Works
CHAP. XII.
VERS. II.
THIS kind of death is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 killing. Four kinds of death are delivered into the hands of the Sanhedrin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 stoning. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 burning. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 killing (with the sword) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 strangling. The precept 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 concerning those that are to be killed, is this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they beheaded him with the sword as the (Roman) Kingdom does. R. Judah saith, This is a vile disgrace to him. But they lay his head upon a block, and chop it off with an Ax. Others reply, there can be no death more disgraceful than that. You will say Herod (Agrippa) imitated the Roman customs as having no small relation to Rome. But beheading by the sword, was a death used amongst the Jews them selves; and they particularly fell under that sentence, that drew away the people to the worship of other God's. If they be but a few that seduce the people to strange worship, they are stoned, and their goods are not confiscated; but if their numbers be great, they die by the sword, and their goods are confiscated.
St. James indeed was but a single person, but Herod knew that there was Peter also and several others, who according to his judgment 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 drew away the people to an irreligious worship; and deals with James, as he intended to do with the rest. So he falls, and his goods are confiscated. And so that begins to be accomplished which our Savior had formerly told the sons of Zebedee, ye shall drink of my cup, &c. The Rabbins say, Killing [by the sword] is an heavier punishment than strangling.
VERS. VII.
I Am mistaken if the Jerusalem Talmudists do not express 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chiromanicae, hand-manacles. It is written, The Lord spake to Manasseh, and to his people, but they hearkened not: Wherefore the Lord brought upon them the Captains of that host of the King of Assyria, which took Manasseh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What signifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in manacles? The Targum on 2 Chron. XXXIII. thus renders it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where, I am apt to suspect the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is ill writ instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : but I stand corrected very willingly, if I guess amiss.
In those words of our Savior, Bind the unprofitable servant hand and foot, &c. it is plain to see, how he alluded to manacles and fetters.
VERS. XV.
THAT is, An Angel in his shape; for it was familiarly received amongst them, that the Angels did sometimes put on the shape of this or of that person. It is written, he hath delivered me from the sword of Pharaoh. Bar Kaphra saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Angel descended in the shape of Moses, and made him flee. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and they that came to lay hold on Moses, thought the Angel to be Moses. The Gloss is, The Angel quickened Moses in his flight, so that those that sought for Moses, were very little solicitous about him, because they thought the Angel was Moses. The Holy blessed God saith, I have said to mirth what doth it? What doth that crown in thine hand? Descend from my throne: in the same hour an Angel descended 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the shape of Solomon, and sat upon his throne.
It is well known that the Jewish writers do take Elias for the Angel of the Covenant, Mal. III. 1. and how often have we Elias appearing in the shape of this or of that man?
Elias came 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and seemed unto them as one of themselves. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 On a certain day Elias came to R. Judah the Holy, in the shape of R. Chaiah Rubbah, &c. having touched his teeth he took away their pain; the next day R. Chaiah Rubbah came to him and said, how doth Rabbi, how do his teeth? To whom he replied, from the time that thou touchedst my teeth with thy fingers, they were healed.
VERS. XX.
HERE we may call to mind that of Ezek. XXVII. 17. Judah and the land of Israel [O Tyre] were thy Merchants, they traded in thy markets wheat of Minnith and Pannag, and Honey, and Oil, and Balm. So the Latin, the Interlinear, our English, and the Italian Versions. But others make Minnith and Pannag not places, but Merchandise ware, namely the Syriac, Arabic, Greek and the Chaldee especially, who hath rendered the words so that R. Solomon, and R. Kimchi, confess they knew not well what he means. As for Minnith we have it mentioned in Judge. XI. 33. for which the Syriac hath Makir for a reason not known; and the Greek, Arnon, for no reason at all. As for Pannag we meet with it nowhere else. Whatever it be, the words of the Prophet hint to us the same thing, that the Evangelist doth here; which is strengthened also from that in 1 King. V. 11. And Solomon gave Hiram twenty thousand measures o •… heat for food to his household, and twenty measures of pure Oil, thus gave Solomon to Hiram year by year.
VERS. XXIII.
JOSEPHUS speaks more sparingly in this matter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The pains of his belly came thick upon him: speaking only of the torments of the belly, and suppressing the cause. And that (as it should seem) not only to conceal the Kings reproach, but to add something of honor to him. For lay that passage in the Talmud to this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Many just persons have died of the pain in the bowels. z On the contrary, to be devoured by worms was reckoned an accursed thing, and what befell none but men of greatest impiety. Those that went to spy out the land of promise, and raised an evil report upon it, They had their Tongues hanging out, and falling upon their Navels, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and worms issued out of their Tongues and crept into their Navels, and issued out of their Navels again, and crept into their Tongues. A certain Priest (a Baithusean as it should seem) made incense without, and brought it within.—There are who say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that his Nose hung down, issuing out with worms; and that something like a calves hoof grew in his forehead.
CHAP. XIII.
VERS. I.
COMPARE that passage Chap. XI. 27. with this place, and neither the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 some; will seem redundant; nor the phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , so harsh, There came some Prophets from Jerusalem to Antioch, when yet, there were in the Church of Antioch some Prophets of their own already. And it seems to hint that the separation of Paul and Barnabas to the Ministry was done by the stated Ministers of that Church, and not by others that came thither.
These offices indeed are distinguished, 1 Cor. XII. 28. and Ephes. IV. 11. but here, they seem as if they were not so to be; for the Church of Antioch was not yet arrived at that maturity that it should produce Teachers that were not endowed with the Holy Ghost, and the gift of Prophesy; and the phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to intimate some such thing, viz. that according to the state of the Church then being in that place, there were, nay it was necessary there should be prophetic Teachers, because there was not any who by the study of the Scriptures, was become fit for that office. But why then is it not rather said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Prophetick Teachers, than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Prophets and Teachers? Namely, because there were Prophets who were not ordinary Teachers, but acted in their Prophetick office occasionally only; and they were such as rather foretold things to come, than ordinarily preached, or taught chatechistically. But these were both Prophets, and constant Preachers too.
So Menahem is writ in the Alexandrian copy, at 2 Kings Chap. XV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Manaen: but the Roman hath, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Manaem. This our Manaens education with Herod the Tetrarch, brings to mind what is related in Juchasin. Hillel and Shammai received their traditions from them (that is, from Shamaiah and Abtalion) But first were Hillel and Menahem. Menahem went off into the Kings family and service, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with fourscore men clothed in gold—Menahem was grave and wise, like a Prophet, and uttered many Prophesies. He foretold Herod, when he was yet very young, that he should come to reign: And when he did reign, he sent for him, who foretold him also that he should reign above thirty years. And he did reign seven and thirty. Josephus (who is quoted also by this our Author) speaks much the same as to part of the story. There was amongst the Essenes one named Menaem, who, besides that he was famous for the holiness of his life, had obtained of God a fore knowledge of future things. He called Herod while he was yet a child, King of the Jews, &c.
I do not think this our Menaem, was the same person; nor do I say, that he was his son (for had the Essenes children?) But whereas this person was so accepted in the Court of Herod the Great, and our Manaen brought up with Herod his son; I cannot but suspect there might be something of kindred betwixt them. But that matter is not tanti: it is only worthy our considering whether this Menaen might not lay the foundations of his Christianity, while he was in Herod the Tetrachs Court, where John the Baptist preached, and that with some kind of approbation and applause even from Herod himself, Mark VI. 20.
As to the remaining part of the story, the Talmudists add this passage; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Menahem went out, and Shammai entered. But whether went Menahem? Abai saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he lashed out into all abundance of wickedness. Aba saith, he went into the service of the King, and with him went four score pair of Disciples, all clad in silk. I dare not say this Menahem was the same with our Menahem unless he were an hundred years of age or thereabout; and yet when I observe the familiarity that was between that Menahem and Herod the father; and how ours was brought up with Herod the son (which certainly was not put in by our Historian for no reason) it cannot but give me some apprehension that either he might be the person himself, or rather his son (if at least the Essenes had children) or in a word, some very near relation. Be it one or other, it is worthy enquiry, whether this our Manaen might not lay the foundation of his Evangelical religion in the Court of Herod the Tetrach, when John the Baptist preached there.
VERS. II.
I. THE more religious amongst the Jews fasted, and met in their Synagogues to the public Prayers and Service, on the second and fifth day of the week: so that on those days it might be properly said of them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that they ministered and fasted. On their Sabbath indeed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they Ministred, but they did not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , fast; but on these days in the week, the second and the fifth they did both.
II. Perhaps it might be somewhat bold to say that the Church at Antioch, did according to the Jewish custom, observe the weekly fasts. And yet more bold to say, that Church chose those days for fasting which the Jews had done, viz. the second and fifth day of the week. But it would be most audacious to conjecture that they observed the Jewish Sabbath in some measure with the Lord's day; and that with fasting, when as the Jews would by no means endure a fast upon that day. But whatever the day of this fasting was, or what occasion soever there was of it: from that ordinary custom of the Jews it is easy to judge of that phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ministring, viz. that a public fast was celebrated with the public assembly of the Church; and administration of holy things; which whether it was so done, verse. 3. where it is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , then they fasted and prayed, may be some question: that is, whether at that time there was a public fast of the whole Church, or a more private one amongst the Elders only.
VERS. III.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the ordaining of the Elders, and beheading the Heifer is by the three. In this thing therefore, this present action agreeth with the common usage of the Synagogue, that three persons, Simeon, Lucius, and Manaen lay their hands on two that were to be sent out, viz. Paul and Barnabas. But in that they lay on their hands, they do also recede from the usual custom. After what manner is the ordaining of Elders forever? Not that they should lay their hands upon the head of an Elder, but only should call him Rabbi, and say to him, behold thou art ordained, and thou hast power of judging, &c. Antiently, everyone that had been promoted to be an Elder, promoted his Disciples also: But this honor the wise Men indulged to old Hillel, namely decreeing that no person should be ordained to be an Elder, but with the license of the President. But neither is the President to ordain any person, unless the Vicepresident assist him, nor the Vicepresident, unless the President assist him. But as to what belongs to the other Societies: It is lawful for one man to ordain with the allowance of the President; but let him have two more with him: For it is not an ordination unless by three; nor do they ordain Elders out of the Land.
It might not be unworthy our enquiry (if there were place for it here) both why they have abolished the ceremony of imposition of hands, as also, why they should restrain the ordaining of Elders to the land of Israel only. We see the Church at Antioch doth otherwise, and by the same rule the Christian Church. But perhaps some will ask, upon what reason; when laying on of hands in the ordination of Elders, was hardly used at all, either under the first Temple, or before or under the second Temple. It was not under the second Temple, if we may believe the Rabbin newly quoted; or at least if it was used, it was abolished at last. And before the second Temple, where is there any sign or footstep of such a thing?
VERS. IV.
THIS doubtless is Seleucia of Pieria, concerning which Strabo tells us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Beyond Silicia, the first City in Syria, is Seleucia which is said to be in Pieria. So Xylander Translates it, leaving out the Version of the last clause wholly, intimating that the river Orontes pours itself into the Sea not far from this place. And to this, the situation and distances in Ptolemy do agree.
- Seleucia of Pieria, 68. 36. 35. 26.
- The mouth of the River Orontes 68. 30. 35. 30.
Pliny also affirms that Seleucia in Pieria is the very first Coast of Syria from Silicia. Latitudo (Syriae) a Seleucia Pieriae ad oppidum in Euphrate Zeugma, DXXV M. p. The latitude (of Syria) from Seleucia of Pieria, to Zeugma a Town upon Euphrates is DXXV Miles.
How great a multitude of Jews there were in Cyprus, may be somewhat conjectured from the times of Trajan backward, from this story. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. In the mean time the Jews who dwelt about Cyrene, under the conduct of one Andrew, fall both upon the Romans and the Greeks, feed on their flesh, eat their bowels, besmear themselves with their blood, and cover themselves with their skins: Many of them they sawed asunder, from the crown of the head down the middle; many of them they threw to the wild beasts; many of them they forced to fight amongst themselves, till they had destroyed above two hundred and twenty thousand men. In Egypt and Cyprus they committed the same kind of outrages, the leader (of the Cypriots) being Artemion; where two hundred and forty thousand men were lost: whence it came to pass that a Jew might not come into Cyprus. But if by chance and stress of weather he put in upon the Island, he was killed. But the Jews, as by others, so especially by Lucius, whom Trajanus sent upon that expedition, were all subdued.
VERS. VI.
VERS. VIII.
I. IT may be inquired, whether 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Jesus, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Barjesus, be a proper name, or an appellative. In the Arabic in the Polyglot Bible, it is writ as a proper name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jesu. But in the Arabic of the Erpenian edition, it is writ as an appellative 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jesus, and under the same notion, the Syriac taking the word, for Bar-Jesus, hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bar-Shumah, the Son of a Name, as Beza would have it: but trulier, the Son of a Swelling, or a Wound: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a Tumor or Pustle, in the Targumists, of Jonathan, and of Jerusalem, upon Levite. XIII. 2. and in the Syriac it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 So also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Wound, is by that translated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Isa. I. 6. and LIII. 5. And indeed Elymas, can no way be the interpretation of Bar-jesus, if Jesus here be a proper name, and especially if it must be writ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
II. I would therefore write Bar-jesus in Hebrew letters thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a word derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies to waste away, or be corroded and worn by a Disease. So Psal. VI. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mine Eye is consumed, or as the Interlinear, corroded because of grief. And that the Syriac had reference to this radix, when he renders it by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Son of a Wound, or a Swelling proceeding from a Disease, is little to be doubted; and with the etymology the word Elymas agrees excellently well.
III. There are those that would have it to be the interpretation of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, that the Arabic word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and so Elymas is the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Sorcerer, which does not seem very distant from truth; once indeed such a conceit pleased me well enough; but since, these two things well considered, have led me another way.
1. Because it may reasonably be doubted, whether St. Luke would explain 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a well known word, by a word far more unknown. Besides, why should this Sorcerer only be called Elymas when as according to that etymology, all persons of the same art might have the same name.
2. Because the Syriac and Arabic do not begin the word Elymas with the letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ain, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aleph. I little doubt therefore but this name Elymas takes its original from the Arabic word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Alima or Elima, which signifies to grieve or be tormented. And how this sense agrees with the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 any one may see. For what can be nearer akin than to consume away, and to grieve; and to waste away by a distemper, and be under torment? So that, I suppose, this Sorcerer was called in his own Hebrew name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bar-Jesus, and went by that name among the Hebraizing Jews: but amongst those that speak Arabic, Elymas, which in the Arabic Tongue signifies the same thing. I confess it is something an unusual thing for St. Luke to render an Hebrew name by Arabic and not by Greek, which the Evangelists commonly do. But it seems, that this Magician was born and bred in some place or Country, where the Arabic was the mother Tongue, inhabited by Jews also, that used their own Language, and from thence he came to be known by this twofold name. I am mistaken, if Jabneh itself, a known Academy of the Jews, and sometime the seat of the Sanhedrin, was not in such a Country. For it may be made out elsewhere, that it is very probable the whole Philistine Country, at least the greatest part of it, did use the Arabic as their mother Tongue.
VERS. IX.
HERE is both his Hebrew and Roman name too, upon the account of that relation he had to both Nations. He was by his parentage a Jew, and so called Saul, but withal, he was a free denison of Rome, and thence had the name of Paul. Under the same notion Silas is called Silvanus; for he also was a Citizen of Rome, as may be collected out of Acts XVI. 37. The Apostle having hitherto conversed chiefly amongst the Jews retains his Jewish name, but being now declared the Apostle of the Gentiles, and traveling amongst the Gentiles, St. Luke gives him his Gentile name only.
VERS. X.
IS not this much of the same import with that in the Old Testament, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Son of Belial? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at first hearing seems to sound very harshly, and indeed at first sight might appear as if it signified the first-born of Satan; but it is given to a certain Rabbin to his praise, and as a title of honor, in a far different signification, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 taking its derivation from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to decline from.
VERS. XII.
THIS is a word much in use amongst the Talmudists, with a little variation only in the reading. R. Chaninah, and R. Joshua ben Levi passed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 before the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Deputy of Cesarea. He seeing them, rose up to them. His own people say unto him, Doest thou rise up to these Jews? He answered them and said, I saw their faces as the faces of Angels. See the Aruch upon the word.
VERS. XIII.
FROM Paphos in Cyprus, whether old or new (both being Maritim places situated on the Western shore of the Island) they seemed to Sail into the mouth of the river Cestrus, concerning which Strabo hath this passage. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Then there is the river Cestrus which when one hath sailed sixty furlongs, he comes to the City Perga, near which is the Temple of Diana of Perga, in an high place, where every year there is a solemn convention. Ptolomey also speaks of the river Cestrus, and of the Cataract, concerning which Strabo hath some mention.
But Mela hath this passage, Thence there are two strong rivers Oestros and Cataractes. Oestros is easily navigable: but Cataractes hath its name from the violence of its running, amongst these is the City Perga, &c. One may justly suspect an error in the Writer here, writing Oestros for Cestros, and it is something strange that Olivarius hath taken no notice of it.
We may conjecture there was no Synagogue of Jews in Perga, because there is no mention of it, nor any memorable thing recorded as done by the Apostles here; only that John whose Sirname was Mark, did in this place depart from them; for what reason is not known.
VERS. XIV.
STrabo reckons up thirteen Cities in Pisidia from Artemidorus, amongst which he makes no mention of Antioch. But Pliny tell us, Insident vertici Pisidiae quondam Solymi appellati, &c. There are that inhabit the top of Pisidia, who were once called Solymites, their Colony is Casarea, the same is Antioch. And Ptolomey, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The inland Cities in Pamphilia, are Sileucia of Phrygia, and Antioch of Pisidia. Where the Interpreter most confusedly, Civitates sunt in Provincia Mediterranea, Phrygia quidem Pisidiae, Seleucia Pisidiae, Antiochia: that is, there are Cities in the midland Country, Phrygia of Pisidia, Seleucia of Pisidia, Antioch, and in the margin he sets Cesarea.
VERS. XV.
BUT in what Language were the Law and the Prophets read, in this Synagogue? It is generally supposed that in the Synagogues of the Hellenists, the Greek Bible was read. But was that Tongue understood amongst the Pisidians? Strabo at the end of his thirteenth Book tells us, The Cibratian prefecture was reckoned amongst the greatest of Asia. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Cibyrates used four Languages, the Pisidian, the Suleiman, the Greek, and Lydian. Where we see the Pisidian Tongue is expressly distinguished from the Greek. If Moses and the Prophets therefore were read here in the Greek Tongue, were they understood by those in Pisidia? Yes, you will say, for the very name of the City Antioch speaks it, to have been a Greek Colony. Grant this: but then suppose a Jewish Synagogue in some City of Pisidia that was purely Pisidian, such as Selge, Sagalessus, Pernelissus, &c. or in some City of the Solymites, or of the Lydians, in what Language was the Law read there? Doubtless in the same Tongue and the same manner that it was read, in the Synagogue of the Hebrews, i. e. in the Original Hebrew, some Interpreter assisting, and rendering it to them in their mother Tongue.
So it is expressed commonly of any one that teaches; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he sat down. And if the Rulers of the Synagogue had no other knowledge of Barnabas and Saul, they might gather they were Preachers, from this, that when they entered the Synagogue they sat down, according to the custom of those that Taught, or Preached.
VERS. XVI.
THAT is, Proselytes, Blessed is everyone that feareth the Lord, that walketh in his ways, Psal. CXXVIII. 1. He doth not say, Blessed is Israel, or blessed are the Priests, or blessed the Levites, but blessed is everyone that feareth the Lord. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 these are the Proselytes, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they that fear the Lord. According as it is said of Israel, Blessed art thou O Israel, so is it said of these, blessed is everyone that feareth the Lord. Now of what proselyte is it said, that he is blessed? It is said of the proselyte of justice. Not as those Cuthites, of whom it is said, that they feared the Lord, and yet worshiped their own God's.
VERS. XVIII.
THE particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to exclude the reading of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which word we meet with in the Seventy, Deut. I. 31. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , God did indeed bear with them full forty years: and so you will say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is not wide from the truth. But the Apostle adding the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 about the time of forty years, seems chiefly to respect that time, which went between the fatal decree, that they should not enter the land, and the going in.
VERS. XIX.
THE Rabbins very frequently, when they mention the Canaanitish people, give them this very term of the Seven Nations. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
VERS. XX.
AMongst the many things that are offered upon this difficulty, I would choose this, that in this number are reckoned the years of the Judges, and the years of those Tyrants that oppressed Israel, computing them disjunctly and singly, which at first sight any one would think ought to be so reckoned; but that 1 Kings VI. 1. gives a check to a too large computation.
1. The years of the Judges and Tyrants, thus distinguished, answer the Sum exactly.
| Othniel | XL. |
| Eliud | LXXX. |
| Deborah | XL. |
| Gideon | XL. |
| Abimelech | III. |
| Tolah | XXIII. |
| Jair | XXII. |
| Jepthah | VI. |
| Ibsan | VII. |
| Elon | X. |
| Abdon | VIII. |
| Sampson | XX. |
| Eli | XL. |
| In all | CCCXXXIX. |
| Chushan | VIII. |
| Eglon | XVIII. |
| Sisera | XX. |
| Midian | VII. |
| Ammon | XVIII. |
| The Philistines | XL. |
| In all | CXI. |
So that reckoning three hundred thirty nine, and one hundred and eleven together, the Sum amounts exactly to four hundred and fifty.
II. Josephus seems expressly to follow this computation. Solomon began to build his Temple in the fourth year of his reign, and in the second month, which the Macedonians term Artemision, the Hebrews Ijar. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . After five hundred ninety and two years, from the Israelites going out of Egypt.
In 1 Kings VI. 1. there are reckoned four hundred and fourscore years. Josephus, five hundred ninety two, exceeding that number by a hundred and twelve years: So as the three years of the Tyrants makes the number to exceed in this place.
III. In the particular summing up of these years, I cannot omit what is said concerning Sampson in the Jewish Writers . Sampson saith, O Lord Eternal, give me a recompense for one of mine eyes, in this world, and for the other, in the world to come. One place saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And he judged Israel forty years. Another place saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And he judged Israel twenty years. R. Acha saith, by this it is hinted that the Philistines were afraid of him twenty years after his death, as they had stood in fear of him twenty years while he was alive.
From these words we might imagine that it was written concerning Sampson that he judged Israel Forty years, which yet is nowhere found: only it is said in two places ( Judge. XV. 20. and Chap. XVI. 31.) that he judged twenty years. Whence the Jewish Writers draw that conclusion as was said before, viz. that the Philistines were under the terror of him, for the space of twenty years after he had been dead. Indeed it is said of Eli, That he judged Israel forty years, 1 Sam. IV. 18. which when I observe the LXX. rendering by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , twenty years, I cannot but suspect they might somewhat favor the received opinion amongst the Jews.
VERS. XXXIII.
WHY are the daily Prayers to the number of eighteen? R. Joshua ben Levi saith, it is according to the eighteen Psalms, from the beginning of the Psalms to The Lord hear thee in the day of trouble [Psal. XX. 1.] But if any one say to thee, they are nineteen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 say thou to him, Why do the heathen rage, [i. e. the second Psalm] is not one of them. Hence they say, he that prays and is not heard, it is necessary for him to fast too.
I. Judge hence whether this second Psalm were joined or confounded with the first, when it seems in some measure sequestered from the whole number. And do you observe the Rabbins way of arguing? Being to prove that the number of the daily Prayers being eighteen, was adapted to the number of the eighteen Psalms, from the beginning of the Book to that place, The Lord hear thee in the day of trouble, &c. Psal. XX. he takes refuge in a common Axiom of theirs, He that prayeth and is not heard, must fast also. As if that Maxim was founded upon the equality of numbers, and the authors of that Maxim did so design it. q. d. He that pours out eighteen Prayers, according to the number of those eighteen Psalms, and is not head, let him Fast and he shall be heard, according to the tenor of the Psalm immediately following, The Lord hear thee in the day of trouble, i. e. in the day when thou troublest and afflictest thyself with Fasting.
II. I will not make any nice enquiry for what reason they should exclude the second Psalm out of the number. We find in it, however shut out of the number, a considerable testimony to the resurrection of the Messiah: and perhaps to this the Apostle may have some respect in these words. But if not, by this his noting the number and order of the Psalm, we may guess he spake to this sense, viz. ye have a testimony of the Resurrection of Christ in the very entrance of the Book of Psalms, so near the beginning of it, that we meet with it even in the second Psalm.
R. Solomon confesseth that the Rabbins do interpret this Psalm of the Messiah, but he had rather it should be applied to David. For the Jews take special care that the Messias should not be acknowledged as the genuine Son of God. Hence Midr. Till. Thou art my Son: Hence we may answer the Heretics who say he is Son to God. Do thou answer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He doth not say, thou art Son to me, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but, thou art my Son. (A very learned distinction indeed!) As the Master speaking kindly to his Servant, may say to him, I love thee like my own Son. So the Targumist , The Lord said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thou art beloved to me as a Son is to his Father.
They do indeed acknowledge that the Messiah is concerned in this Psalm , but then, if you will be a true Jew indeed, you must have a care how you acknowledge him the begotten Son of God. It would be a vain and impertinent thing to collect all their little artifices by which they endeavor to evade the force of this place. It were much more proper for us to observe the way of the Apostles arguing, and by what means he makes it out, that these words of the Psalmist point at the Resurrection of the Messiah. Take this passage by the way: R. Honna saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 There are three portions of chastisements divided. The Fathers of the world and all generations received one part: The generation of persecution another, and the generation of the Messias another. And when his time cometh, then will the Holy blessed say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it lies upon me to make him a new creature. And so he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 today have I begotten thee.
When the Jews asked a sign of our Savior, he constantly gives them the sign of Jonas the Prophet; that is, that his Resurrection which should come to pass, should be a most undoubted proof for him, that he is the Son of God, the true Messias. So Rom. I. 4. He was declared to be the Son of God, by his Resurrection from the dead. For so was he indeed distinguished from all mortals, and Sons of men. And God saith he had then begotten him, when he had given a token that he was not a mere man, by his divine power whereby he had raised him from the dead. And according to the tenor of the whole Psalm, God is said to have begotten him then, when he was ordained King in Zion, and all Nations subdued under him. Upon which words that passage of our Savior uttered immediately after he had arisen from the dead, is a good Commentary: All power is given unto me, &c. Matth. XXVIII.
What do those words mean, Matth. XXVI. 29. I will not henceforth drink of this fruit of the Vine; until that day when I drink it new with you in my Fathers Kingdom? They seem to look this way, viz. I will drink no more of it before my Resurrection. For in truth his Resurrection was the beginning of his Kingdom, when he had overcome those enemies of his, Satan, Hell, and Death; from that time was he begotten and established King in Zion. I am mistaken if that of Psal. CX. v. 3. doth not in some measure fall in here also, which, give me leave to render by way of paraphrase into such a sense as this. Thy people shall be a willing people in the day of thy power: it shall be a willing people in the beauties of holiness, it shall be a willing people from the Womb of the morning: thine is the dew of thy youth. Now the dew of Christ is that quickening power of his, by which he can bring the dead to life again, Isai. XXVI. 19. And the dew of thy youth, O Christ, is thine. That is, it is thine own power and virtue that raiseth thee again. I would therefore apply those words from the womb of the morning to his Resurrection: because the Resurrection of Jesus, was the dawn of the new world, the morning of the new Creation.
VERS. XXXIV.
IT hath been generally observed that this phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is taken from the Greek Version in Isai. LV. 3. But it is not so generally remarked, that by David was understood the Messiah, which yet the Rabbins themselves, Kimchi and Ab. Ezra have well observed, the following Verse expressly confirming it. The Resurrection of our Savior therefore, by the interpretation of the Apostle, is said to be the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The sure mercies of Christ. And God by his Prophet (from whence this clause is taken) doth promise the raising again of the Messiah, and all the benefits of that Resurrection. He had fortold and promised his death Chap. LIII. But what mercies could have been hoped for by a dead Messiah, had he been always to have continued dead? They had been weak and instable kindnesses had they terminated in death: He promises mercies therefore firm and stable that were never to have end, because they should be always flowing and issuing out of his resurrection
Whereas these things are quoted out of the Prophet in the words of the LXX, varying a little from the Prophets words; and those much more, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Behold ye despisers and wonder, &c. verse. 41. it might be inquired in what language the Apostle preached, as also in what language Moses and the Prophets were read in that Synagogue, verse. 15. If we say in the Greek, it is a question whether the Pisidians could understand it. If we say in the Pisidian language, it is hardly to be believed the Bible was then rendered into that language. It is remarkable what was quoted above out of Strabo, where he mentions four tongues, amongst them the Greek and the Pisidian distinct from one another. But this I have already discusst in the Notes upon Verse 15. of this Chapter.
VERS. XLI.
DR. Pocock here, as always, very learnedly, and accurately examines what the Greek Interpreters Hab. I. read: saving in the mean time the reading which the Hebrew Bibles exhibit: for it is one thing how the Greek read it, and another thing how it should be truly read.
VERS. XLII.
IT is all one as to the force of the words as far as I see, whether you render them they besought the Gentiles, or the Gentiles besought them; the later Version hath chiefly obtained: but what absurdity is it if we should admit the former? And doth not the very order of the words seem to favor it? If it had been 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , one might have inclined to the later without controversy: but being it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , there is place for doubting. And if it were so that the Jews resented the Apostles doctrine so ill, that they went out of the Synagogue disturbed and offended, as some conjecture, and that not improbably, we may the easilier imagine that the Apostles besought the Gentiles that tarried behind, that they would patiently hear these things again.
I. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the Lexicons tell us, amongst other things, denotes, hence forward, or hereafter. Now this must be noted, that this discourse was held in the fore noon, for it was that time of the day only that they assembled in the Synagogue; in the afternoon they met in Beth Midras. Let us consider therefore whether this phrase will not bear this sense: They besought that afterwards upon that Sabbath, viz. in the afternoon, they would hear again such a Sermon. And then, whether the Gentiles besought the Apostles, or the Apostles the Gentiles, it dot not alter the case.
II. Let us inquire whether the Apostles and the Christian Church did not now observe and celebrate the Lord's day. It can hardly be denied; and if so, then judge whether the Apostles might not invite the Gentiles that they would assemble again the next day, that is, upon the Christian Sabbath, and hear these things again. If we yield that the Lord's day is to be called the Sabbath, then we shall easily yield that it might be rightly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Sabbath after. And indeed when the speech was amongst the Jews or Judaizing Proselytes, it is no wonder, if it were called the Sabbath. As if the Apostles had said, tomorrow we celebrate our Sabbath, and will you on that day 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , have these words preached to you?
III. Or let 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , be the week betwixt the two Sabbaths (as that expression must be rendered 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I fast twice in the week ) then, as the sense is easy, that they besought them, the same things might be repeated on the following week, so the respect might have more particularly been had to the second and fifth day in the week, when they usually meet together in the Synagogue.
CHAP. XIV.
VERS. VI.
STRABO tells us expressly that Iconium also was within Lycaonia ; Thence are the Lyconian Hills, plain, cold, naked, and pastures for wild Asses, &c. There are also the lakes, the greater called Coralis; the less, called Trogitis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ About those places stands Iconium, a Town built in a better soil than what I mentioned as the pasture of wild Asses. Ptolemy also places Iconium in Lycaonia . How comes it to pass then that St. Luke doth not call Iconium a City of Lycaonia, as well as Derbe and Lystra? Because Iconium was of something a distinct jurisdiction. Datur et Tetrarchia ex Lycaonia, &c. There is also granted a Tetrarchy out of Lycaonia, on that side that bounds upon Galatia, consisting of fourteen Cities, the most famous of which is Iconium.
VERS. XI.
IT is hard to say what the Lycaonian Tongue was; nor is it easy to say why this was added, when it might have sufficed to have said, They lift up their voices, saying, the God's, &c.
I. I should hardly be persuaded the Lycaonian Language was any Greek Dialect, when it sufficiently appears by what I lately quoted out of Strabo that there were peculiar Mother Tongues in these Countries, distinct from the Greek. And he himself remarketh , That the Carians, who are situated something nearer Greece than the Lycaonians, were called by Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , people of a barbarous language; so the Phrygians also were Barbari, barbarous .
Let us hear once again what Strabo saith , The Coppadocians who use the same language, are those chiefly who are bounded South-ward, with that part of Silicia, that is called Taurus East-ward by Armenia, and Colchis; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and other interjacent Countries, that use a different language. What amongst these other languages, should be the Lycaonian, let him find out, that hath leisure and capacity to do it. As for my part I neither can, nor dare attempt it.
CHAP. XV.
VERS. II.
WERE I to render these words into the Talmudic Language (which was the School Language) I would render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 terms very well known in the Schools; according to which Idiom, if they were expounded, there would be no difficulty in them.
Of this journey Paul himsel makes some mention, Gal. II. 1. where he intimates that he went up by revelation, that is, given to the Ministers of Antioch: for it would not have been said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they determinded, if the Revelation had been made to Paul himself. Amongst others that •• companied him in his journey, Titus was one: But where he adopted him to himself▪ in those his journeys described Chap. XIII. and XIV. let him guess that can.
VERS. VII.
I Do not question but St. Peter in these words had an eye to that saying of our Savior, I will give thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, viz. that thou mayst first open the door of the Gospel to the Gentiles. Then it was that the Lord chose him, that by his mouth first the Gentiles might hear the word of the Gospel, and might believe. This he saith was done 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , In former days: that is, as he speaks elsewhere, In the time when Jesus went in and out amongst them, Acts I. 21. which time is expressed by our Evangelists by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ From the beginning, Luke I. 2.
VERS. XVI.
RAB. Nachman said to R. Isaac, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Whence art thou taught when Bar Naphli will come? He saith unto him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Who is this Bar Naphli? The other replied; it is the Messiah. Dost thou then call the Messias Bar Naphli? Yes, saith he, for it is written, In that day I will build again the Tabernacle of David, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nopheleth, falling down.
VERS. XVII.
I. I Think it will hardly be denied by any but that St. James spake now in Hebrew, i. e. in the Syriac Tongue. For reason will tell us that the Council at Jerusalem would be managed best in the language of Jerusalem: and indeed the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Simeon, with which he begins his discourse, argues that he spoke Hebrew amongst Hebrews; not so much in that he saith Simeon and not Simon; as in that he saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , with the letter v, and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Simeon; the Syriac Tongue affecting the letter u, in the first syllable, as in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bu • ra, Gushma, Ductha, and many such words. So also in proper names, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ben Sutda, in Jerusalem Language, for Ben Satda, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mugdala, for Magdala.
II. Neither, I presume, will it be denied that the Apostle quoting this passage of the Prophet recites the very words as they are in the Hebrew: which was always done in their Schools, and Sermons: when they recited any place or testimony of Scripture, they did it always in the very original words. But do you think that the Hebrew words of Amos, in the mouth of James, were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That the residue of men might seek; in which sense the Greek words speak? The Hebrew Text in Amos IX. 12. is thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That they may possess the remnant of Edom. But the Greek Interpreters have it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. That the residue of men might seek after the Lord. where they add 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Lord, of their own, and is not the Prophets; nor indeed is it in the Roman Copy, but in the Alexandrian M. S. it is.
It is hardly worth our enquiry whether through carelessness or set design they have gone thus wide from the words of the Prophet; for indeed nothing is more common with those Interpreters than to depart after that manner from the Hebrew Text. One may suspect that they did it on purpose here, partly as envying so comfortable a promise made to Edom; and partly, because in the Prophesy next following it is said, There shall be no remnant of the House of Esau, Obad. verse. ult. where they distinguish that also by rendering 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , One that carrieth fire.
III. The Hebrew words of Amos quoted by James, do suit very well with his design and purpose, when to prove that God visited the Gentiles, to take out of them a people for his name, he cites this, I will build again the Tabernacle of David, that they may possess the remnant of Edom. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The remnant of •• om, in the same sense with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the remnant of Israel, mentioned, Rom. XI. 5. And by naming Edom one of the bitterest enemies that Israel had, from whom a remnant should be taken out and reserved, the thing propounded is the more clearly made out, viz. That God had visited the Gentiles, &c. The words also in the Greek Version which St. Luke follows, do prove the thing too: mention being made of all Nations seeking after the Lord: and therefore he doth the more safely follow that Version here which indeed he doth almost everywhere; and for what reasons he so doth, I have observed in another place.
IV. I know that the Talmudic and other Jewish Writers understand by the Edomites, commonly the Romans; but why they do so, does not so well appear. But their impudence sufficiently appears, when they introduce the Romans owning themselves for the Children of Esau, or Edom, and making their boasts of it. At Rome once within seventy years, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They bring forth a sound man, [one that represents Esau ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and make him ride upon a lame man [that represents Jacob, and by that they show how Esau now ruleth over Jacob ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And they cloth him with the Garments of Adam [those were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Garments of desire that Esau had.] And they put upon his head 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the skin of the head of Rabbi Ishmael [He was the High Priest, that had been killed by the Kingdom of the Romans; but had so comely a face, that Caesar 's Daughter caused the skin of it to be taken off and preserved in Balsom.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And they hang upon him a Pearl of the weight of a Zuzee, — and proclaim before him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The computation of the Lord (of Jacob, as one Gloss, or of Isaac, as another) is falsehood. [That is, his Prophesy by which he promised Redemption to his Children, is a lie.] The Brother of our Lord [i. e. of Esau] is a deceiver. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Whosoever sees [this sight at present] let him see it, and whosoever doth not see it shall not see it, [that is, till the seventieth year again.] What did thy deceiver get by his deceit, and what did that falsifier get by his falsehood? And so at length conclude, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Woe to this man, when he shall arise. [Woe to Esau, when Jacob shall arise.]
I thought fit to transcribe these things, only to give you a specimen, with what confidence the Jewish Writers esteem the Romans for Edomites: of whom they hardly ever speak without spleen and hatred, curse and abhorrency. The words shut within the Parenthesis are not mine but those of the Gloss.
V. I do not belive that the Romans were thus taken for Edomites by the Jews, when the Greek Version was wrote: but yet I do believe that at that time the Edomites were as odious to the Jews: so that it is no wonder, if those interpreters from that hatred should envy them those things Amos had foretold should happen to them that remained of Edom, and diverted his words another way. This is the offering thou shalt receive from them, Gold, Silver, and Brass, Exod. The Gold is Babel: The Silver is Media: The Brass is Greece, Dan. II. But there is no mention of Iron: Why so? Because wicked Edom that wasted the Sanctuary is likened to that. To teach us, that God in time to come will accept an offering from every Kingdom, except Edom.
VERS. XX.
I. IT may with good reason be asked, whether these four things were forbidden under one and the same notion; namely this, That the converted Gentiles might not give offense to the Jews, if they should not abstain from all these things. Or, whether there might not be something else interwoven, viz. that those converted Gentiles might not relapse into something of their former Heathenism: the abstaining from pollutions of Idols, and from Fornication, seems to respect this later, as that of abstaining from things strangled, and from blood, the former.
In the mean time one might wonder at the heart and forehead of the Nicolaitans, who not only practiced, but taught diametrically contrary to this decree of the Apostles, Revel. II. 14, 20. Those Balaamites, and Jezebelites: with what paint could they beautify that horrid and accursed doctrine and practice of theirs? was it the liberty of the Gospel they pretended? or rather did they not abuse that love and charity commanded in the Gospel? Namely, making a show of some more transcendent friendship amongst themselves, they would eat anything with any Man, and lie carnally with any Woman.
I have oftentimes thought of those words of the Apostle, 1 Tim. IV. 3. forbidding to marry. Who were these that forbad to Marry, but especially upon what account did they forbid it? We know indeed upon what unreasonable reason Marriage is forbidden to some, in the Romish Communion, in these later ages of the world; but to whom, and upon what occasion it was forbidden in those lasts days of the Jewish Economy (to which times the Apostle refers, in this place) is not easily determined.
As to the clause that follows immediately in the Apostle, commanding to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received, &c. that passage comes into my mind, When the Temple was destroyed the second time, the Pharisees [i. e. the Separatists] were greatly multiplied in Israel, who taught that it was not lawful to eat flesh, nor to drink wine. R. Joshua applied himself to them and said, My Sons who do you not eat flesh nor drink any wine? They say unto him, shall we eat flesh, that were wont to offer it upon the Altar, and that Altar is now broken down? shall we drink wine, that were wont to pour it out upon the Altar, which Altar is now gone? If it be so, saith he, then we should not eat bread, because the Offerings of bread-corn are ceased: we should not eat any fruits, because the offering of first-fruits is at an end. We should not drink water, because the drink offering is ceased, &c. And a little after, Since the Kingdom of iniquity [the Roman Empire] hath decreed sharp things against us — it is but just that we should ordain amongst ourselves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not to marry Wifes, nor beget Children, &c. and so it would come to pass that the seed of Abraham would decay and fail of itself. But let Israel rather be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mistaken than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 presumptuous.
How great a difference is there between these men, and the Nicolaitans? And yet these as foolishly and superstitiously erred in one extreme, as those did impiously and filthily in the other. As to the Nicolaitans, we may wonder at their ignorance if they knew nothing of this decree of the Apostles; and their impudence in so bold a contradiction, if they did.
In the Epistle of the Council it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . From meats offered to Idols. The Rabbins distinguish the matter (when they discourse of what is forbidden concerning Idolatry) into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 things prohibited to eat, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 things prohibited to use. The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or things offered to Idols, were prohibited to eat. And all the Utensils about any Idolatrous Sacrifice, were prohibited to use. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , doubtless comprehended all things offered to Idols, and perhaps all the Utensils too: and it is no impertinent question, whether that in the Epistle commanding them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to abstain from things offered to Idols, did not restrain them from the use of all such Utensils, as well as from the eating of things offered.
Any one may discern how obvious this twofold enquiry is. Namely, of what Fornication the discourse here is; and for what reason Fornication, whatsoever it is, should be reckoned here amongst the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or indifferent things.
I. When I recollect what we frequently meet with amongst the Rabbins, that some things are permitted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for peace sake; and some things forbidden 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by reason of the customs of the Amorites, or the Gentiles: I am apt to suspect, in these decrees of the Apostles there is some relation to both: that it was permitted to the converted Gentiles, to Judaize in some things for peace sake; but to abstain in other, not that they might not Judaize, but that they might not do as the Heathen.
II. Particularly in this prohibition of Fornication, we must consider, that it is not so proper to think there needed any peculiar command or prescript of the Apostles, to those that had embraced Christianity, against Fornication in the common notion and acceptation of the word, whenas the whole tenor of the Gospel prescribed against it. And for that very reason I cannot persuade myself that by blood forbidden in this place, we are to understand murder.
III. There was a certain Fornication amongst the Jews that seemed to them lawful, and had some color of Legitimation: this was Polygamy, Hos. IV. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They commit whoredom and shall not increase: So the Chaldee and Syriac, and our own Translation render it well. But now Fornication, as it denotes Whoredom, doth not wish or expect any offspring, but the contrary rather: But the words relate to Bigamy, or Polygamy. For in case of the Wife's barrenness, it was a common thing for them to take to them another Woman, or more for propagation sake; and this it is that God brands with the reproachful name of Fornication. They commit Fornication but do not multiply. Whatever else is understood by this word; I would certainly understand this, namely, That the Apostles prescribed against Polygamy, a thing esteemed indifferent amongst the Jews (as fornication was amongst the Gentiles) and therefore not unfitly mentioned here amongst things indifferent.
Tell me in what place in the New Testament Bigamy, or Polygamy, is forbidden, if not in this? perhaps you will say in that of our Savior, Matth. XIX. 4, 5. Where indeed provision is made against putting away of a Man's Wife, but hardly against Polygamy, especially comparing the Apostles words, 1 Cor. VI. 16. Provision is made that Bishops and Deacons shall not have two Wifes, 1 Tim. III. and I should not believe but that the same provision is made against the Bigamy of the Laity. But where is that done, if not in this place?
IV. There was another Fornication, ordinarily so reckoned also in the opinion of the Jews themselves (for they did not account the having many Wives to be Fornication) and that was, besides what they call simple Fornication, their marrying within the prohibited degrees, that which they commonly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nakedness. These Marriages they were so averse to, that to some of them they allotted Death, to all of them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or cutting off. Concerning which Maimonides speaks largely . In the mean time they allowed the Gentile that became a proselyte to the Jewesh Religion, to marry with his Kindred though never so near in blood, with his Sister, if he pleased, or with his Mother, &c. Hence perhaps arose that incestuous Marriage mentioned 1 Cor. V. They did well therefore to provide by this Apostolical decree, against such kind of Marriages as these, being so odious to the Jews.
These (I suppose) were forbidden the Gentile converts for the sake of the Jews, and by way of condescension, that they might not take offense. By blood therefore ••• by no means understand murder; by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , strangled, shall be considered by and by▪
1. For wherefore should any mention of murder come into this present controves •• • Were the Gentile converts to be brought over to Moses? when the Moral precepts of Moses scarcely came in their minds, as being the precepts even of Nature itself. But the question is about ceremonials, and what hath murder to do in that? and as I have already said, what need could there be of such peculiar caution against Murder to those who had embraced the Gospel of love and peace?
II. By the prohibition of blood therefore, I make no question but that caution is given against eating of blood: which is more than once prohibited in the Law, Gen. IX. 4. Deut. XII. 16, &c. and there could hardly anything (except an Idol) be named, that the Jew had a greater abhorrence for, than the eating of blood.
III. The Jews distinguish between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the member of a living beast, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the blood of a living Beast . The former is forbidden by that, Flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall you not eat. The later also is forbidden, Thou shalt not eat blood let out by the cutting of a vein, or any other way, from any beast, saith R. Chaninah in the place above quoted. See also Pesikta, and R. Solomon , and instead o • more, that passage: Wherefore is blood forbidden five times in Scripture? [Gen. IX. 4. Levite. III. 17. & VII. 26. & XVII. 10. Deut. XII. 16.] That the blood of Animals that are holy might be included, and the blood of Animals not Holy, and the blood that was to be covered in the dust, and the blood 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the member of a living Beast, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the blood that is let out, by the cutting of a vein, or otherwise. God himself adjudgeth him that eats blood to be cut off, Levite. VII. 27, &c. But as to this matter there are wondrous nice and subtle questions and distinctions laid down in Maimonides; I will only transcribe this one: As to the blood that is let out, and the blood of the members, viz. of the Spleen, the Kidneys, the Testicles, and the blood gathered about the heart in the time of slaying, and the blood found about the Liver, they are not guilty of cutting off; but whoever eateth of any of that blood let him be scourged: because it is said, Thou shall eat no blood. But concerning being guilty to cutting off, it is said, because the life of the flesh is in the blood. A man therefore is not guilty of cutting off, unless he eats of that blood with which the life goes out.
IV. I know what the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , strangled flesh, in Atheneus mean: but that hath no place here, nor is there any reason why such Meats as he there sets on the Table, should be forbidden even to the Jew. Nor would I by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , strangled, understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the member of a living Beast, partly because I suppose that included in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , blood; and partly because it is thus determined by the Rabbins concerning it. They learn by tradition that that which is said in the Law, Thou shalt not eat the life with the flesh, forbids the eating of a member torn from a living Animal: and concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the member cut off from a living Beast, God saith to Noah, But flesh with the life which is the blood thereof, shalt thou not eat. So that, to eat a member so cut off, is to eat blood: and under that clause 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and from blood, is contained the prohibition of eating both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the blood of a living Beast, and also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the member of a living Beast. And under that clause 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and of things strangled, is the prohibition of eating flesh of a Beast not well killed, so as the blood issueth not one as it ought to do. Concerning which there is a large discourse in the Tract Cholin, obscure and tedious enough; however, I cannot but note one passage out of it. If any one desire to eat of a Beast before the life of it be gone, let him cut off a piece of flesh from the killing place, to the quantity of an Olive, and salt it very well, and wash it very well, and stay till the life of the Beast be gone out of him, and then he may eat it: this is equally lawful both to the stranger and to the Israelite. When we speak of not eating of flesh which the blood is not duly got out of, it is not necessary we should include within this rank 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that which dies of itself, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that which is torn of wild Beasts.
CHAP. XXIII.
VERS. II.
IT is a question among some Expositors whether this Ananias be the same Ananias that Josephus mentions, that was High Priest. And I ask again, whether 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place, be to be necessarily rendered High Priest.
I. That Ananias the High Priest whom Josephus mentions , was sent bound to Rome, by Quadratus the Governor of Syria, to render an account of his actions to Claudius Caesar, and that, before Felix entered upon the procuratorship of Judea; but whether he ever returned to Jerusalem again, is uncertain: still more uncertain whether ever restored to his place of High Priest: and most uncertain of all, whether he filled the Chair at that time when Paul pleaded his cause, which was some years after Felix had been settled in the Government, Acts XXIV. 10.
II. About this time there was one Ananias, a man very much celebrated indeed, but not the High Priest, only the Sagan of the Priests, concerning whom the Talmudic Writers record these passages: There were thirteen Corban Chests, thirteen Tables, thirteen Adorations in the Temple: But to them that were of the House of Rabban Gamaliel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and to those that were of the House of R. Ananias, Sagan of the Priests, there were fourteen, &c. R. Ananias Sagan of the Priests saith, &c. Ananias Sagan of the Priests was slain in the time of the destruction (of Jerusalem) with Rabban Simeon the Son of Gamaliel. R. Ananias the Sagan, is said to be slain on the five and twentieth day of the month Sivan, together with Rabban Simeon ben Gamaliel, and R. Ishmael.
If we cannot reconcile the Ananias in Josephus, with this in St. Luke; let Ananias the Sagan be the Ananias mentioned in this place, who may very well be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or High Priest, as may be evident from those titles given to Annas and Caiaphas; Luk. III. 2. Nor doth anything hinder but that we may easily suppose that Ananias the Sagan was in the possession of his Saganship at this very time.
VERS. V.
I. SUppose he might not know that man to have been the High Priest, or the Sagan (which is hardly probable) yet he could not be ignorant, from the rank he held, and the seat he possessed, that he must be at least one of the Fathers of the Sanhedrin, and Rulers of the people, and so in reviling him, he transgressed that precept, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people, as well as if he had reviled the High Priest.
II. It is very little to the credit of the Apostle to think, that when he said, God shall smite thee thou whited wall, &c. That he uttered it rashly and unadvisedly, or carried away in an heat of passion and indignation, or that he did not know whom he thus threatened, or what degree and office he held. But he spoke it soberly, and as became an Apostle, by the Authority and guidance of the Holy Ghost. Nor did he, nor had he any need, to retract those words, or make apology for his rashness, but they are of the very same tenor with the rest, that he uttered.
III. If this Ananias was that Sagan of the Priests that perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, as hath been already said, I would conceive his death was foretold prophetically by the Apostle, rather than that he rashly poured out words, that he afterwards retracted. Let me therefore paraphrase upon the words before us,
IV. The President of the Sanhedrin at this time was Rabban Simeon ben Gamaliel: his Father Gamaliel, having been dead about two or three years before. Paul knew Simeon, and Simeon very well knew him, having been fellow Disciples, and both sat together at the feet of Gamaliel; nor indeed could he be ignorant of any of the Rulers of the people, if they were of any age, because he had been so long educated and conversed in Jerusalem. So that it is very improbable he should not know either Ananias the High Priest, if he were now present, or Ananias the Sagan, or indeed any of the Fathers of the Sanhedrin if they had any years upon their backs.
Indeed not a few years had passed since he had left Jerusalem: But seeing formerly he had spent so many years there, and had been of that Degree and Order, that he was an Officer of the Sanhedrin, and had a Patent from them; he could not have so slippery and treacherous a memory, but that upon his return, he could readily know and distinguish their faces and persons. And whereas it is said in the Verse immediately following, That Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, &c. If it should be asked whence he came to distinguish so well concerning their persons; it may be answered, That (if he had no other ways to know them) he might understand that by his former knowledge of them; He had known them from the time that he himself had been a Pharisee, and conversed among them. See Chap. XXII. 5.
V. Forasmuch therefore as he saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I wist not, I do not see how it can argue so much an ignorance of his person (with whom he might have had some former transactions, in obtaining that accursed commission against the followers of Christ) but that it must relate to his affection rather than his understanding. So that the sense is, I knew not that there was any High Priest at all: or, I do not acknowledge this person for such an one. It was safer to inveigh against the person, than the office: But if he had said concerning the very office, I do not know that there is any High Priest at all; I question not but he had uttered his mind: being well assured, that that High Priesthood was now antiquated, by the death of our great High Priest, Jesus.
For let us lay down this Problem: Although the Apostle, as to other things, had owned the service of the Temple (for he was purified in it.) Yet, as to the High Priesthood, he did not own the peculiar ministry of that; doth it not carry truth with it? seeing God by an irrefragrable token, viz. the rending of the Veil of the Temple from the top to the bottom, had shewn the end and abolishing of that office.
But suppose the words of the Apostle relate to the person and not the office, and that they were spoken in reference to the man himself, I do not own him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , High Priest, that he is not worthy of that title: Perhaps St. Paul knew of old how wicked a person he had been; or from his present injustice, or rash severity, had reason enough to make such a reply. To know, instead of to own and acknowledge, is not unusual in Scripture style; that is a sad and dreadful instance enough, I know you not, depart from me, ye workers of iniquity. And in the Jewish Writings, when R. Judah being angry with Bar Kaphrah, only said to him, I know thee not, he went away as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one rebuked, and took 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the rebuke to himself. The story is this: When bar Kaphrah came to visit him, he said unto him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 O Bar Kaphrah, I never knew thee; He understood what he meant: Therefore he took the rebuke unto himself for the space of thirty days.
VERS. VIII.
WHAT therefore is the Religion of a Sadducee? He Prays, he Fasts, he offers Sacrifice, he observes the Law, and yet doth not expect a Resurrection, or life Eternal. To what end is this Religion? It is that he may obtain Temporal good things, observing only the promise of them, made in the Law, and he seeks for nothing beyond the mere letter. That the Sadducees took their denomination from one Sadoc, a Disciple of Antigonus Socheus, is commonly received, and that not without reason. In the mean time it may not be amiss to inquire whether Sadoc did himself deny the resurrection; and whether he rejected all the Books of the Holy Scripture excepting the five Books of Moses, which the Sadducees in some measure did.
I. The Jewish writers do relate his story with so much variety, that as some represent him, we might think he denies the resurrection and future rewards; but as others, that he did not. For so say some, Sadoc and Baithus, were the heads of the Heretics, for they erred concerning the words of their Master, &c. Sadoc and Baithus hearing this passage from their Master, be ye not as Servants that serve their Master for hire and reward sake, &c. they said among themselves, our Master teaches us, that there is neither reward nor punishment, &c. Therefore they departed from the rule, and forsook the Law, &c.
Others say otherwise; Antigonus Socheus had two disciples, who delivered his doctrine to their Disciples, and their Disciples again to their Disciples; They stood forth, and taught after them, and said, what did our Fathers see that they should say, It is possible for a laborer to perform all his work for the whole day, and yet not receive his wages in the Evening? Surely, if our Fathers had thought there was another world, and the resurrection of the dead, they would not have said thus, &c. Antigonus Socheus had two Disciples, their names Sadoc and Baithus: He taught them saying, be ye not as hirelings that serve their Masters only that they may receive their pay, &c. They went and taught this to their Disciples, and to the Disciples of their Disciples 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but they did not expound his sense. [Mark that] There arose up after them that said, if our Fathers had known that there were a resurrection, and a recompense for the just in the world to come, they had not said this. So they arose up and separated from the Law, &c.— And from thence sprung those two evil Sects, the Sadducees and Baithusians. Let us but add that of Ramban, mentioned before, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sadoc and Baithus did not understand the sense of their Master, in those words, Be ye not as Servants, who serve their Master for the rewards sake, &c.
From all which compared together, as we find the Jewish writers varying from one another somewhat, in relating this story; so from the later passages compared, one would believe that Sadoc was not a Sadducee, nor Baithus a Baithusian; that is, that neither of them were leavened with that heresy that denied the resurrection, &c. There was an occasion taken from the words of Antigonus misunderstood and depraved, to raise such an heresy, but it was not by Sadoc, or Baithus, for they did not understand the sense of them, saith Ramban; and as it appears out of the Aruch, they propounded the naked words to their Disciples without any Gloss at all upon them, and their Disciples again to the Disciples that followed them. So that the name, sect and heresy of the Sadducees does not seem to have sprung up till the second or third generation after Sadoc himself: which, if I mistake not, is not unworthy our remark, as to the Story and Chronology. There was a time when I believed (and who believes it not?) being led to it by the Author of Juchasin, and Maimonides, that Sadoc himself was the first Author of the Sect and Heterodoxy of the Sadducees; but weighing a little more strictly this matter from the allegations I have newly made out of R. Nathan and Aruch, it seems to me more probable, that that sect did not spring up till many years after the death of Sadoc. Let us compare the times.
The Talmudists themselves own that story that Josephus tells us of Jaddua, whom Alexander the great met, and worshipped: but they alter the name, and say it was Simeon the just. Let those endeavor to reconcile Josephus with the Talmudists about the person and the name, who believe anything of the story and thing itself, but let Simeon the just and Jaddua be one and the same person, as some would have it So then the times of Simeon the just, and Alexander the great are coincident. Let Antigonus Socheus, who took the chair after him, be contemporary with Ptolomeus Lagu • . Let Sadoc and Baithus, both his Disciples be of the same age with Ptolomeus Philadelphus. And so the times of at least one generation (if not a second) of the Disciples of Sadoc may have run out, before the name of Sadducees took place.
If there be any truth or probability in these things, we shall do well to consider them, when we come to inquire upon what reasons the Sadducees received not the rest of the Books of the sacred Volume with the same authority they did those of the five Books of Moses. I ask therefore first, whether this was done before the Greek Version was writ? You will hardly say Antigonus, or indeed Sadoc his Disciple was touched with this error. He would have been a monster of a president of the Sanhedrin, that should not acknowledge that distinction of the Law, the Prophets and Holy writings. And it would be strange if Sadoc should from his Master renounce all the other books, excepting the Pentateuch.
The Sadducees might learn indeed from the Scribes and Pharisees themselves to give a greater share of honor to the Pentateuch, than the other Books, for even they did so: but that they should reject them, so at least as not to read them in their Synagogues, there was some other thing that must have moved them to it.
When I take notice of this passage, that five of the Elders translated the Law into Greek for Ptolemy; and that in Josephus that the Law only was translated, and both these before so much as the name or sect of the Sadducees were known in the world, I begin to suspect the Sadducees, especially the Samaritans, might have drawn something from this example. At least if that be true that is related by Aristeas, that he was under an Anathema, that should add anything to, or alter anything in that Version. When the Sadducees therefore would be separating into a Sect, having imbibed that heresy, that there is no resurrection, and wrested the words of Antigonus into such a sense, it is less wonder if they would admit of none but the Books of Moses only, because there was nothing plainly occured in them, that contradicted their error; and further because those ancients of great name, having rendered those five Books only into Greek, seem to have consigned no other, for Books of a divine stamp, I do not at all think that all the Sadducees did follow that Version; but I suspect, that the Samaritans took something from thence into their own text. It is said by some in defense of the Greek Version, that in many things it agrees with the Hebrew Text of the Samaritans, as if that Text were purer than our Hebrew, and that the Greek Interpreters followed that Text. They do indeed agree often; but if I should say that the Samaritan Text in those places, or in some of them hath followed the Greek Version, and not the Greek Version the Samaritan Text, I presume, I should not be easily consuted.
Shall I give you one or two agreements in the very beginning of the Pentateuch? In Gen. II. 2. the Hebrew Text is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 For God ended his work on the Seventh day. But the Greek hath it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God finished his work on the sixth day. The Samaritan Text agrees with this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He finished his work on the sixth day, &c. You will say the Greek Version translated according to the Samaritan Text. I say the Samaritan Text was framed according to this Greek Version. Who shall determine this matter between us? That which goes current amongst the Jews makes for me, viz. that this alteration was made by the Seventy two. But be it all one, which followeth the other in this agreement we next produce, in the same Chapter, Gen. II. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lord God had formed out of the ground. The Greek words are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lord God formed as yet out of the ground. The Samaritan Text agrees 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 We will not inquire here which follows which, but we rather complain of the boldness of both, the one to add the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as yet; which seems to persuade us, that God, after he had created Adam and Eve, did over and above create something anew; which as yet to me, is a thing unheard of: and to whom is it not?
In my notes upon Matth. III. 9. I take notice out of the Gloss upon Bab. Beracoth, (if he be of any credit) that there were Heretics even in the days of Ezra, who said that there is no world but this; which indeed falls in with Sadducism, though the name of Sadducee was not known then, nor a long time after. But as to their Heresy, when they first sprung up, they seem principally and in the first place to have denied the immortality of the Soul, and so by consequence the resurrection of the body.
I know that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Jewish Writers is taken infinite times for the Resurrection from the dead, but it is very often taken also for the life of the dead. So as, the one denotes the resurrection of the body, the other, the immortality of the Soul.
In the beginning of the Talmudic Chapter Helec, where there is a discourse on purpose concerning the life of the world to come, they collect several arguments to prove 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the life of the dead, out of the Law, for so let me render it here, rather than the resurrection of the dead. And the reason of it we may judge from that one agrument which they bring, instead of many others; viz. Some do say that it is proved out of this Scripture. He saith unto them, But ye did cleave unto the Lord your God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are alive everyone of you this day, Deut. IV. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It is plain that you are now alive, when Moses speaks these things; but he means this, that in the day wherein all the world is dead ye shall live. That is, ye also though dead, shall live; which rather speaks out the immortality of the Soul after death, than the resurrection of the body. So our Savior's answer to the Sadducees, Matth. XXII. 31, 32. from those words, I am the God of Abraham, &c. is fitted directly to confute their opinion against the immortality of the Soul; but it little, either plainly or directly so proves the resurrection of the body, but that the Sadducees might cavil at that way of proof.
And in that saying of the Sadducees themselves, concerning the laborer working all the day, and not receiving his wages at night, there is a plain intimation that they especially considered of the state of the Soul after death, and the non-resurrection of the body by consequence. Let the words therefore be taken in this sense, The Sadducees say, Souls are not immortal, and that there are neither Angels nor Spirits, and then the twofold branch which our sacred Historian speaks of, will the more clearly appear, when he saith, but the Pharisees confess both.
It is doubtful from the words of Josephus, whether the Essenes acknowledge the resurrection of the body, when in the mean time they did most heartily own the immortality of the Soul. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ This opinion prevails amongst them, that the body indeed is corruptible, and the matter of it doth not endure, but Souls endure forever immortal. So that the question chiefly is concerned about the Souls Imortality.
They deny that the soul is immortal, and they deny any spirits (in the mean time perhaps not denying God to be a Spirit, and that there is a Spirit of God mentioned, Gen. I. 2.) And it is a question whether they took not the occasion of their opinion from that deep silence they observe in Moses concerning the Creation of Angels or Spirits, or from something else.
There is frequent mention in him of the apparitions of Angels, and what can the Sadducee say to this? Think you the Samaritans were Sadducees? If so, it is very observable that the Samaritan Interpreter doth once and again render the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Angels. So Gen. III. 5. Ye shall be as Elohim. Samar. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ye shall be as Angels. Chap. V. 1. In the similitude of God. Samar. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the similitude of Angels. So also Chap. IX. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the similitude of Angels. And where ever there is mention of Angels in the Hebrew Text, the Samaritan Text retains the word Angels too.
Did not the Sadducees believe there were Angels once, but their very being was forever vanished? that they vanished with Moses and were no more. Did they believe that the soul of Moses was mortal, and perished with his body? and that the Angels died with him? otherwise I know not by what art or wit they could evade what they meet with in the Books of Moses concerning Angels, that especially in Gen. XXXII. 1.
You will say perhaps that by Angels might be meant good motions and affections of the mind. The Pharisees themselves do sometimes call evil affections by the name of Devils. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an evil affection is Satan. But they do not call good affections Angels; nor can ye yourselves apply that passage so. The Angels of God met him, and he called the name of that place Mahanaim, i. e. two Camps, or two hosts. One of those Camps consisted of the multitude of his own family, and will you have the other to consist of good affections?
If the Sadducees should grant that Angels were ever created ( Moses not mentioning their Creation in his History) I should think they acknowledged the being of Angels in the same sense that we do in the whole story of the Pentateuch; but that they conceived that after the History of the Pentateuch was completed, those Angels were annihilated, and that after Moses there was neither Angel nor spirit, nor Prophesy.
I have in another place taken notice that the Jews commonly distinguished between Angels and spirits, and Devils. Where by spirits they understood either the Ghosts of dead persons, or Spirits in human shape, but not so dreadful and terrible as the Angels; and what need is there anymore (will the Sadducee say) either of Angel or Spirit, when God before Moses died had made known his whole will by his writings, had given his eternal Law, completely constituted his Church?
It is an innocent and blameless ignorance not to understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the depths of Satan, and the secrets of Heretics; and if in learning their Doctrines we mistake, and perhaps not a little, the shame is not much. It is venial to err concerning them, to err with them, is mortal. Let the Reader therefore pardon my ignorance, if I confess I am wholly ignorant where lay the difference between the Sadducee and Baithusian, whether they agreed in one, or whether they disagreed in some things. The Holy Scriptures make no mention of the Baithusians; the Jewish writings talk much of them, and in some things they seem to be distinguished from the Sadducees, but in what it is somewhat obscure.
We have the Sadducees disputing with the Pharisees , and we have the Baithuseans disputing with a Pharisee , and a Baithusean interrogating something of R. Joshua , and frequent mention of them up and down in the Jewish writings. But particularly I cannot let pass one thing I have met with , Of old they received a testimony of the New Moon from any person whatsoever, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but after that the Heretics began to deal deceitfully, &c. So the Jerusalem Misna reads it. But the Babylonian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after that the Baithuseans began to deal deceitfully, or lightly. And the Misna published by its self at Amsterdam hath it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 when the Epicureans dealt lightly, &c. Where both the Gemara 's tell us, The Baithuseans endeavored to lead the wise men into an error, and hired for the sum of four hundred Zuzees, one of our own, and one of theirs, to give in a false testimony as to the New Moons, &c. The Glosses give this reason of it, The thirtieth day of the Month Adar fell upon a Sabbath, and the New Moon did not appear in its time. And the Baithuseans were desirous that the first day of the Passover should fall upon the Sabbath, that the sheaf-offering might fall upon the first day of the week, and so the day of Pentecost upon the first day of the week also.
Who now should these Baithusians be? Sadducees or Samaritans, or Christians, or some fourth Sect? The Christians indeed would have the day of Pentecost on the first day of the week, but whether they mean them in this particular let others judge. In other things otherwise. p Wherefore do they adjure the High Priest? [viz. that he rightly perform the service of the day of Expiation] Because of the Baithuseans, who say, let him burn incense without, and bring it within; there is a story of a certain person that burnt incense without, and brought it within—concerning whom one said, I should wonder if he should live very long; they say that he died in a very little time after. You would believe this was an High Priest, and a Baithusean.
VERS. IX.
FOR there were also Scribes of the Sadducees part, and on both parts the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Scribes, must not be distinguished either from the Pharisees, or from the Sadducees that were now present in the Sanhedrin; but the meaning is, the Scribes that were of the Sect or profession of the Sadducees, or of the Pharisees; and by this twofold division the whole Sanhedrin is to be understood. But if we would take the thing more strictly, there were in the Sanhedrin some Scribes who took the part of the Pharisees against the Sadducees, who yet were not of the Sect of the Pharisees; I should believe the Shammeans and Hillelites were all against the Sadducees, and yet I should hardly believe all of them of the Sect of the Pharisees. We find them frequently disputing and quarrelling one against the other in the Talmudic writings, and yet do not think that either the one or the other favored the Sadducee, nor that all of them bore good will to Pharisaism. There is a bloody fight between them mentioned , The Shammeans (who at that time were the greatest number) stood below and killed some of the Hillelites. This was done in the house of Hananiah ben Hezekiah ben Garon, whom they came to visit, being sick. A friendly visit this indeed!
VERS. XI.
HENCE the warrant and intimation given to St. Paul of appealing to Caesar; it was a rare thing for a Jew to appeal to any Heathenish Tribunal, and it favored of venomous malice the Sanhedrin had against Jesus, that they delivered him over to an Heathen Judge. St. Paul therefore when he found no place or manner of escaping otherwise, was directed by this Vision what to do.
VERS. XII.
WHAT will become of these Anathematized persons if their curse should be upon them and they cannot reach to murder Paul? (as indeed it happened they could not) must not these wretches helplesly die with hunger? Alas! they need not be very solicitous about that matter, they have their Casuist-Rabbins that can easily release them of that Vow 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He that hath made a Vow not to eat anything, woe to him if he eat, and woe to him if he do not eat. If he eat he sineth against his vow; if he do not eat he sinneth against his life. What must such a man do in this sense? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let him go to the wise men and they will loose his Vow, according as it is written, the tongue of the wise is health, Prov. XII. 18. It is no wonder if they were prodigal and monstrous in their Vows when they could be so easily absolved.
CHAP. XXVIII.
VERS. I.
PLINY tells us that in the Sicilian Sea, Insulae sunt in Africam versae, Gauros, Milita, &c. there are Islands toward Africa, Gauros, Melita, from Camerina LXXXIV miles, from Lilybaeum CXIII. Ptolemy reckons it amongst the Maritime Islands of Africa. For thus he distinguisheth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Islands adjacent to Africa, near the land. And, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the maritime Islands of Africa. Amongst these later we find the Island Melite in which was the City.
| Melita | 38. | 45. | 34. | 40. |
| Chersonesus | 38. | 40. | 34. | 45. |
| Juno's Temple | 39. | 34. | 40. | |
| Hercules Temple | 38. | 45. | 36. | 06. |
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Before Pachynus lieth Melita and Gaudus (Pliny calleth it Gauros) eighty three miles from both, (i. e. Sicily and Pachynus) both being distant eighty eight miles; where the Latin Interpr. saith furlongs, making a very vast defect in the measure. Whereas therefore according to the same Strabo the distance between Carthage and Lilybeum of Sicily was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , One thousand five hundred furlongs, or near two hundred miles; and Melita from Lilybeum one hundred and thirteen miles, it is evident that Island was situated almost in the middle between the Sicilian and the African shore, anciently under the jurisdiction of Carthage. And from them perhaps took the name of Melita, which in their language signifies evasion or escape, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to escape, from the Mariners that sail out of Africa, escaping the danger of the Syr • es. It was certainly an escape to Paul and the rest that were shipwrecked with him in this place.
VERS. II.
Col. III. 11.
I. THE Gentiles were called by the Jews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Greeks; partly because the Grecians excelled all other Nations in language and learning; partly because the Jews had so long lain under the Empire of the Greeks, the Ptolomees on one side, and the Seleucidae on the other. From whence, 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the wisdom of the Greeks is commonly taken by the Rabbins for all kind of Gentile learning, wherein the Grecians peculiarly excelled. Hence that passage 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The beauty of Japheth shall be in the Tabernacles of Sem. The Gloss is, This is the Greek tongue which is more elegant than any language of the children of Japheth. And Aruch in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Greek way of writing is most elegant. And hence is it, 2. that the Jews even while they were under the Roman yoke counted their years by the Epocha or Aera of the Greeks, that is, the Seleucidae, whence that cavil of the Sadducee , A certain Sadducee said, I rebuke you, O ye Pharisees, because you write the Emperor with Moses. The Gloss is, In writings of contracts they write the years of the Kings, and this also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and this also is according to the Law of Moses and Israel, viz. that they might reckon according to the years of the Seleucidae. See Josephus and the Book of Maccabees.
II. After the same manner that the Jews called all Gentiles Greeks, so the Greeks called all other Nations but their own, Barbarians . Strabo largely discusseth the reason of that name, and him the Reader may consult. Perhaps the Etymology of the word may have some relation with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bar a Chaldee word, which signifies without. Whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a stranger, or one of another Country, in the Samaritan Version is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bari, a Foreigner; so that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the word being doubled denotes a great Foreigner. But to let Etymologies pass, I take notice that the Syriac in that place of the Colossians before quoted, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Greek, hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arami; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Barbarian, hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joni, or Greek, (which is chiesty to be taken notice of) and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Scythian, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Barbari, whence these inhabitants of Melita should be termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Barbarous people, is something obscure, when doubtless the Island itself was under the Roman Jurisdiction, which the very name Publius, who was the chief of this Island, does make out. However the inhabitants seem to be Africans, brought over thither by the Carthaginians when they had possession of that Island. For I hardly think St. Luke would call the Romans, Barbarians, when they were so very cultivated a Nation; and all people were ambitious of the name of a Roman, St. Paul himself having obtained it. The people of Melita perhaps were transplanted out of Barbary itself, as that part of Africa at length was called.
The fool hath said in his heart there is no God. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 These are the men of Barbary, and the men of Mauritania, that walk naked in the streets. Nor is there anything more loathsome and execrable before God than he that goes naked in the streets.
VERS. IV.
THAT of the Jewish writers is not much unlike this : Although the Sanhedrin is ceased, yet are not the four deaths ceased. For he that deserves stoning, either falls from his house, or a wild beast tears and devours him. He that deserves burning, either falls into the fire, or a Serpent bites him. He that deserves cutting off with the sword, is either betrayed into the power of an heathen Kingdom, or the robbers break in upon him. He that deserves strangling is either suffocated in the waters, or dies by a Squinancy.
VERS. V.
THE first miraculous sign recorded in the Holy Scriptures is about a Serpent, Exod. IV. and so is this last, for they may both be reckoned amongst mere signs.
VERS. X.
THAT is, bestowed many gifts upon us. Manoah said to the Angel of the Lord, what is thy name, that when thy words shall come to pass 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we may do thee honor, that is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we may give thee a gift, Nor is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 any other than, we may do thee honor with some gift. According as it is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In honoring I will honor thee, Numb. XXII. 16. So 1 Tim. V. 3. Honor widows that are widows indeed.
VERS. XI.
GEmini in the Zodiac, commonly pictured sitting upon horses; and so they appeared (if we will believe the Historian) in that fight at the lake Regillus, leading on the Roman horse, and so pressing upon the enemy, that under their conduct the victory was obtained . But another time the Pseudo-Castores, false Castors and Pollux appeared not so fortunately: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. While the Lacedemonians were celebrating the Feast of Castor and Pollux within their Camp, and had given themselves to sports and drinking, after dinner Gonippus and Pandoremus, [two Messenian young men that were wont to wast the Lacedemonians] of a sudden appear amongst these Lacedemonians, clothed in white Tunicks and purple cloaks, mounted on beautiful horses; the Lacedemonians beholding them, and supposing them no other than Castor and Pollux, and that they were come to their own Festivals, worship them, and make their prayers to them. But the young men as soon as they found themselves received in the midst of them, break through them, making slaughter everywhere with their launces, and so a great number being slain, they return safe to A • dania, casting a reproach upon the Feast of Castor and Pollux.
From the habit of these Pseudo-Castors, false Castor and Pollux it is easy conjecturing in what form they were wont to be pictured, who in the judgment of the deceived people were the true ones. Comely young men, in comely apparel, and riding on horseback; and yet they are sometimes drawn on foot; as in that obscure passage of the same Pausanias , 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , where the Latin Interpreter renders it, The Temple of Castor and Pollux is very ancient, where young men are beheld sitting on horseback. But the words of the Author are plainly to this purpose, that Castor and Pollux are drawn standing, and their boys on horseback. There is something parallel in another place of this Author that gives some light in this matter , 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . After this is the Temple of Castor and Pollux. They are pictured themselves and their two sons Anaxis and Mnasinous, and together with them, their mothers, Hilaria and Phebe, done by the skill of Dipenus and Scyllis in Ebonywood; the greater part even of the horses being made of Ebony, the rest though very little of Ivory.
It was believed they were propitious Deities to Mariners, and therefore does the Centurion having been so lately shipwreckt, so much the rather commit himself to a ship that carried that sign? And what doth St. Paul say to such a superstition? He knew he had the convoy and protection of a better Deity; nor is it improbable but that the Centurion had imbibed something of Christianity himself, and it would be strange if some of the Soldiers by so long society with St. Paul had not also. But it seems there was no other ship ready, at least no other that was bound for Italy.
VERS. XIII.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is a City, a very great Mart-Town, where there are havens for Ships, made by art and labor. Whence it is less wonder if now there were Christians there, either such as were Merchants themselves, or such as were instructed in Christianity by Merchants trading there.
The Jewish writers make some mention of this place with this story , Rabban Gamaliel and R. Eliezer ben Azariah, and R. Joshua, and R. Akiba 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , went to Rome, i. e. made a voyage to Rome, [as in this Chap. ver. 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , we went toward Rome ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And they heard the sound of the multitude at Rome, being distant an hundred and twenty miles. Therefore they began to weep, but R. Akiba laughed. They say unto him, O Akiba, why shouldst thou laugh while we weep? He saith unto them, and why should you weep? They make answer, have we not cause to weep, when these Gentile Idolaters worship their Idols, and yet remain prosperous and quiet, whiles in the mean time the Temple, the footstool of our God, is become a flame, and an habitation for wild beasts? Have we not cause to weep? To whom he answereth, for this very cause do I laugh, for if it be so prosperous with those that provoke God to anger, how much more shall it be so to those that do his will?
This story is repeated elsewhere , and there instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Puteolus, it is set 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and yet the Gloss upon the place quoted out of Echah rabbathi tells us, that in the third Chapter of the Treatise Maccoth it is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
St. Paul and the rest abide at Puteoli seven days at the entreaty of the Christians of that place, which redounded to the credit of the Centurion, whose leave must be obtained in that case; so that his yielding so far may somewhat argue that he favored Christianity.
VERS. XV.
VIA Appia, and Appii forum are much spoke of in Authors, but the mention of the Three Taverns is not so frequent. There is mention in Zosimus of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , i. e. The three Victualing houses; where Severus the Emperor was strangled by the Treason of Maximinus Herculeus, and Maxentius his Son.
CHAP. I.
VERS. I.
W E may reduce to this place (for even thus far it may be extended) what our Historian had said in the very entrance of his Gospel, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It seemed good to me also to write to thee in order; where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In order, seems to promise not only an orderly series of the History of the actions of our Savior, but successively even of the Apostles too. For what passages we have related to us in this Book may very well be reckoned amongst the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the things which were most surely believed amongst them. Indeed, by the very style in this place he shows that he had a design of writing these stories jointly, that is to say, first to give us a narration of the Actions and Doctrine of Christ, and then in their due place and order to commit to writing the Acts and sayings of the Apostles.
As to most of the things contained in this Book, St. Luke was both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an Eye-witness, yea and a part also; but how far he was spectator of those acts of our Savior which he relates in his other book, none can say. What he speaks in the Preface of that work is ambiguous, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and leaves the Reader to inquire, whether he means, he had a perfect understanding of things from the first, by the same way only which those had, that undertook to compile the Evangelical Histories from the Mouth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of those that were Eye-witnesses, and Ministers of the Word. Or whether he came to this understanding of things from the first, he himself having been from the beginning, an Eye-witness, and a Minister. Or lastly, Whether he does not by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 declare that he understood all these things from Heaven, and from above. We have taken it in this last sense in our notes upon that place, as being beyond all controversy, that he was divinely inspired, and the Spirit from above governed his pen while he was writing those things. But whether it might not mean, according to the second sense, (for the first we wholly disallow) viz. that St. Luke was amongst those who adhered to our Savior Christ from his very first preaching of the Gospel; I leave it to the enquiry of the Reader to determine.
I am sensible that in the common dialect, to begin to do, and to do, is one and the same thing: But I suppose the phrase in this place is to be taken relatively, q. d.
VERS. II.
EXpositors place these words differently. The Syriac, one of the Arabic Copies, Beza, and the Italian place them next after 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whom he had chosen: that the sense according to them is, after that he had given Commandment to the Apostles, whom he had chosen through the Holy Ghost. But the other Arabic, as also the Vulgar, the French and English translations retain the same order of the words as we find them in the Greek Text: most rightly rendering it, after that he through the Holy Ghost had given commandment. Which also of old had been done by God to the Prophets, dictating to them by the inspiration of his Holy Spirit what they should Teach and Preach.
The Apostles had indeed cast out Devils, and healed diseases through the Spirit, but it is a question whether they had as yet taught anything, but what they had heard verbatim from the mouth of their great Master. He had given them a promise that they should bind and loose the Law of Moses; he had told them, that there were several things yet behind, that must be revealed to them which as yet they could not bear, concerning which, they should be further instructed by the inspiration of the Spirit. When therefore he had risen, and breathed in their face, saying, receive ye the Holy Ghost; from that time, they were endu'd with the Spirit, as the Prophets of old, who dictated to them what they should preach, what they should require, and what they should ordain. And now nothing was wanting but the gift of Tongues, that what was dictated to them they might declare and make known to all men in their own Languages.
VERS. III.
IT is a tradition. On the evening of the Passover they hanged Jesus. And a crier went before him for forty days, saying, Behold the man condemned to be stoned, because by the help of Magic, he hath deceived and drawn away Israel into an Apostasy. Who ever hath anything to allege in testimony of his innocence, let him come forth and bear witness. But they found none that would be a witness in his behalf. But he himself (O thou Tongue fit to be cut out) gives a sufficient testimony of his own innocence, having for the space of forty days conversed amongst men, after his Resurrection from death, under the power of which he could not be kept by reason of his innocence.
It is a tradition. R. Eliezer saith, The days of the Messiah are forty years, according as it is said, Forty years 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 shall I be grieved with this generation. The Gloss is, Because it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (in the future tense) it is a sign the Prophesy is concerning the time to come. It is ingenuously done however, of these Jews, that they parallel that faithless generation that were in the days of the Messiah, with that perverse and rebellious generation that had been in the wilderness. For they will both of them prove a loathing and offense to God for the space of forty years. And as those forty years in the wilderness, were numbered according to the forty days in which the Land had been searching, Numb. XIV. 34. So also may those forty years of the Messiah be numbered according to the forty days wherein he was conversant amongst mankind, after his Resurrection from • he dead. But you must compute warily, lest you stumble at the threshold about the year of Tiberius, wherein Christ rose again; or at the close about the year of Vespasian, wherein Jerusalem was taken. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith Josephus ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Jerusalem was taken in the second year of Vespasian's reign; When indeed, according to the Fasti Consulares, it was taken in his first year; but his second year from the time wherein he had been declared Emperor by the Army. He is saluted Emperor by the Army in Egypt, at the very Calends of July, and the fifth of the Ides of July in Judea. So that his first year from the time of his being declared Emperor, was complete on the Calends of July the year following, but indeed it was but half his first year according to the computation of the Fasti▪ Now Jerusalem was sacked on the eighth of September following.
VERS. IV.
WE will make some enquiry both as to the place and time wherein these things were spoken and do • e.
I. We derive the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Salt, but from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Assembly, or Congregation. So the Lexicons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Congregation, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an Assembly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , When thou shalt give notice to the Persians to gather their forces together. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cyrus having gathered together his fathers flocks and herds of Goats, and Sheep and Oxen, sacrificed them, &c.
II. Our Savior after his Resurrection never appeared amongst his Disciples but by surprise and unexpectedly, excepting that one time in the Mountain of Galilee, where he had appointed to meet with them, Matth. XXVIII. 16. So that I would refer these words therefore to that passage in Saint Matthew, so that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may signify his meeting with them in the Mountain of Galilee, according to the appointment he had made. Nor do those words hinder, that it is said, he commanded them, that they should not depart from Jerusalem, &c. as if it should necessarily be supposed that they were now at Jerusalem; that passage ver. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , when they were come together, may signify their assembling in that place, and the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he commanded them, &c. may very well be construed, that he commanded them to repair straightway to Jerusalem, and not to depart thence.
III. I conceive therefore that these things were spoken and done in the mountain of Galilee (where probably the five hundred at once were together to see him, 1 Cor. XV. 6.) and that when the time of his ascension drew near. For reason would persuade us, that they would not delay their return into the City when he had commanded them thither; nor that he commanded them thither, but when the time drew near wherein he was to meet them there.
And whereas he adds in the very same place and discourse, ver. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not many days hence; it is necessary that the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should have its due force, having not been added here in vain; but seems to respect the days that were yet to come between that and Pentecost.
We have frequent mention amongst the Rabbins concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Paras of the Passover, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Paras of Pentecost; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Paras of the Feast of Tabernacles. Now the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Paras, (themselves being the interpreters) was that space of fifteen days immediately before any of these Feasts. So that five and thirty days after the second of the Passover, began the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Paras of the Feast of Tabernacles, and the second day of those fifteen was (this year) the Lord's-day, on which I almost think they had that assembly on the mountain of Galilee, and that the Disciples being remanded from thence to Jerusalem, got thither within three days. But lest we should straighten the matter within too narrow a compass of time, and seem too nice and curious about the very day, I should judge we can hardly more properly apply these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , being assembled together with them, than to that meeting on the mountain of Galilee, which Christ himself had made the appointment of. From thence it was that Christ commanded them to Jerusalem, a place which having tainted itself with the blood of their Lord, they might probably have very little mind to return to again, had it not been by some special command: and do we think they would have gone thither to have celebrated the Feast of Pentecost, or indeed have been present all at it, in that place, had not their Master directed them so to do?
VERS. VI.
IT is very apparent that the Apostles had the same phansiful conceptions about the earthly reign of Christ with the rest of that Nation. But yet they seem here a little to doubt and hesitate, either as to the thing itself, or at least as to the time; and that, not without cause, considering some things which had so lately fallen our. Lord, wilt thou restore the Kingdom to those that have dealt so basely and perfidiously with thee? what, to this generation, that lies under the actual guilt of thy bloodshed? Or indeed, to this Nation at all, which by the perpetration of the late wickedness had made itself unworthy of so great a kindness? Now, what our Savior returns for answer, viz. that it is not for them to know the times or the seasons, does not in the least hint any such Kingdom ever to be, but he openly rebukes their curiosity in enquiring into the times, and in some measure the opinion itself, when he tells them, that they should receive power from Heaven, and should be his witnesses, &c.
What that Nation apprehended concerning the temporal reign of the Messias, as to many things they speak plainly and openly enough, but in other things, a man may inquire, but can hardly satisfy himself what they mean or intend. To omit others, they are in three things somewhat obscure.
I. Whether the ten Tribes be to be admitted to the felicities of this reign. For as to this matter it is disputed by the Rabbins. The ten Tribes are not to return. But in the Jerusalem Talmudists it is expressed thus, The ten Tribes have not a part in the world to come. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 neither shall they see the future age. Which is discoursed in the Babylonian writers, viz. whether this be not to be understood of those individual persons only, that were carried away by the King of Assyria; that they indeed shall not partake of the blessings of the Messias, though their posterity should. So that there may lie hid something of ambiguity in the word Israel, in this passage we are now examining; that is, whether in the conception of those that speak it, the ten Tribes are included yea or no. For commonly the name Israel amongst the Jews, was wont to be taken for the Jews only, so that they called themselves Israel, and the ten Tribes, by way of distinction, the Ten Tribes. In which sense, and according to which distinction, that of the Apostle seems to be said. Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I. 2 Cor. XI. 22.
II. What opinion was to be had of the two Messiah's, Messiah ben David, and Messiah ben Joseph, or ben Ephraim, as he is called by the Paraphrast, Cant. IV. 5. Whether they were to reign at the same time, the one over the ten Tribes, the other over the two: or whether in succession to one another, both of them over the whole Nation? Messiah ben Joseph was to be cut off. And then, what must become of his Subjects, whether they were of the ten Tribes or of the two, or of all?
III. It is further obscure in their writings, whether they had an apprehension that the Messiah should reign alone, or whether he should substitute any King or Kings under him, or after him. It seems probable to them that the Messiah should reign his thousand years alone; but then, as to that age which they called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (if Eternity be not meant by it) what did they conceive must be done in it? whether Kings should be substituted in it of the race of David? They can dream of nothing but mere Earthly things: and if from such kind of dreams we might conjecture what kind of future state that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should be, we may guess what should then be done. But to what purpose is it to trace error, where, as we cannot so much as fix a foot, so the further we proceed the more we slip?
What kind of Kingdom the Apostles had framed in their imaginations is not easy to conceive: There was something that might seem to cherish that opinion about a temporal reign, wherewith they had been leavened from their very childhood; and that was, That not only Christ, but several of the Saints had rose from the dead; and that the Kingdom of the Messiah should commence from some resurrection, they had already learnt from some of their own traditions. But in what manner should Christ now reign? His body was made a spiritual body. Now he appears, anon he vanisheth and disappears again, and how will this agree with Mortals? The traditions indeed suppose the Messiah would be perhaps 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one of the dead: but when he should revive he was to have the same kind of body with other men. This was apprehended by some in Sanhedr. that those dead mentioned Ezek. XXXVII. did revive, returned into the Land of Israel, married wives and begat Children: I myself, saith R. Judah ben Betirah, am one of their offspring, and these very Phylacteries which my Grandfather bequeathed to me, belonged to them. Now, who is it can so much as imagine, what opinion the Apostles conceived concerning the bodily presence of Christ in this Kingdom of his which they had been dreaming?
VERS. XII.
I Have already said something in Luke, XXIV. concerning a Sabbath-days journey. I will add a few things in this place. Whosoever goeth beyond the bounds of the City on the Sabbath day, let him be scourged, because it is said, let no one go out from his place on the seventh day, this place, is the bounds of the City. The Law doth not determine the compass of these bounds. But the wise men define these bounds from without, to be about twelve miles, according to the Israelites camp: for Moses our Master said unto them, ye shall not go out of your camp. However, it is ordained by the words of the Scribes, let no one go out of the City beyond two thousand cubits. For two thousand cubits are the suburbs of the City. From whence we may learn, that it is lawful to walk clear through the City on the Sabbath day, be it as spacious as Nineveh, and whether it be walled or no. He may also expatiate beyond the City to the length of two thousand cubits from every side of it—But if a man go beyond these two thousand cubits, they scourge him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with the scourge of Rebellion, that is, if he go so far as twelve miles, but if he go out of the City beyond twelve miles, though it be but the space of one cubit, he is scourged according to the Law. Let us comment a little.
I. It was commonly believed that the Israelites encamping in the wilderness, was about twelve miles square. The length of the Israelites camp was twelve miles, and the breadth twelve miles.
The breadth of the waters (that is, those that were divided in Jordan) was twelve miles answerable to the camp of Israel, according as our Rabbins expound it. The waters which came down from above, stood and rose up upon an heap, Jos. III. 16. And what was the height of these waters? it was twelve miles height upon twelve miles breadth, according to the camp of Israel. Where the Gloss is, The camp of the Israelites was twelve miles upon twelve miles, (that is, twelve miles square) and they past over Jordan according to their encampings, viz. the whole breadth of their camp past over together for the space of twelve miles. Hence that in Hieros. Sotah, Adam and Zarethan (i. e. the place, from whence, and the place to which the waters were divided) were distant from one another twelve miles.
Whether they took the number of twelve miles precisely, from allusion to the twelve Tribes, or from any other reason retained that exact number and space, is not easy to determine; yet this is certain, that the Israelites camp was very spacious, and had a very large compass, especially granting a miles distance between the first Tents and the Tabernacle. And indeed, as to this commonly received opinion of the camps being twelves miles square on every side, we shall hardly believe it exceeds the just proportion, if we consider the vast numbers of that people: nay it might rather seem a wonder, that the encamping of so many Myriads, or rather so many hundred thousands, should not exceed that proportion. Place the Tabernacle in the midst: allow the space of one mile from each side of it (in which space were the tents of the Levites ) before you come to the first tents of the Israelites, and then guess what length and breadth and thickness all the other tents would take up.
II. It is supposed lawful for any one to have walked upon the Sabbath day, not only from the outmost border of the camp to the Tabernacle, but also through the whole camp from one end of it to the other; Because the whole encamping was of one and the same, and not a diverse jurisdiction. According to that known Canon concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Commixion or Communion of Courts. And hence it is that Maimonides makes such mention of twelve miles, and the lawfulness of walking on the Sabbath day through any City, be it as spacious as Nineveh itself.
III. But when the people were disposed of and placed in their several Cities and Towns in the Land of Canaan, and the face of things quite changed from what it had been in the wilderness, it seemed good to the wise men to circumscribe the space of a Sabbath-days journey within the bounds of two thousand Cubits. And that partly, because the inmost borders of the Israelites tents, was so much distant from the Tabernacle, as may be gathered from Jos. III. 4. and partly because it is said, Numb. XXXV. 4, 5. From the wall of the City ye shall measure a thousand Cubits, and from without the City ye shall measure two thousand Cubits. Now, a thousand Cubits are the suburbs of the City, and two thousand Cubits are the bounds of the Sabbath.
IV. As to these words therefore of the Evangelist now before us, we must suppose they do not define the exact distance of the mount of Olives from Jerusalem, which indeed was but five furlongs, nor do they take in the town of Bethany within the bounds of the Sabbath, which was distant fifteen furlongs, Joh. XI. 18. but they point out that place of the Mount, where our Savior ascended into Heaven, viz. that place where that tract of the Mount of Olives ceased to be called Bethphage, and began to be called Bethany. Concerning which we have discoursed more largely in another place.
VERS. XIII.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To an upper room, in Talmudic Language.
I. It was very familiar with that Nation, that when they were to concern themselves with the Law, or any parts of Religion out of the Synagogue, they went up 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into an upper Room, some uppermost part of the house. Abniah a very rich man, invited Rabban Johanan ben Zacchai, and his Disciples, and Nicodemus, &c. to a Feast which he made at the Circumcision of his Son: when the feast was done, Rabban Johanan and his Disciples went up 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into an upper Room, and read, and expounded till the fire shone round about them, as when the Law was given at Mount Sinai. Abniah was amazed at the honor that was given to the Law, and so devoted his Son to the Law. Take notice that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an upper-room is distinct from a dining-room, where they dined and supped, and there it was they handled the Law and divine things: to which if that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 large upper room mentioned Mark XIV. 15. and Luke XXII. 12. where our Savior celebrated the Passover, had any affinity, it seems to have been something different from a common dining-room.
II. Such a kind of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or upper-room, I presume was the Beth Midras of this or that Rabbin. R. Simeon, saith, I saw 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Sons of the upper room that they were few in number, that is, (if I take the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aright) the Sons or Disciples of Beth Midras; but I will not contend in this matter.
Those are the traditions which they delivered 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the upper room of Hananiah, ben Hezekiah ben Garon: and many instances of that kind. Of this kind seems that upper chamber at Troas, mentioned, Acts XX. 8. And so, where we meet with the Church in such or such an ones house, it seems to look this way: viz. some upper part of the house, sequestered on purpose for the assembling of the Church, in the same manner that the Beth Midras was set apart for the meeting of the Disciples of this or that Rabbin. And as the Beth Midras was always in the house of some Rabbin, so probably for the most part were these Churches in the house of some Minister or Doctor of the Church. Was not Aquila such an one, in whose house we find a Church mentioned? Rom. XVI. 5. compared with Acts XVIII. 26. Was not Philemon such an one? Philem. ver. 2.
VERS. XV.
THE same number was Ezra's great Synagogue. Ezra was the head of all, he was the twenty second receiver of Traditions, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and his whole Sanhedrin consisted of an hundred and twenty Elders. There was no stated Council in any City under this number. How many men are requisite in a City, that it might be capable of having a Council settled in it? An hundred and twenty. What is their office? Three and twenty are to make up the number of the lesser Sanhedrin. And there are three classes of twenty three; behold there are ninety two. There are ten 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be at leisure for the Synagogue; behold there are an hundred and two. Two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the Plantiff and the Defendant) who have business before the Sanhedrin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Two crafty witnesses (those who by their counter-evidence might implead the witnesses if possible of a lie.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 two counter witnesses, against those counter witnesses. Two Scribes. Two Chazanim, two collectors of the Alms, and a third to distribute. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Physician. (The Gloss hath it, one to circumcise Infants) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 An Artificer, Surgeon, (the Gloss is, one to let blood) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Libellary, i. e. one that was to write bills of Espousals, Divorces, Contracts, &c. and a Schoolmaster, behold an hundred and twenty. If you will pick anything out of this parity of number, you may. However certainly the number of those we have now before us, ought always to occur to mind, when we read such passages as these, They were all with one accord in one place, Act. II. 1. They were all scattered abroad excepting the Apostles, Chap. VIII. 1. So Chap. XI. 19. &c.
Beside the Twelve Apostles, and Seventy two Disciples, who can tell us who those other thirty six were that were to fill up the number? what kind of men, of what degree and quality, who though they were neither of the number of the Twelve Apostles, nor the Seventy Disciples, yet were admitted members of that great and holy Consistory. Reason itself seems against it, that any women should be accounted of that number. As also it is plain, that though there were more in the City that believed, yet these were for some special cause and reason ascribed into this peculiar fellowship and number. As to the Twelve, and the Seventy, we need not inquire; as to the rest, let us see whether it may not be intimated to us, ver. 21. that they had been the followers of Christ in company with the others from the very first of his publishing the Gospel.
That Peter should be always in the head of them, and have the chief parts in the whole History, as their Prolocutor and chief actor, must be attributed.
- 1. To his Seniority, he being older than any of the other twelve. And whereas under this notion of his age he had been their chief speaker all the while that our Savior conversed amongst them, it was but just and reasonable he should hold the same place and quality, now that their Lord was gone.
- 2. To his repentance. As what was but necessary that he who had so scandalously fallen might by his future zeal and religion, as much as possible give some considerable testimonies both of his repentance and recovery.
- 3. He was designed to the Apostleship of Circumcision, as the chief Minister; it was fit therefore that he should be chief amongst those of the Circumcision. But when we style him the chief Minister of the Circumcision, we do not dream of any Primacy he had over the other Ministers of the Circumcision; only that the greatest work, and the widest space of that Ministry fell to his lot, viz. Mesopotamia, or the Babylonish and Assyrian Captivity, namely, the Jews in Babylon, and the Ten Tribes mixed with them. And when we speak of him as acting the chief and principal parts, we do not believe the rest of the Apostles idle, we know they were endowed with equal authority, an equal gift of Miracles, equal number of Tongues, equal wisdom, and an equal power of Preaching the Gospel; but that he for the reasons above mentioned had shewn his zeal, industry, and activity in some ways and measures very extraordinary.
VERS. XVIII.
THE Vulgar and Erasmus have it, Suspensus crepuit medius: Being hanged he cracked asunder in the midst. So the Italian Translation, Appicato crepo pelmezzo; rendering St. Matthew rather than St. Luke; and I question indeed whether they do rightly take the mind of St. Matthew while they so strictly confine the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to being hanged. I have produced my conjecture concerning this business at Mat. XXVII. viz. that the Devil immediately after Judas had cast back his money into the Temple, caught him up into the air, strangled him, threw him headlong, and dashed him in pieces upon the ground. For,
- I. It is questionable enough whether the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 do necessarily and singly denote he hanged himself, and not as well, he was hanged or choked. And indeed whether the word always suppose the Halter: how the learned Hiensius hath defended the negative, we may consult him upon this place, and upon Mat. XXVII.
- II. If Judas hanged himself as is commonly believed, and commonly so painted, how could it be said of him that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he fell headlong. Grant that upon the breaking of the Halter he might fall upon the ground, yet what matter is it whether he fell on his face, or that he fell backward. But if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be derived 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the Grammarians would have it, it may be headlong as well as upon the face, that is as upon the face, is opposed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to supine or backward.
- III. Histories tell us of persons strangled by the Devil. That is a known passage in Tob. III. 8. Asmodeus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (so it is in the Heb. of P. Fagius) strangled Sarah's seven husbands, &c. and it may be the less wonder if the Devil being corporally seated in this wretch, should at last strangle him.
- IV. There are also Histories of the Devil snatching up some into the air, and carrying them away with him. Now of all mortals no wretch did ever more deserve so direful a fate than this Traitor; not did any other death become the most impious of all mankind than the dreadfullest the Devil (to whom he was entirely given up) could inflict, as what might be of most horror to himself, and terror to others.
- V. The words immediately following, That this was known to all the dwellers at Jerusalem, ver. 19. argue it was a thing of no common and ordinary event, and must be something more than hanging himself, which was an accident not so very unusual in that Nation.
A certain Syrian saw a man who fell from the roof of his house upon the ground, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 his belly burst and his bowels gusht out. The Syrian brought the Son of him that had thus fallen, and slew him before him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but at length it seemed so. The Gloss telleth us he did not strike or hurt the boy, but made as if he would have killed him; because he being loath to meddle with the man's bowels himself, for fear lest he should any way displace them; he seemed as if he had killed the boy, that so the father upon the sight of it groaning and fetching strong and deep sighs, might draw in his bowels into their proper place again.
The Devil had dwelt in this wretch for three days or thereabout, from the time that he had entered him upon his receiving the Sop, Joh. XIII. and now by an horrid eruption tearing out his bowels he goes out again.
VERS. XIX.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A field of blood, so called both as it had been purchased with the price of blood, and as it had been watered with the blood of this Traitor; for hither I presume the Devil had thrown him headlong; and upon this event it was that the Priests were moved to purchase this very field; and so in a twofold sense it might be said of this Traitor, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he purchased a field, both as it was bought with his money, and sealed with his blood. If Aceldama was in that quarter of the City that it is now shewn in, to strangers, that is, between the East and the South, as Borchard tells us; then it was in the valley of Hinnom or thereabout.
VERS. XXV.
BAlaam went to his own place, that is, into Hell. It is not said of the friends of Job, that they each of them came from his own house, or his own City, or his own Country, but from his own place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, from a place cut out for them in Hell . The Gloss is, from his own place, that is, from Hell, appointed for Idolaters. Whosoever betrays an Israelite into the hands of the Gentiles hath no part in the world to come. If so, then where must he have his place that betrayed the very Messiah of Israel?
VERS. XXIII.
I. AMongst the Jews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jose, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joseph are one and the same name. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. Jose saith, in Babylon the Syrian tongue, &c. which being recited in Sotah , is thus expressed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. Joseph said, In Babylon, &c. So 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. Jose in Hieros. Jom tobh , is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. Joseph in Bab. Berac. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jose ben Johanan in Avoth , is Joseph ben Johanan in Maimonides Preface to Misnah. And so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Mat. XXVII. 56. and Mark VI. 3. is rendered in the Vulgar, Joseph. See Beza upon the place now before us.
II. I would therefore suspect that this Joseph who is called Barsabas, might be Joses the Son of Alpheus, the brother of James the less, who as James also was called the Just; nor could we suppose any a more likely Candidate for the Apostleship, than he who was brother to so many of the Apostles, and had been so oftentimes named with James. What the word Barsabas might signify, it is not so easy to determine, because Sabas may agree with so many Hebrew words; the Nomenclators render it, The Son of Conversion, Son of quiet, Son of an Oath. (But by the way who can tell what Etymology the Arabic Interpreter in Bib. Polygl. refer'd to when he rendered it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Barzaphan? ) I would write it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bar Saba, which also the Erpenian Arab. does) i. e. a wise Son, unless you had rather Son of an old man. There is also another Barsabas, Chap. XV. 22. Judas surnamed Barsabas, by whom if Judas the Apostle be to be understood, let Joses and he (both Barsabas ) be brothers, both of them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Sons of old Alpheus.
VERS. I.
W E may reduce to this place (for even thus far it may be extended) what our Historian had said in the very entrance of his Gospel, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It seemed good to me also to write to thee in order; where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In order, seems to promise not only an orderly series of the History of the actions of our Savior, but successively even of the Apostles too. For what passages we have related to us in this Book may very well be reckoned amongst the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the things which were most surely believed amongst them. Indeed, by the very style in this place he shows that he had a design of writing these stories jointly, that is to say, first to give us a narration of the Actions and Doctrine of Christ, and then in their due place and order to commit to writing the Acts and sayings of the Apostles.
As to most of the things contained in this Book, St. Luke was both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an Eye-witness, yea and a part also; but how far he was spectator of those acts of our Savior which he relates in his other book, none can say. What he speaks in the Preface of that work is ambiguous, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and leaves the Reader to inquire, whether he means, he had a perfect understanding of things from the first, by the same way only which those had, that undertook to compile the Evangelical Histories from the Mouth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of those that were Eye-witnesses, and Ministers of the Word. Or whether he came to this understanding of things from the first, he himself having been from the beginning, an Eye-witness, and a Minister. Or lastly, Whether he does not by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 declare that he understood all these things from Heaven, and from above. We have taken it in this last sense in our notes upon that place, as being beyond all controversy, that he was divinely inspired, and the Spirit from above governed his pen while he was writing those things. But whether it might not mean, according to the second sense, (for the first we wholly disallow) viz. that St. Luke was amongst those who adhered to our Savior Christ from his very first preaching of the Gospel; I leave it to the enquiry of the Reader to determine.
I am sensible that in the common dialect, to begin to do, and to do, is one and the same thing: But I suppose the phrase in this place is to be taken relatively, q. d.
VERS. II.
EXpositors place these words differently. The Syriac, one of the Arabic Copies, Beza, and the Italian place them next after 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whom he had chosen: that the sense according to them is, after that he had given Commandment to the Apostles, whom he had chosen through the Holy Ghost. But the other Arabic, as also the Vulgar, the French and English translations retain the same order of the words as we find them in the Greek Text: most rightly rendering it, after that he through the Holy Ghost had given commandment. Which also of old had been done by God to the Prophets, dictating to them by the inspiration of his Holy Spirit what they should Teach and Preach.
The Apostles had indeed cast out Devils, and healed diseases through the Spirit, but it is a question whether they had as yet taught anything, but what they had heard verbatim from the mouth of their great Master. He had given them a promise that they should bind and loose the Law of Moses; he had told them, that there were several things yet behind, that must be revealed to them which as yet they could not bear, concerning which, they should be further instructed by the inspiration of the Spirit. When therefore he had risen, and breathed in their face, saying, receive ye the Holy Ghost; from that time, they were endu'd with the Spirit, as the Prophets of old, who dictated to them what they should preach, what they should require, and what they should ordain. And now nothing was wanting but the gift of Tongues, that what was dictated to them they might declare and make known to all men in their own Languages.
VERS. III.
IT is a tradition. On the evening of the Passover they hanged Jesus. And a crier went before him for forty days, saying, Behold the man condemned to be stoned, because by the help of Magic, he hath deceived and drawn away Israel into an Apostasy. Who ever hath anything to allege in testimony of his innocence, let him come forth and bear witness. But they found none that would be a witness in his behalf.