Doctrine and Discipline, and to ordain Elders and Ministers in the Churches.

This matter of ordaining Elders hath made the postscripts of the Epistles to these two men to entitle them Bishops, the one of Ephesus, and the other of Crete, who how little they stayed or settled in either of these places, he readeth but dimly that seeth not.

The Apostle in this Epistle urgeth him to dispatch the business that lay before him, that upon notice from him, he might be ready to come up to him to Nicopolis: a City that bare the name and badge of the Victory that Augustus obtained against Anthony. Dion. Cass. pag. 426. & 443.

Titus according to his appointment came to him, and when winter began to draw over, and Paul began now to think of journeying ere it were very long, he sends him upon an employment to another place: which because it was when winter was going off, we must place it in another year.

[CHRIST. LVI] [NERO. II] A New year being now entered, and Paul intending for Syria as soon as the spring was a little up, he sendeth Titus before hand to Corinth, to hasten their collections for the Saints in Judea, that they might be ready against Paul should come thither. And with Titus he sendeth two other brethren, and by them all he sendeth THE SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS.

The proof that it was written and sent at this time and in this manner, is plain by these places and passages in it: Chap. 9. 2, 3, 4. I know the forwardness of your mind, for which I boast of you to them of Macedonia: Yet have I sent the brethren, lest our boasting of you should be in vain; lest haply they of Macedonia come with me, &c. Chap. 12. 14. Behold the third time I am coming to you. Chap. 13. 1. This is the third time I am coming to you. And Chap. 8. 16. But thanks be unto God who put the same earnest care into the heart of Titus for you. 17. Being more forward of his own accord he went unto you. 18. And with him we have sent the brother whose praise is in the Gospel. 22. And we have sent with them our brother, whom we have often times proved diligent in many things, &c.

Who these two nameless persons should be, will require some inquiry. The later I suppose was Erastus, both because his diligence had been approved before, Acts 19. 22, &c. and also because it is said Erastus abode at Corinth, 2 Tim. 4. yet he not named among Paul's retinue when he set out for Asia, Act. 20. 4. because he was gone to Corinth before.

As for the other brother whose praise is said to be in the Gospel, that very phrase and expression hath caused many to conceive, that it was Luke, and that the words mean, Who is famous in all the Churches for the Gospel he hath written: whereas [besides that groundless strictness that is put upon the words, limiting them to the writing of a Gospel, which according to that most usual manner of speech, are rather to be understood of his renowning in preaching the Gospel ] it is apparent by the words of Luke himself, that he went not either before Paul to Corinth, as this brother spoken of did, nor did he go before Paul to Troas as the rest that are named by him did, but he went in Paul's company: for observe his speech, These tarried for us at Troas: And we sailed away from Philippi, &c. The words Us and We do plainly associate the penman himself with Paul at his setting out, and show that he was none of those that were sent before.

Others therefore do guess that this brother that went along with Titus, was Silas, because it is said, Who also was chosen by the Churches to travel with us, &c. Which very thing which they use for an argument to prove it Silas, proves against it, for Silas was not chosen by the Churches to go with Paul, anymore than Timothy or Titus were; but he was chosen by Paul alone, as they also were. See Act. 15. 40.

That clause then, Who was also chosen of the Churches to travel with us, doth deal the matter betwixt Barnabas and Mark, for none other can be named, to whom the words can be so properly applied as to one of them: and of the two, most properly to Mark; and he I doubt not, is the man that is here intended: For 1. the words with us, join Paul and Barnabas together in their travel, and the third man who was chosen to travel with them was none but Mark. For 2. he was chosen by the Church at Jerusalem for that purpose, Acts 12. 25. and by the Church at Antioch, Acts 13. 5. as these words he was chosen by the Churches do well explain those verses. 3. It is true indeed that Paul had taken distaste at Mark, and so bitter, that Barnabas and he had parted upon it, Act. 15. 39. yet in his second Epistle to Timothy he desires Timothy to bring Mark to him, for that he is profitable to him for the Ministry, 2 Tim. 4. by which it appears that he was not only reconciled to him, but also that he had made use of him and found him useful: When it was that they knit into amity and employment again, is not discoverable, but that they had done so, the passage newly alleged, doth make past denial; and if his employment of Mark were not now, or before, he can no more employ him, before he himself become a prisoner. When we come to the time and order of the second Epistle to Timothy, we shall have occasion to speak to this matter again, and shall find something there to help the confirmation of this assertion, nay to raise it higher then yet it hath spoken, namely, that Mark was not only sent by Paul to Corinth at this time, but also that he was at Corinth when Paul sent for him to come to him to Rome. And thus if these words, Whose praise is in the Gospel, were to be understood of one that had written a Gospel, here is a subject to apply them to in that sense, for this Mark wrote a Gospel as well as Luke.

The Apostle in this second Epistle to Corinth, doth first excuse his not coming to them according as he had promised in his first Epistle, 1 Cor. 16. 5. clearing himself from all lightness in making, and from all unfaithfulness in breaking that promise, and pitching the main reason upon themselves and their present condition: because he had not yet intelligence when he went first into Macedonia, of any reformation among them of those enormities that he had reproved in his first Epistle, therefore he was unwilling to come to them in heaviness, and with a scourge. This his failing to come according to his promise, had opened the mouths of divers in his disgrace, and false teachers took any other occasion to vilify him, which he copiously satisfies and vindicates himself all along the Epistle.

His exceeding zealous plainness with them, and dealing so home and thoroughly against their misdemeanors as he did, was one advantage that false teachers and his ill willers took to open their mouth against him, and to withdraw hearts from him: and withal and mainly, because he was so urgent against the works of the Law as to Justification, and those rites which the Jews, even the most that were converted to the Gospel, too much doted on. About the former, their taunt and scorn against him was, His Letters are weighty and powerful, but his bodily presence is weak and speech contemptible, Chap. 10. 10. A poor contemptible fellow [say they] to be so sharp and supercilious in his Letters; this is more then he durst speak if he were here! &c. But let such know, says he, that what I am by Letters in absence, I will be by words and in deed in presence. Concerning both this and the latter named, they passed Festus his censure upon him, as Acts 26. 24. that he was besides himself. This he mentions and answers, Chap. 5. 13. Whether we are besides ourselves it is for God, or whether we be sober it is for your cause. For the love of Christ constraineth us, because we thus judge: that if one died for all, then were all dead, &c. Since Christ died for all, that is, for Jews and Gentiles both, he could not but conclude that all were dead, the Jew as well as the Gentile; therefore he could not but so urgently call upon the Jew to look off his own righteousness, and the works of the Law, and to look for Justification by faith in Christ. Another scandalous opinion and reproach they also took up of him, That he walked after the flesh [a strange slander of Paul ] Chap. 10. 2. but this was but an appendix to that before: because he was not Pharisaically precise about their trivial rites of the Law [which too many of them mixed with the Gospel,] but cried them down, therefore they cried him up for carnal. His answer to this is, that his Ministry may witness the contrary for him, ver. 3, 4, 5. the end of which and the abundant effect of which was to beat down such carnal affections and actions as were such indeed: His expression of the weapons of his warfare being strong to pull down strong holds, expounds that Num. 24. 17. of Christ's smiting the corners of Moab, and destroying all the Sons of Seth. And he gives this for a second answer, that if they would be but obedient; they should see how his Apostolic power was ready to avenge disobedience.

Since he hath such back friends and open enemies in this Church, it is no wonder if he write so doubtingly of them how he should find them: and that he stayed no longer with them when he came to them, as his stay was very little. His former Epistle, as it is apparent by several passages in this, had wrought them into a reasonable good temper: but mischief now was crept on them again, at least there were some that were tampering to bring it on. In regard therefore of that vilifying that these false teachers; enemies of him and God did set him at, and sought to make him odious and contemptible in the eyes of the Church, he is put to it to make his vindication, and that, as the matter required with much largness and earnestness. He therefore copiously discourseth, what God had done by him, what he had suffered for God, and what he had done for the Churches; in any of which things let any of these that reviled him, come near him if they could. In relating the passages of his life, he mentioneth many things, of which there is no mention in his story in the Acts of the Apostles: and frequently in his discourse, he speaketh of his folly in boasting, as Chap. 11. 1. Bear with me a little in my folly, and see ver. 16, 17. because indeed man's boasting of himself is folly, and they would be ready to censure his so, therefore he styles his by that title, though it were not folly in him, but a needful and an holy vindication of himself and of his Ministry.

After he had sent away this Epistle, by Titus, Erastus and Mark, if our conjecture fail not, and had given notice to the Corinthians of his speedy coming to them, and warning to get their Collections ready against he came, he provideth for his journey into Syria, which he had intended so long: partly to visit the Churches in these parts, and partly to bring up the Collections that he had got for the poor of Judea: which he had promised to the three Ministers of the Circumcision. Peter, James and John that he would be careful of, Gal. 2. 10.

[CHRIST. LVI] [NERO. II] ACTS Chap. XX.

THE story, as hath been said, hath brought us to another year, the beginning of which, that is, from the entrance of January and forward, even till Easter, Paul spent in Macedonia, still wintring there, viz. in Nicopolis, Philippi, &c. and after Easter he sets for Jerusalem, ver. 6. Therefore we have superscribed it, The second of Nero, and of Christ the 56th.

When we come to speak of the Epistle to the Romans, which we shall meet with in our way very shortly, we shall say something of the names of these men [for many of them will meet us there:] only we cannot meet Timothy here without some notice taken of him, and some quaere how he came here. The last year Paul left him at Ephesus when himself came thence, and being come thence into Macedonia he sends him an Epistle with his earnest desire in it, that he would stay there still upon that needful employment upon which he was left, 1 Tim. 1. how then is Timothy now got to him into Macedonia, so that he is with him at his setting away from Philippi? We have not indeed any intimation that Paul sent for him away, as we have of his sending for Titus whom he left in Crete, intendedly for a longer time: but it is very probable that Paul designing to have sailed for Syria, came near to him: and there discovering the danger that was laid in his way by the Jews, which might also have infolded Timothy, he brought him away back again with him, and so both returned into Macedonia, and now winter is over, they are setting for Asia again.

But when Paul and this his company are all going for Asia together, why should they not set out together, but these go before and tarry at Troas, and Paul and some other of his company come after? Nay they were all to meet at Troas as it appeareth, ver. 6. why might they not then have gone all together to Troas?

The reason of this was, because Paul himself was to go by Corinth: and not minding to stay there but very little, because he hastened to Jerusalem, he would not take his whole train thither, but sends them away the next way they could go to Troas, himself promising and resolving to be speedily with them there. He had promised a long time to the Church of Corinth to come unto them, and he had newly sent word in that Epistle that he had lately sent, that now his coming would be speedy, 2 Cor. 12. 14. Behold the third time I am ready to come to you: and Chap. 13. 1. This is the third time that I am coming to you: Not that he had been there twice before, for since his first departing thence [when he had stayed there a long time together, at his first planting of the Gospel in that place] there is neither mention nor probability of his being there again, but this was the third time that he was in coming, having promised and intended a journey thither once before, but was prevented, 2 Cor. 1. 15, 16, 17. But now he not only promiseth by the Epistle that he will come, but staketh the three Brethren that he had sent thither, for witnesses and sureties of that promise, 2 Cor. 13. 1, 2. that in the mouth of those witnesses his promise might be established and assured.

Now the time is come that he makes good his promise, and whilst the rest of his company go directly the next cut to Troas, he himself and Luke, and whom else he thought good to retain with him, go about by Corinth.

And now to look a little further into the reason of their thus parting company, and of Paul's short stay at Corinth when he came there, we may take into thoughts [besides how much he hastened to Jerusalem ] the jealousy that he had that he should not find all things at Corinth so comfortable to himself, and so creditable to them, before those that should come with him, as he desired. He hath many passages in the second Epistle that he wrote to them, that glance that way: For though as to the general there was Reformation wrought among them upon the receiving of his first Epistle, and thereupon he speaketh very excellent things of them, yet were there not a few that thought basely of him, 2 Cor. 10. 1, 2. and traduced him and his Doctrine, Chap. 11. & 12. and gave him cause to suspect that his boasting of that Church to the Churches of Macedonia might come off but indifferently, if the Macedonians should come with him to see how all things were there, 2 Cor. 9. 4. And therefore it was but the good policy of just fear, grief, and prudence to send them by another way, and he had very just cause to stay but a while when he came there.

From Corinth in his short stay there, he writeth THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS, as hath been well supposed by some of the Ancients, is asserted by the postscript, and may be concluded from these Observations.

• 1. That he saith, that he is now going to Jerusalem to bring to the Saints that benevolence that they of Macedonia and Achaia had collected for them, Rom. 15. 26. The word Achaia tells us that he now was sure of the Corinthian contribution, which he was not sure of, till he came there.
• 2. That he commendeth to the Romans, Phaebe a servant of the Church of Cenchraea, Rom. 16. 1. which Cenchraea was a place belonging to Corinth, as was observed before, though at some few miles distance.
• 3. That he calleth Erastus, Chamberlain of the City, Rom. 16. 23. of whom it is said Erastus abode at Corinth. 2 Tim. 4.
• 4. That he calleth Gaius his host, or the man with whom he lodged, and the host of the whole Church, or in whose house strangers had their entertainment, Rom. 16. 23. who was a Corinthian, 1 Cor. 1. 14. And hence it appeareth that Gaius of Derbe, who was one of those that were gone before to Troas, was one man, and Gaius of Corinth was another.

It is true indeed that the greetings of some men were sent in this Epistle which were not with Paul at this present in Corinth: as Timothies, Rom. 16. 20. who was gone to Troas: and Sosipaters, who was gone thither also [for he I suppose is the same with Sopater of Berea, Acts 20. 4.] and this might seem to infringe the truth of this opinion that holdeth that this Epistle was written from Corinth: But when it is considered how lately Paul and these men parted, and that it is past doubt that he would acquaint them before their parting of his intentions to send to Rome, it is no difficulty to conceive how their salutations came inserted into that Epistle.

There are indeed some that confess that it was written from Corinth, but not at this time but at another, namely in that time when Paul travelled Greece, of which journey there is mention Act. 20. in which time, among other places, they conceive he came to Corinth and there wrote this Epistle. But 1. it may very well be questioned whether he were at Corinth in these three months travels or no. For whereas he had promised to call on them as he went to Jerusalem, 1 Cor. 16. 7. [which he intended when he travelled those three months, but that he discovered that the Jews lay in wait for him] he excuseth himself for not coming according to that promise, 2 Cor. 1. 16, 17. And if it were granted that he was at Corinth at that time, yet 2. he could not write this Epistle at that time, because when he wrote it, he knew the contribution of the Corinthian Church was then ready, Rom. 15. 26. which when he travelled Greece, either indeed was not so, or at least he knew not that it was, as appeareth copiously in his second Epistle to that Church.

The Apostle in this most sublime Epistle, clears fully and divinely, the two great mysteries of the Gospel, Righteousness by faith, and the calling of the Gentiles. And in the handling of these he handles the great points Original sin, Election, and casting off of the Jews. He lays this position down concerning the first, Chap. 1. 17. That in the Gospel is revealed the Righteousness of God [ justifying, as in the Law was revealed his righteousness or justice condemning ] and that from faith [of immediate innixion upon God as was Adams before his fall, and as was that which the Jews owned in God] to faith, in the righteousness of another: namely Christ. This way of justification he proveth first by showing how far all men both by nature and action are from possibility of being justified of or by themselves, which he cleareth by the horrid sinfulness of the Heathen, Chap. 1. [a large proof of which might be read at Rome at that very instant:] and little less sinfulness of the Jews though they had the Law, Chap. 2. & 3. and therefore concludeth, Chap. 3. 30. that God justifieth the circumcision by faith [and not by works, as they stood upon it] and the uncircumcision through faith [for all their works that had been so abominable, and that seemed so contrary to justification.] In Chap. 4. he taketh up the example of Abraham, whom the Jews reputed most highly justified by his works, for they had this saying of him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Abraham performed all the Law every whit: but he proveth that he found nothing by his own works, but by believing he found all. In Chap. 5. he proves the imputation of Christ's righteousness for Justification, by the parallel of the imputation of Adams sin for condemnation: Not at all intending to assert that as many as were condemned by Adam, were freed from that condemnation by the death of Christ, but purposely and only to prove the one imputation by the other.

It was a strange doctrine in the ears of a Jew to hear of being justified by the righteousness of another, therefore he proves it by the like, men's being condemned for and by the unrighteousness of another. Two close couched passages clear what he aimeth at: The first is in ver. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Wherefore as by one man sin entered into the World, &c. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 As, properly requireth a So to follow it, as you may observe it doth, in ver. 15. 18, 19. but here there is no such thing expressed, therefore it is so to be understood; and the Apostles words to be construed to this sense. Wherefore it is, or the case is here as it was in Adam, as by one man sin entered into the World, &c. there imputation, so here. The second is ver. 18. in the Original verbatim thus. As by the transgression of one, upon all men to condemnation, so by the righteousness of one, upon all men to justification of life. What, upon all men? Our Translation hath added some words to clear the sense, but the shortness of the Apostles style doth better clear his intent: namely to intimate imputation: as speaking to this purpose, As by the transgression of one there was that that redounded to all to condemnation, so by the righteousness of one there is that that redoundeth to all to justification of life: And to clear that he meaneth not that all that were condemned by Adams Fall were redeemed by Christ, he at once showeth the descent of Original sin, and the descent of it for all the death and righteousness of Christ, Quae tamen profuerunt antequam fuerunt. Ver. 13. For till the Law sin was in the World: but sin is not imputed where there is no Law. Nevertheless death reigned from Adam to Moses. By what Law was sin sin and did death reign, when the Law was not yet given? Namely by that Law that was given to Adam, and he brake, the guilt of which violation descends to all.

Having to the end of the fifth Chapter stated and proved Justification by faith, in Chap, 6, & 7, & 8. he speaks of the state of persons justified, which though they be not without sin, yet their state compared with Adams, even whilst he was sinless, it is far better then his: He invested in a created, finite, changeable human righteousness; they in the righteousness of God uncreate, infinite, unchangeable. He having the principles of his holiness and righteousness in his own nature, they theirs conveyed from Christ: He having neither Christ nor the Spirit, but left to himself and his natural purity; they having both. See Chap. 8. 1, 2, 9, 10, &c.

At the nineteenth verse of Chap. 8. he begins upon the second mystery that he hath to treat upon, the calling of the Gentiles, whom he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The whole Creation, or Every Creature: by which title they also are called, Mark 16. 15. Colos. 1. 23. and he shows how they were subject to vanity of Idolatry and the delusions of the devil, but must in time be delivered from this bondage, for which deliverance they now groaned: and not they only, but they of the Jews also, which had received the first-fruits of the Spirit, longed for their coming in, waiting for the adoption that is, the redemption of their whole body: for the Church of the Jews was but the childlike body, and accordingly their Ordinances were according to childlike age of the Church: but the stature of the fullness of Christ's mystical Body, was in the bringing in of the Gentiles. Being to handle this great point of the Calling of the Gentiles and Rejection of the jews, he begins at the bottom, at the great doctrine of Predestination, which he handles from ver. 29. of Chap. 8. to Chap. 9. 24. and then he falls upon the other. That Israel stumbled at Messias and fell, seeking indeed after righteousness, but not his, but their own; and that they are cast away, but not all; A remnant to be saved, that belonged to the Election of Grace: As it was in the time when the World was Heathen, some of them that belonged to the Election, came in and were proselyted to the worship of the true God; so some of these, while all the rest of their Nation lie in unbelief. And in this unbelief must they lie till the fullness of the Gentiles be come in, and then all God's Israel is completed.

The most that he salutes in the last Chapter, appear to have been of the Jewish Nation and the most of them [though now at Rome ] yet some time to have been of Paul's company and acquaintance in some other place. The expulsion of the Jews out of Rome by Claudius Decree, might very well bring many of them into his converse, as well as it did Priscilla and Aquila whom he names first among them. Epenetus was one of his own converts of Achaia; Mary had bestowed much labor on him, yet he hitherto had never been near Rome. He that would dispute the point of the first planter of the Gospel at Rome, might do well to make the first muster of his thoughts here: And whereas the Apostle speaks of the faith of the Roman Church as spoken of throughout the World, Chap. 1. ver. 8. it is very questionable whether he look to the times before the Decree of Claudius, or those since Claudius death, when all the scattered were returned again, and many of those that had come out unbelieving Jews had returned Christians thither; as I believe the case was of Aquila and Priscilla: and some converted in other places had now taken up their residence there, as Epenetus, Andronicus, and Junia, &c.

Those whose salutations he sendeth thither, may be the better judged of, who they were, by observing who were of his retinue at this time, which are named, Act. 20. 4. as 1. Timothy, 2. Lucius, who seemeth to be Luke, called now by a Latin name, in an Epistle to the Latins. He was with Paul at Corinth at the sending away of the Epistle: for having mentioned the others that were gone to Troas, these saith he stayed for us, joining himself in Paul's company now going to Corinth. 3. Jason seemeth to be he that is called Secundus, Acts 20. 4. the one his Hebrew name, and the other the same in Latin, for Secundus is said to be a Thessalonian, and so was Jason, Acts 17. 7. 4. Sosipater here in all probability, he that is called Sopater of Berea there. 5. Tertius that wrote out the Epistle, it may be was Silas: an Hebrician will see a fair likelihood of the one name in the other, it being written in Hebrew letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : and the Hebrew names to the Romans are rendered in the Roman Idiome. 6. Gaius, the same in Greek with the ordinary Latin name Gaius: it appears that he was a Corinthian, 1 Cor. 1. 13. and in that Paul here calls him, Mine host, and the Host of the whole Church: to the understanding of which, the observing of a custom of the Jews may give some illustration. Maymony in his Treatise concerning the Sabbath, speaking about that rite that they used of hallowing the Sabbath with a set form of words at his coming in, per. 30. hath this saying: This hallowing of the Sabbath may not be used, but only in the place where they eat: as for example, he may not use the hallowing words in one house, and eat in another. Why then do they use the hallowing word in the Synagogue; Because of travellers that do eat and drink there. Where the Gloss upon the place comments thus, It is evident that they did not eat in their Synagogues at all, as it is apparent in the eleventh Chapter of Maymonies Treatise of Prayer, but in a house near the Synagogue: • nd there they sat at the hearing of the hallowing of the Sabbath, &c. It may be observed from hence, that strangers and travellers were entertained in a place near the Synagogue [compare Acts 18. 7.] which was a public Xenodochion or receptacle of strangers, at the charge of the Congregation: which laudable custom is almost apparent was transplanted into the Christian Churches in those times: as compare such passages as those, Heb. 13. 2. Acts 15. 4. And possibly those Agapae or feasts of Charity spoken of in the Epistles of the Apostles, are to be understood of these loving and charitable entertainment of strangers. Jude ver. 12. These are spots in your feasts of Charity, when they feast with you, feeding themselves without fear. False teachers travelling abroad undiscovered, and being entertained in these public receptacles for strangers, and at the public charge, would find there a fit opportunity for themselves to vent their errors and deceptions. In this sense may Gaius very properly be understood the Host of the whole Church, as being the officer or chief overseer employed by the Corinthian Church for these intertainments: In which also it was almost inevitable but some Women should have their employment: according to which custom we may best understand such places as these, Phaebe a servant of the Church at Cenchrea, she hath been a succourer of many. Ver. 6. Mary bestowed much labor on us. And see 1 Tim. 5. 9, 10, &c. He speaketh also of other Women of whom he giveth this testimony, that they labored much in the Lord, as Tryphena and Tryphosa and Persis, ver. 12. which may either be understood in the like sense: or if not so, of their great pains some other way for the honor and promotion of the Gospel, and benefit of the Saints and themselves: as by visiting and relieving the poor and sick, taking pains in following the Ministers of the Gospel, and venturing themselves with them: hiding and cherishing them in times of danger, and so venturing themselves for them: and so he saith Priscilla and Aquila for his life laid down their own necks, &c. He salutes three of his own kinsmen Andronicus and Junia and Herodion: the two first were converted before him, and were of note among the Apostles: either being of the number of the 70 Disciples, or eminent converts and close followers of Christ, or of the Apostles in those firsttimes. He calls them his fellow prisoners: but if he had called them his prisoners, it had been easier to have told when and how. For they were in Christ, whilst he was a persecutor: but when they were imprisoned with him, after his conversion, is hard to find out. Among all that he salutes so kindly, where is Peter? If he were now at Rome how was he forgotten?

ACTS Chap. XX. Ver. 6.

FRom Philippi after Easter, he setteth away for Corinth, where he stayed so little, that he came to Troas within five days after the company was come thither which had gone before: for so are the five days to be understood: not that Paul in five days went from Philippi to Corinth and Troas, but that his company which was set out with him, but set directly for Troas, had stayed but five days at Troas, before he came up to them.

There he celebrates the Lord's day and the Lord's Supper, and preacheth and discourseth all night [a thing not altogether strange in the Jewish customs, Jerus. Sota fol. 16. 4. R. Mair was teaching profoundly all the night of the Sabbath in the Synagogue of Chamath ] So that Eutychus sleeps and falls and is taken up dead, but recovered by miracle. The change and beginning and end of the Christian Sabbath may be observed here.

When he goes now from thence, it is most likely it was the time when he left his Cloak, Books and Parchments with Carpus, 2 Tim. 4. 13. His Cloak: for he was now going among his own Nation in Judea: and there he was to wear his Jewish habit, and he left his Roman garb here, till he should come into those Roman quarters again. It may be, the Parchments were the Originals of those Epistles that he had already written: for that he sent transcripts, and reserved the Original copies, may be collected from these passages, I Tertius who wrote out this Epistle, Rom. 16. 22. The salutation of me Paul with my own hand, 1 Cor. 16. 21. Col. 4. 18. which was the token in every Epistle, 2 Thes. 3. 17. for all the Epistle beside was written with another hand.

From Troas by several journeys he cometh to Miletum: and thither he sends for the Elders of the Church of Fphesus, which City was near at hand: But who were these? Not Timothy and Trophimus, for they were in his company already, and had been with him in his journey hither, but these twelve men upon whom he had laid his hands, and bestowed on them the Holy Ghost, and so fitted them for the Ministry, Acts 19. 6. and whomsoever besides Timothy had ordained into the Ministry whilst he was there.

Although the Ephesian and the rest of the Asian Churches, were but in an ill case at this time in regard of false doctrines and much Apostasy that had corrupted and cankared them, yet doth the Apostle foresee that the case will be worse and worse with them still, and that grievous Wolves should yet break in upon them: And this he concludeth, not only from the boldness that he was assured false teachers would use and assume to themselves when he was gone, but from those predictions of Christ that had foretold what sad Apostasy should occur, and what false teachers should arise before the great day of Jerusalem came, which was now coming on apace.

ACTS Chap. XXI. Ver. 17.

PAUL is now got to Jerusalem: And the first thing that we have to do about his story there, is to calculate the time and consider what Year it was when he came thither: and to prove if we can, that it was the second Year of Nero, according as we have superscribed that Year: for this is of import, as to the fixing of those Chronical Observations that we are to take up hereafter.

The common consent in all times, hath fixed his coming to Jerusalem and apprehension there to this Year, and yet amongst all that have so concluded upon it, there is none that hath given any one clear proof or evidence at all for such an assertion. Eusebius, Ado, Cassiodore, Baronius, Lorinus, and divers others are of this mind, yet whereupon they grounded their opinion is hard to find, nay it is hard to find among many of them, any that goeth about to show any groundwork for it at all. It would therefore save a great deal of labor to take their consent without anymore ado, and it might carry good credit with it, to go along with so general a tenet upon the word of so many Learned men: yet that we may not go altogether led blindfold by others, let these thing towards the proof of it be taken into consideration. And first let us draw a Chronicle of Nero 's time.

NERO.
• I.
• II.
• III.
• IV. Poppaea becomes Nero 's Paramour.
• V. Nero slays his mother Agrippina.
• VI.
• VII.
• VIII. Poppaea becomes Nero 's Wife. Pallas dieth.
• IX.
• X. Albinus is Govern our of Judea.
• XI. Florus cometh in Governor instead of Albinus.
• XII. The first beginning of the Wars of the Jews.
• XIII.
• XIV.

Although these things affixed to the several Years of Nero, may seem very Heterogeneal to the thing we have in hand, yet we shall find them of good use when we have firstcleared their truth and certainty.

• 1. That Poppaea became Nero 's Minion in his 4th. Year is apparent by Tacitus Annal. lib. 13. Sect. 12. where he placeth the beginning of their adulterous acquaintance A. U. C. 811. under the Consulship of Nero III. and Valerius Messala.
• 2. That Nero slew his mother Agrippina in his fifth Year, the same Tacitus also asserteth, lib. 14. Sect. 1. placing that fact A. U. C. 812. under the Consulship of C. Vipsanius, and Fonteius Capito.
• 3. The marrying of Poppaea to Nero, as his Wife, he placeth in his eighth Year. Annal. lib. 14. Sect. 9. viz. A. U. C. 815. under the Consulship of P. Marius, and L. Asinius: and in the same Year he placeth the death of Pallas.
• 4. The beginning of the Wars of the Jews in Nero 's 12th. and the entrance of Gessius Florus into the Government, the Year before, is confirmed under this testimony of Josephus, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. ult. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Out of which how Baronius can bring the beginning of Florus his Government to be in the tenth of Nero, as he doth, I understand not: for if the twelfth Year of Nero were Florus his second, then the eleventh was his first.

And now let us take in some things more, which we must apply to these times mentioned, to help us in the inquest we are about.

• 1. Josephus saith, that when Portius Festus came into Felix room in the Government of Judea, the chief of the Jews of Cesarea went to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had been certainly punished for his unjust dealing with the Jews, had not Nero been very favorable to him, at the entreaty of his brother Pallas, who was then very much in Caesar's esteem. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7.
• 2. The same Josephus also speaking of the Government of Festus in Juden, he first mentioneth how he found the Country infested with rebels and robbers whom he overthrew: then he relateth how King Agrippa built his palace so at Jerusalem, as that it overtopped the Temple Courts: which the Jews disliking built a counterwall to hinder the prospect, that it should not view their service and actions in the Temple. At this Agrippa and Festus took distaste, and Festus commanded that the wall should be pulled down: but the Jews desired they might send Agents to Rome about this matter, which they did. And when Nero heard the case, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He did not only pardon the thing done: but he also consented to suffer the building so to stand: vouchsafing this at the entreaty of his Wife Poppaea, for she was devout, &c. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. Observe the last words, At the entreaty of his Wife Poppaea.
• 3. The same Josephus again relateth a journey of his own to Rome in these words: When I was six and twenty years old I went to Rome upon this occasion. When Felix was Governor of Judea, he sent certain Prists my near acquaintance, and very good men for a small cause to Rome to appear before Caesar. For whose deliverance I desiring to find some means went to Rome, and there by the means of a certain Jew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . I came to be known to Poppaea Caesar's Wife.

Baronius doth revile Josephus here as if he had forgot his own age: Videas in his [saith he] quae suae aetatis sunt, suo ipsius testimonio convinci, annoruni sex turpiter errantem. And wherein? Quia affirmat se agentem annum supra vigesimum sextum sub Faelice Judea praeside Romam venisse. But Josephus saith no such word. He saith indeed that he went to Rome to labor the deliverance of some men that Felix had sent thither in the time of his Government, but that Felix was in his Government when he went thither he saith not at all.

And now to take up what we have to observe upon these things that have been spoken.

• 1. It is true indeed, as Tacitus witnesseth, that Pallas the brother of Felix, who had been Claudius his great favorite, and so Nero 's also in Claudius time, did wane and decrease somewhat in his favor in a very short time after his entrance into his reign: but he was not utterly laid flat, and out at all, till after Poppaea came into favor and amorousness, who forwarded the death of Agrippina, and the bringing down of those that were of her party as Pallas was. Therefore the power of Pallas with the Emperor seemeth to be expired in Nero 's fifth year, in which Agrippina was slain. And by this account we cannot extend Felix his escape for his brother Pallas his sake, beyond Nero 's fourth Year. For considering Poppaeas prevalency with the Emperor, when once she became his Paramour, and considering her detestation of Agrippina and her faction of which Pallas was the chief, we cannot cast Felix his discharge for Pallas his sake, beyond Nero 's fourth.
• 2. Paul lay two years prisoner at Cesarea under Felix: Acts 24. 27. After two years Portius Festus came into Felix room. Many are the conjectures about these two years. Baronius saith, it was Expleto biennio Neronis. Magister Historiae Scholasticae, saith it was Biennium ab accusatione Felicis a Judaeis. A Lapide cares not to think that Biennium hoc inchoandum a praefectura Felicis in Judea, nam ante illud praefuerat Trachonitidi Batanaeae & Gaulonitidi, &c. But it is most proper to hold, that these two years mean the time of Paul's being a prisoner under Felix from the time of his apprehension under Lysias the chief Captain, till Felix his going out of his Government: and so it is held by Beda, Beza, Salmeron, Onuphrius and others. And this is so proper and suitable to the intent and discourse of Luke, that it needeth no illustration or proof of it: and it is most agreeable to the Scriptures manner of accounting in all other places.

These two things then being thus concluded on, it will follow that Paul's apprehension was in Nero 's second, and Felix went out of Office in Nero 's fourth, before Poppaea was yet got into her potency. And the accounting of Paul's two years imprisonment under Felix to be thus. At Pentecost in Nero 's second he is apprehended, and at Pentecost in Nero 's third he had been a year prisoner: and at Pentecost in Nero 's fourth his two years are up: and that spring it was that Felix went out of Office, and went to Rome to make his answer, and Pallas his brother not yet utterly out of favor makes his peace. And now let us draw up the Chronology of Nero 's time to the full, according to these evidences, and as referreth to our occasion.

[CHRIST. 55] [NERO. 1] Paul at Ephesus: Goeth to Macedonia, Crete, Greece, to Macedonia again, and wintreth in Nicopolis.

[CHRIST. 56] [NERO. 2] Paul at Macedonia till Easter: then goeth up to Jerusalem, and is apprehended at Pentecost, and from that time till the year go out, is a prisoner.

[CHRIST. 57] [NERO. 3] Paul a prisoner all this year under Felix.

[CHRIST. 58] [NERO. 4] Felix removed. Festus cometh in: Paul shipped towards Rome, but wintreth by the way.

Poppaea in Nero 's eye, and becomes his Minion.

[CHRIST. 59] [NERO. 5] Festus Governor of Judea. Paul after wintering in his journey, cometh to Rome, and this is the first year of his imprisonment there. Nero killeth his Mother Agrippina.

[CHRIST. 60] [NERO. 6] Festus Governor of Judea. Paul's second years imprisonment at Rome.

[CHRIST. 61] [NERO. 7] Festus Governor of Judea.

[CHRIST. 62] [NERO. 8] Festus Governor of Judea. Nero marrieth Poppaea.

[CHRIST. 63] [NERO. 9] Festus Governor: It may be Albinus came in sometime this year: and then was James the less slain this year.

[CHRIST. 64] [NERO. 10] Albinus Governor of Judea.

[CHRIST. 65] [NERO. 11] Florus Governor of Judea.

[CHRIST. 66] [NERO. 12] [CHRIST. 67] [NERO. 13] Florus Governor of Judea. The Wars begin.

[CHRIST. 68] [NERO. 14] Nero dieth, having reigned 13. years and 8. months.

ACTS Chap. XXI. from Ver 17. to the end of the Chapter.

PAUL cometh to Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost, when the City was now full of conconflux to that festival. He resorteth instantly to James the residentiary Apostle of the Circumcision, for holding correspondency sake; and there he shows him the manner and fruit of his Ministry among the Gentiles. Which both by James and the Elders that were with him is well approved of, as to the thing itself: but they certify him of what complaints they heard from the Jews against him, for crying down the rites of Moses, especially Circumcision, That thou teachest all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, saying, that they ought not to circumcise their Children, ver. 21.▪ Now because thousands of the Jews which believed were yet zealous of the Law, this gave much offense. But did Paul teach thus or not? No doubt he did, and it behooved him so to do: nor does, nor can James except against the Doctrine: for though it is true that he and Paul and the other Apostles permitted compliance with some of the Jewish rites for peace sake for a while, as there is an example in this very place, yea Paul himself circumcised Timothy upon that reason; yet the use of Circumcision, as these that stood upon it, used it, was utterly inconsistent with the Gospel. Hear this Apostles Doctrine, Behold I Paul say unto you, that if you be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing. For I testify again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to the whole Law, Gal. 5. 2. A converted Jew would have his Son circumcised: Paul asks him a reason; what can he answer, but it looks after some justification by it? as their own Authors speak their thoughts: He that is circumcised is perfect. And, He that is circumcised shall not go to Gehinnom. And, I said unto thee, in thy blood live, Ezek. 16. 6. This is the blood of Circumcision, &c. Tanchum. in Gen. 17. & 18, &c.

They looked indeed upon Circumcision as an admission into the Covenant: and thereupon the Father of the Child at his Circumcision constantly used these words, Blessed be thou O Lord our God who hast sanctified us by his Commandments, and commanded us to bring the Child into the Covenant of our Father Abraham. And they that stood by said, As thou hast brought him into the Covenant, so bring him into the Law and into the Bridechamber. Jerus. in Beracoth. fol. 13. col. 1. But withal they looked upon this Covenant as a Covenant of works, for, as we observed before, they reputed Abraham himself so justified. Good cause therefore had Paul to stand out against the convert Jews Circumcising their Children, as whereby the Doctrine of Justification by faith was utterly enervated and made of no effect. And here by the way let us conceive we heard Paul and one of these parents disputing upon this point. Circumcise not thy Child, saith Paul, for if thou dost thou laiest an obligation upon him to observe the whole Law: and this may note to us that the Sacrament carried an obligation with it, and obliged an Infant, though he knew not what Law or Obligation meant: Baptism is for Obligation as well as this, and a Child capable of the Obligation though he understood not what it means. I, but says the Parent, I will not look upon it, as in way to Justification, I will only use it for the Childs admission into the Covenant of grace. If Infants Baptism were not now in use for such a purpose, let one that denies it, tell me, what Paul had to answer.

James urgeth not Paul at all to any public recantation of his Doctrine, but adviseth him, by purifying himself and Judaizing a little in the Temple, to give some public testimony for their satisfaction, that he was not such an enemy to Moses as he was reported: which he agreeth to. For the Temple rites might have better plea, while the Temple stood, then Circumcision, which was none of them. On the second or third day of his Purification, some Asian Jews raise a tumult against him. It is not so properly rendered, And when the seven days were almost ended, ver. 27. as rather, And as the seven days were to have been accomplished, the computing of these twelve days mentioned Chap. 24, 11. enforce that they should be so interpreted.

They found him in the second Court of the Temple the Court of the Women, whither no Heathen came [though they might come into the outer Court, called the mountain of the House ] and thither they supposed and pretended that he had brought a Gentile, Trophimus an Ephesian: For which he is fallen upon with that they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The rebels beating stripes without number, the people falling pell mell upon him. Which was the way [as the Jews records inform us] that the Priests were dealt withal, that came into the next court above this, when any of them was deprehended there in their uncleanness: they never stood upon it, to bring him to judicial trial, but his fellows fell upon him, with the fagot sticks of the Altar, or what came to hand, and mawled him with blows without measure even unto death: And so had Paul been served now had not the Roman Commander come and been his rescue. Yet did he suppose him an offender, and questions him whether he were not that Egyptian that not long before that time had made an insurrection. Josephus giveth this story, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 6. thus. At that time there cometh one to Jerusalem out of Egypt, pretending himself to be a Prophet: and he counseled the common people, that they should go with him to Mount Olivet, and that there he would show them how at his command the walls of Jerusalem would fall: But Felix understanding this, sent some horse and foot against them, and slew 400 of them [our text here says 4000.] and took two hundred prisoners.

ACTS Chap. XXII.

PAUL Apologizeth to the people: telleth his Education, Conservation and Conversion: and relating how by a Divine Vision he was appointed to go to the Gentiles, they begin a new commotion, which the chief captain again pacifieth; but yet thinks Paul some notable villain, or else that there would never have been so terrible cries against him: He would now have scourged him, but that he understood he was a Roman: therefore he turns to another course, and the next day brings him before the Sanhedrin. The sitting of that Bench was little at Jerusalem now: For as we have observed, they were unnested from Jerusalem divers years ago, and their most constant residence at present was at Jabneh: only they were now come up to the Festival.

ACTS Chap. XXIII. & XXIV. to Ver. 27.

RAbban Simeon the Son of Rabban Gamaliel, Paul's Master, was President of the great Council at this time, for Gamaliel was dead some two or three years ago. Of him the Jews have this saying in Sotah per. 9. From the time that old Rabban Gamaliel died, the honor of the Law ceased; for till then they read and learned the Law standing, but after his death sitting. Onkelos the Targumist of the Law burnt a great quantity of frankincense for him at his Obsequies. Juchasin fol. 53. Whether Rabban Simeon the President were present at this Session or no, Ananias the High-priest is as busy as if he had been chief President himself: But Paul cares for him as little, as he busied himself much. He calls him whited wall, or arrant painted Hypocrite: And when he was checked for reviling God's High priest, I know not brethren, saith he, that he is High priest: for if I took him for such a one, I would not so have spoken to him, since it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of my People. It is not possible that Paul should not know who and what Ananias was: but it is very indifferent, whether we understand this, as not owning this man for a lawful High priest, or not owning any lawful Highpriesthood now at all. The man base and usurping; and the Function of the Highpriesthood disanulled by the great High priest who had accomplished all that it typified, and the place of the Highpriesthood being become a common Merchandise, obtained by money and favor and dispatching one another.

By a holy policy he divides the Council, and professing himself by education a Pharisee, and of that belief in the point of the Resurrection, he not only sets Pharisees and Sadducees to a hot contestation between themselves, but he makes the Pharisees, so far as to that opinion, to take his part: It had been possible to have set the Hillelian and Shammaean party together by the ears, by a bone handsomely cast between them, for the Council had these factions in it, and their feud was as deadly; but Paul could own no article of their divisions, that was worth his owning, they were so trivial and below his cognizance. It is the confession of the Jerusalem Gemarists in Joma fol. 38. col. 3. That the fault of their great ones under the second Temple was love of money, and hatred one of another.

Paul in the hubbub is rescued again by the Soldiery, and that night by revelation is warranted to appeal to Caesar, by being informed he must go to Rome. A Conspiracy of a pack of cut-throats to murder him, is prevented, and he is sent to Cesarea to Felix, where he lies prisoner two years. By such packing and combining of murderers, it may easily be conjectured what temper the Nation was now in. Josephus his charecter of it at these times is, That the affairs of the Jews grew every day worse and worse, and that the Country was full of thieves and Sorcerers, but Felix was daily picking them up to penalty after their desert; the greater thief, the less; for his character yields him no better. Tacitus says enough of him, when he speaks but this, Antonius Felix, per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit: Histor. lib. 5. cap. 2. Upon which Josephus will give you a large comment of his intolerable covetousness, polling, cruelty, sacrilege, murdering, and all manner of wickedness. His injuriousness to Paul in the story before us, and the very naming of his wife Drusilla may be brand enough upon him: for her, by enticements and magical tricks, he allured to himself from her Husband and married her. And him he kept prisoner two years wrongfully because he would not bribe him. In his pleading before him, he makes him tremble, but it is but a qualm and away.

[CHRIST. LVII] [NERO. III] PAUL is a prisoner this year at Cesarea under Felix. A great City of Jews and Greeks mixedly: the place where the first spark of Jews Wars kindled afterward. A famous University of Jews in time, if so be it was not so at this time.

[CHRIST. LVIII] [NERO. IV] ACTS Chap. XXIV. Ver. 27.

PAUL still a prisoner at Cesarea under Felix for the first part of this year: Then cometh Festus into the Government, and Felix packeth to Rome to answer for his misdemeanors.

ACTS Chap. XXV. & XXVI.

PAUL answereth for himself, first before Festus alone: then before Agrippa and his Sister Bernice: this Agrippa was his Son whose death is related Acts 12. he by the favor of Claudius the Emperor succeeded his brother in Law-Uncle Herod [for such relations did that Incestuous family find out] in the Kingdom of Chalcis. For Bernice his Sister had married Herod King of Chalcis her Uncle and his, who was now dead, and this Agrippa succeeded him in his Kingdom, being also King of Judea. Of this Agrippa, as it is most probable, there is frequent mention among the Hebrew Writers: as particularly this, that King Agrippa reading the Law in the latter end of the year of release, as it was enjoined, and coming to those words, Deut. 17. 15. Thou shalt not set astranger King over thee which is not of thy brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks [for he was not of the seed of Israel ] which the Congregation observing, cried out. Be of good comfort O King Agrippa, thou art our brother. He was of their Religion though not of their blood, and well versed in all the Laws and Customs as Paul speaks, Chap. 26. 3.

Berenice his Sister, now a Widow, lived with him, and that in more familiarity then was for their credit: afterwards she fell into the like familiarity with Titus the Son of Vespasian, when he came up to the Jews Wars. There is mention in Jerus▪in Taanith. fol. 66. col. 1. and again in Megillah fol. 70. col. 3. of the Scribes or learned Jews of Chalcis, against whom the people rose and tumultuated. [In the one place it is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .] It may be they were of this Agrippa 's planting there.

As Paul pleads for himself, Festus takes him to be beside himself: but Agrippa better acquainted with those kind of things that he spake of, was much moved: and concludes that had he not appealed to Caesar, he might have been quit. What he did in this appeal was not a small thing, and it is very questionable whether ever Jew had appealed from their own Sanhedrin, to the Heathen Tribunal before. But for this he had a Divine Warrant.

ACTS Chap. XXVII.

PAUL shipped for Rome: and Luke with him, and Aristarchus a Thessalonian. Paul calls him his fellow-prisoner, Coloss. 4. 10. whether now or not till he came to Rome is a question: Trophimus an Ephesian is▪ also now with him, Acts 21. 29. whom he leaves sick at Miletum, as he passeth by those coasts of Asia, Acts 27. 2. 2 Tim. 4. 20. and there likewise he leaves Timothy. Who else of those that went with him to Jerusalem, Acts 20. 4. were now with him, is uncertain. It was now far in the year, and Winter entering, for the feast of expiation was over, so that they met with a tempestuous journey, and at last suffer shipwreck and swim for their lives, and do all escape. The Reader by the time of the writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians, which he hath passed, will easily, see that what he speaks there, A day and a night have I been in the deep, 2 Cor. 11. 25. cannot be understood of his shipwreck now, but refers to some time a good while ago.

[CHRIST. LIX] [NERO. V] ACTS CHAP. XXVIII. from the beginning to Ver. 30.

PAUL and his company are the three winter months in Malta: where he doth some miracles. And when winter was now drawing over, they put to sea again, in an Alexandrian bottom, whose badge was Castor and Pollux: or the Picture of two young men on white horses, with either of them a javelin in his hand, and by him half an egg and a star: whom Heathenish folly and superstition conceited to have been twins begotten by Jupiter, and Deities favorable to those that sailed on the sea. And this seemeth to have been the reason why Luke doth mention this circumstance, because he would intimate the men's superstition, as expecting better sailing under this badge then they had had.

From Melita they sail to Syracuse in Sicily, and there abide three days. Form thence to Rhegium in Italy, and from thence to Puteoli: there they find Christians and stay with them seven days: and then set away for Rome. At Appii Forum about Fifty miles from the City, some of the Roman Christians hearing of their coming, come to meet them: and at the Tres Tabernae, Thirty three from the City, they met with more: and so they enjoy the society of one another some space together as they travel along, which was no small refreshing to Paul, who had desired so much and so long to see them.

SECTION XXVIII.

JULIUS the Centurion that had brought him and the rest of the Prisoners from Judea, had been his friend and favourer, from their first setting out, Chap. 27. 3. and so continued, even to the time of his settling in Rome: obtaining him this liberty, that he might take lodgings of his own, and there he was kept under a restraintless restraint: After three days he sends for the Chief of the Jews, and lays open his case before them, and upon a day appointed he asserteth and expoundeth the truth and doctrine of the Gospel, whereupon some believe, but others do the rather become his enemies.

His accusers that were come from Judea to lay in his charge against him [for we can hardly suppose otherwise, but that some such were come] would be urgent to get their business dispatched that they might be returning to their own homes again; and so would bring him to trial as soon as they could: and that his trial was reasonable early this year, it appeareth by his own words in the second Epistle to Timothy, where he speaketh of his Answer that he had been at, and requireth Timothy to come to him before winter, 2 Tim. 4. 16. 21.

As he appealed to Nero himself, so Nero himself heard his cause, Phil. 1. 13. 2 Tim. 4. 16. [and here it was possible Paul and Seneca might see each other] at which time all that had owned him before, withdrew themselves for fear, and durst not stand by him, or appear with him in this danger.

Tacitus mentioneth a case much like his, which had been tried two years before, namely of Pomponia Graecina a noble Lady of Rome, concerning a strange Religion. Superstitionis externae rea, mariti judicio permissa. Isque prisco instituto, propinquis coram, de capite famaque conjugis cognovit, & insontem nuntiavit. This that he calleth externa superstitio, cannot well be understood of any Religion, but either Judaism or Christianity: for any Heathen superstition did relish so well with them, that it could hardly have brought her into danger. If her peril of life then were because of Christianity, as very well it might, it was a terrible example that lay before the Christians there: and if it were not, then this trial of Paul being of a doubtful issue and consequent and full of danger, it made poor Paul's friends to shrink aside in this his extremity, and to be to seek when he had most need of them. At my first answer, saith he, none stood with me, but all forsook me. In which words he doth not so much refer to what or how many more answers he was called to [as the postscript of that Epistle seemeth to construe it] as he doth intimate, that even at the very first pinch and appearance of danger, all that should have been his assistants started from him. It may be Demas his embracing of the present world, 2 Tim. 4. 10. signifieth in this sense, that he forsook Paul, and shifted for himself and sculked to avoid the danger or if it be taken, that he returned to his worldly impolyment again, or that he returned to his Judaism again▪ mean it what it will, we shall see in the story of the next year, that he returned to Paul and to his station again. So that his failing was but as Peters denial of his Master, repented of and recovered. It was a hard case and a great trial with the Apostle, when in so signal an encounter, and so imminent danger of his life, none of the Church that was at Rome, not any of those that were of his own retinue, durst own him, or stand by him in his exigent: but the Lord was with him, and brought him off safe from the Lions mouth: He being assured by this providence of God to him, and for him, in his great danger, that he was reserved for the further benefit of the Church and propagating of the Gospel, applieth himself to that work the best way he can, considering his condition of imprisonment; and whereas he cannot travel up and down to the Churches to preach to them as he had done, he visiteth divers of them with his Epistles: And first he writeth THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. and sendeth it by Crescens, as may be conceived from 2 Tim. 4. 10. For though Demas, and Crescens, and Titus their departure from Paul be reckoned altogether in that verse, yet the reason of their departure cannot be judged to have been alike: for however Demas started upon some ca • nal respect, yet Crescens and Titus are not so branded, nor will the eminent piety of the later suffer us to have any such opinion of him, and the judging of him doth also help us to judge of Crescens who is joined with him. The postscript of this Epistle both in the Greek, Syriac, Arabic, and divers other Translations, doth generally date it from Rome: Beza from Antioch: Erasmus from Ephesus, but all upon conjecture: for there is no intimation in the Epistle itself of the time or place of its writing: Beza upon these words in Chap. 1. ver. 2. And all the brethren which are with me, saith thus, Puto sic totum Antiochenae Ecclesiae Presbyterium significari, & inde scriptam hanc Epistolam, &c. I think by this he meaneth the whole Presbytery of the Church of Antioch, and that this Epistle was written from thence, at that time that passed between Paul and Barnabas their return into Asia from their first journey forth, and the coming of those troubles to Antioch, Acts 14. 28. But that Apostasy in the Churches which the Apostle crieth out against in this Epistle and in others, was not then begun; and moreover it may well be questioned whether the Churches of Galatia were then planted. And the former answer, may likewise be given to the opinion that this Epistle was written from Ephesus: namely that at the time of Paul's being at Ephesus, the Apostasy which ere long did sorely and almost Epidemically infest the Churches, was but then beginning. And this is one reason why I suppose it written from Rome, at this time that we are upon, because that gangrene in the Eastern Churches was now come to ripeness, as it appears by the second Epistle to Timothy, which was written this same year: See 2 Tim. 1. 15.

False teachers had brought back the Galatians from the simplicity of the Gospel, to their old Ceremonious performances again, and to reliance upon the works of the Law for Justification: which miscarriage the Apostle taketh sharply to task in this Epistle. And first he vindicates his Apostleship as no whit inferior to Peter and James and John the Ministers of the Circumcision, and those that chiefly seemed to be pillars, and he shows how those approved of him and it: And then he most divinely states the nature of the Law, at which was the great stumbling; and especially speaks to that point that they most stood upon, their living in it.

The Lord had laid a stone in Zion, which the Jews could not step over, but stumble at, even to this day: and that is that which is said in Levite. 18. 5. Ezek. 20. 11. and in otherplaces, which the Apostle also toucheth in this Epistle, Chap. 3. 12. from whence they concluded that no living, no justification but by the works of the Law. The Apostle in the third Chapter of this Epistle lays down two conclusions that determine the case, and resolves all into faith. The first is in ver. 17. namely that the Law was not given to cross the Covenant of Grace, but to be subservient to it. The second in ver. 10. that the Law did plainly show of itself that no man could perform it, but it left a man under the curse. Observe that he saith not, As many as fail of the works of the Law, but As many as are of the works of the Law: showing that the Lawdid not only denounce a curse upon all that performed it not, but plainly demonstrated that none could perform it, and so left all under a curse: and these words, Cursed is everyone that continueth not in all things, &c. conclude both. So that the Law was not given for justification, but to be subservient to the Covenant of Justification: not to cross the Covenant but to serve it, not purposely to leave under the curse, but to show the curse, and to drive men to get from under it. So that men might live in it, but not by it. It was the way in which men were to go to seek for Justification, but it was not the cause or means whereby they were justified. See Gal. 3. 5. The Jews made the Moral Law cross to the Covenant of Grace, whilst they sought to be justified by works▪ and they made the Ceremonial Law cross the Moral, whilst they resolved all duty into Ceremony: and so the Law which in itself was holy and pure and good, they turned to death unto themselves by their abuse. They might have lived in the Moral Law [had they used it aright,] though not by it: for the more a man sets himself to the exact performance of it, the more he sees he cannot perform it, and therefore he is driven the more to Christ: But they resolved all into Ceremonious performance, and so lost sincerity toward the Moral, and hereupon the Ceremonial Law good in itself, became to them Statutes not good, and Judgments wherein they could not live, Exek. 20. 25.

From Rome also, and reasonable early in this year, Paul wrote THE EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY; and in it urgeth Timothy to come to him before Winter.

Timothy was now at Ephesus when this Epistle was directed to him, as may be observed out of the Epistle itself by these collections.

• 1. In that he willeth him to salute the household of Onesiphorus, Chap. 4. 19. who was an Ephesian, Chap. 1. 16, 18.
• 2. In that he biddeth him take Troas in his way as he comes to him, Chap. 4. 13. which had been the way that Paul himself had gone from Ephesus, 2 Cor. 2. 22. and to Ephesus again, Acts 20. 5.
• 3. In that he warneth him of Alexander, Chap. 4. 14. who was an Ephesian, 1 Tim. 1. 20. Act. 19. 33.

There is one passage in this Epistle, which hath caused some to doubt about the time of its writing [for about the place there is no doubt] and that is, what he saith, Chap. 4. 6. I am now ready to be offered up, and the time of my departure is at hand: which would make one think, that he was now ready to be martyred, and taken away, and it hath made some believe that this was the last Epistle that ever he wrote: but when we compare his own words again in ver. 17, 18. and Phil. 1. 25. and Philem. ver. 22. it maketh it past controversy that he speaketh not of his sudden Martyrdoom, but that he is to be understood in some other sense. But what is that? Baronius giveth this gloss, The words of Paul concerning his speedy death, seem not possibly otherwise to be understood, then that God had revealed it to him, that he should suffer death under Nero. For that time might very well seem near which was to be fulfilled under the same Prince. I, but Nero for his age might have reigned 50 or 60 years after the Apostles writing of this Epistle, and so the last words of this gloss, are but a very poor salving: And indeed the resolution of the difficulty lieth open and conspicuous in the text itself. Paul looked upon Timothy as the prime and choice man that was to succeed him in the work of the Gospel, when he himself should be dead and gone: as being a young man, not only of singular qualifications for that work, but of whom there had been special Prophesies and predictions to such a purpose, 1 Tim. 1. 18. as was observed before. He exhorts him therefore in this place, to improve all his pains and parts to the utmost, to do the work of an Evangelist, and to make proof of his Ministry to the full, for that he himself could not last long, being now grown old and worn with travel, and besides all this, in bonds at present, and so in continual danger: therefore must Timothy be • itting himself daily to take his work up when he was gone.

With Timothy he desires that Mark may come along with him to Rome, whom we observed to be at Corinth at Paul's last coming thither: and one clause in this Epistle seemeth also to speak to that matter: Chap. 4. 20. Erastus abode at Corinth, but Trophimus I left at Miletum sick. Erastus abode at Corinth; Why? that Timothy knew without any information, for he was with Paul all along that journey when Erastus went to Corinth and stayed there. And Trophimus I left at Miletum sick: Why? Timothy could not but know that too, without Paul's telling him so from Rome, Miletum and Ephesus were so very near together, nay it is more than probable that Timothy was left at Miletum too when Trophimus was left there. But when was he left? Not when Paul went towards Jerusalem, and sent for the Elders of Ephesus to Miletum, Acts 20. for Trophimus went, and was with him at Jerusalem, Acts 21. 19. But it was when Paul returned from Jerusalem in bonds to Rome, as hath been said, though it be not particularly mentioned that he touched there. Some would have the word Miletum to be read Mileta, among whom is Beza, who is ever one of the forwardest to tax the Text for corrupt, when he cannot clear it. Po • ius conjicio legendum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [saith he] quod vocabulum facile fuit in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 depravare. Luke saith plainly, that at Paul's coming away from Judea in his voyage to Rome, it was their resolution to sail by the coasts of Asia, Act 27. 2. which had been a far fairer ground to have concluded upon, that Paul was at Miletum in that voyage, since that was a part of those Asian coasts, then to change Miletum into Melita upon no ground at all. And certainly the very scope of the Apostle in that passage will not admit of that change: for he is not telling Timothy of Erastus his abode at Corinth, or of Trophimus his sick stay at Miletum, as things unknown to him, but as things very well known, yet mentioned to him as making to the Apostles present purpose: He had sent for Timothy and Mark to come away to him to Rome, and to forward them to that journey, he doth these two things. 1. He showeth how all his company was scattered from him, ver. 9. 10. and therefore he had need of them in that destitution. 2. He telleth how supply might be made in their places though they came away, for though Mark should come from Corinth, yet Erastus might be a supply, for Erastus abode there. And Timothy come away from Ephesus, yet Trophimus is there ready to supply his place, for Trophimus I left at Miletum sick.

By Tychicus who was the bearer of this Epistle to Timothy, Chap. 4. 12. Paul also sendeth THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS; for it is apparent that he was in bonds when he sent that Epistle, Chap. 3. 1. and that he sent it by Tychicus, Chap. 6. 21. That ye may know mine affairs and how I do, Tychicus a beloved brother, and faithful Minister in the Lord, shall make known to you all things, whom I have sent unto you for the same purpose.

In this Epistle he addresseth himself more especially to the convert Gentiles of the Ephesian Church, to establish and settle them in the truth, against that warping and wavering that was now too common: and he setteth himself to unfold the mystery of the Gospel in its full luster, and discovery in a more special manner, and that especially in the two first Chapters, as he himself professeth in the third. By revelation God made known unto me the mystery, as I wrote afore in few words, whereby when ye read ye may understand my knowledge in the mystery of Christ, ver. 3, 4.

He speaketh much of the mystery of the Gentiles calling, and calleth the Jews and Gentiles knit in the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Sone of God, A perfect man, and the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ, Chap. 4. 13. In Chap. 5. 26, 27. speaking of Christ's washing the Church, that he might present it to himself without spot or wrinkle, &c. he seemeth to allude to the Jews exceeding great curiousness in their washings for purification. Maym. in Mikvaoth. per. 1. There must be nothing to interpose between the person that is washed and the water: for if there be anything interposing betwixt him and the water, as if any clay or dough stick to his flesh, he is unclean as he was, and his washing profits him nothing. And a little after: If there be upon the flesh of a man or upon a vessel, any of those things that may interpose, as dough, pitch or the like, though it be no more then a grain of musterdseed, and he take it to thought, his washing profits him nothing.

What he saith in ver. 29. So ought Men to love their Wives even as their own bodies, is agreed to even by the Jews doctrine. Our Doctors teach, He that loves his Wife as his own body, and he that honors her more than his own body, and he that maketh his Sons to walk in a right way, &c. of such a one the Scripture saith, Thou shalt know that peace shall be in thy Tabernacle, &c. Alphes. in Gittin per. ult.

[CHRIST. LX] [NERO. VI] WE are now come to the second year of Paul's imprisonment: in which he had the changeable and different occurrences, of loving visits and salutes from some Churches abroad, and cross dealing from some ill-willed at home: some sadness of heart by the sickness of Epaphroditus near unto death, but comfort and reviving again by his recovery. The Church of Philippi had sent him to visit Paul in their name, and to bring him some tokens of their love for his support and maintenance in his imprisonment: and the good man fell sick in Rome very like to die: upon his recovery and return home again, Paul sendeth by him THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS, written in his name, and in the name of Timothy, who according to his appointment was now come to him. He showeth in this Epistle, that as there were some which preached the Gospel of sincerity, so were there other that preached of envy and contention, and so added affliction to his bonds: He was yet in bonds, but in some good hopes of deliverance, as he showeth in Chap. 2. 24. for he saith he hoped ere long to send Timothy to them, and himself to come with him: but we shall observe ere long, that when Paul hath got his liberty, Timothy is got into prison, and so his journey for the present stopped.

He saluteth no Church in the platform of Bishops and Deacons, but only this: not but that there were Bishops and Deacons in other Churches as well as here, but it may be, he doth it here the rather, because of the Contribution that the Bishops and Deacon: had gathered for him and sent to him: or because he would show the platform of Office and Order in this Church of Philippi, which was purely Gentile, agreeable to that of the believing Jews Churches.

He giveth warning to beware of the heretical and unbelieving Jews, whom he calls dogs and the concision: and now the name they used to give to the Gentiles [ Dogs ] is light upon themselves. The very Talmudists speak as evil of that generation in which Messias should come as the Scripture doth, 2 Tim. 3. 1, &c. and among other things they say thus: When the Son of David cometh, the Synagogues shall become stews: Galilee shall be destroyed: Gablah shall be desolate [the Samaritan Version of the Pentateuch doth constantly render Seir, Gabla ] and the men of the border of Israel shall go from City to City, and the wisdom of the Scribes shall be abominated, and Religious persons shall be scorned: And the faces of that generation shall be as dogs. Talm. bab. in Sanhedr. fol. 97. He calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The concision: The word signifies such superstitious and vain and impious cuttings in the flesh as Heathens used: as 2 King. 18. 28, &c. No more doth he make of their Circumcision: the Greek word is used by the LXX. Levite. 21. 5.

He speaketh of one in Philippi whom he calleth his true yokefellow: alluding it may be either to the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by which the Jews did ordinarily express great professors of Religion: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a most ordinary phrase in the Jerusalem Talmud: Or the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 yokes or couples whereby they expressed the President and Vicepresident of the Sanhedrin, those famous couples Shemaiah and Abtalion, Hillel and Shammai, &c. Of whom it is that he speaketh, is undeterminable. Barnabas or Silas might best bare the title. Whosoever it was, it seemeth it was some worthy person who was at this time in that Church, whom he intreats to compose some differences that were then afoot; and to be helpful in some occasions and cases that he knew needful. It is not to be doubted but Epaphroditus, had acquainted him particularly with the state of the Church, and he applies his exhortations accordingly.

As the Church of Philippi had sent Epaphroditus to visit him, so did the Church of Colossi send Epaphras one of their Ministers to do the like, Colos. 1. 7, 8. whereupon, by Tychicus, who had been the last year at Ephesus to fetch Timothy, and returned with him to Rome, Col. 4. 7. and by Onesimus a Colossian, Col. 4. 9. Paul and Timothy send THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. The naming of Mark now with him, Chap. 4. 10. doth state the time of writing this Epistle, and fixeth it to this year; or else it would be easier for Tychicus his travel, to have supposed that he brought it the last year when he came to Timothy to Ephesus, and Colossae was not far off: but the observing of Marks being now at Rome, puts the matter out of doubt. And whereas it might be thought more likely, that Epaphras that came with the visit from the Church, should bring this return of Paul back again, it appeareth by Chap. 4. 12. that he stayed still with Paul and was fellow-prisoner now with him, Philem. ver. 23.

The Colossians had never seen Paul's face, no more had the Laodiceans; for no less can be gathered from his own words, Chap. 2. 1. yet had he been a means by some of his agents to plant these Churches, or at least to afford them plentiful watering. The Apostles had subordinate Ministers under them that they employed to this purpose. I know not how the word Helps, 1 Cor. 12. 28. can be better understood.

The Laodiceans had sent him an Epistle [as the Corinthians had also done, 1 Cor. 7. 1.] and this is that Epistle that he speaketh of, Chap. 4. 16. See that ye read likewise the Epistle from Laodicea. Not that he had written any Epistle from thence which is now lost, as is conceived by some, for he was never there, but it meaneth that Epistle which the Laodiceans had sent to him: Not that he would have it read, as of equal Divine authority with his own, but as a good copy and example to the Colossians. If any be not satisfied with this construction, we shall offer another when we come to the Epistles of John, rather then conceive, that any Epistle of Paul is lost, that was once read in the Churches.

Among those whose salutations he sends, he nameth Demas: who the last year was departed from him, and embraced, as he thought, the present world. 2 Tim. 4. 10. but now is come in a good man again. The sparks of grace once kindled, can never be quenched, yea though not discernible to the eye of a Paul: which however raked up under the ashes by vehement temptation or corruption, yet covered with an everlasting decree, of everlasting love, are unextinguishable. The Act of grace, it is true, may be in a swone, and seem dead to the eyes of a Paul himself, whilst yet there is the habit in life: I mean that gracious changedness, which by regeneration is wrought in the soul, the stony heart turned into flesh, which though it may congeal into ice again, yet can never again congeal into the stone it was. Fides qua apprehendens, its hand may slip, but • ides qua apprehensa, his hand cannot slip that hath laid hold upon it.

By these same bearers Tychicus and Onesimus, by whom he sends the Epistle to the Colossians, he also sends THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. For he was a Colossian, as appeareth by this that Paul calls Onesimus his servant one of the Colossians, Col. 4. 9. and Archippus which was Minister at Colossae, Col. 4. 17. seemeth to have been Philemon's son, or at least to have sojourned in his house, Philem. ver. 2. In this Epistle he sendeth salutations from the persons he did in the Epistle to the Colossians. Epaphras, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, Lucas: only there is this difference about two of them, that here he calls Epaphras his fellow-prisoner, which there he did not, and there Aristarchus his fellow-prisoner which here he doth not: This doing of the Apostle needeth to breed no scruple, but it may rather justly be inquired how these men came prisoners. Aristarchus set out with Paul from Jerusalem, and he only is named of all his company, Act. 27. 2. either because he was a prisoner then as Paul was, or because the rest with Paul were his attendants and Ministers constantly with him, and therefore needed not to be named. Or if Aristarchus were not committed to prison till now, the consideration of Epaphras his case will include his: Epaphras came from Colossae but very lately, Col. 1. 7, 8. and how, and for what, is he now got into prison? For answer to this we may properly take in something out of the Roman story. Suetonius in the Life of Nero speaking of those times of his that carried some moderation, in which he was not broke out to his extreme wickedness: and mentioning some things that he did and enacted that looked somewhat like a Reformation, he saith thus: Multa sub eo & animadversa severe, & coercita, nec minus instituta: Adhibitus sumptibus modus: Publicae caenae ad sportulas redactae: Interdictum ne quid in popinis cocti, praeter legumina, aut olera veniret, cum antea nullum non opsonii genus proponeretur. Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novae & maleficae. This last particular is it that we have to deal with; The Christians were put to punishment, a sort of men of a new Religion, &c. Suet. in Nerone cap. 16.

Tacitus in the Life of the same Tyrant telleth of a dreadful fire that befell in Rome in the tenth year of his reign, [of which we shall speak when we come there] which common report buzzed and rumored up and down that he had kindled. Abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, & quaesitissimis paenis affecit, quos per flagitia invisos, vulgus Christianos appellate. Nero to stop that report, brought in as guilty those who were called Christians, and tortured them with exquisite torments. The author of that name was Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius was put to death by Pontius Pilate. Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio, rursus erumpebat, non modo per Judaeam, originem ejus mali, sed per urbem etiam; quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt, celebranturque. Igitur primo correpti qui fatebantur, &c. For the Englishing of this, the words repressa in praesens will breed some dispute; as doubtful, whether they mean that the Christian Religion was suppressed by Nero at that time when he inflicted those tortures upon them, pretending them guilty for firing the City, which was in his tenth year, but it brake out again after, for all that suppression; or that they mean, that that Religion had been suppressed in former time, but now by that tenth year of Nero was broken out again, and he falls upon it anew. The words you may wind to whether construction you will, construing them either, That dangerous superstition suppressed for the present broke out again: or That dangerous superstition having been suppressed for a time, was broke out again; or, that had been suppressed till the present: Now though there be this dubiousness in that phrase, yet the observation of these things may state it, that there was some such suppression of Christianity before that open persecution that broke out in his tenth year. 1. Because