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[CHRIST. LVI] [NERO. II] ACTS Chap. XX.

THE story, as hath been said, hath brought us to another year, the beginning of which, that is, from the entrance of January and forward, even till Easter, Paul spent in Macedonia, still wintring there, viz. in Nicopolis, Philippi, &c. and after Easter he sets for Jerusalem, ver. 6. Therefore we have superscribed it, The second of Nero, and of Christ the 56th.

When we come to speak of the Epistle to the Romans, which we shall meet with in our way very shortly, we shall say something of the names of these men [for many of them will meet us there:] only we cannot meet Timothy here without some notice taken of him, and some quaere how he came here. The last year Paul left him at Ephesus when himself came thence, and being come thence into Macedonia he sends him an Epistle with his earnest desire in it, that he would stay there still upon that needful employment upon which he was left, 1 Tim. 1. how then is Timothy now got to him into Macedonia, so that he is with him at his setting away from Philippi? We have not indeed any intimation that Paul sent for him away, as we have of his sending for Titus whom he left in Crete, intendedly for a longer time: but it is very probable that Paul designing to have sailed for Syria, came near to him: and there discovering the danger that was laid in his way by the Jews, which might also have infolded Timothy, he brought him away back again with him, and so both returned into Macedonia, and now winter is over, they are setting for Asia again.

But when Paul and this his company are all going for Asia together, why should they not set out together, but these go before and tarry at Troas, and Paul and some other of his company come after? Nay they were all to meet at Troas as it appeareth, ver. 6. why might they not then have gone all together to Troas?

The reason of this was, because Paul himself was to go by Corinth: and not minding to stay there but very little, because he hastened to Jerusalem, he would not take his whole train thither, but sends them away the next way they could go to Troas, himself promising and resolving to be speedily with them there. He had promised a long time to the Church of Corinth to come unto them, and he had newly sent word in that Epistle that he had lately sent, that now his coming would be speedy, 2 Cor. 12. 14. Behold the third time I am ready to come to you: and Chap. 13. 1. This is the third time that I am coming to you: Not that he had been there twice before, for since his first departing thence [when he had stayed there a long time together, at his first planting of the Gospel in that place] there is neither mention nor probability of his being there again, but this was the third time that he was in coming, having promised and intended a journey thither once before, but was prevented, 2 Cor. 1. 15, 16, 17. But now he not only promiseth by the Epistle that he will come, but staketh the three Brethren that he had sent thither, for witnesses and sureties of that promise, 2 Cor. 13. 1, 2. that in the mouth of those witnesses his promise might be established and assured.

Now the time is come that he makes good his promise, and whilst the rest of his company go directly the next cut to Troas, he himself and Luke, and whom else he thought good to retain with him, go about by Corinth.

And now to look a little further into the reason of their thus parting company, and of Paul's short stay at Corinth when he came there, we may take into thoughts [besides how much he hastened to Jerusalem ] the jealousy that he had that he should not find all things at Corinth so comfortable to himself, and so creditable to them, before those that should come with him, as he desired. He hath many passages in the second Epistle that he wrote to them, that glance that way: For though as to the general there was Reformation wrought among them upon the receiving of his first Epistle, and thereupon he speaketh very excellent things of them, yet were there not a few that thought basely of him, 2 Cor. 10. 1, 2. and traduced him and his Doctrine, Chap. 11. & 12. and gave him cause to suspect that his boasting of that Church to the Churches of Macedonia might come off but indifferently, if the Macedonians should come with him to see how all things were there, 2 Cor. 9. 4. And therefore it was but the good policy of just fear, grief, and prudence to send them by another way, and he had very just cause to stay but a while when he came there.

From Corinth in his short stay there, he writeth THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS, as hath been well supposed by some of the Ancients, is asserted by the postscript, and may be concluded from these Observations.

• 1. That he saith, that he is now going to Jerusalem to bring to the Saints that benevolence that they of Macedonia and Achaia had collected for them, Rom. 15. 26. The word Achaia tells us that he now was sure of the Corinthian contribution, which he was not sure of, till he came there.
• 2. That he commendeth to the Romans, Phaebe a servant of the Church of Cenchraea, Rom. 16. 1. which Cenchraea was a place belonging to Corinth, as was observed before, though at some few miles distance.
• 3. That he calleth Erastus, Chamberlain of the City, Rom. 16. 23. of whom it is said Erastus abode at Corinth. 2 Tim. 4.
• 4. That he calleth Gaius his host, or the man with whom he lodged, and the host of the whole Church, or in whose house strangers had their entertainment, Rom. 16. 23. who was a Corinthian, 1 Cor. 1. 14. And hence it appeareth that Gaius of Derbe, who was one of those that were gone before to Troas, was one man, and Gaius of Corinth was another.

It is true indeed that the greetings of some men were sent in this Epistle which were not with Paul at this present in Corinth: as Timothies, Rom. 16. 20. who was gone to Troas: and Sosipaters, who was gone thither also [for he I suppose is the same with Sopater of Berea, Acts 20. 4.] and this might seem to infringe the truth of this opinion that holdeth that this Epistle was written from Corinth: But when it is considered how lately Paul and these men parted, and that it is past doubt that he would acquaint them before their parting of his intentions to send to Rome, it is no difficulty to conceive how their salutations came inserted into that Epistle.

There are indeed some that confess that it was written from Corinth, but not at this time but at another, namely in that time when Paul travelled Greece, of which journey there is mention Act. 20. in which time, among other places, they conceive he came to Corinth and there wrote this Epistle. But 1. it may very well be questioned whether he were at Corinth in these three months travels or no. For whereas he had promised to call on them as he went to Jerusalem, 1 Cor. 16. 7. [which he intended when he travelled those three months, but that he discovered that the Jews lay in wait for him] he excuseth himself for not coming according to that promise, 2 Cor. 1. 16, 17. And if it were granted that he was at Corinth at that time, yet 2. he could not write this Epistle at that time, because when he wrote it, he knew the contribution of the Corinthian Church was then ready, Rom. 15. 26. which when he travelled Greece, either indeed was not so, or at least he knew not that it was, as appeareth copiously in his second Epistle to that Church.

The Apostle in this most sublime Epistle, clears fully and divinely, the two great mysteries of the Gospel, Righteousness by faith, and the calling of the Gentiles. And in the handling of these he handles the great points Original sin, Election, and casting off of the Jews. He lays this position down concerning the first, Chap. 1. 17. That in the Gospel is revealed the Righteousness of God [ justifying, as in the Law was revealed his righteousness or justice condemning ] and that from faith [of immediate innixion upon God as was Adams before his fall, and as was that which the Jews owned in God] to faith, in the righteousness of another: namely Christ. This way of justification he proveth first by showing how far all men both by nature and action are from possibility of being justified of or by themselves, which he cleareth by the horrid sinfulness of the Heathen, Chap. 1. [a large proof of which might be read at Rome at that very instant:] and little less sinfulness of the Jews though they had the Law, Chap. 2. & 3. and therefore concludeth, Chap. 3. 30. that God justifieth the circumcision by faith [and not by works, as they stood upon it] and the uncircumcision through faith [for all their works that had been so abominable, and that seemed so contrary to justification.] In Chap. 4. he taketh up the example of Abraham, whom the Jews reputed most highly justified by his works, for they had this saying of him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Abraham performed all the Law every whit: but he proveth that he found nothing by his own works, but by believing he found all. In Chap. 5. he proves the imputation of Christ's righteousness for Justification, by the parallel of the imputation of Adams sin for condemnation: Not at all intending to assert that as many as were condemned by Adam, were freed from that condemnation by the death of Christ, but purposely and only to prove the one imputation by the other.

It was a strange doctrine in the ears of a Jew to hear of being justified by the righteousness of another, therefore he proves it by the like, men's being condemned for and by the unrighteousness of another. Two close couched passages clear what he aimeth at: The first is in ver. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Wherefore as by one man sin entered into the World, &c. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 As, properly requireth a So to follow it, as you may observe it doth, in ver. 15. 18, 19. but here there is no such thing expressed, therefore it is so to be understood; and the Apostles words to be construed to this sense. Wherefore it is, or the case is here as it was in Adam, as by one man sin entered into the World, &c. there imputation, so here. The second is ver. 18. in the Original verbatim thus. As by the transgression of one, upon all men to condemnation, so by the righteousness of one, upon all men to justification of life. What, upon all men? Our Translation hath added some words to clear the sense, but the shortness of the Apostles style doth better clear his intent: namely to intimate imputation: as speaking to this purpose, As by the transgression of one there was that that redounded to all to condemnation, so by the righteousness of one there is that that redoundeth to all to justification of life: And to clear that he meaneth not that all that were condemned by Adams Fall were redeemed by Christ, he at once showeth the descent of Original sin, and the descent of it for all the death and righteousness of Christ, Quae tamen profuerunt antequam fuerunt. Ver. 13. For till the Law sin was in the World: but sin is not imputed where there is no Law. Nevertheless death reigned from Adam to Moses. By what Law was sin sin and did death reign, when the Law was not yet given? Namely by that Law that was given to Adam, and he brake, the guilt of which violation descends to all.

Having to the end of the fifth Chapter stated and proved Justification by faith, in Chap, 6, & 7, & 8. he speaks of the state of persons justified, which though they be not without sin, yet their state compared with Adams, even whilst he was sinless, it is far better then his: He invested in a created, finite, changeable human righteousness; they in the righteousness of God uncreate, infinite, unchangeable. He having the principles of his holiness and righteousness in his own nature, they theirs conveyed from Christ: He having neither Christ nor the Spirit, but left to himself and his natural purity; they having both. See Chap. 8. 1, 2, 9, 10, &c.

At the nineteenth verse of Chap. 8. he begins upon the second mystery that he hath to treat upon, the calling of the Gentiles, whom he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The whole Creation, or Every Creature: by which title they also are called, Mark 16. 15. Colos. 1. 23. and he shows how they were subject to vanity of Idolatry and the delusions of the devil, but must in time be delivered from this bondage, for which deliverance they now groaned: and not they only, but they of the Jews also, which had received the first-fruits of the Spirit, longed for their coming in, waiting for the adoption that is, the redemption of their whole body: for the Church of the Jews was but the childlike body, and accordingly their Ordinances were according to childlike age of the Church: but the stature of the fullness of Christ's mystical Body, was in the bringing in of the Gentiles. Being to handle this great point of the Calling of the Gentiles and Rejection of the jews, he begins at the bottom, at the great doctrine of Predestination, which he handles from ver. 29. of Chap. 8. to Chap. 9. 24. and then he falls upon the other. That Israel stumbled at Messias and fell, seeking indeed after righteousness, but not his, but their own; and that they are cast away, but not all; A remnant to be saved, that belonged to the Election of Grace: As it was in the time when the World was Heathen, some of them that belonged to the Election, came in and were proselyted to the worship of the true God; so some of these, while all the rest of their Nation lie in unbelief. And in this unbelief must they lie till the fullness of the Gentiles be come in, and then all God's Israel is completed.

The most that he salutes in the last Chapter, appear to have been of the Jewish Nation and the most of them [though now at Rome ] yet some time to have been of Paul's company and acquaintance in some other place. The expulsion of the Jews out of Rome by Claudius Decree, might very well bring many of them into his converse, as well as it did Priscilla and Aquila whom he names first among them. Epenetus was one of his own converts of Achaia; Mary had bestowed much labor on him, yet he hitherto had never been near Rome. He that would dispute the point of the first planter of the Gospel at Rome, might do well to make the first muster of his thoughts here: And whereas the Apostle speaks of the faith of the Roman Church as spoken of throughout the World, Chap. 1. ver. 8. it is very questionable whether he look to the times before the Decree of Claudius, or those since Claudius death, when all the scattered were returned again, and many of those that had come out unbelieving Jews had returned Christians thither; as I believe the case was of Aquila and Priscilla: and some converted in other places had now taken up their residence there, as Epenetus, Andronicus, and Junia, &c.

Those whose salutations he sendeth thither, may be the better judged of, who they were, by observing who were of his retinue at this time, which are named, Act. 20. 4. as 1. Timothy, 2. Lucius, who seemeth to be Luke, called now by a Latin name, in an Epistle to the Latins. He was with Paul at Corinth at the sending away of the Epistle: for having mentioned the others that were gone to Troas, these saith he stayed for us, joining himself in Paul's company now going to Corinth. 3. Jason seemeth to be he that is called Secundus, Acts 20. 4. the one his Hebrew name, and the other the same in Latin, for Secundus is said to be a Thessalonian, and so was Jason, Acts 17. 7. 4. Sosipater here in all probability, he that is called Sopater of Berea there. 5. Tertius that wrote out the Epistle, it may be was Silas: an Hebrician will see a fair likelihood of the one name in the other, it being written in Hebrew letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : and the Hebrew names to the Romans are rendered in the Roman Idiome. 6. Gaius, the same in Greek with the ordinary Latin name Gaius: it appears that he was a Corinthian, 1 Cor. 1. 13. and in that Paul here calls him, Mine host, and the Host of the whole Church: to the understanding of which, the observing of a custom of the Jews may give some illustration. Maymony in his Treatise concerning the Sabbath, speaking about that rite that they used of hallowing the Sabbath with a set form of words at his coming in, per. 30. hath this saying: This hallowing of the Sabbath may not be used, but only in the place where they eat: as for example, he may not use the hallowing words in one house, and eat in another. Why then do they use the hallowing word in the Synagogue; Because of travellers that do eat and drink there. Where the Gloss upon the place comments thus, It is evident that they did not eat in their Synagogues at all, as it is apparent in the eleventh Chapter of Maymonies Treatise of Prayer, but in a house near the Synagogue: • nd there they sat at the hearing of the hallowing of the Sabbath, &c. It may be observed from hence, that strangers and travellers were entertained in a place near the Synagogue [compare Acts 18. 7.] which was a public Xenodochion or receptacle of strangers, at the charge of the Congregation: which laudable custom is almost apparent was transplanted into the Christian Churches in those times: as compare such passages as those, Heb. 13. 2. Acts 15. 4. And possibly those Agapae or feasts of Charity spoken of in the Epistles of the Apostles, are to be understood of these loving and charitable entertainment of strangers. Jude ver. 12. These are spots in your feasts of Charity, when they feast with you, feeding themselves without fear. False teachers travelling abroad undiscovered, and being entertained in these public receptacles for strangers, and at the public charge, would find there a fit opportunity for themselves to vent their errors and deceptions. In this sense may Gaius very properly be understood the Host of the whole Church, as being the officer or chief overseer employed by the Corinthian Church for these intertainments: In which also it was almost inevitable but some Women should have their employment: according to which custom we may best understand such places as these, Phaebe a servant of the Church at Cenchrea, she hath been a succourer of many. Ver. 6. Mary bestowed much labor on us. And see 1 Tim. 5. 9, 10, &c. He speaketh also of other Women of whom he giveth this testimony, that they labored much in the Lord, as Tryphena and Tryphosa and Persis, ver. 12. which may either be understood in the like sense: or if not so, of their great pains some other way for the honor and promotion of the Gospel, and benefit of the Saints and themselves: as by visiting and relieving the poor and sick, taking pains in following the Ministers of the Gospel, and venturing themselves with them: hiding and cherishing them in times of danger, and so venturing themselves for them: and so he saith Priscilla and Aquila for his life laid down their own necks, &c. He salutes three of his own kinsmen Andronicus and Junia and Herodion: the two first were converted before him, and were of note among the Apostles: either being of the number of the 70 Disciples, or eminent converts and close followers of Christ, or of the Apostles in those firsttimes. He calls them his fellow prisoners: but if he had called them his prisoners, it had been easier to have told when and how. For they were in Christ, whilst he was a persecutor: but when they were imprisoned with him, after his conversion, is hard to find out. Among all that he salutes so kindly, where is Peter? If he were now at Rome how was he forgotten?

ACTS Chap. XX. Ver. 6.

FRom Philippi after Easter, he setteth away for Corinth, where he stayed so little, that he came to Troas within five days after the company was come thither which had gone before: for so are the five days to be understood: not that Paul in five days went from Philippi to Corinth and Troas, but that his company which was set out with him, but set directly for Troas, had stayed but five days at Troas, before he came up to them.

There he celebrates the Lord's day and the Lord's Supper, and preacheth and discourseth all night [a thing not altogether strange in the Jewish customs, Jerus. Sota fol. 16. 4. R. Mair was teaching profoundly all the night of the Sabbath in the Synagogue of Chamath ] So that Eutychus sleeps and falls and is taken up dead, but recovered by miracle. The change and beginning and end of the Christian Sabbath may be observed here.

When he goes now from thence, it is most likely it was the time when he left his Cloak, Books and Parchments with Carpus, 2 Tim. 4. 13. His Cloak: for he was now going among his own Nation in Judea: and there he was to wear his Jewish habit, and he left his Roman garb here, till he should come into those Roman quarters again. It may be, the Parchments were the Originals of those Epistles that he had already written: for that he sent transcripts, and reserved the Original copies, may be collected from these passages, I Tertius who wrote out this Epistle, Rom. 16. 22. The salutation of me Paul with my own hand, 1 Cor. 16. 21. Col. 4. 18. which was the token in every Epistle, 2 Thes. 3. 17. for all the Epistle beside was written with another hand.

From Troas by several journeys he cometh to Miletum: and thither he sends for the Elders of the Church of Fphesus, which City was near at hand: But who were these? Not Timothy and Trophimus, for they were in his company already, and had been with him in his journey hither, but these twelve men upon whom he had laid his hands, and bestowed on them the Holy Ghost, and so fitted them for the Ministry, Acts 19. 6. and whomsoever besides Timothy had ordained into the Ministry whilst he was there.

Although the Ephesian and the rest of the Asian Churches, were but in an ill case at this time in regard of false doctrines and much Apostasy that had corrupted and cankared them, yet doth the Apostle foresee that the case will be worse and worse with them still, and that grievous Wolves should yet break in upon them: And this he concludeth, not only from the boldness that he was assured false teachers would use and assume to themselves when he was gone, but from those predictions of Christ that had foretold what sad Apostasy should occur, and what false teachers should arise before the great day of Jerusalem came, which was now coming on apace.

ACTS Chap. XXI. Ver. 17.

PAUL is now got to Jerusalem: And the first thing that we have to do about his story there, is to calculate the time and consider what Year it was when he came thither: and to prove if we can, that it was the second Year of Nero, according as we have superscribed that Year: for this is of import, as to the fixing of those Chronical Observations that we are to take up hereafter.

The common consent in all times, hath fixed his coming to Jerusalem and apprehension there to this Year, and yet amongst all that have so concluded upon it, there is none that hath given any one clear proof or evidence at all for such an assertion. Eusebius, Ado, Cassiodore, Baronius, Lorinus, and divers others are of this mind, yet whereupon they grounded their opinion is hard to find, nay it is hard to find among many of them, any that goeth about to show any groundwork for it at all. It would therefore save a great deal of labor to take their consent without anymore ado, and it might carry good credit with it, to go along with so general a tenet upon the word of so many Learned men: yet that we may not go altogether led blindfold by others, let these thing towards the proof of it be taken into consideration. And first let us draw a Chronicle of Nero 's time.

NERO.
• I.
• II.
• III.
• IV. Poppaea becomes Nero 's Paramour.
• V. Nero slays his mother Agrippina.
• VI.
• VII.
• VIII. Poppaea becomes Nero 's Wife. Pallas dieth.
• IX.
• X. Albinus is Govern our of Judea.
• XI. Florus cometh in Governor instead of Albinus.
• XII. The first beginning of the Wars of the Jews.
• XIII.
• XIV.

Although these things affixed to the several Years of Nero, may seem very Heterogeneal to the thing we have in hand, yet we shall find them of good use when we have firstcleared their truth and certainty.

• 1. That Poppaea became Nero 's Minion in his 4th. Year is apparent by Tacitus Annal. lib. 13. Sect. 12. where he placeth the beginning of their adulterous acquaintance A. U. C. 811. under the Consulship of Nero III. and Valerius Messala.
• 2. That Nero slew his mother Agrippina in his fifth Year, the same Tacitus also asserteth, lib. 14. Sect. 1. placing that fact A. U. C. 812. under the Consulship of C. Vipsanius, and Fonteius Capito.
• 3. The marrying of Poppaea to Nero, as his Wife, he placeth in his eighth Year. Annal. lib. 14. Sect. 9. viz. A. U. C. 815. under the Consulship of P. Marius, and L. Asinius: and in the same Year he placeth the death of Pallas.
• 4. The beginning of the Wars of the Jews in Nero 's 12th. and the entrance of Gessius Florus into the Government, the Year before, is confirmed under this testimony of Josephus, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. ult. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Out of which how Baronius can bring the beginning of Florus his Government to be in the tenth of Nero, as he doth, I understand not: for if the twelfth Year of Nero were Florus his second, then the eleventh was his first.

And now let us take in some things more, which we must apply to these times mentioned, to help us in the inquest we are about.

• 1. Josephus saith, that when Portius Festus came into Felix room in the Government of Judea, the chief of the Jews of Cesarea went to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had been certainly punished for his unjust dealing with the Jews, had not Nero been very favorable to him, at the entreaty of his brother Pallas, who was then very much in Caesar's esteem. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7.
• 2. The same Josephus also speaking of the Government of Festus in Juden, he first mentioneth how he found the Country infested with rebels and robbers whom he overthrew: then he relateth how King Agrippa built his palace so at Jerusalem, as that it overtopped the Temple Courts: which the Jews disliking built a counterwall to hinder the prospect, that it should not view their service and actions in the Temple. At this Agrippa and Festus took distaste, and Festus commanded that the wall should be pulled down: but the Jews desired they might send Agents to Rome about this matter, which they did. And when Nero heard the case, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He did not only pardon the thing done: but he also consented to suffer the building so to stand: vouchsafing this at the entreaty of his Wife Poppaea, for she was devout, &c. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. Observe the last words, At the entreaty of his Wife Poppaea.
• 3. The same Josephus again relateth a journey of his own to Rome in these words: When I was six and twenty years old I went to Rome upon this occasion. When Felix was Governor of Judea, he sent certain Prists my near acquaintance, and very good men for a small cause to Rome to appear before Caesar. For whose deliverance I desiring to find some means went to Rome, and there by the means of a certain Jew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . I came to be known to Poppaea Caesar's Wife.

Baronius doth revile Josephus here as if he had forgot his own age: Videas in his [saith he] quae suae aetatis sunt, suo ipsius testimonio convinci, annoruni sex turpiter errantem. And wherein? Quia affirmat se agentem annum supra vigesimum sextum sub Faelice Judea praeside Romam venisse. But Josephus saith no such word. He saith indeed that he went to Rome to labor the deliverance of some men that Felix had sent thither in the time of his Government, but that Felix was in his Government when he went thither he saith not at all.

And now to take up what we have to observe upon these things that have been spoken.

• 1. It is true indeed, as Tacitus witnesseth, that Pallas the brother of Felix, who had been Claudius his great favorite, and so Nero 's also in Claudius time, did wane and decrease somewhat in his favor in a very short time after his entrance into his reign: but he was not utterly laid flat, and out at all, till after Poppaea came into favor and amorousness, who forwarded the death of Agrippina, and the bringing down of those that were of her party as Pallas was. Therefore the power of Pallas with the Emperor seemeth to be expired in Nero 's fifth year, in which Agrippina was slain. And by this account we cannot extend Felix his escape for his brother Pallas his sake, beyond Nero 's fourth Year. For considering Poppaeas prevalency with the Emperor, when once she became his Paramour, and considering her detestation of Agrippina and her faction of which Pallas was the chief, we cannot cast Felix his discharge for Pallas his sake, beyond Nero 's fourth.
• 2. Paul lay two years prisoner at Cesarea under Felix: Acts 24. 27. After two years Portius Festus came into Felix room. Many are the conjectures about these two years. Baronius saith, it was Expleto biennio Neronis. Magister Historiae Scholasticae, saith it was Biennium ab accusatione Felicis a Judaeis. A Lapide cares not to think that Biennium hoc inchoandum a praefectura Felicis in Judea, nam ante illud praefuerat Trachonitidi Batanaeae & Gaulonitidi, &c. But it is most proper to hold, that these two years mean the time of Paul's being a prisoner under Felix from the time of his apprehension under Lysias the chief Captain, till Felix his going out of his Government: and so it is held by Beda, Beza, Salmeron, Onuphrius and others. And this is so proper and suitable to the intent and discourse of Luke, that it needeth no illustration or proof of it: and it is most agreeable to the Scriptures manner of accounting in all other places.

These two things then being thus concluded on, it will follow that Paul's apprehension was in Nero 's second, and Felix went out of Office in Nero 's fourth, before Poppaea was yet got into her potency. And the accounting of Paul's two years imprisonment under Felix to be thus. At Pentecost in Nero 's second he is apprehended, and at Pentecost in Nero 's third he had been a year prisoner: and at Pentecost in Nero 's fourth his two years are up: and that spring it was that Felix went out of Office, and went to Rome to make his answer, and Pallas his brother not yet utterly out of favor makes his peace. And now let us draw up the Chronology of Nero 's time to the full, according to these evidences, and as referreth to our occasion.

[CHRIST. 55] [NERO. 1] Paul at Ephesus: Goeth to Macedonia, Crete, Greece, to Macedonia again, and wintreth in Nicopolis.

[CHRIST. 56] [NERO. 2] Paul at Macedonia till Easter: then goeth up to Jerusalem, and is apprehended at Pentecost, and from that time till the year go out, is a prisoner.

[CHRIST. 57] [NERO. 3] Paul a prisoner all this year under Felix.

[CHRIST. 58] [NERO. 4] Felix removed. Festus cometh in: Paul shipped towards Rome, but wintreth by the way.

Poppaea in Nero 's eye, and becomes his Minion.

[CHRIST. 59] [NERO. 5] Festus Governor of Judea. Paul after wintering in his journey, cometh to Rome, and this is the first year of his imprisonment there. Nero killeth his Mother Agrippina.

[CHRIST. 60] [NERO. 6] Festus Governor of Judea. Paul's second years imprisonment at Rome.

[CHRIST. 61] [NERO. 7] Festus Governor of Judea.

[CHRIST. 62] [NERO. 8] Festus Governor of Judea. Nero marrieth Poppaea.

[CHRIST. 63] [NERO. 9] Festus Governor: It may be Albinus came in sometime this year: and then was James the less slain this year.

[CHRIST. 64] [NERO. 10] Albinus Governor of Judea.

[CHRIST. 65] [NERO. 11] Florus Governor of Judea.

[CHRIST. 66] [NERO. 12] [CHRIST. 67] [NERO. 13] Florus Governor of Judea. The Wars begin.

[CHRIST. 68] [NERO. 14] Nero dieth, having reigned 13. years and 8. months.

ACTS Chap. XXI. from Ver 17. to the end of the Chapter.

PAUL cometh to Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost, when the City was now full of conconflux to that festival. He resorteth instantly to James the residentiary Apostle of the Circumcision, for holding correspondency sake; and there he shows him the manner and fruit of his Ministry among the Gentiles. Which both by James and the Elders that were with him is well approved of, as to the thing itself: but they certify him of what complaints they heard from the Jews against him, for crying down the rites of Moses, especially Circumcision, That thou teachest all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, saying, that they ought not to circumcise their Children, ver. 21.▪ Now because thousands of the Jews which believed were yet zealous of the Law, this gave much offense. But did Paul teach thus or not? No doubt he did, and it behooved him so to do: nor does, nor can James except against the Doctrine: for though it is true that he and Paul and the other Apostles permitted compliance with some of the Jewish rites for peace sake for a while, as there is an example in this very place, yea Paul himself circumcised Timothy upon that reason; yet the use of Circumcision, as these that stood upon it, used it, was utterly inconsistent with the Gospel. Hear this Apostles Doctrine, Behold I Paul say unto you, that if you be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing. For I testify again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to the whole Law, Gal. 5. 2. A converted Jew would have his Son circumcised: Paul asks him a reason; what can he answer, but it looks after some justification by it? as their own Authors speak their thoughts: He that is circumcised is perfect. And, He that is circumcised shall not go to Gehinnom. And, I said unto thee, in thy blood live, Ezek. 16. 6. This is the blood of Circumcision, &c. Tanchum. in Gen. 17. & 18, &c.

They looked indeed upon Circumcision as an admission into the Covenant: and thereupon the Father of the Child at his Circumcision constantly used these words, Blessed be thou O Lord our God who hast sanctified us by his Commandments, and commanded us to bring the Child into the Covenant of our Father Abraham. And they that stood by said, As thou hast brought him into the Covenant, so bring him into the Law and into the Bridechamber. Jerus. in Beracoth. fol. 13. col. 1. But withal they looked upon this Covenant as a Covenant of works, for, as we observed before, they reputed Abraham himself so justified. Good cause therefore had Paul to stand out against the convert Jews Circumcising their Children, as whereby the Doctrine of Justification by faith was utterly enervated and made of no effect. And here by the way let us conceive we heard Paul and one of these parents disputing upon this point. Circumcise not thy Child, saith Paul, for if thou dost thou laiest an obligation upon him to observe the whole Law: and this may note to us that the Sacrament carried an obligation with it, and obliged an Infant, though he knew not what Law or Obligation meant: Baptism is for Obligation as well as this, and a Child capable of the Obligation though he understood not what it means. I, but says the Parent, I will not look upon it, as in way to Justification, I will only use it for the Childs admission into the Covenant of grace. If Infants Baptism were not now in use for such a purpose, let one that denies it, tell me, what Paul had to answer.

James urgeth not Paul at all to any public recantation of his Doctrine, but adviseth him, by purifying himself and Judaizing a little in the Temple, to give some public testimony for their satisfaction, that he was not such an enemy to Moses as he was reported: which he agreeth to. For the Temple rites might have better plea, while the Temple stood, then Circumcision, which was none of them. On the second or third day of his Purification, some Asian Jews raise a tumult against him. It is not so properly rendered, And when the seven days were almost ended, ver. 27. as rather, And as the seven days were to have been accomplished, the computing of these twelve days mentioned Chap. 24, 11. enforce that they should be so interpreted.

They found him in the second Court of the Temple the Court of the Women, whither no Heathen came [though they might come into the outer Court, called the mountain of the House ] and thither they supposed and pretended that he had brought a Gentile, Trophimus an Ephesian: For which he is fallen upon with that they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The rebels beating stripes without number, the people falling pell mell upon him. Which was the way [as the Jews records inform us] that the Priests were dealt withal, that came into the next court above this, when any of them was deprehended there in their uncleanness: they never stood upon it, to bring him to judicial trial, but his fellows fell upon him, with the fagot sticks of the Altar, or what came to hand, and mawled him with blows without measure even unto death: And so had Paul been served now had not the Roman Commander come and been his rescue. Yet did he suppose him an offender, and questions him whether he were not that Egyptian that not long before that time had made an insurrection. Josephus giveth this story, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 6. thus. At that time there cometh one to Jerusalem out of Egypt, pretending himself to be a Prophet: and he counseled the common people, that they should go with him to Mount Olivet, and that there he would show them how at his command the walls of Jerusalem would fall: But Felix understanding this, sent some horse and foot against them, and slew 400 of them [our text here says 4000.] and took two hundred prisoners.

ACTS Chap. XXII.

PAUL Apologizeth to the people: telleth his Education, Conservation and Conversion: and relating how by a Divine Vision he was appointed to go to the Gentiles, they begin a new commotion, which the chief captain again pacifieth; but yet thinks Paul some notable villain, or else that there would never have been so terrible cries against him: He would now have scourged him, but that he understood he was a Roman: therefore he turns to another course, and the next day brings him before the Sanhedrin. The sitting of that Bench was little at Jerusalem now: For as we have observed, they were unnested from Jerusalem divers years ago, and their most constant residence at present was at Jabneh: only they were now come up to the Festival.

ACTS Chap. XXIII. & XXIV. to Ver. 27.

RAbban Simeon the Son of Rabban Gamaliel, Paul's Master, was President of the great Council at this time, for Gamaliel was dead some two or three years ago. Of him the Jews have this saying in Sotah per. 9. From the time that old Rabban Gamaliel died, the honor of the Law ceased; for till then they read and learned the Law standing, but after his death sitting. Onkelos the Targumist of the Law burnt a great quantity of frankincense for him at his Obsequies. Juchasin fol. 53. Whether Rabban Simeon the President were present at this Session or no, Ananias the High-priest is as busy as if he had been chief President himself: But Paul cares for him as little, as he busied himself much. He calls him whited wall, or arrant painted Hypocrite: And when he was checked for reviling God's High priest, I know not brethren, saith he, that he is High priest: for if I took him for such a one, I would not so have spoken to him, since it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of my People. It is not possible that Paul should not know who and what Ananias was: but it is very indifferent, whether we understand this, as not owning this man for a lawful High priest, or not owning any lawful Highpriesthood now at all. The man base and usurping; and the Function of the Highpriesthood disanulled by the great High priest who had accomplished all that it typified, and the place of the Highpriesthood being become a common Merchandise, obtained by money and favor and dispatching one another.

By a holy policy he divides the Council, and professing himself by education a Pharisee, and of that belief in the point of the Resurrection, he not only sets Pharisees and Sadducees to a hot contestation between themselves, but he makes the Pharisees, so far as to that opinion, to take his part: It had been possible to have set the Hillelian and Shammaean party together by the ears, by a bone handsomely cast between them, for the Council had these factions in it, and their feud was as deadly; but Paul could own no article of their divisions, that was worth his owning, they were so trivial and below his cognizance. It is the confession of the Jerusalem Gemarists in Joma fol. 38. col. 3. That the fault of their great ones under the second Temple was love of money, and hatred one of another.

Paul in the hubbub is rescued again by the Soldiery, and that night by revelation is warranted to appeal to Caesar, by being informed he must go to Rome. A Conspiracy of a pack of cut-throats to murder him, is prevented, and he is sent to Cesarea to Felix, where he lies prisoner two years. By such packing and combining of murderers, it may easily be conjectured what temper the Nation was now in. Josephus his charecter of it at these times is, That the affairs of the Jews grew every day worse and worse, and that the Country was full of thieves and Sorcerers, but Felix was daily picking them up to penalty after their desert; the greater thief, the less; for his character yields him no better. Tacitus says enough of him, when he speaks but this, Antonius Felix, per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit: Histor. lib. 5. cap. 2. Upon which Josephus will give you a large comment of his intolerable covetousness, polling, cruelty, sacrilege, murdering, and all manner of wickedness. His injuriousness to Paul in the story before us, and the very naming of his wife Drusilla may be brand enough upon him: for her, by enticements and magical tricks, he allured to himself from her Husband and married her. And him he kept prisoner two years wrongfully because he would not bribe him. In his pleading before him, he makes him tremble, but it is but a qualm and away.

[CHRIST. LVII] [NERO. III] PAUL is a prisoner this year at Cesarea under Felix. A great City of Jews and Greeks mixedly: the place where the first spark of Jews Wars kindled afterward. A famous University of Jews in time, if so be it was not so at this time.

[CHRIST. LVIII] [NERO. IV] ACTS Chap. XXIV. Ver. 27.

PAUL still a prisoner at Cesarea under Felix for the first part of this year: Then cometh Festus into the Government, and Felix packeth to Rome to answer for his misdemeanors.

ACTS Chap. XXV. & XXVI.

PAUL answereth for himself, first before Festus alone: then before Agrippa and his Sister Bernice: this Agrippa was his Son whose death is related Acts 12. he by the favor of Claudius the Emperor succeeded his brother in Law-Uncle Herod [for such relations did that Incestuous family find out] in the Kingdom of Chalcis. For Bernice his Sister had married Herod King of Chalcis her Uncle and his, who was now dead, and this Agrippa succeeded him in his Kingdom, being also King of Judea. Of this Agrippa, as it is most probable, there is frequent mention among the Hebrew Writers: as particularly this, that King Agrippa reading the Law in the latter end of the year of release, as it was enjoined, and coming to those words, Deut. 17. 15. Thou shalt not set astranger King over thee which is not of thy brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks [for he was not of the seed of Israel ] which the Congregation observing, cried out. Be of good comfort O King Agrippa, thou art our brother. He was of their Religion though not of their blood, and well versed in all the Laws and Customs as Paul speaks, Chap. 26. 3.

Berenice his Sister, now a Widow, lived with him, and that in more familiarity then was for their credit: afterwards she fell into the like familiarity with Titus the Son of Vespasian, when he came up to the Jews Wars. There is mention in Jerus▪in Taanith. fol. 66. col. 1. and again in Megillah fol. 70. col. 3. of the Scribes or learned Jews of Chalcis, against whom the people rose and tumultuated. [In the one place it is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .] It may be they were of this Agrippa 's planting there.

As Paul pleads for himself, Festus takes him to be beside himself: but Agrippa better acquainted with those kind of things that he spake of, was much moved: and concludes that had he not appealed to Caesar, he might have been quit. What he did in this appeal was not a small thing, and it is very questionable whether ever Jew had appealed from their own Sanhedrin, to the Heathen Tribunal before. But for this he had a Divine Warrant.

ACTS Chap. XXVII.

PAUL shipped for Rome: and Luke with him, and Aristarchus a Thessalonian. Paul calls him his fellow-prisoner, Coloss. 4. 10. whether now or not till he came to Rome is a question: Trophimus an Ephesian is▪ also now with him, Acts 21. 29. whom he leaves sick at Miletum, as he passeth by those coasts of Asia, Acts 27. 2. 2 Tim. 4. 20. and there likewise he leaves Timothy. Who else of those that went with him to Jerusalem, Acts 20. 4. were now with him, is uncertain. It was now far in the year, and Winter entering, for the feast of expiation was over, so that they met with a tempestuous journey, and at last suffer shipwreck and swim for their lives, and do all escape. The Reader by the time of the writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians, which he hath passed, will easily, see that what he speaks there, A day and a night have I been in the deep, 2 Cor. 11. 25. cannot be understood of his shipwreck now, but refers to some time a good while ago.

[CHRIST. LIX] [NERO. V] ACTS CHAP. XXVIII. from the beginning to Ver. 30.

PAUL and his company are the three winter months in Malta: where he doth some miracles. And when winter was now drawing over, they put to sea again, in an Alexandrian bottom, whose badge was Castor and Pollux: or the Picture of two young men on white horses, with either of them a javelin in his hand, and by him half an egg and a star: whom Heathenish folly and superstition conceited to have been twins begotten by Jupiter, and Deities favorable to those that sailed on the sea. And this seemeth to have been the reason why Luke doth mention this circumstance, because he would intimate the men's superstition, as expecting better sailing under this badge then they had had.

From Melita they sail to Syracuse in Sicily, and there abide three days. Form thence to Rhegium in Italy, and from thence to Puteoli: there they find Christians and stay with them seven days: and then set away for Rome. At Appii Forum about Fifty miles from the City, some of the Roman Christians hearing of their coming, come to meet them: and at the Tres Tabernae, Thirty three from the City, they met with more: and so they enjoy the society of one another some space together as they travel along, which was no small refreshing to Paul, who had desired so much and so long to see them.

SECTION XXVIII.

JULIUS the Centurion that had brought him and the rest of the Prisoners from Judea, had been his friend and favourer, from their first setting out, Chap. 27. 3. and so continued, even to the time of his settling in Rome: obtaining him this liberty, that he might take lodgings of his own, and there he was kept under a restraintless restraint: After three days he sends for the Chief of the Jews, and lays open his case before them, and upon a day appointed he asserteth and expoundeth the truth and doctrine of the Gospel, whereupon some believe, but others do the rather become his enemies.

His accusers that were come from Judea to lay in his charge against him [for we can hardly suppose otherwise, but that some such were come] would be urgent to get their business dispatched that they might be returning to their own homes again; and so would bring him to trial as soon as they could: and that his trial was reasonable early this year, it appeareth by his own words in the second Epistle to Timothy, where he speaketh of his Answer that he had been at, and requireth Timothy to come to him before winter, 2 Tim. 4. 16. 21.

As he appealed to Nero himself, so Nero himself heard his cause, Phil. 1. 13. 2 Tim. 4. 16. [and here it was possible Paul and Seneca might see each other] at which time all that had owned him before, withdrew themselves for fear, and durst not stand by him, or appear with him in this danger.

Tacitus mentioneth a case much like his, which had been tried two years before, namely of Pomponia Graecina a noble Lady of Rome, concerning a strange Religion. Superstitionis externae rea, mariti judicio permissa. Isque prisco instituto, propinquis coram, de capite famaque conjugis cognovit, & insontem nuntiavit. This that he calleth externa superstitio, cannot well be understood of any Religion, but either Judaism or Christianity: for any Heathen superstition did relish so well with them, that it could hardly have brought her into danger. If her peril of life then were because of Christianity, as very well it might, it was a terrible example that lay before the Christians there: and if it were not, then this trial of Paul being of a doubtful issue and consequent and full of danger, it made poor Paul's friends to shrink aside in this his extremity, and to be to seek when he had most need of them. At my first answer, saith he, none stood with me, but all forsook me. In which words he doth not so much refer to what or how many more answers he was called to [as the postscript of that Epistle seemeth to construe it] as he doth intimate, that even at the very first pinch and appearance of danger, all that should have been his assistants started from him. It may be Demas his embracing of the present world, 2 Tim. 4. 10. signifieth in this sense, that he forsook Paul, and shifted for himself and sculked to avoid the danger or if it be taken, that he returned to his worldly impolyment again, or that he returned to his Judaism again▪ mean it what it will, we shall see in the story of the next year, that he returned to Paul and to his station again. So that his failing was but as Peters denial of his Master, repented of and recovered. It was a hard case and a great trial with the Apostle, when in so signal an encounter, and so imminent danger of his life, none of the Church that was at Rome, not any of those that were of his own retinue, durst own him, or stand by him in his exigent: but the Lord was with him, and brought him off safe from the Lions mouth: He being assured by this providence of God to him, and for him, in his great danger, that he was reserved for the further benefit of the Church and propagating of the Gospel, applieth himself to that work the best way he can, considering his condition of imprisonment; and whereas he cannot travel up and down to the Churches to preach to them as he had done, he visiteth divers of them with his Epistles: And first he writeth THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. and sendeth it by Crescens, as may be conceived from 2 Tim. 4. 10. For though Demas, and Crescens, and Titus their departure from Paul be reckoned altogether in that verse, yet the reason of their departure cannot be judged to have been alike: for however Demas started upon some ca • nal respect, yet Crescens and Titus are not so branded, nor will the eminent piety of the later suffer us to have any such opinion of him, and the judging of him doth also help us to judge of Crescens who is joined with him. The postscript of this Epistle both in the Greek, Syriac, Arabic, and divers other Translations, doth generally date it from Rome: Beza from Antioch: Erasmus from Ephesus, but all upon conjecture: for there is no intimation in the Epistle itself of the time or place of its writing: Beza upon these words in Chap. 1. ver. 2. And all the brethren which are with me, saith thus, Puto sic totum Antiochenae Ecclesiae Presbyterium significari, & inde scriptam hanc Epistolam, &c. I think by this he meaneth the whole Presbytery of the Church of Antioch, and that this Epistle was written from thence, at that time that passed between Paul and Barnabas their return into Asia from their first journey forth, and the coming of those troubles to Antioch, Acts 14. 28. But that Apostasy in the Churches which the Apostle crieth out against in this Epistle and in others, was not then begun; and moreover it may well be questioned whether the Churches of Galatia were then planted. And the former answer, may likewise be given to the opinion that this Epistle was written from Ephesus: namely that at the time of Paul's being at Ephesus, the Apostasy which ere long did sorely and almost Epidemically infest the Churches, was but then beginning. And this is one reason why I suppose it written from Rome, at this time that we are upon, because that gangrene in the Eastern Churches was now come to ripeness, as it appears by the second Epistle to Timothy, which was written this same year: See 2 Tim. 1. 15.

False teachers had brought back the Galatians from the simplicity of the Gospel, to their old Ceremonious performances again, and to reliance upon the works of the Law for Justification: which miscarriage the Apostle taketh sharply to task in this Epistle. And first he vindicates his Apostleship as no whit inferior to Peter and James and John the Ministers of the Circumcision, and those that chiefly seemed to be pillars, and he shows how those approved of him and it: And then he most divinely states the nature of the Law, at which was the great stumbling; and especially speaks to that point that they most stood upon, their living in it.

The Lord had laid a stone in Zion, which the Jews could not step over, but stumble at, even to this day: and that is that which is said in Levite. 18. 5. Ezek. 20. 11. and in otherplaces, which the Apostle also toucheth in this Epistle, Chap. 3. 12. from whence they concluded that no living, no justification but by the works of the Law. The Apostle in the third Chapter of this Epistle lays down two conclusions that determine the case, and resolves all into faith. The first is in ver. 17. namely that the Law was not given to cross the Covenant of Grace, but to be subservient to it. The second in ver. 10. that the Law did plainly show of itself that no man could perform it, but it left a man under the curse. Observe that he saith not, As many as fail of the works of the Law, but As many as are of the works of the Law: showing that the Lawdid not only denounce a curse upon all that performed it not, but plainly demonstrated that none could perform it, and so left all under a curse: and these words, Cursed is everyone that continueth not in all things, &c. conclude both. So that the Law was not given for justification, but to be subservient to the Covenant of Justification: not to cross the Covenant but to serve it, not purposely to leave under the curse, but to show the curse, and to drive men to get from under it. So that men might live in it, but not by it. It was the way in which men were to go to seek for Justification, but it was not the cause or means whereby they were justified. See Gal. 3. 5. The Jews made the Moral Law cross to the Covenant of Grace, whilst they sought to be justified by works▪ and they made the Ceremonial Law cross the Moral, whilst they resolved all duty into Ceremony: and so the Law which in itself was holy and pure and good, they turned to death unto themselves by their abuse. They might have lived in the Moral Law [had they used it aright,] though not by it: for the more a man sets himself to the exact performance of it, the more he sees he cannot perform it, and therefore he is driven the more to Christ: But they resolved all into Ceremonious performance, and so lost sincerity toward the Moral, and hereupon the Ceremonial Law good in itself, became to them Statutes not good, and Judgments wherein they could not live, Exek. 20. 25.

From Rome also, and reasonable early in this year, Paul wrote THE EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY; and in it urgeth Timothy to come to him before Winter.

Timothy was now at Ephesus when this Epistle was directed to him, as may be observed out of the Epistle itself by these collections.

• 1. In that he willeth him to salute the household of Onesiphorus, Chap. 4. 19. who was an Ephesian, Chap. 1. 16, 18.
• 2. In that he biddeth him take Troas in his way as he comes to him, Chap. 4. 13. which had been the way that Paul himself had gone from Ephesus, 2 Cor. 2. 22. and to Ephesus again, Acts 20. 5.
• 3. In that he warneth him of Alexander, Chap. 4. 14. who was an Ephesian, 1 Tim. 1. 20. Act. 19. 33.

There is one passage in this Epistle, which hath caused some to doubt about the time of its writing [for about the place there is no doubt] and that is, what he saith, Chap. 4. 6. I am now ready to be offered up, and the time of my departure is at hand: which would make one think, that he was now ready to be martyred, and taken away, and it hath made some believe that this was the last Epistle that ever he wrote: but when we compare his own words again in ver. 17, 18. and Phil. 1. 25. and Philem. ver. 22. it maketh it past controversy that he speaketh not of his sudden Martyrdoom, but that he is to be understood in some other sense. But what is that? Baronius giveth this gloss, The words of Paul concerning his speedy death, seem not possibly otherwise to be understood, then that God had revealed it to him, that he should suffer death under Nero. For that time might very well seem near which was to be fulfilled under the same Prince. I, but Nero for his age might have reigned 50 or 60 years after the Apostles writing of this Epistle, and so the last words of this gloss, are but a very poor salving: And indeed the resolution of the difficulty lieth open and conspicuous in the text itself. Paul looked upon Timothy as the prime and choice man that was to succeed him in the work of the Gospel, when he himself should be dead and gone: as being a young man, not only of singular qualifications for that work, but of whom there had been special Prophesies and predictions to such a purpose, 1 Tim. 1. 18. as was observed before. He exhorts him therefore in this place, to improve all his pains and parts to the utmost, to do the work of an Evangelist, and to make proof of his Ministry to the full, for that he himself could not last long, being now grown old and worn with travel, and besides all this, in bonds at present, and so in continual danger: therefore must Timothy be • itting himself daily to take his work up when he was gone.

With Timothy he desires that Mark may come along with him to Rome, whom we observed to be at Corinth at Paul's last coming thither: and one clause in this Epistle seemeth also to speak to that matter: Chap. 4. 20. Erastus abode at Corinth, but Trophimus I left at Miletum sick. Erastus abode at Corinth; Why? that Timothy knew without any information, for he was with Paul all along that journey when Erastus went to Corinth and stayed there. And Trophimus I left at Miletum sick: Why? Timothy could not but know that too, without Paul's telling him so from Rome, Miletum and Ephesus were so very near together, nay it is more than probable that Timothy was left at Miletum too when Trophimus was left there. But when was he left? Not when Paul went towards Jerusalem, and sent for the Elders of Ephesus to Miletum, Acts 20. for Trophimus went, and was with him at Jerusalem, Acts 21. 19. But it was when Paul returned from Jerusalem in bonds to Rome, as hath been said, though it be not particularly mentioned that he touched there. Some would have the word Miletum to be read Mileta, among whom is Beza, who is ever one of the forwardest to tax the Text for corrupt, when he cannot clear it. Po • ius conjicio legendum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [saith he] quod vocabulum facile fuit in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 depravare. Luke saith plainly, that at Paul's coming away from Judea in his voyage to Rome, it was their resolution to sail by the coasts of Asia, Act 27. 2. which had been a far fairer ground to have concluded upon, that Paul was at Miletum in that voyage, since that was a part of those Asian coasts, then to change Miletum into Melita upon no ground at all. And certainly the very scope of the Apostle in that passage will not admit of that change: for he is not telling Timothy of Erastus his abode at Corinth, or of Trophimus his sick stay at Miletum, as things unknown to him, but as things very well known, yet mentioned to him as making to the Apostles present purpose: He had sent for Timothy and Mark to come away to him to Rome, and to forward them to that journey, he doth these two things. 1. He showeth how all his company was scattered from him, ver. 9. 10. and therefore he had need of them in that destitution. 2. He telleth how supply might be made in their places though they came away, for though Mark should come from Corinth, yet Erastus might be a supply, for Erastus abode there. And Timothy come away from Ephesus, yet Trophimus is there ready to supply his place, for Trophimus I left at Miletum sick.

By Tychicus who was the bearer of this Epistle to Timothy, Chap. 4. 12. Paul also sendeth THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS; for it is apparent that he was in bonds when he sent that Epistle, Chap. 3. 1. and that he sent it by Tychicus, Chap. 6. 21. That ye may know mine affairs and how I do, Tychicus a beloved brother, and faithful Minister in the Lord, shall make known to you all things, whom I have sent unto you for the same purpose.

In this Epistle he addresseth himself more especially to the convert Gentiles of the Ephesian Church, to establish and settle them in the truth, against that warping and wavering that was now too common: and he setteth himself to unfold the mystery of the Gospel in its full luster, and discovery in a more special manner, and that especially in the two first Chapters, as he himself professeth in the third. By revelation God made known unto me the mystery, as I wrote afore in few words, whereby when ye read ye may understand my knowledge in the mystery of Christ, ver. 3, 4.

He speaketh much of the mystery of the Gentiles calling, and calleth the Jews and Gentiles knit in the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Sone of God, A perfect man, and the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ, Chap. 4. 13. In Chap. 5. 26, 27. speaking of Christ's washing the Church, that he might present it to himself without spot or wrinkle, &c. he seemeth to allude to the Jews exceeding great curiousness in their washings for purification. Maym. in Mikvaoth. per. 1. There must be nothing to interpose between the person that is washed and the water: for if there be anything interposing betwixt him and the water, as if any clay or dough stick to his flesh, he is unclean as he was, and his washing profits him nothing. And a little after: If there be upon the flesh of a man or upon a vessel, any of those things that may interpose, as dough, pitch or the like, though it be no more then a grain of musterdseed, and he take it to thought, his washing profits him nothing.

What he saith in ver. 29. So ought Men to love their Wives even as their own bodies, is agreed to even by the Jews doctrine. Our Doctors teach, He that loves his Wife as his own body, and he that honors her more than his own body, and he that maketh his Sons to walk in a right way, &c. of such a one the Scripture saith, Thou shalt know that peace shall be in thy Tabernacle, &c. Alphes. in Gittin per. ult.

[CHRIST. LX] [NERO. VI] WE are now come to the second year of Paul's imprisonment: in which he had the changeable and different occurrences, of loving visits and salutes from some Churches abroad, and cross dealing from some ill-willed at home: some sadness of heart by the sickness of Epaphroditus near unto death, but comfort and reviving again by his recovery. The Church of Philippi had sent him to visit Paul in their name, and to bring him some tokens of their love for his support and maintenance in his imprisonment: and the good man fell sick in Rome very like to die: upon his recovery and return home again, Paul sendeth by him THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS, written in his name, and in the name of Timothy, who according to his appointment was now come to him. He showeth in this Epistle, that as there were some which preached the Gospel of sincerity, so were there other that preached of envy and contention, and so added affliction to his bonds: He was yet in bonds, but in some good hopes of deliverance, as he showeth in Chap. 2. 24. for he saith he hoped ere long to send Timothy to them, and himself to come with him: but we shall observe ere long, that when Paul hath got his liberty, Timothy is got into prison, and so his journey for the present stopped.

He saluteth no Church in the platform of Bishops and Deacons, but only this: not but that there were Bishops and Deacons in other Churches as well as here, but it may be, he doth it here the rather, because of the Contribution that the Bishops and Deacon: had gathered for him and sent to him: or because he would show the platform of Office and Order in this Church of Philippi, which was purely Gentile, agreeable to that of the believing Jews Churches.

He giveth warning to beware of the heretical and unbelieving Jews, whom he calls dogs and the concision: and now the name they used to give to the Gentiles [ Dogs ] is light upon themselves. The very Talmudists speak as evil of that generation in which Messias should come as the Scripture doth, 2 Tim. 3. 1, &c. and among other things they say thus: When the Son of David cometh, the Synagogues shall become stews: Galilee shall be destroyed: Gablah shall be desolate [the Samaritan Version of the Pentateuch doth constantly render Seir, Gabla ] and the men of the border of Israel shall go from City to City, and the wisdom of the Scribes shall be abominated, and Religious persons shall be scorned: And the faces of that generation shall be as dogs. Talm. bab. in Sanhedr. fol. 97. He calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The concision: The word signifies such superstitious and vain and impious cuttings in the flesh as Heathens used: as 2 King. 18. 28, &c. No more doth he make of their Circumcision: the Greek word is used by the LXX. Levite. 21. 5.

He speaketh of one in Philippi whom he calleth his true yokefellow: alluding it may be either to the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by which the Jews did ordinarily express great professors of Religion: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a most ordinary phrase in the Jerusalem Talmud: Or the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 yokes or couples whereby they expressed the President and Vicepresident of the Sanhedrin, those famous couples Shemaiah and Abtalion, Hillel and Shammai, &c. Of whom it is that he speaketh, is undeterminable. Barnabas or Silas might best bare the title. Whosoever it was, it seemeth it was some worthy person who was at this time in that Church, whom he intreats to compose some differences that were then afoot; and to be helpful in some occasions and cases that he knew needful. It is not to be doubted but Epaphroditus, had acquainted him particularly with the state of the Church, and he applies his exhortations accordingly.

As the Church of Philippi had sent Epaphroditus to visit him, so did the Church of Colossi send Epaphras one of their Ministers to do the like, Colos. 1. 7, 8. whereupon, by Tychicus, who had been the last year at Ephesus to fetch Timothy, and returned with him to Rome, Col. 4. 7. and by Onesimus a Colossian, Col. 4. 9. Paul and Timothy send THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. The naming of Mark now with him, Chap. 4. 10. doth state the time of writing this Epistle, and fixeth it to this year; or else it would be easier for Tychicus his travel, to have supposed that he brought it the last year when he came to Timothy to Ephesus, and Colossae was not far off: but the observing of Marks being now at Rome, puts the matter out of doubt. And whereas it might be thought more likely, that Epaphras that came with the visit from the Church, should bring this return of Paul back again, it appeareth by Chap. 4. 12. that he stayed still with Paul and was fellow-prisoner now with him, Philem. ver. 23.

The Colossians had never seen Paul's face, no more had the Laodiceans; for no less can be gathered from his own words, Chap. 2. 1. yet had he been a means by some of his agents to plant these Churches, or at least to afford them plentiful watering. The Apostles had subordinate Ministers under them that they employed to this purpose. I know not how the word Helps, 1 Cor. 12. 28. can be better understood.

The Laodiceans had sent him an Epistle [as the Corinthians had also done, 1 Cor. 7. 1.] and this is that Epistle that he speaketh of, Chap. 4. 16. See that ye read likewise the Epistle from Laodicea. Not that he had written any Epistle from thence which is now lost, as is conceived by some, for he was never there, but it meaneth that Epistle which the Laodiceans had sent to him: Not that he would have it read, as of equal Divine authority with his own, but as a good copy and example to the Colossians. If any be not satisfied with this construction, we shall offer another when we come to the Epistles of John, rather then conceive, that any Epistle of Paul is lost, that was once read in the Churches.

Among those whose salutations he sends, he nameth Demas: who the last year was departed from him, and embraced, as he thought, the present world. 2 Tim. 4. 10. but now is come in a good man again. The sparks of grace once kindled, can never be quenched, yea though not discernible to the eye of a Paul: which however raked up under the ashes by vehement temptation or corruption, yet covered with an everlasting decree, of everlasting love, are unextinguishable. The Act of grace, it is true, may be in a swone, and seem dead to the eyes of a Paul himself, whilst yet there is the habit in life: I mean that gracious changedness, which by regeneration is wrought in the soul, the stony heart turned into flesh, which though it may congeal into ice again, yet can never again congeal into the stone it was. Fides qua apprehendens, its hand may slip, but • ides qua apprehensa, his hand cannot slip that hath laid hold upon it.

By these same bearers Tychicus and Onesimus, by whom he sends the Epistle to the Colossians, he also sends THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. For he was a Colossian, as appeareth by this that Paul calls Onesimus his servant one of the Colossians, Col. 4. 9. and Archippus which was Minister at Colossae, Col. 4. 17. seemeth to have been Philemon's son, or at least to have sojourned in his house, Philem. ver. 2. In this Epistle he sendeth salutations from the persons he did in the Epistle to the Colossians. Epaphras, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, Lucas: only there is this difference about two of them, that here he calls Epaphras his fellow-prisoner, which there he did not, and there Aristarchus his fellow-prisoner which here he doth not: This doing of the Apostle needeth to breed no scruple, but it may rather justly be inquired how these men came prisoners. Aristarchus set out with Paul from Jerusalem, and he only is named of all his company, Act. 27. 2. either because he was a prisoner then as Paul was, or because the rest with Paul were his attendants and Ministers constantly with him, and therefore needed not to be named. Or if Aristarchus were not committed to prison till now, the consideration of Epaphras his case will include his: Epaphras came from Colossae but very lately, Col. 1. 7, 8. and how, and for what, is he now got into prison? For answer to this we may properly take in something out of the Roman story. Suetonius in the Life of Nero speaking of those times of his that carried some moderation, in which he was not broke out to his extreme wickedness: and mentioning some things that he did and enacted that looked somewhat like a Reformation, he saith thus: Multa sub eo & animadversa severe, & coercita, nec minus instituta: Adhibitus sumptibus modus: Publicae caenae ad sportulas redactae: Interdictum ne quid in popinis cocti, praeter legumina, aut olera veniret, cum antea nullum non opsonii genus proponeretur. Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novae & maleficae. This last particular is it that we have to deal with; The Christians were put to punishment, a sort of men of a new Religion, &c. Suet. in Nerone cap. 16.

Tacitus in the Life of the same Tyrant telleth of a dreadful fire that befell in Rome in the tenth year of his reign, [of which we shall speak when we come there] which common report buzzed and rumored up and down that he had kindled. Abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, & quaesitissimis paenis affecit, quos per flagitia invisos, vulgus Christianos appellate. Nero to stop that report, brought in as guilty those who were called Christians, and tortured them with exquisite torments. The author of that name was Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius was put to death by Pontius Pilate. Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio, rursus erumpebat, non modo per Judaeam, originem ejus mali, sed per urbem etiam; quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt, celebranturque. Igitur primo correpti qui fatebantur, &c. For the Englishing of this, the words repressa in praesens will breed some dispute; as doubtful, whether they mean that the Christian Religion was suppressed by Nero at that time when he inflicted those tortures upon them, pretending them guilty for firing the City, which was in his tenth year, but it brake out again after, for all that suppression; or that they mean, that that Religion had been suppressed in former time, but now by that tenth year of Nero was broken out again, and he falls upon it anew. The words you may wind to whether construction you will, construing them either, That dangerous superstition suppressed for the present broke out again: or That dangerous superstition having been suppressed for a time, was broke out again; or, that had been suppressed till the present: Now though there be this dubiousness in that phrase, yet the observation of these things may state it, that there was some such suppression of Christianity before that open persecution that broke out in his tenth year. 1. Because Suetonius speaks of his afflicting the Christians, as done in his way of Reformation of Religion, and that in his good times when he was not grown a monster, and not by way of crimination of them, or for the salving of his own credit as he did in his tenth year. 2. There is mention of Pomponia Graecina tried for her life, about the beginning of Nero 's reign, for matter of Religion as we mentioned before. 3. This imprisonment of Epaphras, and it may be of Aristarchus, at this time, and certainly of Timothy presently after, may also confirm it▪ for what should these men be imprisoned for but for Religion? It is very probable therefore that Nero had by some Act or Edict suppressed Christianity, not only at Rome, but also in Judea, as it seemeth by that clause in Tacitus, Rursus erumpebat non modo per Judaeam, &c. and if so, that might be a forwarder of that defection that was so general in the Churches of the Jews that had received the Gospel; they falling to Moses again, or joining the adhesion to the Law with the profession of the Gospel: for thus h • ding their Christianity, they might retain their liberty of their Christianity such as it was, the Religion of the Jews not being at all suppressed by him: However, if there were such a suppression at Rome, as it is very like there was, Paul's deliverance from the Lions mouth, was the more remarkable, since he was to answer not only to his accusers about his profession, but before a judge that was prejudiced against it so deeply.

But since we have heard of no stirring at Rome of all this time to such a tune, nor any mention of any imprisoning but only of Paul, how comes the matter to wax so hot now, since Nero 's heat against any Christianity seemeth to have been some years, or at least a good while ago? Here we cannot but remember that passage in the Epistle to the Philippians so lately written: Philip. 1. 15, 16. Some preach Christ even of envy and strife, and some also of good will. The one preach Christ of contention not sincerity, supposing to add affliction to my bonds. By which it may be conjectured, that some enemies of Paul's and his companies, taking opportunity of Nero 's declaration against Christianity did bussle and make ado in preaching the Gospel, aiming at nothing more then this, that hereby the ringleaders in the Gospel Paul and his company [as no doubt they were noted so to be] might be the more narrowly looked after: and this might well be some occasion of the imprisonment of Epaphras and Timothy at this time, and of Aristarchus, if so be he were not a prisoner before.

[CHRIST. LXI] [NERO. VII] THIS year is Timothy a prisoner, and Paul himself at liberty, for his two years imprisonment expired the later end of the last year or the beginning of this. You have intimation of this, Heb. 13. 23. where he saith, Know ye, that our brother Timothy is set at liberty: with whom if he come shortly I will see you: For I cannot interpret the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 otherwise then in reference to restraint; and then we may out of this passage observe that Timothy had been a prisoner, and that the Hebrews had known of his imprisonment, but now he was at liberty, and Paul too, ready to come away with him when he should come. He had written to the Philippians that he hoped shortly to send Timothy to them, Philip. 2. 19. and to Philemon to provide a lodging for him, for he hoped ere long to come into those parts, Philem. ver. 22. By which we may conclude, that upon his enlargement he intended not to have staid long at Rome, or that Timothy at the least should not have been long from them, but that his imprisonment, as it proved, hindered them both. Therefore we may not cast his commitment beyond this year; but how long he lay under restraint we cannot tell, only we may conceive him at liberty the next, for in that year we suppose the writing of the Epistle to the Hebrews which speaks of his enlargement.

In our thoughts about Nero 's suppressing Christianity, and these men's bonds thereabout, we may also look with admiration at the wondrous workings of God: observe, that even at these times there was Christianity in Nero 's household, Phil. 4. 22.

This year some occurrences befalling in this our own Country of England, though they are besides the argument that we are upon, yet may they not unfitly be taken into mention for Countries sake. Suetonius Paulinus was now General for the Romans here. He assails to take the Isle of Man, Incolis validam & receptaculum perfugarum, saith Tacitus: Strong in the inhabitants and a refuge for fugitives. He bringing on his men near the shore, finds an Army guarding and ready to forbid his landing. Among the men, there were women running up and down; In modum furiarum, vest ferali, crinibus dejectis faces praeferebant. Like furies in a dreery garb, with their hair about their ears, and they carried torches. The Roman soldiers for a while stood amazed at such a sight, but at last falling on they enter and destroy them, and possess and Garrison the Island. Excisi{que} luci saevis superstitionibus sacri; Nam cruore captivo adolere aras, & fibris hominum consulere Deo fas habebant. And they cut down the groves that were devoted to bloody superstition: For they used to sacrifice captives at their Altars, and to look into their inwards by way of auguration.

It is a remarkable and true saying of Pliny concerning Italy or Rome, That it was a Country Quae sparsa congregaret imperia, ritusque molliret, & tot populorum discordes ferasque linguas sermonis commercio contraheret ad colloquia, & humanitatem homini daret. Nat. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 5. which in short is this, that it civilized the world, and taught barbarous Nations humanity. A strange assertion, if we consider the barbarous bloodiness and superstitions of the Romans themselves; yet if we look upon the thing itself, it is very true, they being a people of Learning, Discipline and Education, and planting these wheresoever they got footing. And this was one means in the Lord's providence, whose ways are past finding out, to harrow the worlds ruggedness, and to fit it the better for the sowing of the Gospel. In what temper our Land of Britain was, as to civility, before they came in, may be guessed by this garb of the Isle of Man, so near relating to it, if we had no more evidence.

Whilest Suetonius was thus busied here, he hears of a revolt and rebellion in Britain, caused partly by the cruel exaction of Decimus Catus the Governor, who revived some impositions that Claudius the Emperor had remitted, partly by the grinding usury and exactions of Seneca, who having put them, even unwilling, to take vast sums of money of his, to most unsufferable usury, he now called it and the use in, with all extremity and mercilesness: And partly by an unhappy obsequiousness of Prasuiagus King of the Iceni, or at least by an unhappy abusing of his obsequiousness: For he dying, and leaving Nero and his own two daughters his heirs by Will, the Roman Centurions as in claim to Nero 's Legacy; ransack and catch all they can, and pull his Kingdom all to pieces, and abuse his wife and two daughters barbarously and inhumanely: and spare not either his friends, kindred or Nobles. This stirs all to commotion, which is eagerly prosecuted by Bondicea or Bunduica the widow of the King deceased, in so much that they destroy the Colony at Camalodunum, the Roman Garrison and associates at London, and the like at Verulam: in all to the number of 70000 persons: Suetonius at last comes in, and fights them, they being near upon 230000 in arms under Bunduica, he routeth them, slays about 80000 of them: Bunduica for vexation poisons herself: and the Roman destroys with sire and sword all the Towns before him that were of the adverse party, or adhered to it: Divers prodigies are mentioned by the Historians, that relate these bloody occurrences as presages of it: as the Sea bloody, strange voices and howlings heard, sights seen in the Thames, of houses under water, a Colony overturned, &c.

[CHRIST. LXII] [NERO. VIII] PAUL in the Epistle to the Colossians, Chap. 4. 10. intimateth that Mark, who was then with him at Rome, was likely ere long to come to them into the East, and he willeth them to receive him as from him, though there had once been disagreement betwixt Mark and him. Whether Timothy 's imprisonment delayed Mark 's journey, may be some question: for Paul having sent for them two to come to him together, 2 Tim. 4. 11. it is like he could ill part with the one, when the other was made useless to him by restraint: and so we have some cause to suppose, that while Timothy was in prison, Mark remained with Paul. However, whensoever it was that he went for the East, we have this reason to think that Paul wrote and sent by him THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS: And that he having delivered it where Paul had appointed him, went away to Peter to Babylon in Chaldea, because Peter there, mentioneth Mark now with him, 1 Pet. 3. 15. And this Epistle, 2 Pet. 3. 15.

It is observable that these two great Apostles Peter and Paul the several Ministers of the Circumcision and Uncircumcision, had their interchanged agents: Sylvanus or Silas, Paul's Minister, resident with Peter, and employed by him to carry his first Epistle: 1 Pet. 5. 12. And Mark, Peters Minister, resident with Paul, 2 Tim. 4. 11. Col. 4. 10. and, very probably, employed by him to carry this Epistle to the Hebrews. And thus in the interchanged agencies of their Ministers, the parties with whom they had to deal, might own the joint agreement of both the Apostles.

Although we dare not punctually assert either the bearer of this Epistle, or the exact time of its writing, yet that it was written and sent about these times that we are upon, may be observed by these two boundaries that shut it up within some reasonable compass of the time hereabout. First, A parte ante, or that it could not be written much sooner then this, may be concluded by this, that Timothy had gone through his imprisonment and was now enlarged before its writing, Heb. 13. 23. And secondly, A parte post, or that it could not be written much after this time, may be observed from that passage Chap. 12. 4. Ye have not yet resisted unto blood. For presently after this bloody times came on.

That it was written by Paul, hath not only the concurrent consent of all Copies and Translations, but even this proof for it, That none can be named A prisoner, Chap. 10. 34. and in Italy, Chap. 13. 24. and in so near converse with Timothy, Chap. 13. 25. [as the Author of this Epistle was] so likely as Paul.

His not affixing his name to this, as he had done to his other Epistles, doth no more deny it to be his, then the first Epistle of Johns is denied to be Johns upon the same account: especially considering that the name of the Apostle of the uncircumcision, would not sound so well before an Epistle to the Circumcised: and yet the more still, because he sent it by Mark [for so we cannot but suppose] who was a Minister of the Minister of the Circumcision, and who could easily inform them of the Writer.

Unto what part of the Jewish Nation he sendeth the Epistle under the indorsement To the Hebrews, and why that indorsement To the Hebrews rather then To the Jews, may be a useful and a needful Quaere. It cannot be imagined but that he sendeth it to be delivered at a certain place within some reasonable compass, because it was impossible for the bearer, whosoever he was, to deliver it to all the Jews dispersion, and because in Chap. 13. 23. he saith that when Timothy came, he would come with him, and see them. Therefore the title The Hebrews must determine the place, since there is nothing else to determine it. A double reason may be given why he so styleth them rather then Jews; namely, either because the name Jew was now beginning to become odious; or rather because he would point out the Jews that dwelt in Judea, or the Land of Israel. And this sense doth the Holy Ghost put upon the title the Hebrews, Act. 6. 1. where it is said, There was a murmuring of the Hellenists against the Hebrews: By The Hellenists meaning the Jews that dwelt in foreign Countries among the Greeks, and by The Hebrews those that dwelt in Judea. And so it is most proper to understand the inscription of this Epistle, namely that Paul directs, and sends it to the believing Jews of Judea: a people that had been much engaged to him for his care of their poor, getting collections for them all along his travels, and Mark [whom we suppose the bearer of this Epistle] had come in to his attendance, and to the attendance of his Uncle Barnabas, when they had been in Judea to bring alms unto those Churches, Act. 11. & 12.

It is not to be doubted indeed that he intendeth the discourse and matter of this Epistle to the Jews throughout all their dispersion [and therefore Peter writing to the Jews of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia and Asia, applies it as written to them, 2 Pet. 3. 15.] yet doth he indorse it, and send it chiefly to The Hebrews or the Jews of Judea, the principal seat of the Circumcision, as the properest center whither to direct it, and from whence it might best diffuse in time to the whole circumference of their dispersion.

He hath to deal in it mainly with those things that the Jewish writers commonly call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ordinances affixed to the Land, or such Ceremonious part of their Religion, as while it stood, was confined to the Land, as Temple, Sacrifice, Priesthood, &c. Therefore it was most proper to direct his speech in its first bent, to those that dwelt in the Land, and were most near to those things, and who in those Apostatizing times that then were, had the nearest occasion and temptation to draw them back from the purity of the Gospel to those rites again.

Unto that doubtfulness that some have taken up about the Original Tongue of this Epistle, as thinking it very improper that he should write in the Greek Tongue to the Hebrews, especially to the Hebrews in Judea, we need no better satisfaction then what the Hebrews themselves, yea the Hebrews of Judea may give to us, I mean the Jerusalem Gemarists, from several passages that they have about the Greek language.

In Megillah, fol. 71. col. 2. they say thus, There is a tradition from ben Kaphra, God shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of Sem: For they shall speak the language of Japheth in the tents of Sem. The Babylon Gemara on the same Treatise fol. 9. col. 2. resolves us, what Tongue of Japheth is meant; for having spoken all along before, of the excellency and dignity of the Greek Tongue it concludes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The very beauty of Japheth shall be in the tents of Sem.

Our men first named, say further thus: Rabbi Jonathan of Beth Gubrin saith, There are four Languages brave for the world to use, and they are these: The Vulgar, the Roman, the Syrian, and the Hebrew, and some also add the Assyrian: Now the question is, What Tongue he means by the Vulgar? Reason will name the Greek as soon as any; and Midras Tillin, makes it plain that this is meant; for fol. 25. col. 4. speaking of this very passage [but alleging it in somewhat different terms] he nameth the Greek which is not here named. Observe then that the Hebrews call the Greek the Vulgar Tongue.

They proceed, ibid. col. 3. It is a tradition. Rabban Simeon ben Gamaliel saith, In books they permitted not, that they should write, but only in Greek. They searched, and found, that the Law cannot be interpreted completely but only in the Greek. One once expounded to them, in the Syriac, out of the Greek. R. Jeremiah in the name of R. Chaijah ben Basaith, Aquila the proselyte interpreted the Law, before R. Eliezer and before R. Joshua. And they extolled him and said, Thou art fairer then the children of men.

And the same Talmud in Sotah fol. 21. col. 2. hath this record. Rabbi Levi went to Cesarea, and heard them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rehearsing their Phylacteries Hellenistice, or, in the Greek Tongue. A passage very well worth observing: For if in Cesarea were as learned Schools as any were in the Nation; And if their Phylacteries [picked sentences out of the Law] might above all things have challenged their rehearsal in the Hebrew Tongue, as their own writers show, yet they say them over in Greek, Paul might very well write to the Hebrews in Judea in the Greek Tongue, when that Tongue was in so common a use even in an University of Judea itself.

To these testimonies for the Greek Tongue, might be added, that which is spoken in the Treatise Shekalin, per. 3. halac. 2. Upon the three Treasure Chests of the Temple were written Aleph, Beth, Gimel. But Rabbi Ishmael saith, It was written upon them in Greek, Alpha, Beta, Gamma: They that hold that this Epistle, and the Gospel of Matthew were written in Hebrew, should consider how that Tongue was now a stranger to all but Scholars, and how God in his providence had dispersed and planted the Greek Tongue throughout all the world, by the conquest of Alexander, and the Grecian Monarchy; and had brought the Old Testament into Greek by the Septuagint.

As this Apostle in all his Epistles useth exceeding much of the Jews Dialect, Language, Learning, allusion and reference to their opinions, traditions and customs; so doth he more singularly in this, and he doth moreover in a more peculiar manner apply himself, to their manner of argumentation and discourse. For his intent is, if he can, to argue them into establishment, against that grievous Apostasy that was now afoot: so many revolting from the purity of the Gospel, either to a total betaking themselves to Moses again, or at least mixing the Ceremonious rites of the Law with the profession of the Gospel. Comparing his style here, with the style of discourse and arguing in the Talmuds, Zohar and Rabboth, and such like older writings of the Jews, you might easily tell with whom he is dealing though the Epistle were not inscribed in syllables, To the Hebrews: and the very style of it may argue a Scholar of Gamaliel, but now better taught and better improving his learning then that Master could teach him.

He first begins to prove the Messiah to be God, and Jesus to be he: about the former of which, the Jews mistook, and about the latter they blasphemed. In proving the former, he among other places of Scripture, produceth that of Psal. 102. 25. Thou Lord in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth, &c. To which a Jew would be ready to answer, I but this is to be understood of God the Father; and how could this objection be answered? Tes, even by their own concessions, upon which he argueth in this place. For they understood that in Gen. 1. 2. The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters, of the Spirit of Christ, and so do they interpret it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 This is the Spirit of Messias: as their mind is spoken in that point by Zohar, Berishith Rabba, and divers others. If the Spirit of Christ then, was the great agent in the Creation, by their own grant, they could not but grant this allegation to be proper.

He showeth Christ therefore greater then Angels, as in other regards, so into whose hands was put the world to come, Chap. 2. 5. and here the phrase is used in the Jews dialect, for the Kingdom of Messias, as we mentioned before.

He proveth him a greater Lawgiver then Moses, a greater Priest then Aaron, and a greater King and Priest then Melchizedek: He showeth all the Levitical Economy but a shadow, and Christ the substance, and the old Covenant to be abolished, by the coming in of a better: By the old or first Covenant meaning the Covenant of peculiarity, or the administration of the Covenant of Grace so, as whereby Israel was made a peculiar and distinct people. This Covenant of peculiarity they brake as soon almost as they had obtained it, by making the golden Calf, and thereupon follows the breaking of the two Tables in sign of it: for though the Law written in the two Tables was Moral, and so concerned all the world, yet their writing in Tables of stone for Israel, and committing them to their keeping, referreth to their peculiarity. To his handling of the fabric and utensils of the Tabernacle and contents of the Ark, Chap. 9. Talm. Jerus. in Shekalim. fol. 49. col. 3, 4. and Sotah fol. 22. col. 3. may be usefully applied, for illustration. He hinteth the Apostasy now afoot, which was no small induction to him of the writing of this Epistle, and showeth the desperate danger of it, Chap. 6. 4, 5, &c. and Chap. 10. 26, 27, &c. In which his touching of it, we may see how far some had gone in the Gospel, and yet so miserably far fallen from it, as that some of them had had the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost, and yet now sinned willingly and willfully against it. In describing their guilt, one of his passages that he useth, is but harshly applied by some, Chap. 10. 29. [ Hath trodden underfoot the Son of God, and hath counted the blood of the Covenant wherewith he was sanctified an unholy thing: ] when they say that this horrid Apostate wretch, that treads Christ underfoot, was once sanctified by the blood of Christ: whereas the words mean, Christ's being sanctified by the blood of the Covenant, according to the same sense that Christ is said to be brought again from the dead, by the blood of the Covenant, in this same Epistle, Chap. 13. 20. And the Apostle doth set forth the horrid impiety of accounting the blood of the Covenant a common thing, by this, because even the Son of God himself was sanctified by it or set apart as Mediator: And so should I understand the words, He hath trodden under-foot that Son of God, and counted the blood of the Covenant by which he the Son of God was sanctified, an unholy thing. He magnifieth faith, against those works that they stood upon and sought to be justified by, and showeth that this was the all in all with all the holy men both before the Law and under it. When he gives them caution, Lest there be any fornicator or profane person as Esau, &c. Chap. 12. 16. he doth not only speak according to the common tenet of the Nation, that Esau was a fornicator, as see Targ. Jerus. in Gen. 25. but he seemeth to have his eye upon the Nicolaitan doctrine that was now rise, that taught fornication: to which he seemeth also to refer, in those words, Chap. 13. 4. Marriage is honorable, &c.

And now henceforward you have no more story of this Apostle: what became of him after the writing of this Epistle it is impossible to find out, by any light that the Scripture holdeth out in this matter. The two last verses but one of this Epistle, trace him as far forward as we can any way else see him, and that is but a little way neither. Know ye that our brother Timothy is set at liberty, with whom if he come shortly I will see you. By which words these things may be conjectured. 1. That after his enlargement out of bonds, he left Rome, and preached in Italy. He mentioneth in his Epistle to the Romans, his desire and intent to go preach in Spain, Rom. 15. 24. but that was so long ago, that he had now found some just cause [so much time intervening] to steer his course another way. For 2. It appears that when he wrote this Epistle to the Hebrews, he intended very shortly to set for Judea, if so be he sent the Epistle to the Jews of Judea as hath been shown most probable he did. So that trace him in his intentions and hopes, and you find him purposing to go to Philippi, Phil. 2. 23, 24. Nay yet further, to Colossae, Philem. ver. 22. Nay yet further into Judea. It is like that the Apostasy and wavering that he heard of in the Eastern Churches, shown him more need to hasten thither then to go westward. 3. He waited a little to see whether Timothy now enlarged would come to him in that place of Italy where he now was: which if he did, he intended to bring him along with him: but whether they met and travelled together, or what further became of either of them, we shall not go about to trace, lest seeking after them we lose ourselves.

[CHRIST. LXIII] [NERO. IX] IT hath been observed before, how probable it is that Albinus came into the Government of Judea in Festus room, in this ninth year of Nero. And if so, then was James the Apostle who was called James the less martyred this year; Josephus gives the story of this, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8.

THE EPISTLE OF JAMES.

Although therefore, the certain time of his writing this Epistle cannot be discovered, yet since he died in the year that we are upon, we may, not improperly, look upon it as written not very long before his death. And that the rather, because by an expression or two he intimates the vengeance of Jerusalem drawing very near. Chap. 5. 8, 9. The coming of the Lord draweth nigh; and, Behold the Judge standeth before the door. He being the Apostle residentiary of the Circumcision in Judea, could not but of all others be chiefly in the eyes of those that maliced the Gospel there, and the Ministers of it. So it could not but be in his eye, to observe those tokens growing on apace that his Master had spoken of, as the forerunners and forewarners of that destruction coming: False Prophets, Iniquity abounding, Love waxing cold, betraying and undoing one another, that he could not but very surely conclude, that the Judge and judgment was not far from the door.

Among other things that our Savior foretelleth should precede that destruction, this was one. Matth. 24. 14. This Gospel of the Kingdom shall be preached in all the world, for a witness unto all Nations, and then shall the end come. And so did the Gospel reach all the twelve Tribes, as well as other Nations, even the ten Tribes, as well as the other two. Therefore James a Minister of the Circumcision, doth properly direct this Epistle to all the twelve Tribes scattered abroad.

The whole Nation was at this time, some at the very height of unbelief and crossness against the Gospel, and others at the very depth of suffering for it: therefore he comforts the one, Chap. 1. and denounceth their just doom against the other, Chap. 4. & 5. He striveth to beat down four things especially, which were not only unbecoming the Christian profession, but even enemies against it. The first was, estimating men according to their gorgeous outside, and so the poor preachers and professors of the Gospel were contemned. Secondly, Their having many Masters or Teachers, whereby errors and schisms were easily scattered and planted among them, and much mischief done by unbridled tongues. Thirdly, Their reliance upon their historical faith, they thinking that enough, and neglecting to bring forth the fruits of a faith saving and lively. And lastly, Their common and vain oaths, to which the Jewish Nation, and that by the lenity, and toleration of their own Canons, was exceeding loose.

In the close of the Epistle, he speaketh of the Elders anointing the sick with oil, Chap. 5. 14. which may receive some explication from these things observed in their own writings.

1. That anointing with oil was an ordinary medicinal application to the sick. Talm. Jerus. in Beracoth. fol. 3. col. 1. R. Simeon the son of Eleazar permitted R. Meir to mingle wine and oil, and to anoint the sick on the Sabbath. And he was once sick, and we sought to do so to him, but he suffered us not.

Id. in Maasar Sheni. fol. 53. col. 3. A tradition. Anointing on the Sabbath is permitted. If his head ache, or if a scall come upon it, he anoints with oil.

Talm. Bab. in Joma fol. 77. 2. If he be sick, or scall be upon his head, he anoints according to his manner, &c.

Now if we take the Apostles counsel as referring to this medicinal practice, we may construe it, that he would have this Physical administration to be improved to the best advantage, namely that whereas Anointing with oil was ordinarily used to the sick, by way of Physic, he adviseth that they should send for the Elders of the Church to do it; not that the anointing was anymore in their hand then in another's, as to the thing itself, for it was still but a Physical application, but that they with the applying of this corporal Physic, might also pray with and for the patient, and apply the spiritual Physic of good admonition and comforts to him. Which is much the same, as if in our Nation, where this physical anointing is not so in use, a sick person should send for the Minister at taking of any Physic, that he might pray with him and counsel and comfort him: Or

2. It was very common among the Jews to use charming and anointing together, of persons that were sick of certain maladies: of this the Jerus. Talm. speaketh in Schab. fol. 14. col. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A man that one charmeth, he putteth oil upon his head and charmeth. And a little after, is related what they charmed for, as for an evil eye, serpents, scorpions, &c. And in col. 4. is mentioned how one charmed over a sick person in the name of Jesu Pandira. Now this being a common wretched custom to anoint some that were sick and to use charming with the anointing, this Apostle [seeing anointing was an ordinary and good Physic, and the good use of it not to be extinguished for that abuse] directs them better, namely to get the Elders or Ministers of the Church to come to the sick, and to add to the medicinal anointing of him, their godly and fervent prayers for him, far more available and comfortable then all charming and enchanting, as well as far more warrantable and Christian.

[CHRIST. XLIV] [NERO. X] THIS year [ C. Lecanius and M. Licinius being Consuls] befell that sore fire in Rome, [of which some touch was given before] the sorest that ever had befallen the City, and which made such desolation, That whereas the City was divided into fourteen great Wards [they are the words of Tacitus ] only four of the fourteen stood sound: For three were clean burnt down to the ground: and as for the other seven they were all tattered and half consumed, and but a few relics of houses remained.

It was commonly thought and talked, that Nero himself had the chief hand in kindling and carrying on of this mischief; instigated thereunto either by his own inhumane and barbarous temper, which delighted in nothing more, then in destroying; or by a tickling humor he had, to build the City a new, that it might bear his name. He to stop the mouth of the clamor, and to salve his credit, brought the Christians that were in the City, to examination and execution, as if they had been the only, and the all, in the breeding of this mishap. Igitur primo correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum, haut perinde in crimine incendii, quam odio humani generis, convicti sunt, &c. Therefore they were first laid hold on, that confessed themselves Christians: and then by their discovery a vast multitude was convicted, not so much for real guilt of kindling that fire, as because of the general hate of men against them. And moreover there were scorns added to their deaths, for they were cast, wrapped in beasts skins to be devoured of dogs, or they were crucified, or burnt, and served for lights by night, when the day was gone. Whereupon they were pitied seeing that they were thus destroyed, not for the public benefit, but only for one man's cruelty. Thus Tacitus.

What havoc may we think this doleful persecution made? As among other Christians at Rome, so particularly among those eminent ones, that Paul in his Epistle thither, saluteth by name, Rom. 16. of whom many, no doubt, were alive till now, and now dispatched. He himself, and Timothy and Luke, with other of his retinue, may well be supposed to have been got away before this storm came, because in several places of his Epistles written a good while ago, as we have observed, he speaketh of his setting away with what speed possible and convenient. How escaped Peter if he now sat Bishop at Rome, as Rome asserteth?

Whether this persecution were circumscribed within the bounds of Rome or Italy, or whether it was carried by the command of the Tyrant through all other Countries [as Vid. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 24. Oros. lib. 7. &c. ] we need not to be much solicitous to go about to decide: certainly, though it were not enforced by any Edict or command, yet such a copy would be taken for a warrant, especially by those that without either command or copy, had been forward enough to do mischief to the professors of the Gospel already, and had taken, nay had made any occasion to undo, or destroy them. The Jews at this mastery were the busiest men of any, and that mystery of iniquity was ever working, but could not strike their full stroke, because something hindered, 2 Thess. 2. 6, 7. If he that hindered were Claudius, who by his expulsion of the Jews out of Rome, shown a frown upon the whole Nation, and suffered them not to rage as they would have done, he was taken away about ten years ago; and they felt their chain much slackened at the coming in of Nero: who in his best years, though he broke not out to destroy all before him, as he did afterward, yet was he destructive enough to Christianity, as we have observed, and loose and careless of the administration of affairs, and regarded not how things went, so that he might have his ease, luxury and pleasure, which his Tutors Seneca and Burrhus made but unworthy advantage of. But now that he himself hath given so visible, bloody and cursed an example, the Jews that stood barking at their chain-end all this while, finding themselves so far let loose as such an example might loose them, which was too far, would fall on without mercy. They had been mischievous enough always against the professors of the Gospel, but from hence forward they exceeded, and the more they grew toward their desolation, the more did the Devil make them bestir themselves, knowing the shortness of his time there.

This tenth of Nero there was a blazing star, horrid lightnings and thunders, and divers monstrous births.

[CHRIST. LXV] [NERO. XI] THIS year [the eleventh of Nero, Silius Nerva and Atticus Vestinus, being Consuls] very many eminent and gallant men of Rome were cut off by the Tyrant, as the last year he had cut off many eminent and worthy Christians. The Christians he destroyed, by a plot laid against them by himself; the Romans for a plot laid by them against him. The names of those that perished, now best known among us, were Seneca the Philosopher, Nero 's Tutor, and his nephew the Poet Lucan. Both of them very renowned for their Writings, but both of them very ignominious for a several miscarriage. Seneca for unparalleled covetousness, usury and oppression mentioned before: and Lucan for betraying his own mother. Let him bear Tacitus his brand: Lucanus, Quinctianus, & Senecio diu abnuere. Post, promissa impunitate corrupti, quo tarditatem excusarent, Lucanus Atillam matrem suam, [observe that] Quinctianus Glicium Gallum, Senecio Annium Pollionem amicorum praecipuos nominavere. Lucan, Quinctianus & Senecio, were long before they would confess anything: But at last, being corrupted by the promise of impunity, that they might make amends for their slowness, Lucan accused his mother Atilla, &c. Hereupon Atilla was wracked one day; and would confess nothing: and the next day being carried to the wrack again [for she was so disjointed that she could not go] she made a shift as she sat in the cart to strangle herself: choosing so to die rather then either to endure the wrack again, or to impeach any. An indelible blot to her son Lucan forever. Nor did his base shift serve his turn, for he suffered death too, by having his veins cut and so bleeding to death; which was the end of his Uncle Seneca also.

The Wars of the Jews are now drawing on apace [for they began the next year] and the horrid Civil Wars of the Romans are not far off. So that here we may properly take notice of that prediction ready now to take place. Matth. 24. 7, 8, 9. Nation shall rise against Nation, and Kingdom against Kingdom, &c. All these are the beginnings of sorrows. Then shall they deliver you up to be afflicted, and then shall they kill you: which Luke hath expressed, But before all these, shall they lay their hands upon you, and persecute you, Luk. 21. 12. which seemeth to carry some difference, as if the one Evangelist shown, that the persecution of the Disciples to death, should be before these troubles; and the other, as if they should not be till these troubles were begun: But they may be well reconciled by observing that in the words that Christ is there speaking in both Evangelists, there is the intertexture of two stories, namely what miseries should befall the Jewish Nation before their ruin, and what miseries should befall the Disciples in the midst of those miseries: and so the word Then in Matthew, and Before in Luke, are but as a transition from the one history to the other: and yet they are not unsignificant neither, as to the pointing out of the time, the one speaking the beginning of that persecution foretold, and the other the continuance.

A fitter period of time whence to begin the punctual taking place of that prediction, we can hardly point out, then this very year that we are upon, a center between two critical years: the year before beginning the persecution of Christians at Rome, and the year following beginning the Wars of the Jews in Judea.

Although therefore we cannot positively assert the very time of the writing of THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER: yet observing the Chronical hint of some passages in it, this year may as fairly lay claim thereunto, as any other year that can be asserted. For, to omit that clause Chap. 4. 7. The end of all things is at hand [referring to the desolating of the Jewish Commonwealth and Nation] the mention of the fiery trial, ver. 12. and the time now come when Judgment must begin at the house of God, ver. 17. is but as a comment and accomplishment of that prediction before alleged, Then shall they deliver up to be afflicted, &c. It is true indeed, that the Church had never wanted persecution since the Gospel arose, and some for its sake had suffered death, as Steven and some at the time, the two Jameses; and some at the time of both their deaths; but in the Countries out of Judea, where the stroke of their Sanhedrin could not reach so well, nor light so heavy, there was tumultuousness indeed enough, and beating and bitterness against it, but rare effusion of blood, till the cursed example set last year by the Tyrant at Rome, and now forward in the confusions of the Jewish Nation; when a madness was come upon them among themselves, and a desperate fury against all that would not be as they were. And that not only in Judea the seat of the War, but even through the whole world as far as they durst, and were able to stir. Those words of Dion are very remarkable when speaking of the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, he saith, That the Jews that were in foreign Countries, not only within the Roman Empire, but also without, did send help to their brethren in Judea, lib. 66.

When Cyrus gave leave to the Jews after the seventy years captivity to return to their own Country, multitudes of them found themselves so pleasingly seated, and by continuance of time rooted in Babylonia, that they would not remove their habitation, but fixed there. There, in time they grew to so great a Nation, and distinct a people, that they had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Prince of the Captivity of their own blood over them, and three famous Universities, Nehardea, Pombeditha and Soria, which yielded very many eminent Scholars in the Judaic learning.

In the division of the employment of the three Ministers of the Circumcision, Peter, James and John, Peter 's lot fell here, and from Babylon itself the very Center of those parts he sends this Epistle. He directs it to the dispersed Jews in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia, in which parts the Apostasy from the faith had been exceeding prevalent, and accordingly the trouble of those that stuck to the faith, the most bitter. And in his inscribing it to the Elect, he seemeth to have his eye upon those words of his Master about this Apostasy, Matth. 24. 24. They shall deceive, if it were possible, the very Elect.

Among the many divine lessons that he reads to them, he teaches them and us who is the Rock upon which the Church is built, Chap. 2. 4, &c. and how accordingly to understand super hanc Petram, Matt. 16. He exhorts them with all earnestness to yield obedience to superior powers, Chap. 2. 13, 14. and that the rather because of that spirit of the Zelotae, that walking among the Nation in all parts, urged them not to submit to any Heathen power.

He magnifieth Baptism as a badge and pledge of preservation of those that had received it, and stuck to it, from that vengeance that was coming upon that wicked Nation, Chap. 3. 21. It is something a strange recoiling that he makes, leaping back from mention of the death of Christ, ver. 18. over all the story of the Old Testament, and lighteth on the generation that was swept away by the flood: and showeth how Christ's spirit preached unto them. Why? had not the same Spirit preached in all the times between? Why are not those times named then as well as these? Because the Apostle doth purposely intend to compare that old world then destroyed, with the destruction of the Jewish Nation shortly coming: and to show that as Noah and his family were then saved by water, ver. 20. so, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they that had received Baptism were the Antitype to that, and Baptism was a pledge and means of their deliverance now, they sticking closely to it. And this very thing John the Baptist taught in that question, Who hath forwarned you to flee from the wrath to come? Therefore when he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An asking of a good Conscience towards or after God, he makes not this its definition, as if none but those so qualified were to be baptized, but he characters its difference from Circumcision, which put away the filth of the flesh in one sense; and Legal and Pharisaical washings which did it in another. His whole comparison runs to this tenor: The old world was disobedient to the spirit of Christ preaching in the mouth of Noah, and therefore they perished. The Jews [whose state the Scripture also calleth an old world ] were disobedient to Christ preaching by his Spirit in the mouth of his Apostles, and even visibly and audibly in his own person, therefore, they must needs perish: But Noah and his family that hearkeneth after God [whilst others said to the Lord Depart from us, Job 22. 16, 17.] were preserved by water: Even so doth Baptism now preserve us, the Antitype of that figure. For Baptism was not barely a washing of the body from filth, as the common Legal washings were, but it was an owning and asking after God, conscientiously, out from a perverse and wicked generation: and therefore not to be started or revolted from. This then being one end of Baptism, and that end taught to them that assumed it, viz. to badge and mark to safety from the approaching vengeance, it may very well raise an argument for Infants Baptism [whereas this text is commonly produced against it:] for if these parents that came in to be baptized, sought hereby to flee from the wrath to come, they would be careful to bring their children under the same badge of security.

When he judgeth 〈◊〉 that perished in the waters of Noah to be now in prison, ver. 19. he knew he had the consent of his Nation in it: for thus they say in Sanhedr. per. 10. halac. 3. The generation of the flood have no portion in the world to come: neither shall they stand up in Judgment; for it is said, My spirit shall no more judge with man, Gen. 6. 3. Peter teacheth us that the Spirit that strove with the old world, was the Spirit of Messias.

He sends this Epistle by Sylvanus, Paul's old attendant, but now with Peter: He stiles him, A faithful brother to you, as I suppose: not as doubting but assured. He was to bring this Epistle to the Circumcision, who himself had been a Minister of the uncircumcision: therefore this attestation is the more needful and material, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I repute him a faithful brother to you of the Circumcision, and do you also so repute him.

His naming of Mark with him, calls our thoughts back to what hath been mentioned of Mark heretofore: his being with Paul at Rome, and his coming from him into the East. To suppose two Marks, one with Peter and another with Paul, is to breed confusion where there needeth not, and to conceive that for which the Scripture hath not only no ground, but is plain enough to the contrary: It is easily seen how John Mark came into familiarity both with Paul and Peter, and other Mark we can find none in the New Testament, unless of our own invention: His being in these later times with Peter and Paul, may turn our thoughts to consider how his Uncle Barnabas and he parted, since Paul and Barnabas parted about him. He it was that wrote the Gospel, it may be being with Peter, as Luke did the like being with Paul. In his Gospel he is most exact of all the four in observing the proper time and series of the stories recorded.

[CHRIST. LXVI] [NERO. XII] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Wars of the Jews began in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, in the month of May. Joseph. de Bell. lib. 2 cap. 25.

If we take a view of the Nation, as it was at the present, and as it had been for thirty or forty years backward, we shall find that besides the ordinary and common wickedness that was among them, they had these four additions of iniquity monstrous and unparalleled, and in which they did, as it were, exceed themselves. 1. In regard that the appearance of the Messias was expected to be about the time that Christ appeared indeed, very many taking advantage of the time and of that expectation, took upon them, some to be Christ, others to be Prophets attending, and relating to his coming, Matth. 24. 24. Upon which Josephus and other Writers of that Nation will give us a very full commentary of experiences. 2. There were multitudes of the Zelotae, and of the sect of Judas the Galilean, which would not yield any homage or subjection to be due to the Roman power which was now over them: and neither would they now themselves, nor would they suffer others, as far as they could hinder, to submit unto them. 3. The unbelieving Jews were generally sworn enemies and prosecutors of those that believed. And 4. which we have observed before, multitudes of those that had believed and embraced the Gospel fell away, and became either seduced or the greatest seducers, and brought in horrid heresies and pollutitions. So that in these various and malignant distempers of men, there had been continual confusions, tumults, firings, murderings and plunderings among them for many years, and they had been the unquietest and most tumultuous Nation that had been under Heaven, and they had often provoked the Roman power against themselves, yet till this year had they never so visibly and professedly taken up Arms and open War against that power.

The first spark kindled in Cesarea upon the sea, about an inchroachment that a Gentile there made upon the way that went to the Jews Synagogue; and from thence it grew into a flame so fast through the whole Country [ Florus the Governor helping it on] that by the sixteenth of May, his Soldiers by his Commission have plundered Jerusalem, slain 3600. persons: and even Berenice sister to King Agrippa escaped very narrowly with her life.

The Jews and Romans have divers skirmishes: Massada Castle taken and the Roman Garison put to the sword. The Temple and several parts of the Cities made Garrisons for several parties, and suffer much by fire and battery. Twenty thousand Jewsslain in Cesarea on a Sabbath: whereupon all the Nation rise about to avenge this slaughter, and in Syria, Phaenicea, Samaria, Peraea and all round about, destroy Towns, Cities and persons all before them. Cestius the Governor of Syria rises with his forces, and destroys the Jews again, and their Towns all before him, and on the thirtieth of October enters Jerusalem and fires a good part of the City.

Yet do the Jews give him a brush upon his march away, and cut off above 4000 of his men: with which success they are so fleshed, that they resolve to fight it out, and accordingly platform themselves into the model and posture of a long War: and the Country is only full of Fire, Sword, War and destruction.

The abomination of desolation had now begun to stand in the holy place, Matth. 24. 15. when the Temple is made a Garrison, and filled with slaughter; Antonia, the Castle of the Temple, besieged, taken, and the Roman Garrison put to the sword. The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tabernae, or part of the buildings at the East wall of the mountain of the House [the place where the Sanhedrin had once sitten,] fired and burnt down. Jerus. in Peah. fol. 16. col. 3. And in a word, the Temple from this time forwards, never but a Garrison, and full of slaughter and confusion till it be raked up in ashes.

Now it was time for those that were in Judea, who believed Christ's prediction, to get into the Mountains, and to shift for themselves, for now begins the tribulation beyond parallel, such as was not since the beginning of the world, nor ever must again, Matth. 24. 21. It is commonly asserted that the Christians fled to Pella a City beyond Jordan: Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 5. which how to reconcile with Josephus, who saith Pella was one of the Cities that the Jews destroyed in avengement of the slaughter of the 20000 in Cesarea, De Bell. lib. 2. cap. 33. let the Learned find.

About these times therefore we may well conceive to have been the writing of THE SECOND EPISTLE OF PETER. And that the rather from what he speaks in Chap. 1. ver. 14. I know that I must shortly put off this tabernacle, as our Lord Jesus Christ hath shown me. In which words, his thoughts reflect upon what Christ had spoken to John and him about their ends, John 21. where he not only gave intimation to Peter that he should be Martyred, ver. 18. but that he should be so, before his coming in Judgment against Jerusalem, which John must live to see, but he must not, ver. 22. He therefore in Babylon, understanding how affairs went in Judea and with the Jewish Nation all thereabout, and reading therein, from the words of his Master, Matth. 24. that the desolation was drawing on apace, concludes that his time was not long: and therefore improves the time he hath remaining the best he can, not only in teaching those amongst whom he was, but by writing this Epistle instructeth those that were remote and at distance from him; in which he doth more especially give them caution against false teachers: and characters the terror of the judgment coming, and exhorts to vigilancy and holiness.

The first character that he gives of the false teachers is, that they bring in damnable Heresies, denying the Lord that bought them, Chap. 2. 1. which he speaketh from Deut. 32. from whence also he useth other expressions, ver. 6. Is not he thy Father that hath bought thee? not meaning that these wretches were redeemed by Christ, yet became such wretches, as some would interpret it; but by buying is meant his buying out of Egypt this people for a peculiar people: which these wretches boasted and stood upon, yet by their introducing and practicing the profane principles they did, of fornication and communicating with Idols, they denied the true God which bought that people for his peculiar. He calls them spots, ver. 13. from Deut. 32. 5. and parallels them with the old world, Sodom, Balaam, nay the very fallen Angels.

He sets forth the destruction of that cursed Nation and their City in those terms that Christ had done, Matt. 24. and that the Scripture doth elsewhere, Deut. 32. 22, 23. 24. Jer. 4. 23. namely as the destruction of the whole world, The heavens passing away, the elements melting, and the earth burnt up, &c. And accordingly he speaks of a new heaven and a new earth, from Isa. 65. 17. a new state of the Church under the Gospel among the Gentiles, when this old world of the Jews state should be dissolved.

He citeth Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews, and giveth an honorable testimony to that, and to the rest of his Epistles: but acknowledgeth that in some places they are hard to be understood, and were misconstrued by some unlearned and unstable ones to their own ruin; yet neither doth he, nor Paul who was yet alive, and well knew of this wresting of his Epistles, clear or amend those difficulties, but let them alone as they were: for the holy Ghost hath so penned Scripture as to set men to study.

And here is the last that we hear in Scripture of this great Apostle Peter. His Martyrdom he apprehends to be near, and it was to be before Jerusalem was destroyed, which was not now full four years to come. We may well conceive him to have been put to death by the Jews in Babylonia where he now was: a madness having come upon that Nation in all parts: and a singular raging against the Gospel, the devil bestirring himself in them, now he knew their time was so short.

THE EPISTLE OF JUDE.

As the second Epistle of Peter and this of Jude are very near akin, in style, matter and subject, so it is fairly conjecturable in them that they were not far removed in time, speaking both of wicked ones and wickedness at the same height and ripeness. They are one to another as the Prophesy of Obadiah, and Jerem. 49. 14, &c. speaking the same thing, using the same manner of arguing, and oftentimes almost the same words. It may be Jude stands up in his brother James his charge among the Circumcision of Judea, and directs his Epistle to all those that were sanctified and preserved in those Apostatizing times, as his brother had done to all the twelve Tribes in general.

In citing the story of Michael the Archangel contending with the devil about the body of Moses, ver. 9. he doth but the same that Paul doth in naming Jannes and Jambres, namely allege a story which was current and owned among the Nation, though there were no such thing in Scripture; and so he argueth with them from their own Authors and concessions. It is harsh to strain Zech. 3. 1, 2. to speak such a story; when neither the name Michael is mentioned, nor anything like the body of Moses or akin to it. But among the Talmudicks there seems to be something like the relics of such a matter, viz. of Michael and the Angel of death disputing or discoursing about fetching away the soul of Moses.

His alleging the Prophesy of Enoch, is an arguing of the very like nature, as citing and referring to some known and common tradition that they had among them to this purpose. [The Book Sepher Jesher an Hebrew Writer speaketh of Enoch after such a tenor.] And in both these he useth their own testimonies against themselves: as if he should thus have spoken at large: These men speak evil of dignities, whereas they have and own a story for current, that even Michael the Archangel did not speak evil of the devil, when he was striving with him about the body of Moses, &c. And whereas they show and own a Prophesy of Enoch, of God coming in Judgment, &c. why these are the very men to whom such a matter is to be applied, &c. It is no strange thing in the New Testament, for Christ and the Apostles to deal and argue with the Jews upon their own concessions.

THE THREE EPISTLES OF JOHN.

Among all the Apostolic Epistles there is none about whose time of writing we are so far to seek as we are about these. And it is neither satisfactory to remove their place, nor is it satisfactory to take their time according to their place; or to conceive them to be written after the Epistles of Peter, because they are placed after them. Any conjecture that is to be had of them may best be taken from the third Epistle.

Gaius, to whom that Epistle is directed, by that encomiastick character that John giveth of him, seemeth to be Gaius the Corinthian, the host of the whole Church, Rom. 16. 23. for since he is commended for entertainment and charity both to the Church and strangers, particularly to those who had preached among the Gentiles, taking nothing of them, we know not where to find any other Gaius to whom to affix this character but only this, and we have no reason to look after any other. And upon this probability we may observe these other.

I. That that third Epistle was written when those that preached to the Gentiles and took nothing of them, were still abroad upon that employment, for he urgeth him to bring them forward on their journey, ver. 6. Now under that expression, of taking nothing of the Gentiles, we can understand none but Paul and Barnabas and those that were of their several companies, for the Scripture hath named none other. And if it refer to Paul and his company [for we find not that Barnabas had anything to do with Gaius ] then we must conclude that it was written a good while before this time that we are upon: unless we will suppose Paul after his freedom from imprisonment at Rome, was got travelling and preaching in those parts again. But I should rather suppose that John sent this third Epistle to Gaius to Corinth, by Timothy from Ephesus, who was setting away thence for Rome, upon Paul's sending for him to come to him thither, 2 Tim. 4. 9, 11, 21. In which journey as we have shown before, he was to call at Corinth, and to take Mark along with him, who was there. And of them may Johns advice to Gaius be well understood, Whom if thou bring forward on their journey thou shalt do well: For for his sake they went out taking nothing of the Gentiles; Mark with Barnabas, and Timothy with Paul.

II. Before John wrote this Epistle to Gaius, he had written another Epistle, to some Church, it may be that of Corinth, of which Gaius was. I wrote, saith he, unto the Church, but Diotrephes who loveth to have the preeminence, receiveth us not. This must needs be understood of The first Epistle of John: unless we will conceive, unwarrantably [that I may say no worse,] that any of Johns writings are lost.

III. Upon and with the forementioned supposal that John sent his Epistle to Gaius by Timothy from Ephesus; we cannot but also suppose that John spent some time in the Asian Churches, to which afterward from Patmos he writes his Epistles: And if any one be not satisfied with that interpretation that was given before, about the Epistle from Laodicea, Colos. 4. 16. let him rather understand it of The first Epistle of John as written by him from Laodicea, then think it was an Epistle written by Paul from Laodicea, and that that Epistle is lost: In both his later Epistles he intimateth his hopes and purpose shortly to come to them: from which we may construe that his intention was to travel from Asia the less where he now was, and from whence he wrote all his three Epistles westward into Greece, and in this journey you have him got into Patmos, Rev. 1. from whence he writes back to Asia again.

In all his Epistles he exhorteth to love, and constancy in the truth, a lesson most needful in those divided and Apostatizing times. He giveth notice of many Antichrists now abroad, and these he showeth to have been such as had once professed the truth, but were apostatized from it: They went out from us, but they were not of us, &c. And this Apostasy he calleth The sin unto death. To such he adviseth they should not so much as say God speed: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in their vulgar language. Jerus. Taamith fol. 64. col. 2. The Rabbins saw a holy man of Caphar Immi, and went to him and said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God speed, But he answered them nothing. Id. in Sheviith fol. 35. 2. & 36. 1. R. Chinna bar Papa & R. Samuel bar Nachman, went by a man that was plowing on the seventh year [the year of release,] R. Samuel saith to him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God speed. R. Chinna saith, Our master did not teach us thus: for it is forbidden to say God speed, to one that is plowing on the seventh year.

John styleth himself an Elder, and so doth Peter, 1 Pet. 5. 1. not as laying aside their Apostolical power, but as dealing with those to whom they write in a Ministerial way: and by this very title that they assume to themselves, they closely intimate that thenceforward the extraordinary Function and gifts Apostolic must not be expected, but the Ministerial, in the ordinary way of Elders or Ministers, as the title had been long and vulgarly known. And yet when he speaks of Diotrephes and his abusiveness, he then threatens to show his Apostolic power, and himself A Son of thunder against him.

THE REVELATION OF JOHN.

AS it will be easily admitted to place this Book last of all the New Testament, because it stands so in all Bibles, so on the other hand it will be cavilled at, that I have brought in the writing of it so soon, as before the fall of Jerusalem, since it hath been of old and commonly held, that it was penned in the reign of Domitian, far after these times that we are upon: But the reasons by which I have been induced thereunto, will appear out of some passages in the Book itself as we go through it.

As God revealed to Daniel the man greatly beloved, the state of his people, and the Monarchies that afflicted them, from his own time, till the coming of Christ; so doth Christ to John the beloved Disciple, the state of the Church, and story in brief of her chief afflictors, from thence to the end of the world. So that where Daniel ends the Revelation begins, and John hath nothing to do with any of the four Monarchies that he speaketh of, but deals with a fifth [the Roman ] that rose as it were out of the ashes of those four, and swallowed them all up.

The composure of the Book is much like Daniel's in this, that it repeats one story over and over again, in varied and enlarged expressions: and exceeding like Ezekiel 's in method and things spoken. The style is very Prophetical, as to the things spoken; and very Hebraizing, as to the speaking of them. Exceeding much of the old Prophets language, and matter adduced to intimate new stories: and exceeding much of the Jews language, and allusion to their customs and opinions, thereby to speak the things more familiarly to be understood. And as Ezekiel wrote concerning the ruin of Jerusalem, when the ruining of it was now begun, so I suppose doth John of the final destruction of it, when the Wars and miseries were now begun, which bred its destructions.