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John Lightfoot (1602-1675) · 3,989,977 words · 17733 min

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Ephes. IV. 11. Pastors and Teachers: Disputing what officers they were, whether distinct or the same, whether ordinary or extraordinary; the Doctor spake to this purpose, That he for his part was of a strange indifferency in this place and point. For with the one part he held, that these two here named are distinct Offices, but it was pro hic & nunc, & ad tempus. For by that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Till we all come, &c. verse. 13. he means the coming in of the Gentiles: and that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. The unity of the Faith, and the measure of the stature, &c. there spoken of. And, that these Officers were those that God appointed for the bringing in the Gentiles to the union with the Jews, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; and therefore is no institution of such Offices for the time to come. A Pastor indeed is to continue, but this ex necessitate rei, rather than hujus loci. But a Doctor is not of such necessity. Then indeed there were, as Act. XIII. Prophets and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Teachers, but it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , according to the Church being, but now not so.

I will mention but one or two passages more, that will show how accurate a Man he was, as well as Learned. When the Directory for Prayer was reading over, and they came to that clause, Freeing us from Antichristian darkness, he excepted against the expression as too low: for that Antichrist importeth an activeness against Godliness; and Darkness is but a privation of Godliness. Therefore it was thus mended, From Antichristian darkness and Tyranny. And again, whereas it was thus penned, These things we ask for the merits of our High Priest: This he likewise excepted against, for that the allusion would not hold. For the Jews prayed to God by the Mediation of the High Priest, but never by the merits. Whereupon the word mediation was put in.

By all which passages laid together we may discover not only his knowledge in Divinity, his great parts and quickness, and his happy skill in interpreting Scriptures, and the great progress he had then made in the Oriental Learning: but also much of his judgment in the Presbyterian points; and how frequently and freely he opposed their most beloved and espoused Tenets.

He was now but a young Man, little above forty years old: but by all this it appears he had read much, and maturely digested his reading, especially Jewish Learning. Nay long before this he was an Author. For he published his Erubhin, or Miscellanies at seven and twenty years of age. By the frequent quotations in which Book it appears, that he had then read and studied even to a prodigy. For he doth not only make use of divers Rabbinical and Cabbalistical Authors, and of Latin Fathers, but he seemed well versed in the Greek Fathers also, as Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, &c. well read in ancient Greek profane Historians and Philosophers, and Poets, Plutarch, Plato, Homer, &c. well seen in Books of History Ecclesiastical and profane of our own Nation: and in a word skilled in the modern Tongues as well as the Learned: as is evident from his quotation of the Spanish Translation of the Bible, and a Spanish Book. And of what worth and value the Book itself was, you may guess by the Censure, that a Man of great Learning and Wisdom gave of it: I mean that Worshipful person to whom he dedicated it, his Patron Sir Rowland Cotton. Who in a Letter to him upon the receipt of the Book tells this young Author, That he had read it over, and that there were many rarities; nothing so Vulgar that he needed to fear his Books entertainment, unless it lapsed into the hands of an envious or stupid Dunce. And that he joyed much in his proficiency.

IV. Some Remarks upon his Horae Hebraicae & Talmudicae.

I Design not to give a particular account of his Works as they came forth, something hath already been spoken of them; his several Epistles before them will show that: only of his last pains, that crowned all the rest, I mean his Horae Hebraicae, I would remark something: and that is, the universal approbation and applause they met with in the Learned World, both at home, and in foreign parts. When our Author had sent his Horae upon S. Mark to the great and profound Linguist Dr. Castel, he calls it an unutterable obligation laid upon him; that it was a learned and much longed for work, and that it enriched his poor Library with an addition so excellent and delightful, &c. And upon the Doctors sending him his Horae upon St. John, he writes thus; I received last week by your appointment a gift auro quovis, gemmis{que} contra non charum: that all the riches of the Levant congested together cannot equal: such a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as will justly deserve to be enrolled among the very next Records to those of Infallibility. And truly, Sir, all your rare discoveries of Celestial Verities, seem to me to be at such, above the reach either of doubt or hesitation. And again, Your Criticism of Bethabara and Bethany (saith he) is so native, proper, genuine, and ingenious, I no sooner read it, but straightway said to myself, Securus jurarem in Verba Magistri. It is like all the other births of your blest Minerva. And upon the edition of another of those pieces Mr. Bernard of S. Johns, Oxford, a Man of known learning, worth and piety, writes thus to him; I most humbly thank you for the happy hours on the more copious Evangelist; by which that most excellent part of Holy Scripture is finished, and completely expounded in the most proper and yet untrodden way. God reward you both here, and in the better World for this, and the rest of your labors in this sort; which posterity will admire, and bless, when they see them altogether. Dr. Worthington another person of great judgment, learning and goodness, treats our Doctor with these words in a Letter wrote to him, Feb. 166 . concerning the same subject; I wish you length of life, health, vacancy and freedom for what remains. I hope that you are still proceeding, and are not weary in well doing, though Books sell but little: those that are able to buy, less mind Books, and those that would buy are less able: having little to spare from what is necessary for their families. But your labor will not be in vain in the Lord: nor here neither. The learned Men beyond the Seas had also an high value for these pieces: let some of them speak for themselves. Frederick Mieg, (son to a great Counselor of the Elector Palatine, once brought up under Buxtorph in Hebrew, and Rabbinical Studies, and of whom he gives a high character) thus writes to our Doctor from Paris 1664. concerning those precious Hours, as he styles them, and public Labors. Publicos enim labores non vereor appellare, quos in publicum literarii Orbis commodum redundare, nemo est qui ignoret. And tells him besides, that there were no learned Men, as he knew, on that side the Seas, but did summis anhelitibus, earnestly pant after his Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, which he had then ready for the Press. And begs him in his own Name and in the Name of that love those Studies, ut lucem non invideas scripto luce dignissimo, ne{que} illud intra privatos parietes consenescere sinas, unde tantum imminet publico emolumentum. That he would not envy it the light, since it was so worthy of it: nor suffer that to lie longer concealed within private walls, whence so great profit would accrue to the public. In a Letter from Nicholas Hoboken, Secretary to the Dutch Ambassador, here in England, written to Dr. Lightfoot in the year 1659. he acquaints him with the sense Gisbertus Voetius (Professor of Divinity, and a Man of great Name in Holland ) had of his Chorographical Century before his Horae upon S. Matthew, namely, That he had expressed to him (the said Secretary) the complacency that he took from those Geographical illustrations of his, fetched out of the Talmudists: ita tamen, ut spe largiori frui desideret plura Lucubrationum ejusmodi tuarum videndi. And if we should travail into France, there we shall find a Man of as great fame as the other was in Holland, and, it may be, of greater Learning, I mean, Monseir Le Moyn, who in a Letter to Dr. Worthington, Anno 1666. expressing the value he had of Dr. Lightfoots Books, and among the rest of his sacred Chorography before S. Matthew, he saith, that his Library is proud of them. But the judgment of the Venerable Buxtorph is instar omnium, who in a Letter to Dr. Castel in the year 1664. earnestly desires to know what Dr. Lightfoot did: and saith, That by his Talmudic Hours he began greatly to love his Learning and Diligence, and wished heartily to see more of them. And in the year before that in a Letter to our Doctor himself, he thus accosts him: Ex quo Horas tuas Hebraicas & Talmudicas in Matthaeum vidi & legi, coepi te amare, & pro merito aestimare: Tantam enim in eis Talmudicae lectionis peritiam, & ad illustrationem SS. literarum dexteritatem; tantam etiam diligentiam & accurationem in illis deprehendi, ut non potuerim non Te magnifacere, & in admirationem Tui rapi. Rar hae dotes hoc nostro saeculo in viris Theologis, rari hujusmodi Scriptores; qui nil nisi suas proprias observationes lectoribus proponunt: Unde ab eo tempore desiderium me tenuit, ob studiorum communionem propius tecum conjungi, & familiarius te noscere. Since the time I saw and read the Hebrew and Talmudic Hours upon Matthew, I began to love you, and to esteem you, as you deserved. For in them I observed so great skill in Talmudical reading, and dexterity in illustrating the Holy Scriptures, accompanied with so great diligence and accuracy, that I could not but extol you, and be carried away with an admiration of you. These endowments are rare in Divines in our days, writers of this nature are rare; who propound to Readers only their own observations. Whereupon from that time, I had a desire from the commonness of our Studies, to be better acquainted with you.

This was the reception these Learned Hours of his found in the World: and a great and invaluable loss it was, that he went not through the whole New Testament in that excellent method of explaining them. His friends indeed often called upon him and set him on to proceed. Dr. Worthington 's judgment was, that he would do better to publish more at a time than he did, since he needed not to fear now their reception; so as Luke and John might make one Volume, and after that the Acts and the Epistle to the Romans would make another; and then his Works would meet at the Epistle to the Corinthians. But if the tediousness of the Work should discourage him to go on, yet he earnestly recommends one Book at least to him, and that is the Epistle to the Hebrews, the matter of it being so suitable to his Hebrew Studies. Such good suggestions were made to him, but they took not effect: not that his strength began to fail him, or that he was unwilling to give his pains, (for he had a mind generously disposed to communicate his knowledge) but the true reason was, because he could not get them Printed, and had so much impaired his own estate by what he had before sent abroad. This he complains of more than once: and particularly in a Letter to Buxtorph: into whose bosom thus he pours out his mind. Exasciavi paucis adhin annis commentariolum, &c. A few years since I prepared a little Commentary upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians in the same style and manner as I had done that on Matthew. But it laid by me two years and more, nor can I now publish it, but at my own charges, and to my great damage: which I felt enough and too much in the edition of my Book upon S. Mark. Some progress I have made in the Gospel of S. Luke, but I can print nothing but at my own cost. Whereupon I wholly give myself to reading, and scarce think of writing more. Our Booksellers and Printers have dulled my edge, who will print no Book, especially Latin, unless they may have an assured and considerable gain. So that I know not whether we ought to be more angry or grieved; grieved that we are deprived of such useful Labors, or angry with those, who were the occasions of it.

V. The assistances he gave to the Polyglot Bible, the Heptaglot Lexicon, and other Learned Works and Men in his time.

THUS his fame spread itself far and wide: and this made him sought unto by many Learned Men for his Counsel or furtherance in their Studies, or for his directions or castigations in their Labors that they intended for the public. How much the Right Reverend Bishop Walton made use of him in his Bible, one of the bravest Works that ever came forth, and Reverend Writer of the account of the Doctors Life showeth. It was as good a Work as it was great, and this raised a wonderful zeal and affection in the Doctor to it, and excused the trouble that he was at about it, in revising it; and specially the Samaritan Pentateuch: and so the great Undertaker tells him in one of his Letters to him. And it much rejoiced his heart, when the Work was brought to perfection: which he expressed in a congratulatory Letter to Mr. Samuel Clark of Oxford, who had a great hand in it. To which that excellent Linguist makes this answer: As for the Work past through, I have great cause of thankfulness, blessing God, that hath even beyond our own hopes, carried us through it. Yet I have no reason to attribute to myself, as due, any part of that thanks and praise, whereunto you are pleased jointly to entitle me with others far more deserving: But I rather contract a greater debt of thankfulness, that by the Testimony and suffrage of one so eminently Judicious as you are, I am adjudged to have been faithful. I conclude this matter with a part of Dr. Lightfoots speech, that he made at the Commencement, Anno 1655. being then Vicechancellor: wherein he mentions this Work then in hand in a kind of triumph, as so much tending to the honor of Learning, and particularly of the English (then despised) Clergy, and finally for promoting the knowledge of the Bible all the World over. Sic sub protrito & proculcato statu Cleri nuper Anglicani germinavit, & adhuc germinat, noble illud eruditionis germen, editio Bibliorum multi-linguium, qua quid generosius vix vidit unquam Resp. literaria, nec quicquam Anglia sibi honorificentius. Opus aeternae famae, monumentum memorabile in sempiterna secula futurum, summae eruditionis, zeli, & in Deo bonarum literarum protectore fiduciae Cleri Anglicani jam tum sum periclitantis. Macti estote, viri Venerandi & Doctissimi, qui in opere tam magnanimo desudatis. Pergite, quod facitis, trophaea vobis erigere, Patriae{que} & perlegant ope vestra omnes Gentes Sacra Biblia suis linguis; atque iisdem linguis eadem ope praedicentur fama eruditionis & literatura gentis Anglicanae. Thus under the now despised and trampled on English Clergy, hath grown up, that noble issue of Learning, the edition of the Polyglot Bible, and still it grows: than which the learned World hath scarce ever seen anything more generous, nor the English Nation anything to its self more honorable. A work of eternal fame, a memorial to endure to everlasting ages of the English Clergies, great learning, zeal, and trust in God the Protector of Learning, when now it lay under mighty hazard. Go on, ye Reverend and Learned Men, who are sweating in so brave a Work. Proceed, as ye do, to raise trophies to yourselves, and your Country. And by your labors let all Nations read the Holy Bible in their own Tongues: and by the same Tongues, and the same labors let the English Nations fame for its Learning and literature be proclaimed. Thus did the good Man rejoice in Learning, and in the fame of his Coat, and of his Country.

The next Book to the Polyglot Bible, for Labor and Worth, and which is always to be named with it, is the Heptaglot Lexicon: to the laborious Author of which our Doctor also contributed his aid. A Work it was of seventeen years; a seventeen years drudgery, as he styles it in one of his Letters: in which, besides his own pains, he maintained in constant salary seven English, and as many strangers for his assistants: all which died some years before the Work was finished; and the whole burden of it fell upon himself. Though by God's grace he at last finished it, before it finished him.

And here I cannot but turn a little out of my way, to condole with this Author, that wore out himself, and his Estate too in a Work so generally beneficial; and had little thanks after for his labor. See and pity his condition, as he sets it out in one of his Letters to Dr. Lightfoot: where he says, He had spent twenty years in time to the public service, above 12000 l. of his own estate, and for a reward left in the close of the Work above 1800 l. in debt. Thus he kept his resolution, though it was as fatal to him as useful to the World. For in the beginning of the undertaking, he resolved to prosecute it though it cost him all his Estate, as he told Mr. Clark. This forced him to make his condition known unto his Majesty, wherein he petitioned, That a Jaylmight not be his reward for so much service and expense. It is pity such true Learning and hard Labor should meet with no better encouragement.

But to go back whence for mere charity and commiseration, we diverted. In this great undertaking Dr. Castel more than once acknowledgeth the help of our Author. Sure I am my Work could never have been so entire as it is without you. All pretenders to the Oriental Tongues must confess their great obligation to you. And in another Letter, with which he sent him his Lexicons, he tells him, That his Name ought to have shined in the Front, who had given the most orient splendor (if there be any such in them) unto all that is Printed, and may therefore most justly (saith he) be called Yours. And again, He calls him His greatliest and most highliest honored Master, Father and Patron. Indeed our Doctor did frequently encourage and comfort him with his Letters, got him Subscribers and Friends, afforded him his Lodgings at Katherine Hall, whensoever he came to Cambridge to read his Arabic Lectures, for some years, and such like kindnesses. For which he always professed a most dear affection and honor for him.

Another great Man in this kind of Learning, I mean Mr. Samuel Clark, one employed in both the aforesaid great Labors, applied to him for his Counsel and help in a learned Work, that he designed for the public. Which was the publishing of the Targum upon the Chronicles, with his own Translation; which was a part of the Hebrew Bible belonging to the Library of the University of Cambridge. A MS. it seems that the University set so highly by, that he made three journeys to Cambridge, before he obtained it. But he borrowed it at last by Dr. Lightfoots means, about the year 1659. And by the Doctors interest had it continued to him for some years. This he designed (as soon as he had finished it) to join, with some other Additionals, to the Polyglot Bible. Which design he communicates to our Doctor before he came to a resolution about it; telling him, that if he and such as he approved the design, it would be an encouragement to him to proceed in it. That the Doctor approved of his purpose it appears, from that constant assistance that he gave him afterwards about it: Mr. Clark sending it as he transcribed and translated, sheet by sheet, for the Doctors review and correction. For which in a Letter dated from Holywel, Sep. 3. 1667. He professeth himself exceedingly engaged to him for the great pains he had taken, and that he had so freely declared his judgment in some places he had noted: being so far from unwillingness (saith he) to have my errors shown me, that I am very thankful to you for it: and entreat you to go on as freely with the rest. This Targum, it seems, by a place in the Talmud mentioning Onkelos, the Doctor was moved to think Onkelos might be the Author of. For which discovery Mr. Clark heartily thanks him, telling him, that he would do him a great favor, if he would please to let him know his sense of it, whether he conceived that passage of weight enough to entitle him to this his Targum (as he calls it) upon the Chronicles.

This same worthy Person had Printed that Tract of the Talmud called Beracoth, which he sent to our Doctor, desiring his impartial judgment upon his performance therein, and begging him to signify to him wherein he might be guilty of mistake.

Nor ought we to forget the assistance he gave to the Author of the Synopsis of the Critics, upon his desire. For he cheerfully devoted himself to the public good. First, He encouraged him with an ample Testimonial of the usefulness of the design in general, and of the careful and impartial management of it by the undertaker. Then as to his pains in the Work itself; he seems to have reviewed it piece by piece as it passed from the hand of Mr. Pool, before it went to the Press. For in one Letter he tells the Doctor, that he therewith sent him one part upon Numbers, begging still his thoughts upon anything as he should meet with it. He likewise promised him, in such places as he observed to be most defectively done, to give him some explications tending to the clearing of the Hebrew words, or phrases or matter which Mr. Pool designed to bring nto a distinct Volume as Paralipomena, to go under the Doctors name, by themselves, with some other things, as Appendices to his Work; as De Nummis, ponderibus, mensuris, De Templo: Quaestiones Chronologicae, Chorograpicae, Historicae, &c. Some sheets of these Explications of Scripture I have seen, which he had sent to Mr. Pool according to his promise. There is all the Book of Joshua, and some Chapters of Exodus and Numbers. Where the Doctor proceeds Chapter by Chapter briefly to give the sense or illustration of difficult passages according to the Talmudists and Rabbins. But this last designed additional Volume, I think, Mr. Pool never published. And this was not all, for in another Letter he takes notice of a promise, made him by the Doctor, of his assistance in reference to the Historical Books of the Old Testament from Joshua to Job out of the Rabbins and Talmud: unless perhaps this was the same with the former.

VI. The addresses of Learned Men to him.

IT would be endless to mention the Applications of Learned Men to him. The deeply Learned Mr. Herbert Thorndike in the year 1669. writ to him a long Letter, desiring him to communicate the sum of his judgment concerning Morinus his Exercitations of the Jews, in the second Book of his Exercitationes Biblicae. Mr. James Calvert, a Learned Man of York begs his advice about the right position of the Priests portion in the holy square of Ezekiel. This Learned Man for the clearer understanding of divers passages in the Prophetical writings, was inclined to think, that that Vision of Ezekiel, commonly understood mystically, is rather literal and historical. The only or main objection against this Hypothesis is the placing of the Priests Portion: for if the Temple be either five, or thirty miles distant from the City, there can be no question but that the Vision is mystical: (they are his words) but if there be an error in placing of the Priests portion, and that the City and Sanctuary may meet together, the greatest objection against the literal sense will be removed. And thus concludes his Letter, Sir, I do not know your person, but I have both read and heard so much of your excellent Learning, and your candid and ingenuous nature, that it emboldens me to write thus freely to you, and to entreat you, that as you have hitherto, so you would still make this one great end of your rare Learning, to illustrate the Scripture Text, that instead of too many aerial and subtle speculations the Church of Christ may be fed with solid food: I mean, the simple and sincere meaning of the Holy Ghost, be it History or Mystery.

It would be too long to tell of young Buxtorph, upon whom the Magistrates of Basil conferred his Fathers Hebrew Professors place at seventeen years of age. Maximo Parente spe major filius, as Dr. Castel characters him; John Henricus Ottho, a Learned Man of Berne in Switzerland, Frederick Miege a Noble, Learned and Ingenious German, D. Knory a very Learned Man of Silesia, Theodore Haac, and many other foreigners of divers Nations; that came into England chiefly to see Dr. Lightfoot, and to be directed in their Rabbinical Studies by him: All whom he did with much humanity and affability receive: and from him they departed with great satisfaction; as by their Letters to him after their departure does appear.

VII. His Correspondences.

HE held a Learned Correspondence, especially with persons most eminent for that recondite Learning, that he was so famed for, and was dear unto and highly valued by them. Namely, The great Buxtorph while he lived, and at home, the Right Reverend Father in God Brian Lord Bishop of Chester, deceased, Dr. Pocok, Hebrew Professor at Oxford, Dr. Castel, Arabic Professor at Cambridge, Dr. Marshal the Reverend and Learned Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford, Mr. Samuel Clark, sometime Keeper of the Famous Library of the University of Oxford, Dr. Worthington, sometime Master of Jesus College in Cambridge, Mr. Bernard of S. Johns College, Oxford: all Men famous in their generation, whose names we need only mention; and among the laity, he held a most intimate friendship and correspondence with Sir Tho. Brograve, of Hertfordshire, Baronet, his Neighbor and Kinsman, a Gentleman well seen in those abstruser Studies. Nor did their Letters consist of vain strains of Complements, nor were they stuffed with idle and unprofitable News, of affairs in the State: but they carried deep and Learned enquiries about difficulties of Scripture, or doubts in their Oriental Studies: they conferred about brave and high Designs for the better promoting of Truth and Religion, and solid, useful Learning. One Conference I meet with between Dr. Castel, who was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Propounder, and our Doctor, The Resolver, was upon this subject proposed by the former, Whether when the ordinary Interpretation of any Hebrew words renders the sense hard and rough, recourse may not be had to the Interpretation of those words according as they signify in Syriac, Chaldee or Arabic. This question had been occasioned from Dr. Lightfoots excellent Interpretation of that difficult place, Ezek. VIII. 17. Upon which place he put a fair sense (as it seems) by Interpreting some word or words there, according to some of those Languages. Whereupon he tells him, That he met often with many seeming contradictions and absurdities in our English (though one of the best) as well as in other Versions. As Job III. 5. Let the shadow of death stain it ( in the margent, challenge.) A Catacresis I remember not to be found elsewhere. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the word there used) in the Arabic use is Excipere, Colligere, as the LXX, not there alone best. Chap. XV. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thou (speaking to Job ) restrainest prayer. Whereas Job was often in Prayer: in Arabic (in which Language many words with him occur) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, to Protract and Multiply, as the Syriac and Arab there render it, Thou art much in complaints, Chap. XVIII. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aucupia Verborum, again from the Arab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Contradicendi vices, as the Arab and Chaldee both. Chap. XVI. 18. O Earth cover not thou my blood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so that there should be no place to my cry: Because blood is a Crying sin. To pray his Cry should have no place: I am a Davus to that sense. Prov. XXIII. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 As he thinks in his heart—and yet his heart is not with thee: seem very repugnant. Whereupon he propounds this Question, That meeting with a World of these (seeming contradictions) every day, he r •• es his judgment, Whether the Arab, Chaldee, Syrian may not sometime sit upon the Bench, and pass their Vote concerning their old Mothers meaning? All the News communicated between these Correspondents was about the further progress of Oriental Learning, the discovery of more Books of that Nature, &c. which was the best and joyfullest news to them. It may be it will not be amiss to communicate a Letter or two of this nature. The one is of the aforesaid Dr. Castel, written 1664. Sir, Though I perish, it comforts me not a little to see how Holy Writ flourishes. I lately received an Armenian Psalter given me by Professor Golius, come newly off the Press: where they are Printing (at Leyden) the whole Bible in that Language. The Old Testament is there Printing in the Turkish Language, perfected by Levinus Warnerus. The New Testament in Turkish, done by Mr. Seaman, is just now in the Press at Oxford: of which I have some sheets by me: as I have also of the old Gothic, and Anglo-Saxon Gospels, now Printed with a Glossary to them at Leyden. Mr. Petreus hath Printed some parts of the Old Testament in Ethiopic, and hath many more prepared both in that and the Coptic Language. The Lithuanian (of which I have a good part by me) and the New England Bibles, I need not name. I have a specimen of a Turkish Dictionary Printed at Rome, and of a Chaldee Dictionary in folio in the Hebrew Language, composed by the Learned Coken de Lara; which our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Professor Buxtorph much desired he might live to see finished: tis said to be now near its period at the Press. And News of the same import the Learned Mr. Bernard communicated to him from Oxford about the year 1673/4. which let it not be too tedious to peruse also: it ran thus.

Reverend and Right Learned, I cannot but acquaint you, that the Learned and Pious Mr. Robert Huntingdon, present Minister of the Church of the English Factory at Aleppo, hath lately sent over hither, a good Samaritan Pentateuch, together with an account of the Religion of the Samaritans of Shechem, written by themselves there upon his request, and sent as it were to their Brethren here in England (as they mistook Mr. Huntingdon, who told them that there were Hebrews here, he meaning Jews, and they their own Sect.) The Translation whereof into Latin out of the Samaritan (which is nothing but the Biblical Hebrew, save some Arabismes here and there: for that is the Language commonly made use of by them at Shechem) I have here sent: and, if you think it worthy the while, I will also transmit a Copy of the Samaritan unto you. Mr. Huntingdon acquaints me that there are about thirty families of these Samaritans at Shechem, and not more, that they desire correspondence here. But care is to be taken that we do not dissemble with them, but beg their History of Joshua, and their Liturgy; and also examine them upon points that may be material. If you please to send what Questions you would desire resolution from them in, I will send them to Mr. Huntingdon, to whom I shall write about three weeks hence. The said good Mr. Huntingdon hath likewise sent over an hundred and fifty MSS. Arabic and Hebrew. Among which are Cosis in Hebrew, R. Saadias his Sepher Emunah in Arabic, Bar Bahlul's Lexicon well written, Maimonides his Yad entire except two Tracts, which are not quite complete, R. Saadias his Version and Notes on Job in Arabic, Maimonides's Moreh, both in Arabic and Hebrew, Maimonides his Sons Notes on his Fathers Yad, Gregorius's Syriac Grammar, pieces of R. Tanchum, and his Lexicon, or Murshed, Kimchi's Michlol, R. Alphes, and Tanchuma, and other good Books in Hebrew MSS. Besides, he hath sent over a Catalogue of Books to be had now at Damascus in Arabic and Persian, and some in Hebrew. He is skillful himself, and ready to serve you in anything Jewish or Oriental, that may be had there. This opportunity I would not let you be ignorant of, knowing how you have recommended above all others the Study of Jewish Learning, as plainly necessary to the right understanding of the New Testament, as well as the Old. And then by way of Postscript. As for Greek MSS. he could meet with none, that were classical, but Ascetics enough. The account of their Calendar in the Samaritans libel is somewhat obscure and defective. Whether these two Gentlemen or either of them, are yet alive, my Country retirement and want of Society gives me not opportunity to know. But if they be, I am confident such an entire respect they have to the memory of this excellent Man, that they will not be unwilling these their Letters should be exposed to the public, or anything else, that I have mentioned from them, that may any ways tend to the preserving his fame or honor. If it be said that these matters are no news now, though they were then. I answer, Probably divers things here related are not so common and ordinarily known, at least to many, but that they may be read with satisfaction. But the truth is, I produced them not so much to inform the World of News, as to discover some of the Learned matters of the Doctors correspondence.

VIII. An account of his imperfect pieces.

BEsides the Works of this our Learned Man, that saw the Light, and of which we have spoken somewhat, he had several other considerable things upon the Anvil: which show as well his abilities as his inexhaustible and continual labor and industry. Of which give me leave to give this Catalogue.

    In Latin.
  • I. Historia Quadripartita Chronica Universalis, Judaica, Romana, Ecclesiastica, De rebus Gestis, Imperante familia Flaviana, Vespaciano, Tito, Domitiano. The Chronica begins at the birth of Christ, and is digested under six Columns, viz. The first contains the year of the World; the second of Rome; the third of the Emperor; the fourth of Christ; the fifth Rerum Gestarum; the sixth of the Consuls.
    Pars Secunda, viz. Iudaica.
    CAP. I.
    Cineres Hierosolymorum, & Vastatae terrae facies.
    CAP. II.
    Synedrium magnum collocatur in Iabne.
    This is sufficient to show the design of that Book.
  • II. Computus Temporum Iudaicorum ab Urbis Excidio ad conscriptum Talmud Hierosolymitanum.
  • III. Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosolymitani.
  • IV. Disquisitio modesta de LXX, & de Graeca Versione.
  • V. Discrepantiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo in Pentateucho.
  • VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX. Giving an account of all the errors of all kinds at large.
  • VII. Hillel, a short discourse.
  • VIII. De spiritu prophetiae. A discourse occasioned from 1 Cor. Chap. XIV.
  • IX. Concio ad Clerum, Habita in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae, Ian. 12. 1651/2. pro Gradu Doctoratus.
  • X. Disputatio in publicts Comitiis pro Gradu Doctoratus.
  • XI. Orationes & Determinationes, cum Procancelariatu functus est.
  • XII. Aetates Rabbinorum.
  • XIII. Quaedam de Israelitica sparsim collecta.
  • XIV. Annotationes in primum & quartum Caput Geneseos.
  • XV. Memorabilia quaedam sub Ezra, & Synagoga ejus magna, Chronologice disposita.
  • XVI. Correctiones & observationes in Textum Samaritanum.
  • XVII. Adversaria e Rabbinis collecta in Iosuam, & in quaedam Capita Exod. & Numerorum.
  • XVIII. The Minor Prophets in the Vulgar and LXX translations compared with the Hebrew, and the various readings and additions taken notice of.
  • XIX. Divers other loose papers, concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, situation of places in the Holy Land. Chronology, History, &c.
    In English.
  • I. The Book of Chronicles of the Kings of France, and of the Kings of the House of Otoman the Turk. Written in Hebrew by Joseph the Priest, and Translated in English by I. Lightfoot.
  • II. The Consent of the four Evangelists. A Century. Perfect.
  • III. A plain and easy Exposition of the Prophesy of Hosea.
  • IV. An Exposition upon the Old and New Testament by way of Chronology, and Harmony; with a preface instructing how to understand the Scripture.
  • V. The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt.
  • VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Things appropriated by the Jews Traditions to the Land of Israel.
  • VII. Names of places in the Holy Land explained out of the Rabbins, set down by way of Alphabet.
  • VII. Of the Creation. A Chapter.
  • IX. A Discourse upon Joh. XIII. 27, 30.
  • X. History beginning from the fall of Jerusalem.
  • XI. Historical passages in the first year of Trajans reign.
  • XII. A Table of the years from the birth of Christ to the Fall of Jerusalem.
  • XIII. The Jewish, Christian, Roman History, Anno Christi XXXVI.
  • XIV. The Chronology and History of Dioclesian, Constantine and Constantius.

Indeed some of these were only Notes and Memoranda for his own private use; but several of them undoubtedly were intended to have seen the Light at one time or other, but that he found the Press so loath to receive things of that nature, and so he cast them by, some only begun, and as it were in Design; all of them imperfect, but One.

IX. Encomiums given him by Learned Men.

ALL these Labors of his, published and unpublished, and those deep notions in the way of his Learning, that he communicated by Letters or in Conversation, raised high and Venerable opinions of him amongst the best and most knowing Men. It would be endless to recount what large Testimonials and Commendations they have given him. Some we have read already. Let us hear a few more. Your Name (saith Dr. Castel ) is indeed a sweet Odor poured out into all Nations, who are all bound to pray heartily for you, your health, welfare, prosperity, longevity. And again, Nemini notus, quin te humani generis aestimet delicias; nemini ignotus, cui non absconditus maximus sub Coelo Thesaurus. And if you will, once more, in another Letter: Chaldea, whose ancient glory, and multiplicity of Sciences are, by the wheels of Nature in the long decurse of time, rolled into Munden. Which you, Sir, a right Trismegistus, for Christian, Jewish and Ethnic literature, will make to after ages more illustrious than either Babylon, or Athens were of old. Another, namely Mr. Samuel Clark, speaks thus, Your own great worth is sufficient to preserve your memory verdant with me, or any other, that hath any sense of Learning or Goodness. Mr. Bernard does violence to the Doctors modesty in these words: I know yourself and Doctor Pocok to be the very Pillars of Sacred Learning, like the Monuments of Seth, in a corrupt and vain age. God add, I beseech him, yet to your years and health so advantageous to his Church. And for forainers, besides what we have heard from them already, take the Value they had for him by the words of one of them, named before, viz. Johannes Henricus Otto: He was a Learned young Man of Bern, who it seems had travailed into France and other places for his improvement, and at last came into England, and being at Oxford, sends a Letter to our Doctor: wherein apologizing for his address, he tells him, That the fame of his Piety and singular Learning had so spread itself over the World, that there was no Scholar, who loved him not in his mind, and was not ambitious of his friendship. Plurimi sunt qui nondum meruerunt a te cognosci, qui tamen inter alias Gentes famam nominis tui exceperunt, & post praeclarorum scriptorum tuorum lectionem, in cultum tui venerabundi iverunt. But especially (he assures him) all studious of Hebrew do applaud him. And instanceth in Turretius junior at Geneva: Justellus, Tormentinus, Tenevottus, Capellanus, Ferrandus, at Paris: Toignard at Orleans: not to speak anything (saith he) of mine own Country and Germany also, whose Names this Letter would scarcely contain. Abundance more I might produce, both of our own Country-Men and Strangers; but he stands not in need 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of Letters of Commendation.

X. Concerning his love to, and endeavors of promoting Oriental Learning.

THERE was no Man under the Sun our Author more reverenced and honored, than Buxtorph Professor of Divinity and Hebrew in Basil: and the reason was because, next to his piety he had been so instrumental by his published Labors in furthering the knowledge of Jewish Learning: to which from his Youth the Doctor had a strong, and almost natural inclination, and it continued with him to the end of his Life. When Dr. Buxtorph had writ a Letter to him by the Hands of one, who had formerly been his Scholar, our good Man received both Letter and Bearer with the highest resentments of joy and complacency, for the sake of the Reverend Professor. And when he had signified in a Letter to our Doctor, that by reason of age and infirmities growing upon him, and finding himself greatly to decline in strength of body and mind, he must lay aside all thought of publishing anything more; this our Doctor took heavily to heart, and lamented in a Letter he sent him. For by him he acknowledged himself to have arrived to what skill he had in his Rabbinical Learning; and from the grateful sense he had of this, arose a vast love and reverence for him. Placet (saith he) Honoratissimo Domino, de peritia mea in Talmudicis loqui, quae siqua est (quam scio quam sit exigua) tota tibi ipsi referenda est, & incomparably Parenti tuo, &c. It pleaseth you, most honored Sir, to speak of my skill in the Talmudists, which if it be any, (and how small it is I well know) is wholly owing to you, and to your incomparable Father. Plowing with your Oxen (using your Lexicons) I have sowed, and if any crop comes of it, it is yours. And what Christian is there, I pray, who reads over the Talmudic Writings, that owes not the same tribute? So much is the whole Christian World indebted to the great name of Buxtorph. And then he professes to him, he could not read it without tears, when he told him, that by reason of the weaknesses and indispositions of old age, he must promise the World no more of his Writings. This was in the later end of the year 1663. And indeed the death of that Learned Professor happened not long after, namely in the beginning of September the year after. For whom the Magistrates of Basil had such a great esteem; that before the Fathers death, they chose his very young Son to succeed him in the Hebrew Professorship; as in his other of Divinity Dr. Zwinger (descended of that famous Man of his name) was also elected. And one of the last respects Dr. Lightfoot could pay the memory of that great Man he wrote an Epicedium upon him, and got Sir Tho. Brograve to write another in some of the Oriental Languages: and so also did Dr. Castel: which were sent to the Friends of the deceased. And when not long after the young Professor came into England, he received a most kind and obliging reception from our Doctor as well for his Father, as for his own sake.

It was his love of this Learning, and his great desires to see it more Studied, that made him so great a friend to Dr. Castel, under his ruinating and destructive Undertaking, as he himself truly called it, and under that which was the bitterest pill of all for him to swallow, namely the scornful reproaches of his pains that he met with from some, as if they were of little or no use. This had quite broke his almost broken heart, had not our Worthy Man continually upheld him, encouraged him, by Money, Subscriptions, Counsel, Comfort. So that, that the Work was ever finished was owing in a great measure, ( sub bono Deo, ) to Dr. Lightfoot, and a few more Men in the World of that tendency of Learning. But the truth is, saith he, one Dr. Lightfoot is more to me than ten thousand such Censors. Besides some few others amongst ourselves, I have a Golius, a Buxtorph, a Hottinger, a Ludolfo, &c. in foreign parts, that both by their Letters, and in Print have not only sufficiently, but too amply and abundantly for me to communicate, expressed their over high esteem of that, which finds but a Prophets reward here in its own Country.

He highly admired Mr. Broughton and Mr. Selden, Men deeply Studied in this kind of Learning, calling them a matchless pair; and never mentioned them without honor; undervaluing himself to nothing, as often as he had occasion to speak of them, or such as they.

And for the better setting afoot these Studies, upon the death of the Learned Golius, Hebrew Professor beyond Seas, who had an excellent collection of Rabbinical, and Oriental Books, vast were the pains and diligence he, and Dr. Castel▪ and some others used for the purchasing of them for the enriching the Library of Cambridge, or some other public one here in England. Though I think they succeeded not, those Books being afterwards sold at a public Auction in Holland.

He could not patiently hear the ancient Records of the Rabbin's too much aspersed, as proceeding most commonly from ignorance of their admirable use in explaining the Holy Scripture. When Rutherford in the Assembly of Divines had said, that there was no news of somewhat in controversy, but in the Rabbin's, (It was of a Cup in the institution of the Passover,) seeming to speak contemptibly of them; Dr. Lightfoot replied, That there are divers things in the New Testament, which we must be beholden to the Rabbins for the understanding of, or else we know not what to make of them.

So much did he delight in any Scholar, that took in hand the Study of those Eastern Languages, that in case any were minded to ingratiate himself into Dr. Lightfoots affection, next to Piety and Religion, he could not take a readier course to do it than bending his Studies that way. And very officious he was to assist such with his directions; laboring to bring young beginners into an affection and liking to that Learning, and facilitating the crabbedness of it to them, as much as he could. I know, some now alive, that have had the experience of what I say.

XI. His kindness and affection to Katharine Hall.

AS he truly loved Learning, so he had an entire favor to the Universities, where it was fostered and promoted. This appeared in that public and open joy and Triumph that he expressed in his Oration, when Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, which was Anno 1655. at the opening of the Commencement. For when in those unjust and Violent times wherein so much malice was exercised against Religion, no wonder its handmaid Learning was designed for ruin: nothing then was talked of so much, and so much intended, and almost come to a final resolution, as the seizing the possessions and revenues of the University, and turning out the Scholars to shift for themselves. But by God's gracious overruling Providence this feral design took not place. Upon which our Vice-Chancellor made a long Harangue, expressive of wonderful joy and thankfulness. Non fingere nobis id{que} moestis animis tremulis{que} non potuimus, qualis futura Anglia erutis oculis, &c. We could not but imagine, and that with sad and trembling hearts, what England would have been, her Eyes, viz. The Universities, and Clergy, being put out: what Cambridge would have been without Cambridge: what a spectre of a dead University, what a Sceleton of empty Colleges, what a funeral of the Muses, and a carkas of deceased Literature, &c. and after breaks forth into thanks to Almighty God for their happy deliverance. And then taketh occasion hence to expatiate Learnedly in his Rabbinical way of the Antitiquity, use and necessity of Universities. Academias primum fundavit ipse Deus, &c. God was the first Founder of Universities, of equal age with his Law and visible Church, and not to die but with them, &c. as he Elegantly and Learnedly goes on.

Thus his good will spread itself over the whole Universities, but it was more peculiar to two Colleges in that of Cambridge, unto which he was particularly related, viz. Christ's College, where he had first been bred, and Katharine Hall, over which for many years he presided. And this kindness he shown by dedicating a Book to each. That to Katharine Hall is before the first Horae Hebraicae he published. Wherein by giving them account of his first falling upon Jewish Studies, and the excellent method he used in perusing the Rabbins, he, like a careful Master, directs their Studies; and in the close he professeth his Dedication proceeded from that real respect and endearment he had to them, and that he designed his Book as an eternal memorial of it. What else sounded those kind words which he used in his Letters to forainers concerning his College, styling the Students thereof, Catharinenses mei? And Doctor Castel, who knew as much of his mind as any, there being a great friendship between them, speaking to him concerning the College, calls it, Your delighted in Katharine Hall. It is true he was at first put in Master there by the Powers that then were; but upon the happy settlement of these Kingdoms upon their old and true foundation of Monarchy, and the restitution of the King, our Doctor knowing the right of that place belonged to another, namely to Dr. Spurstow, voluntary and freely went and resigned it up to him: but upon his refusal to return back again, and take that charge, he applied to the King, who graciously bestowed his Letters upon him to confirm and settle him in that Mastership. And upon his coming down with those Letters, the Fellows of the College rode out some miles to meet him, and to receive him with that ceremony, as if he had been a New Master of Katharine Hall.

A small College indeed it was, and illy built, but yet was so blessed by God, that it could boast of many famous and excellent Divines and Prelates of the Church of England, and other very worthy Men, formerly members of it; and was usually stored with such numbers of Students, that they could hardly be contained within the Walls of the College. For the honor therefore of it, as well as its necessary enlargement, this our Master and the Fellows resolved to pull down at least some part of it, and to build it with more decency, capacity and advantage. Towards which as every Fellow presently laid down twenty pounds, so our Doctor gave a very liberal and generous contribution; and moreover was instrumental by his interest with his Friends to procure good benefactions for the same use from others. But he died soon after the Work was begun. So that the good Progress that is since made in that chargable Work is owing in the first place to the indefatigable pains of the Reverend and very Worthy John Eachard D. D. present Master, and those very many generous persons in London, and elsewhere, whose love of Learning, and favor to him, have excited them freely to contribute thereunto. But to return to Dr. Lightfoot. Who besides the former contribution, had before been a Benefactor to his College by redeeming a piece of Land to it. And therefore is always mentioned at the Commemoration of the Benefactors.

It was not his want of affection to his College, that made him reside not much there, but partly because he thought himself most bound to be chiefly among his Flock, of whose Souls he had the care: and partly because in the Country was most retirement, a thing that for the sake of his Studies he greatly affected to the last. Which were not ingrateful to his old Age, but rather an ease and a pleasure to it. Studendo solor senectutem, was a saying of his to a Learned Man.

XII. His Patrons and Friends.

HIS great Learning and excellent Qualities reconciled him Friends and admirers among those of his own Rank and Degree, and made him a favourite to Men of Eminency and Honor. Besides those I have already mentioned he was dear to, and highly valued by, his Grace, the most Reverend Father in God Gilbert late Lord Archbishop of Canterbury: through whose mediation, his Parsonage of Great Munden, and his Mastership of Katharine Hall were confirmed to him by the King. Which he acknowledged in two Epistles before two of his Hebrew and Talmudic Exercitations. The Right Honorable, Sir Orlando Bridgman, sometime Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, a Learned and Good Man, took a pleasure in his Learning; and when he was Judge, and went the Circuits, he always desired, and frequently procured Dr. Lightfoot to preach at the Assizes at Hertford, whom for his Learned and unusual Notions he delighted to hear. He was one of his great Encouragers to proceed in his Hebrew and Talmudical Explanations of the New Testament; Consilio, auxilio, Patrocinio, Munificentia, by his Council, aid, Patronage, and Bounty, as he speaks himself in his Epistle Dedicatory before the Horae upon S. John. The Right Honorable and Right Learned Sir William Morice Kt. one of the Principal Secretaries of State, deserves to be mentioned in the next place; who, unasked, unsought to, was very serviceable to our Author in procuring the Kings favor and his Letters Patents for him: The sense of which (for none so sensible of kindnesses) made him think himself obliged to put his Name before one of his Books. He was also endeared to two Personages of Hertfordshire, of great Honor and Integrity, viz. Sir Tho. Brograve Baronet, and Sir Henry Caesar Knight.

The former of these was doubly related to the Doctor, viz. in affinity, and in the course of his Studies, being Learned in the Jewish literature. As appears by a design he and the Doctor had of going to Dr. Castels Library to peruse some Books of his of that nature. To which Dr. Castel in a Letter gives them free leave, telling them, That his Cabbalistic and Rabbinic Books were most of them at Higham Gobyon: where his Study doors should stand wide open to give Sir Thomas and him entrance, every Book they found there most truly at the service of them both, to take and use at their pleasure. The intercourse between Sir Thomas and the Doctor was very frequent both by Letters and Visits, the distance not being so great, (only two miles) but that they might walk the one to the other on foot: which they often did, out of that great endearedness that was between them, and for conferring together in the things of their Studies. A Friend of mine has heard the Doctor tell more than once, how upon occasion of some discourse between them about such a Subject, Sir Thomas departed from him, and presently penned a Discourse about the University of Athens, and brought it to him; which the Doctor after lent out to someone, that had desired it, but could not call to mind to whom; so that that Learned piece was stifled, and irrecoverably gone. And I have great cause to suspect, that this which happened to the Writing of the Doctors friend, happened also otherwhiles to himself. In whose hands soever any of his Books or Writings lie concealed, to say no worse of them, they deserved not the Friendship of so worthy a Man.

His friendship to Sir Henry Caesar appeared in the several Visits he gave him in his sickness, the small Pox, which I think was mortal to him. Though he was very fearful for his own Family; yet his singular love and respect to Sir Henry made him not to prefer that consideration to his service in such a time. Whose early death he very much lamented.

But his first and ancient Friend, Chaplain and Patron (as he used to call him, and that in many just regards) we must not, we cannot forget: for he never forgot him to his dying day, and scarcely ever spake of him but with a transport of affection. I mean Sir Rowland Cotton of Shropshire. Who gave him the Presentation of Ashley in Staffordshire, and was the great instrument of putting him upon the study of the Rabbins, and being himself very Learned in them was his Tutor, as well as his Patron. With much care, tenderness and condescension did he guide and lead on my Studies (as he publicly declares in an Epistle to Mr. William Cotton his Nephew and his Heir) in the same way, that he himself had been trained by that choice and incomparable Oracle of Learning, Mr. Hugh Broughton. And in the same Epistle, He professeth, he always esteemed it one of the choicest advantages that ever accrued to him, that it was his hap and happiness at his first setting out into the Study of Scriptures and Divinity, to be settled in his House, and to come under his Tutorage and Instruction. Undoubtedly Sir Rowland had perceived a good Spirit, and an excellent genius in young Mr. Lightfoot: and that he wanted nothing but counsel and direction, and somebody to recommend a good method of study to him, to make him a great Scholar; and this made that worthy Person undertake him himself; as foreseeing what he would afterwards prove, in case his Studies were well regulated at first. This kindness he ever remembered: which let him speak for himself. He (meaning Sir Rowland ) laid such doubled and redoubled obligations upon me by the tender affection, respect and favor that he shown towards me, as have left so indelible an impression upon my heart, of Honor to his dear Name and observance to his House of Bellaport, that length of time may not were it out, nor distance of place ever cause me to forget it. As a Commentary upon which words, I might mention the care and regard he ever had to the family of the Cottons. And I do remember, that when I was a Student of Katharine Hall, there was one who was a Cotton, and an heir of that Family, was likewise a Student, and admitted there by the Doctors means: over whom he had a more especial Eye; and frequently had him sent for into his Lodgings, to eat with him, and confer with him, and to show kindness to him for Jonathan's (I mean his Great Uncles) sake. And out of respect to that dear name he caused one of his sons to be called, Cottonus. Nay he loved the very name of Bellaport, the seat of Sir Rowland. And I have a Letter, which Sir Rowland wrote Anno 1629. in answer to his Epistle Dedicatory to him before his first Book, that he published; this beloved Letter the Doctor preserved unto his dying day, as a kind of Sacred Relique: upon which was wrote with his own hand, Sir Rowland Cottons Letter.

And for a conclusion of our Discourse of Sir Rowland Cotton, whom we have spoke so largely of (and of whom Dr. Lightfoot could never talk enough) hear the Conclusion of his Funeral Sermon upon him, prepared, though not Preached, upon what occasion I know not.

That blessed Soul, that is now with God, in the night of its departure, laid the burden of this present Work upon me, in these words, You are my old acquaintance, do me the last Office of a Friend, make my funeral Sermon, but praise me not. A hard task, Fathers and Brethren, is laid upon me; when I, who of all Men this day have the greatest cause to mourn for his loss that is departed, should of all Men this day be allowed the least liberty of mourning, because of this present work. And a strange task, Fathers and Brethren, is laid upon me, when I must make to you all a Funeral Sermon, and yet must tell to none of you for whom tis made. For if I do but call him Sir Rowland Cotton, I commend him. It was not a time to say so then, but now I dare say it over again; a hard task, Fathers and Brethren, is laid upon me, when I must have much cause of tears for his death, and yet not be allowed to weep; and such reason of remembrance of his life, and yet be denied to praise. I obey, Blest Soul, I obey: but I am full, I cannot hold: Dispence with me something, for I cannot hold. It is for your sake, Worthy Audience, that I must hold tears, lest they should hinder my speech. Be pleased to give me liberty of speech, in recompense of my restrained tears. And it is for thy sake, Blest Soul, that I must withhold commendation, lest I should break thy command: give me liberty of indignation against that command in recompense of my restraint from thy Commendation. Meus, Tuus, noster, imo Christi, as Jerome of Nepotianus: so we of him, whose departure we may commemorate: My, Sir Rowland Cotton, Yours, the Countries, nay Christ's, hath forsaken us: and because Christ's, therefore he hath forsaken us, to go to him, whose he wholly was.

Oh! that my head were waters, or rather words, for only that manner of mourning; and my Tongue a fountain of tears, for only that instrument of weeping is allowed me now: that I might weep day and night, not for him that is gone; for he is gone where he always was, and where he would be: but for myself, but for you, but for the Country. It is not my ambition, but my sorrow, that I claim the first place, and to be first served in this heavy dole of lamentation. For I have lost, I cannot tell you what: My Noble Patron, my best Friend, my Father, my—my Self. I should lose, if I should but begin to tell what he was to me. Why should I speak more? For should I speak myself away, I could never speak enough. Oh! my Father, my Father, the Chariot of Israel, and the Horseman thereof; How thy love to me was wonderful, passing the love of Women! And is it nothing to you, O ye that s •• by? Behold and see, if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow, which is done unto me, wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger. He it was, that first laid the foundation of my poor Studies, and always watered them with his discourse, and encouragement: and now the Lord hath taken my Master from my head. He it was under whose branches I sheltered, when any storm was up; and now my Tree of defense is cut down. He it was, that was my Oracle, both for things of this life, and of a better: and now my Prophet is not anymore. He it was, that was all things to me, that man could be; but now can be nothing to me, but sorrow. And is this nothing to you, O all ye that sit by? Yes, the Cup is gone among you also, and a great Man is fallen in your Israel. Hath not the Magistracy, hath not the Gentry, hath not the Country, lost such a Man, as was—But you must speak out the rest: for his Command stops my mouth. You of the Magistracy know how he had Wisdom in an high degree, as was his calling, and withal care and conscience answerable to his Wisdom, to discharge his calling. And you may commend this rarity in him, I dare not. You of the Gentry know, that he was a prime Flower in your Garland, that he spake a true Gentleman in all his actions, in his comportment, in his attendance, in his talk, once for all, in his hospitality, even to admiration: and you may commend him, I dare not, &c.

A sensible strain of Rhetoric! which passion and inward sorrow had as large a share in dictating, as Art.

XIII. His Relations.

HAving expatiated thus largely in our notices of this Man, that we may omit nothing that is material, we will now begin to consider him in his more private and personal capacity. His Reverend Father had five Sons, whereof our John was the second. His eldest was Thomas, the only of all his Sons bred to a secular employment, being a trades Man. The third Peter, a very ingenious Man, and practiced Physic in Uttoxeter; and besides his Art, he was of great usefulness in that Country, and often in Commissions for ending of differences. He also had intended to have writ the Life of his Brother Dr. John Lightfoot, but was prevented by death. The next was Josiah, who succeeded his Brother Dr. Lightfoot in his Living of Ashley; the only of the Brothers now living. The youngest was Samuel, a Minister also, but long since deceased. And as it was his Honor, that he was derived of an honest and gentile stock by both Father and Mother: so it was a part of his Happiness, that God blest him with a Posterity. He was twice married, and both times into Families of Worship. His first Wife was Joyce, the Daughter of Crompton, of Staffordshire, Esquire, a Gentleman of a very ancient Family and of a good Name, and Estate. Her Mother was an Aston of the family of the Lord Aston of Tixal, but before they were Papists. This their Daughter was the youngest, if I mistake not, of nine Sisters, all the rest that lived, having been married into worshipful Families there. In the Church of Stone in that County, where the Doctor sometime was Minister, there remains the Pourtraiture of them all, with three Sons, and their Father and Mother, in Brass. She was first wedded to Mr. Copwood, a Gentleman of a good Estate in that County: by whom she had two Sons and one Daughter. The Sons since died; but the Daughter is now living, and married there, and inherits the Estate. The Relict of this Gentleman the Doctor became acquainted withal, when he lived in Sir R. Cottons family, and not long after married her, himself being yet young. By whom he had issue four Sons and two Daughters. To one of which the Lady Cotton was Godmother. His eldest son was John, who was Chaplain to the late Right Reverend Father in God Brian, Lord Bishop of Chester, the famous Undertaker of the Polyglot. By whom this Mr. Lightfoot was much esteemed, but died soon after his Lord and Patron, and lies buried in the Cathedral Church aforesaid. He had six Daughters, all now deceased, but two, who live at Chester. Anastasius was his second Son, who had also these additions to that name, viz. Cottonus, Jacksonus, in memory of Sir Rouland Cotton, and Sir John Jackson, two dear friends of the Doctors. This was also a Clergy-man, Incumbent of Thundridg in Hertfordshire; and died there; leaving one Son still living. The third Son was Athanasius, brought up a Trades Man in London: deceased also. And his fourth Son Thomas died young. His Daughters were, Joyce, now the worthy consort of Mr. John Duckfeild, Rector of Aspeden in Hartfordshire: (whom I must not name but with an addition of respect for communicating to me most of the Papers and original MSS. and Letters of Dr. Lightfoot and others, that I have made use of both in these relations, and in the published Sermons.) And Sarah, now a Widow, formerly married to one Mr. Colclough, a Gentleman of Staffordshire, deceased.

This pious Matron, and discreet Wife the Doctor buried in the year 1656. in his Church of Munden: after he had lived well near thirty years with her. Afterwards he took to Wife Anne, the Relict of Mr. Austin Brograve, Uncle to Sir Thomas, before spoken of. By her he had no issue. Whom he likewise survived. She died also at Munden, and was buried there.

His pious Father, Thomas Lightfoot hath a great but a true character given of him in the Account of the Doctors Life. I shall only add the Inscription upon his Monument, as it now is in the Church of Uttoxeter; a Copy whereof Mr. Michael Edge, the present or late Minister there communicated to us: composed as it seems by his Learned Son, Peter Lightfoot, Physician, lately deceased.

M. S.

Huc oculos & Lacrymas, O Viator,
Qui veteri studes Veritati, Pietati, Charitati,
Huc: ubi teipsum es olim celaturus.
THOMAS LIGHTFOOTE
Verbi divini per annos 56 fidelissimus Minister,
Ecclesiae hujus per annos 36 Vigilantissimus Pastor,
Vir antiquorum morum, & primaevae sanctitatis,
Coruscantis zeli, doctrinae, Virtutis, exempli.
Vir verum exscribens virum: Pastor pastorem.
Sudore semper squallidus, at formosus pastorali,
Salutem suam anhelans semper & aliorum.
Gloriam magni Pastoris ambiendo indefessus,
Annis satur tandem, & bonis operibus,
Confectus studendo, docendo, faciendo, patiendo,
Onustus spoliis de Satana triumphatis,
Idem{que} improborum odiis beat oneratus,
Hic suaviter in Christo obdormit;
Abstersis lacrymis & sudoribus,
Et Vivacissimus Resurrecturus.
Una{que} ELIZABETH, tori-consors & pietatis,
Digno Conjuge Conjux digna.
Obiit ill Iulii 21. 1653. Aetat. 81.
Obiit illa Ianuarii 24. 1636. Aetat. 71.

And let me add as a Coronis, an Epitaph, which the same Mr. Thomas Lightfoot had prepared for himself, and which was found in his Study after his decease. Which I adjoin, to let the World see somewhat as well of the pious and heavenly breathing mind, as the Scholarship of that Man, from whom our Doctor was derived.

THOMAS LIGHTFOOT

Olim superstes, nunc defunctus, alloquitur amicos suos, qui in Vivis sunt.

En mea tam multis puppis quassata procellis,
Nunc tandem portum, fracta, quietis habet.
Nil scopulos ultra, bibulas nil curat arenas,
Istius aut mundi quae mare monstra parit.
Nam{que} mare est mundus, puppis vaga corpus obumbrat,
At{que} animam signat navita quis{que} suam.
Portam quam petimus, coelum est: sed & aura salutis,
Quae navim impellit, Spiritus ill Dei est.
Solvite felices igitur, portum{que} tenete,
Post aerumnosae turbida damna maris.
Sed non ante datur portum contingere, quam sit
Fract a per undosum vestra carina mare.

XIV. His last Sickness and Death.

AND now we are arrived at the last scene of this great and good Mans life. In the later end of the year 1675. that year when Colds were so rife and so mortal, our Doctor going to his residence at Eli, fell into one of these Colds: which he complaining of was persuaded to eat a Red Herring, and to drink two or three glasses of Claret. The former he easily did, but the later he was more difficultly drawn to, having always used to drink nothing but small Beer or Water. This little Wine, according to the judgment of his Physician cast him into a Fever, or at least heightened it. The disease much affected his head, so that he lay dozing and slumbering, saying but little: only when any asked him, how he did, he would devoutly say, In the Hands of a good God; which he repeated often. His behavior all the time of his sickness was with exceeding much meekness, patience and silence, speaking much with God and himself, but little, as I said, to others. When Dr. Callamy, then a Fellow of Katharine Hall, went to Eli to Visit him, he found him in this condition, using very few words; when he asked him if he had made his Will, and settled his Secular affairs, he answered, He had, and told him where his Will was. His Physicians were Dr. Gosnald of Cambridge, and Dr. Hicks of Eli. Dr. Mapletoft, the Reverend Dean, and Dr. Womock, a Prebend there, now Lord Bishop of S. David's, were his chief Visitants, who performed the Offices of the Church with him. Thus he lay near a fortnight, and then rendered up his Pious and Virtuous Soul into the Hands of his good God, in a good old age, being seventy four years old within some few months: and yet might have lived much longer, if one may gather conjectures of the length of Men's lives by their healthfulness, and vivacity. But besides his years, his Works, and the excellent service he did in his generation would have bespoke him an old Man indeed. In which regard none was freer from that which Seneca makes the great reproach of old age, viz. when there is nothing to compute age by, but years. Nihil turpius est, saith he, quam grandis natu senex, qui nullum aliud habet argumentum, quo se probet diu vixisse, praeter aetatem. His body was brought from Eli to his beloved Munden, where he had been Minister near two and thirty years, and was there buried; Mr. Gervase Fulwood, formerly a Fellow of Katharine Hall, and who had long known him, preaching his Funeral Sermon. He was interred greatly beloved and greatly lamented by all that knew him, and especially his Parishioners, who took their last leave of him with many sighs and tears.

XV. His Temper and Spirit, Piety and Virtues.

AND thus having gone through the most remarkable stages of his Life and labors in an historical way; let us now stop a little, and by way of reflection look back upon the Man, the subject of this long discourse, and take some notice of his Temper, Course and manner of Life. He was of a comely Person, and a full and sizable proportion, of a mild and somewhat ruddy Countenance, and a most strong and hail constitution: good signatures of his mind. Easie of access, grave, but yet affable and courteous in his deportment, and of a sweet, obliging innocent and communicative conversation. And though he was plain and unaffected, yet there appeared somewhat of a becoming gentility in his behavior. When he light into company of ingenious and good Men he was free and discoursive; but if he happened to be present, where rude, idle or debauched talk was, he was silent and most uneasy, and would take his leave as soon as he could. He was very temperate and abstemious in his diet, the noblest part of Physic, as Queen Elizabeth used to call it: his Food was plain, and coarse; Wine he altogether abstained from, and likewise from Beer and Ale abroad, drinking only Water; except he were at home where he had his Beer brewed for him, which was very small; and that he delighted in, drinking it also very new. He eat seldom above once a day, namely, a Dinner on the week days, and a Supper on Sundays. Whereby he redeemed the more time for his Studies, and preserved himself in such a constant good plight of health. He was of a Genius more curious than ordinary, affecting an inquiry into hidden things, and to tread unbeaten ways: as may be sufficiently judged by the Studies that he followed. He seemed to be inquisitive into the nature of Spirits, and concerning the apparitions of deceased persons. There was a long account of the appearance of a Spirit in Driffeild a Town in Yorkshire, which was sent to Dr. Burton, when fellow of Magdalene College in Cambridge by a friend of his, formerly his Collegian, he receiving the Relation from the Woman herself, to whom this Spirit often appeared. This Letter Dr. Burton communicated to our Doctor, who transcribed it with his own Hand, though it filled almost a sheet of paper, as not only pleasing his curiosity, and satisfying him of the Truth of apparitions, but also surprizing him by the various and strange discourse that that Spirit used: too long here to be repeated. He was of a very meek and tender spirit, easily discouraged, often melting into tears. I have been told, that being to give a public Admonition to a lad of his College for being guilty of some high misdemeanors; The College Bell being rung, and the Students met together in the Hall, the Master gave the Scholar his admonition with much gravity, and with as much compassion, tears being observed to stand in his Eyes while he did it. This soft disposition made him easily discouraged. I know not to what better to attribute that passage, whereby the World had almost been deprived of his excellent Tract of the Temple: Which was this (as he himself tells it) That going that very morning that he began his Description of the Temple, to see a piece of Land, but a mile off from his House, which he had been owner of many years, but never saw, he chose to take direction, and so to go alone by himself for meditation sake. But in fine mist his way, and lost himself. Here his Heart (he said) took him to task, and called him fool, so studiously to search into things remote, and that so little concerned his interest, and so neglective of what was near him in place, and that so particularly concerned him: and a fool again, to go about to describe to others places and buildings, that lay so many hundred miles off, as from hence to Canaan, and under so many hundred years ruins; and yet not able to know or find the way to a field of his own that lay so near. And this so far prevailed upon him, that it put him upon a resolution to lay by that work; and so he did for some time, till afterward his Bookish mind made him take it in hand again. So easily, and upon such little accidents are generous Spirits sometimes daunted. No Man was more sensible of favors than he, and none more apt to pass by injuries: being of a calm, settled and undisturbed Spirit.

He was also wary, and discreet in his purposes, duly weighing circumstances, and piercing into the consequences of things. This appeared in the Arguments he made use of against certain City Ministers many years ago, more zealous, than wise, and some of them Assembly Men, who earnestly advised to lay aside the Celebration of Christmas day; When besides reasons taken from Religion; as that the thing was in itself lawful, and that our Savior preached at the Feast of Dedication, which had an human Original: he urged the inconveniences of it in point of prudence; as That it would bring an Odium upon the Assembly, That it would certainly breed a Tumult: and that it would be safer to let such things alone to Authority, than for them to meddle in. Which bespake him to be a well advised Man, as well as one not affecting novelties. And another thing shown his acuteness as well as his prudence. That it being moved in the Assembly, that when any went out of the Assembly before all rose, he should solemnly make his obeisance (that the better notice, I suppose, should be taken of such as went out) this being even ready to pass, our Doctor desired, that they might not leave it upon their Records to posterity, that this Assembly had need to take order for common Reverence and Civility. Upon which it was laid by, and the Order reversed.

But his spiritual endowments, as he was a Minister and a Christian, rendered him more illustrious, than all his natural and acquired. These made him beloved of God, as the others valued and admired of Men. He took a good course at first for the better preparing himself for the Ministry. For after his departure from Cambridge having spent two or three years in the County, where he made an entrance into his Hebrew studies, he resolves to come up to London to take the opportunity of the Divinity Library there: thereby to furnish himself with a good stock of Reading and Learning, proper to the holy Employment he had undertaken, before he engaged himself further in it. Here he lay for some years close and private, and read over the Fathers, and many other Books tending to the furthering his Divinity studies. He preached then indeed but seldom, or not at all, his business now being something else. But when some, who had a mind to have themselves eased by his labor, charged this upon him, as a crime of idleness; to clear himself of that imputation, he published his first Book, to let the World see he was not idle, though he preached not. He never cared to be accused of idleness: and his own conscience cleared him of that (as he tells us before that Book) though he confessed, that he was not so hasty, as many be, to intrude himself where there is no necessity. But when he had taken the charge of Souls upon him, in all the parts of the Ministerial Function, he was very diligent: A constant Preacher, resorting to his Parish Church, which stood a mile distant, every Sunday, Winter and Summer, wet and dry, unless abroad, or hindered by sickness. He failed not to visit the sick, whensoever sent for, compassionating their condition, and administering wholesome counsils and comforts to them. He was a great enemy to Schism and Faction, and uncharitable separation from the Church; and did use to press Communion both in his Sermons and ordinary discourses. And it may not be amiss to mention the notable argument he used to manage in the behalf of holding Communion with the National Church: which was our Lord's Example. This he often and convincingly urged in this case: and particularly, but some few months before his death, in one of his ordinary Sermons he had these words. Let me ask them (meaning the neglecters of the Public Worship) do they think that our Savior ever let Sabbath day pass in all his time, while here, but he was present at the Public Service, either in the Temple or in the Synagogue. Look the Gospel through, and see by the current of the story there, whether ever he absented himself from the Public Congregation on the Sabbath day. Read that Luke IV. 16. (To spare more) He came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up, and, as his custom was, went into the Synagogue on the Sabbath day, and stood up for to read. It was his custom to go to the Synagogue, to the Public Service and Congregation on the Sabbath day, and he never failed of it. And he stood up for to read in his own Town-Synagogue, as owning himself a member of that Congregation. For it is not recorded that he read in any Synagogue beside. It was his Custom to go to the Public Congregation on the Sabbath day: it is these Men's custom not to come there. He never absented himself from the Public Meeting, these Men account it Religion to absent themselves ever. Is our Public Service more corrupt than theirs was then? If it be, let them show it. If it be not, let them give a reason, why they go so directly contrary to our Savior's own practice. Generally his Sermons were very plain, as preached to a Country Auditory, and practical, recommending above all things piety and a good life; and if he chanced to fall upon controversial points in the course of his Sermons, he would strive in few words to pass over the controversy, and while he was upon it, to render it as useful and serviceable to pious ends, as he could. His Sermons always carried a sweet and easy strain with them; a Rhetoric peculiar to himself, notably raising attention, and making a quick impression upon the Affections. Insomuch as he seldom failed of a great Auditory: having scarce one in his Parish, that absented from his Ministry. And another qualification he had of a good Clergy-man, and that was his Charity: which was free and large. His House was a continual Hospital; none went away thence unrelieved, which was so well known, that he had a more than common charge at his Door. For such was his compassionate Spirit, that all sorts of comers, pretending need, partook of his liberality: and he would frequently bring poor people within Doors to his fire, to warm them as well as feed and cloth them. Besides he used in the Winter seasons to find work for the poor of his Parish, as spinning, &c. Whereby at once industry and labor might be encouraged, and poverty succored. And his secret charities are supposed considerable. For he had 300 l. per annum; and no charge, nor visible expense, and yet spent all.

Take him in his more private Capacity, he was a truly pious and devout Christian towards God. This was his friend Dr. Castels character of him. I know no Man under Heaven, whose Voicinity would make my life more patiently tolerated, than to be near one, who hath in him so much of Heaven, as you have. On the Lord's days abroad as well as at home, he always forbore eating or drinking till the Evening Service were over, that he might be the more intent upon his Devotions and Meditations in private, and the freer from dullness and drowsiness in public, a thing so unbecoming the Worship of God. Whensoever he returned home from a journey, it was his manner to pass through his House, to his retirements, without saluting or speaking to anybody, unless they came in his way, till he had performed his private Devotions. For his food whatsoever it was, he was always very thankful to God; never complaining of anything at his Table; but ever expressing a thankfulness for what ever was set before him, besides his usual blessing before and after meals. He was indeed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an universal Good Man, which reconciled him a reverence wheresoever he came: but for some particular Virtues he deserved

—Monstrari & dicier Hic est,

To be taken notice of and admired. I will instance only in his profound meekness and humility: a Man so learned, of such great abilities beyond most Men, and yet so void of all conceit of himself, so mean, so little, so nothing at all in his own Eyes; that one would wonder to hear the expressions that he useth of himself. In his Epistle to Christ's College, you have him in this strain. Cum repeto quantum sine numero, &c. When I recollect what a number, (almost without number) of learned & eminent Men Christ's College hath fostered, and brought up, I call myself Dunce and Blockhead, to come from so learned a bosom, and from among so learned a Society, so unlearned, so mean, and obscure, and still so to remain. Oh! dull creature, that I have been and am, in and after so many and so great advantages, and examples of Learning. I rejoice and triumph, Dearest Nurse, in the multitude of thy Sons, who either have been, or now are, an honor and an ornament to thee. But I am deeply sensible, how void of Learning, how ignorant, how nothing I am: I most freely confess, and lament it; and so he goes on in an elegant strain of Rhetoric to undervalue himself: And subscribes himself Indignissimus Hominum, The most unworthy of Men. Oh! how becoming was so great Learning veiled under so much modesty. And in another Epistle to the Reader (That you may see, this was not a single transient fit of humility, but his constant tenor;) he styles himself, The least of Men and of capacities, who am nothing, and less than nothing in comparison of many thousands. And again, Heu! quam ego, cum Doctos cogito, in oculis meis non sordesco solum, sed & nihilesco. And lastly in respect of his published labors, this is the sense he had of them, and of their Author: Being most ready ever to submit to others, and to acknowledge mine own infirmities, and owning nothing in myself, but sin, weaknesses, and strong desires to serve the Public. As he writes in the conclusion of his Epistle before the second Part of the Harmony. And this humble Spirit, methinks, I have well reserved to the conclusion of my Discourse upon our Doctor, being the very Crown of all his other Virtues and accomplishments. And in this he had outstripped his Masters Master, I mean, Mr. Hugh Broughton; a Man greatly Learned, but as greatly conceited, impatient of contradiction and apt to despise others, which qualities our Doctor never knew.

XVI. Some Apology for our Author: and the Conclusion.

HAving said all this, I know nothing else needful to be done, but to dispel some mists that may darken his Name, and to leave Dr. Lightfoots memory as fair and unblemisht, as may be, to posterity: and so we will gently draw the curtains about his Hearse, and take our leave of the Reader and him at once. I plainly see, there are two things that some will be apt to charge upon him. The one is certain peculiar Opinions that he espoused: and the other, that he seemed to be too much carried away with the late Evil Times. I do not pretend, wholly to excuse and justify him in these things, but only to lessen and mollisie the charge: Consider then, that he was but a Man, and so subject to human slips and frailties as well as others: and that even such who have enjoyed the greatest fame either for Learning or Goodness, have for the most part had some abatement in their Coat of Arms. Nullum magnum ingenium sine mixtura. And those great endowments that were in him, and that eminent service he did the Church and Common-wealth of Learning, may justly merit his pardon for any faults, which either his ignorance or infirmity betrayed him into.

As for his peculiar Opinions: such as the utter and everlasting Rejection of the Jews, his different judgment about the four Monarchies, his interpretation of some things in the Revelations and some others, that may be observed in his Writings, and in his Disputes in the Assembly of Divines; there is this that may be apologized for them, that if they were not true, yet they were innocent, such as made no breach either upon the Churches Peace, or the Analogy of Faith: two things, that he was ever most tender of, Innocua, ut spero, proponens semper. Propounding, I hope, such things as are always harmless. As he speaks in his Epistle before the Horae upon S. John. And before another, I hope it will not give offense upon this account, that if I am mistaken I mistake only in Historical matters, as most things are, that create difficulty here, (viz. The Epistle to the Corinthians:) where there is no fear of infringing the Analogy of Faith, or the Doctrine of the Church. And so long as these are preserved safe, it seems allowable, especially for learned Men, offering fair probabilities, to abound in their own sense.

He was indeed a Member of the Assembly of Divines, and long after that (I think) one of those, who at the beginning of the Kings joyful Return were appointed to confer with the Episcopal Divines at the Savoy: whereby it appears that he bended sometime towards Puritanism. It was indeed his unhappiness, as well as of many other pious well meaning Men, to live in those times of Temptation; whereinto if they fell, it was because they were not Politicians enough to see the bad consequences of those smooth and fair pretences. I may plead for him, that it was his credulity, not his malice, or any evil design that made him err. He was carried away with their Dissimulation, (and there was an Apostle once was so) and that the more easily, being a Man of an innocent and unsuspicious nature, especially when such goodly things as Religion and Reformation were so much boasted: And I make no doubt he afterwards was convinced how he had been trepanned, and saw his error, as appeared sufficiently by his ready compliance with the Laws and orders of the established Church upon the happy Restauration: and encouraging his Sons also to the same, who were both conformable men of the Clergy. He never was a Bigot, or a busy officious Man, always rather Passive than Active, unless in the Assembly. And then generally those matters wherein he stirred were such points, as in which the very Locks of the Presbyterians strength lay, which he for the most part opposed. And certainly when we consider, how he thwarted their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , their chief principles; arguing against Lay Elders, standing for general admittance to the Sacrament, for Forms of Prayers, and many such like, the Presbyterians could never reckon him truly theirs; and I am apt to think, they wished him more than once out of their Assembly. Indeed he was then rather a Man at large by himself, that followed his own Studies, than followed any party of Men, and promoted true goodness, as far as in him lay. In those times he particularly made these three or four things his main Drift, viz. To beat down Enthusiasm, which he plainly saw tended to the enervating the Authority of the Holy Scriptures; To maintain the honor of Learning and a Regular Clergy; and to show the necessity of keeping up public Communion with the National Church: whereby unquestionably he did excellent service to the Church in those evil days. He had an excellent faculty in resting out of the Hands of Shismaticks those weapons, that they most confided in. For this I might show his way of dealing with Enthusiasts, Anabaptists, &c. But I will instance only in those that would justify their separation, from the word Saints in Scripture, supposing that thereby were meant persons truly and inwardly Holy. The ignorance of the latitude of this word was then the cause of many bitter contentions, and wild opinions, nay, and of no small danger to all that were not Saints in their account. To this purpose he speaks in a Latin Sermon preached at Eli, at an Episcopal Visitation held there by the Right Reverend Father in God Benjamin, late Lord Bishop of Eli: Nec periculosius aut terribilius son it olim Shibboleth Gileaditarum, &c. That the Shibboleth of the Gileadites anciently sounded not more dangerously, than the Title of Saints of late. Whereas, as he shows in that Sermon, and used to urge in the late times, That by Saints is meant nothing but Christians in opposition to Heathens or Unbelievers. And that the Apostle in that phrase speaks with the common notion of the Jewish Nation; to which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In Holiness, signifies no more than Within the Profession of the Jewish Religion, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Not in Holiness signifies as much as In Heathenism.

But it is time to make an end: though I am sensible all that hath been said is far short of what might have been, concerning a Man of his Figure in the Learned World; and what should, if further accounts of him had come to hand from such his Learned friends and acquaintance, as could or would have imparted them. But what hath been written is sufficient to give a Draught of him. Which however defective it may be, it hath this advantage, that it is a true one; these notices being taken partly from such Persons who well knew him, or were related to him; and partly collected out of his Printed Epistles, but chiefly out of abundance of other Letters, loose Papers, Note-books, and other M S S. in my hands. Which course is now become the most fashionable, as it is indeed the best way of writing Historical matters. Epistolaris Historia est optima Historia, as Cardinal Baronius used to say. I have had no temptation to write anything favore aut odio: having no other aim in this undertaking, but to represent our Author fairly and truly to such as shall be disposed to read him, or know him. And I chose to digest it in this method, as most proper for it, being a hasty Rapsody of remainders of things, worthy to be remembered concerning this excellent Man, and which were omitted in the Account of his Life. The method, I know, is not so correct and exact as it might have been, and as it should, if more time and leisure had been allowed. If any would know our Author better, let him have recourse unto his Books: there he shall have Doctor Lightfoot speaking for himself; and giving his own Character in every Page: there he may read and see Learning, Diligence, Accuracy, Candor, Humility, a love of Peace and an earnest scrutiny after Truth, and a great Zeal for God and Religion, shining everywhere.

And now upon the whole, shall we retire from reading this long Relation without reaping any benefit thereby, further than to have heard some news? Then we have in effect, but lost our time. Great Examples are great arguments to provoke to imitation. If we desire the Esteem he had left behind him among good Men, let us take the course he did, and try to arrive at his Virtue and Learning; and if we would attain to that, let use his tools; I mean, Industry, Study, Constancy, and especially Modesty, and a sense of our own Ignorance. Without which last, if any one hath attained to any considerable degree of knowledge, thousands have failed thereof for the want of it. This was Seneca 's judgment; Puto multos potuisse ad Sapientiam pervenire, nisi putassent se pervenisse: That many might have arrived to Wisdom, had they not vainly thought that they had already done it. Finally if we are anything ourselves, or have any advantages communicated to us from the gifts and endowments of others, as all is ultimately to be resolved into the grace and goodness of God, so let us not forget to give him all the Praise and Glory.

I. STRYPE.




An APPENDIX or COLLECTION of some more Memorials of the Life of the Excellent Dr. John Lightfoot, most of them taken from Original Letters, or MSS. of his own.

I. Concerning the Occasion, Reason and Method of his undertakings in Harmonizing the NEW TESTAMENT.

THE Original cause of those Books of Harmony, that this excellent Man published at several times, was an ardent Love of the Holy Scriptures; which put him upon an earnest search into them, that, if possible, he might at length arrive to a true and sure understanding of them. This account he gives of himself. It was neither arrogance nor rashness, that made me employ myself in these obscurities, but a studious mind, breathing after the knowledge of the Scriptures, and something restless, when in difficult places it knew not where to fix. And that he might read the Scriptures with the better advantage, this was his constant course in his private use of them, to take the Bible before him, and to read it according to the proper Order of its Times and Stories: always carefully observing where the method of it is direct, and where transposed, and how and where to place those transpositions. This, as he somewhere tells us, he proposed to himself, and practiced many years together. By which he gathered no little help for the apprehending the right sense of those Holy Pages. This encouraged him not only to proceed still in that method himself, but seriously to recommend it unto others: And for the helping and furthering all pious Students of Holy Scriptures, he resolved to communicate this his Course by publishing an Harmony for the use of all. And now he bends all his Study and Thoughts to do this fully and exactly, so as it might answer the Religious and good ends he intended it for: Vast and long pains it cost him: for the Course of his Studies was employed in elaborating (to use his own most true expression) the Harmony of the four Evangelists. And both Nature and Providence assisted him in this noble intended Work. For he was naturally of a strong and hail constituion, and his lot fell to be seated in a private Country Living, free from noise and secular business, and importunate Visits. Here in his beloved Study, built by himself in the midst of a Garden, he plods hard at it night and day, and for divers years allowed himself but some few hours in the night for sleep.

And the Scheme he drew out and propounded to himself for the method of this great and useful work was,

  • I. To lay the Texts in that Order, that the nature and progress of the Story doth require.
  • II. To give his reasons for his so disposing them.
  • III. To give some account of the difficulties of the Language in the Original, as he should meet with them.
  • IV. To clear and open the sense all along. The way that he took in prosecuting these two last, was to examine Translations in divers Languages, to allege the various Expositions, and Opinions of Commentators both Antient and Modern, and also of others, who spake to such and such places occasionally: and then lastly, to pass his own conjecture of the probability or improbability of them. Which seemed to be the same course that the Learned Doctor Pocock afterwards took in his late admirable Commentary upon Micah and Malachi.

To all this he designed a large Preface: which should contain Prolegomena of divers things fit to be known, introductory to such a Work. Where he purposed to treat largely and freely upon these five things. (Oh! that it had pleased God so to have disposed his future occasions and opportunities, that he might have accomplished these his useful and brave Designs!)

  • I. To fix the certain year of our Savior's birth.
  • II. To dispose in their proper places all the dislocations of Texts and Stories in the Old Testament: which are exceeding many. That such dislocations in the New Testament might be thought the less strange.
  • III. To make a Chorographical Description of the Land of Canaan, and the places adjoining: Which would help to the clearer understanding of much of the Story of the Gospel. And
  • IV. A Topographical Description of Jerusalem, and of the Fabric of the Temple: to facilitate divers passages in the Gospel of no small obscurity. And
  • V. To give some History of the State and Customs of the Jews, in those times when the Gospel began, and was first preached, out of their own Authors.

What an excellent Book would this have been? And this he set himself roundly and in good earnest about, and had chosen him a Patron, viz. A Noble Man of his own Country, to whom to dedicate the whole. For this Work he had laid in many materials and made a good progress in it: in so much that he foresaw it was like to swell to a great Volume. This began to discourage him; not his own pains, that he saw by what he had already done would be very great; but the injurious Press, that in those times refused anything, but what was very brief. This put him upon a new labor, namely, to contrive how to Epitomize and Abbreviate what he had written; and to send out his Studies piece-meal into the World; as he did afterwards. Whereby his Method was broken, many of his useful Notions suppressed by studying brevity; and all that after saw the Light, but a kind of confused Harmony. Whereas what a Noble and excellent Treatise would it have appeared, if it had been digested, according to the Authors first project, into one just Volume. Indeed had it pleased God to lengthen out his life sometime longer, we might possibly have seen all his pieces compiled and digested into a Method by his own Hand, and reduced probably in such an Order, as he had originally designed them. For upon the resort of some Booksellers to him, and their desire, that he would revise and prepare all his formerly published Works, he gave them his promise that he would consider their proposal. But his death prevented the bringing this to any effect.

But it may be some satisfaction to all those that value Doctor Lightfoot, and his Learning, that though the World enjoys not this Labor in the Method and Perfection it was at first intended, yet he lived so long as to impart to us, at several times, the sum and substance of it. For to look back upon the design of that Harmony and Preface before mentioned. Of the four parts, whereof the Harmony was to consist, the two last, namely, the explaining of the difficulties of the Language, and illustrating the sense, are effected in part in his last and best Labors, The Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations: and we lament only, that his leisure, or his Life, permitted him not to have gone through all the Books of the New Testament, in that Method, as well as the Four Gospels; the first Epistle to the Corinthians, and some part of the Acts of the Apostles, and a scrap of the Romans. And the two former parts of the said Harmony, namely the Order of the Texts, and his Reasons for so ordering them, we have in his Three Harmonies afterwards published, and especially in his last published in the year 1655. The chief thing we want here is the full Text of the Four Evangelists, laid down before us in its true Order of time. And this he had transcribed curiously and exactly, from end to end, by his own Hand, in that Order and Series as things occurred. Whereby those four Divine Historians were reduced into one complete Story, and might have been read with far more ease, and pleasure, and understanding. But he offered it to the Press, and found its passage difficult; because it would swell the Book too much, as he tells us in his Epistle before that Book. This M S. lies in a private Hand, and may hereafter (if occasion serve) see the Light.

As for the five Parts of the Preface designed, the two first were completed and published long since by him, Annis 1644 & 1647. And for the two next, the Land of Canaan is Chorographically described, and the situation of Jerusalem and the Temple in some measure shewn in his Disquisitions prefixed before his several Horae Hebraicae, and in his distinct Treatise of the Temple. And this last Edition of his Works exhibits all this in three Maps, one of Jerusalem, another of the Holy Land, drawn according to the Doctors own judgment, and a third of the Temple itself, accurately drawn by the Doctors own Hand upon Vellam, and now Printed from that Original. This Map he mentions in his Epistle before the Prospect of the Temple. Which it seems he himself had a good conceit of, (athing he seldom had of his own performances) so as he would fain, for the excellent use of it, have had it published with the Book, but it would not then pass. Hear his own commendation of it. He calls it, A full, plain, punctual, and exact Prospect and Description of the Temple; its Situation, Dimension, Platform, Fabric, and Furniture both within and without: the Walls, Gates, Courts, Cloisters, Chambers and Buildings, that were about it: the Altar, Lavers, Stations for Men, Slaughter places for Beasts, and all the Offices belonging to it. A Delineation so copious and plain, in all the particulars of that holy ground, that had it had the hap to have come to the public view, I should not have feared to have made the Reader the Judge, and Censor upon the nature and use of the thing. (He seldom speaks so confidently,) but the Hap of becoming public is not happened unto it. Though now at last by good hap it is.

But however the World has at length gained this Map so long suppressed, yet his Chorographical Description of Canaan, and the places adjoining, is irrecoverably lost. You will be the more sensible of the loss of it, if you will hear what the Design of it was, and what pains he had taken about it. Take it from his own pen in one of his Epistles, He intended to describe the Land of Israel in a way somewhat new indeed and untrodden, and, as he believed, unattempted: he means, out of the Writings of the Jews. For he had observed three sorts of things, that might be picked up out of the Talmuds, and other Jewish Authors (if dextrously managed) in reference to the Land of Canaan. I. In exceeding many passages, when they come to speak of places of the Land, that are mentioned in Scripture, they either describe them, or show their situation, or distance from such or such places. II. They give us abundance of names of Cities, Mountains, and other places in that Land. Which names are neither to be found in the Scripture, nor Josephus; nor in the Heathen, or Christian Records, that speak of the places of that Country; but in these Judaic Writers only. But yet carry a fair probability, and rational Evidence, that there were such names and places. III. They relate many choice, eminent and remarkable stories, occurring in such and such places, which are not to be found in any Records, but their own: and of singular illustration both of the situation, and of the story of the Land and Nation. Now the taking notice of passages of this nature had been his course for many years together, as he had occasion to read the Talmudical Writers. So that he had gathered a great stock of these Rarities, as he styles them, for the use of his Chorographical Work; even to the bulk of a great Volume. In so much that what he saith of his Book of the Temple, That it cost him as much pains to give that description of it, as to travail thither, is as much, or more true of this. The unhappy chance, that hindered the publishing this elaborate piece of his, which he had brought to pretty good perfection, was the Edition of Doctor Fullers Pisgah Sight; Great pity it was, that so good a Book should have done so much harm. For that Book handling the same matters, and preventing his, stopped his Resolution of letting his labors in that subject see the light. Though he went a way altogether different from Doctor Fuller, and so both might have shewn their faces together in the World, and the younger Sister, if we may make comparisons, might have proved the fairer of the two. But that Book is lost utterly, save that many of his Notions are preserved in his Chorographical pieces put before his Horae.

And for the last thing (whereof that Preface was to consist) namely to give some Historical account of the affairs of the Jews; that is done in part in his Commentary upon the Acts of the Apostles published Anno 1645. and in his Parergon, Concerning the Fall of Jerusalem, at the End of the Harmony, Anno 1655. But alas! these are but light touches of their story, rather than any complete and full account thereof. But such as they are we must be glad of, and contented in the want of the rest. Indeed the Jews History from the beginning of the Gospel downwards for some Centuries would have been as excellent and useful, as the subject would have been rare and unusual. And a thing of that difficulty also, that the modest Doctor propounds it to others rather than dares to undertake it himself. For we find in one of his Epistles Dedicatory , He recommends it to some able pen to continue the story of the Jews, where Josephus and Egesippus end theirs, and where Jerusalem ended her days, until these latter times, out of the Jews own Talmud and Writings; for the illustration of the Truth of those predictions of Scripture that foretell their doom, and for the evidencing that justice, that hath ever since haunted them for the murder of the Righteous One, whom they crucified.

II. Concerning his Learning and Studies.

NAture had endued him with a strong and sound constitution of Body: so that in his old age he was able closely to follow his Studies without finding any inconvenience by it: and though he had not spared his Eyes in his younger years, yet they still remained good; for which he blesseth God in a Letter to the Learned Buxtroph, Anno 1664. And divers years after that, he acknowledgeth the same blessing of health in his Epistle to his last Book that he put forth, which was not above a year or two before his death: calling it Vivacitatem corporis, animi atque oculorum; The Vivacity of his Body, Mind and Eyes. This excellent temperament qualified him for Study. Which he pursued hard all his days. He had read much. Which may be gathered from his Note Books, wherein are short Notes from Book to Book and from Chapter to Chapter, of the chief Contents of many Authors, collected by his own Hand, and both Fathers and Historians, and especially the latter: and such of them chiefly as might afford him light into the affairs of the Church in the earliest times of it. And hereby he laid himself in a good stock of materials to make use of in his future Rabbinical Studies. That abstruse and more recondite Learning he from his younger years greatly affected. To those Studies , he tells us himself, he was most fervently carried out, ex innato mihi nescio quo genio, by he could not tell what innate Genius: and that there was nothing so sweet and delicate to him: istis deliciis nihil mihi dulcius delicatiusque.

Indeed this Learned Man seemed to have a Genius, that naturally affected the Study of such things, as were beyond the sphere of ordinary and common Learning; and delighted to tread in untrodden paths, to use his own phrase; and loved to lead rather than follow. He was willing to spare no labor, and to take up all things at the first Hand: as he speaks somewhere. And this appeared by the very Title that he gave some of his Books. His Observations upon Genesis are called by him New and rarely heard of. In his Handful of Gleanings, he promiseth solution of difficulties scarcely given by any heretofore: And in the second part of his Harmony published Anno 1647. he professeth to give Observations upon Text and Story, not commonly obvious, and more rare and unnoted. And that Proposition before mentioned, of a just History of the Jews, bespake the high and more than ordinary flights of his Learned mind. But especially his Harmony shown this. Wherein he reckons himself the first that ever essayed a Work of that nature in the English Language: which he himself calls an untrodden path, and a bold adventure.

But let us follow him to his beloved Rabbies, or rather to the beloved Writings of the ill-beloved Authors. Of whom he gave this character, That the Doctrine of the Gospel had no more bitter enemies than they, and yet the Text no more plain Interpreters. The reason he bent himself to the Study of them was because he was fully convinced an insight into their Language and Customs was the best way to a safe and sure understanding of the New Testament; which he thirstily gasped and breathed after the knowledge of. And though the barbarous and difficult style, and the great store of trifling, wherewith they abound, might, and doth, justly discourage many from reading them, yet Dr. Lightfoot undervalued all hardships and discouragements for the compassing that great and noble end he aimed at. Let us now view him tugging day and night at these Studies, and especially take notice of that excellent method he proposed to himself for the prosecuting them with the more fruit and advantage. Which was to Note, 1. Whatsoever any way tended to illustrate the Phrase or Story of the New Testament. 2. Whatsoever tended to the better knowledge of the places in the Land of Canaan. And 3. whatsoever related to History, and especially that of the Jews. And to acquaint you more particularly how he ordered himself in taking up these notices, he used large Note-books in Folio. And therein he digested what he intended to Note, as he read the Talmuds, and other Jewish Books, under such Titles as these: Quaedam de Terra Israelitica sparsim collecta; Things scatteringly collected concerning the Land of Israel. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Quaenam. What was the Land of Israel. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Things appropriated to the Land of Israel. And there is an Alphabet by him framed, in this method: A 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 B 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 C 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . K 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 D 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . E 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Graec. G 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . H 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . I 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . L 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A, &c. Under which according to their initial Letters he used to reduce all places of the Holy Land mentioned in the Talmud, and something of their Situation, or History, with references unto the page of the Tracts, where they were mentioned. And lastly, There is another Title, viz. Places in Babylonia, under which he collected the Names and Stories of Towns or Cities in that Country also.

He was very curious indeed in tracing the Countries and places mentioned in Scripture, and especially wherein the Jewish Nation were any ways concerned. This sufficiently appears in his laborious Disquisitions premised before each of his Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations. And in one of his Note Books, he is tracing with much accuracy the Marches of Israel out of Egypt, under this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt. Pity it is, it was not perfected by him.

He read over both Talmuds often, and with great deliberation, as appears from several of his Paper Books, in which are many rough Notes of the Contents thereof taken by him at several times; and sometimes short Observations of his own thereupon. He seemed to have had a Design of publishing a brief account of the Jerusalem Talmud, and of the chief matters, whereof it treats from Tract to Tract. For there is such a thing fairly written out by him in Latin, bearing this Title, Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosolymitani. But it is imperfect, reaching but to the seventh Tract of the first Classis.

He was as studious of the Sacred Chronology, of the Old and New Testament, as, we have seen, he was of the Chorography of the Holy Land: as accounting this highly necessary to the understanding of the Scriptures. When it was once debated by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in what parts of Learning the Candidates for holy Orders should be examined, and some were for waving the trying them in Scripture Chronology, Doctor Lightfoot urged the necessity of it in order to the apprehending the sense of the Sacred Volumes; alleging, that he held, that he read not Scripture, who was not expert in Chronology. And he prevailed in that debate. His abilities in that sort of Learning may be seen in several of his Works published, and in divers rude Essays in MS.

He had long and very carefully searched into the Translation of the LXX, and compared it verse by verse with the Hebrew Original, as appears by his MS. under this Title, Discrepantiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo, with brief Notes here and there. And under another Title, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX, he enumerates all their errors throughout the whole Translation; and them he makes to be very many in this method; Inaniter addita Periculose decurtata. Sensum clarum obsuscantia. Vitiantia pulchrum. Reddita in sensum, alienum. Reddita in sensum plane contrarium. Reddita in sensum nullum. Traditiones Judaicas redolentia. Hebraica retenta. Reddita pro fama gentis. Pro fama textus. Paraphrases. Propria nomina facta Appellativa. Numeri male▪ calculati. Locorum nomina recentiora. Vocales male Lectae. Literae male Lectae. Sensus foedatus. Variatio nominum. Versus male conjuncti, &c. And accordingly under each of these Heads the places of Scripture, so mistaken are by him disposed, which are infinite. Which cost him no small pains. By these things it appears he was no good friend to the LXX. It was great pity he lived not to digest into a just Volume these his careful Studies concerning the LXX, as he intended to do; and had begun it in Latin, in three or four Chapters, written fair with his own hand, carrying this Title, Disquisitio modesta de LXX, & de Versione Graeca: and had likewise consulted the great Buxtorph about this his purpose.

He was also well seen in Josephus. He seems to have communicated his own Josephus, with Notes of his own written in it, unto Monseir Petit, a Learned Man of Nismes in France: who had labored hard in preparing a good Edition of that useful Author: For Anno 1666. in a Letter June 12. from Dr. Worthington to him, speaking concerning Petit, he hath these words, I doubt not but when you have your own Josephus returned, you will meet with some observations of your own noted in him. Another French Man about the year 1666. viz. Monseir Le Moyn, reputed to be one of the Learnedest Men in France, and Minister of the Protestant Church at Roan, labored in the same work that Petit before had done. And for the furthering of his design he wrote to the said Learned and Pious Doctor Worthington, that if he had anything for the benefit of that Edition, to impart it. Whereupon he applies himself to his old Friend Doctor Lightfoot, (who, as he tells him, was well versed in Josephus ) that he would assist him with his hints and short observations upon the doubtful passages in that Author: a thing that he knew would be very acceptable unto that Learned Man. What the issue of this request was, appears not; only we know the Doctor did not use to be backward in communicating any knowledge he had; who had so freely yielded his assistance to the Polyglot Bible, to the Heptaglot Lexicon, and the Synopsis of the Critics, as we shall see by and by. We are sure Monseir Le Moyn made great use of what the Doctor had before published, especially in the Chorographical Century before S. Matthew, where he had occasion to speak to several places in Josephus. And so he writes expressly to Doctor Worthington, speaking of his Notes and Exercitations upon Josephus, In iis utor saepissime Lightfootii Talmudice Doctissimi, &c. In these I do very often make use of the Works of Doctor Lightfoot, a man well studied in Talmudical Learning, &c.

What Doctor Worthington contributed to this Work, besides the using his interest with his Learned Friends for the same purpose, let me mention, though not so much to our present Theam. At the Library at S. James 's there was a Josephus in Greek, Printed at Basil: probably once belonging to the very Learned Isaac Casaubon; for in the Margin were various Lections written by his hand, which he had gathered out of MSS. and some conjectures and hints of his own; there were also marked in it other Notes of Patrick Young, written most in Greek. These the aforesaid Doctor transcribed, and numbered the Pages and the Lines, which made three Sheets of Paper close written, a matter of no small pains, and sent them over to the said Monseir Le Moyn. But to return to our Author.

III. Some account of him as a Divine.

HE gave no small specimen of his skill also in Divinity, as well as in Oriental and other Learning, when he proceeded Doctor, which was Anno 1652. The Question upon which he disputed, was, Post Canonem Scripturae consignatum non sunt novae Revelationes expectandae. Which he managed against the Enthusiasts, against whom he by all means opposed himself; as being greatly sensible how that Sect tended to the overthrow of the Holy Scriptures; which were his dearest Care and Delight. He managed this Question by discoursing first, Concerning the Sealing of the Canon of the Holy Scriptures; And secondly, Concerning not expecting Revelations after it was once Sealed. His meaning he stated in these three particulars; That now after the Scripture Canon is sealed, Revelations are not to be expected. I. To reveal new Doctrines of Faith. Nor, II. To discover the sense of the Scriptures, or to explain the Doctrines of Faith. Nor, III. To direct our Lives and Manners. And among other Arguments whereby he proved his Question, he produced two Historical passages for that purpose. The one was, That in those very Times wherein Revelations, Inspirations and Prophesies abounded, even then Men were directed to the written Word. Yea ( which is more, and most worthy of notice ) from the first founding of the Church of Israel unto the expiration of it, though for the most part Prophets and Men inspired were at hand; yet God ordained not these for the standing and constant Ministry, whereby the People were to be instructed, but Priests, that were skilled in the Law, and studied the Scripture. How far do our Enthusiasts, saith he, swerve from this Divine Institution concerning the public Ministry; Who suffer none to be a Minister, who is Learned and Studious, but he only, who is inspired with the Spirit, and who can preach by the Spirit? The other is, That the Apostle S. Paul, after the first age of the Gospel in which Revelations were often very necessary, would no longer use the Imposition of his hands, which conferred the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost, because he well knew, that God saw good no further to make use of such a Ministry: and therefore placeth Timothy in Ephesus and Titus in Crete, and other excellent Men elsewhere, who, though they could not confer the Spirit, yet they ordained Ministers, not inspired by the Spirit, but Learned by Study. He the next day determined Learnedly upon that Question, An mors Christi fuerit in Redemptionem universalem. His Clerum which he Preached was upon 1 Cor. XVI. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The sum whereof was afterward by him published in his Horae upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians.

And since we are considering him now as a Learned Divine, having before taken notice of him as a Learned Man; let us hear him arguing and showing his great abilities among the Divines at Westminster. Whose notions he did not seldom oppose, even to a challenge; sometimes by the strength and clearness of his reasonings, and evidence of Scripture (for he seemed to deserve that character that was given to Apollos, a Man mighty in the Scriptures ) he turned the whole Assembly: and sometimes, such was his honesty and courage, he would in some cases dissent from the whole Company, and be the only Negative in the Assembly. Some passages of his judgment in that Assembly are related in the Account of his Life, there are divers more, that deserve to be recorded to his fame and memory.

Doctor Lightfoots judgment was for general admission to the Holy Sacrament, and spake for it by these arguments. I. That though the Law forbid the unclean to come ad Sacra, yet it gave not power to any to repel those that offered themselves to come. Nor find we any such example. II. That in Matth. VII. Sanctum canibus, Give not that which is holy to the Dogs, is spoken in reference to the Apostles safety. For the Jews themselves, who use this Proverb, by Dogs and Swine understand the bitter Enemies and Persecutors of the truth. And so our Savior hereby warrants his Disciples, though they Preach not to Persecutors, and Enemies, lest it cost them their lives. III. Circumcision was indifferently ministered to all the Seed of Abraham, Ergo. IV. Judas received the Sacrament, Ergo. And when Mr. G. instanced in Uzziah his being repelled, our Doctor answered, That it was ab Officio & loco, and withal said, Grant the Priest did and might repel the unclean, yet the case was different. For that uncleanness was external, and it might be known, whether they were purified or no. But so cannot a Minister now judge of a Mans Conscience. For though he were scandalous yesterday, yet may his repentance be unfeigned by today, for ought he knows. Dr. B. urged, That though Christ was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , yet Judas his Villany was not now known among the Disciples. Our Doctor answered, Christ had publicly marked him out for a Traitor before. Dr. H. urged, After the sop he went out. The Doctor answered, That was no Passover nor Sacrament, but before it. Upon this the matter arose to a great heat (for he seemed herein to oppose the whole Assembly) and leave was publicly given to our Author and Mr. P. to debate the point about Judas. And they did it somewhat largely. And the next day Dr. H. offered to dispute the same matter against him; but the Assembly thought fit not to allow it. Again, Matth. VII. was taken up, which Dr. Lightfoot again opposed, and desired, that the verse might be taken in this sense, which they would have, Give not the Sacrament to Dogs, lest they rend you; and then that they would consider, how doth this agree? And further urged, that Dogs in Scripture doth most constantly signify An Enemy: and where Dog once signifies a profane Man at large, it signifies many time for that one, either those without, or utter enemies of the Truth▪ Mr. S. pleaded for the place thus, The Ordinances are not to be administered, where they will be profaned, but when a scandalous person comes, &c. Our Respondent denied the Major. The other in proving it construed To tread underfoot, as much as To neglect, or slight. Which received this answer, That neither the word in the Hebrew in the Old Testament, nor in the Greek in the New siguifieth in that sense. And that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies not profaning, but a higher maliciousness, than ordinary slighting.

Again, they used that Text, for suspension from the Sacrament, in 2. Thes. III. 6. That ye withdraw yourselves from every Brother that walketh disorderly. Where our Doctor desired to know, how this private proof would come up to a positive proposition. For the proposition is of suspending another from the Sacrament, and this of suspending ourselves from company with another. To which Dr. B. gave this answer, That though the terms be different in the Proposition and Text, yet the sense is the same. Against which our Champion argued thus, That in Matth. I. 19. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Put her away, Erasmus and Brucioli the Italian, render it, He would depart from her. This, he conceived, did much change that sense, and spake not of any divorse at all from Joseph, but makes him Passive. Mr. P. answered again, That the Apostle, giving so strict a charge, makes the Passive an Active. He replied 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Law speaks in the Language of Man, that the Reader or Hearer may best understand. Now if the Apostle had mainly intended Actively, I conceive, saith he, he would have spoke Actively. Yet this Text being put to the Vote was carried in the Affirmative, nemine contradicente, but Dr. Lightfoot.

I perceive, I must beg the Readers pardon for so large a relation of the canvasing of one single point. But the use and pleasure of it may countervail its tediousness. Whereby may be observed the manner of proceeding in that Assembly, (which, it may be, may be a curiosity, at least not unacceptable to some ingenious persons) and particularly the courage, honesty, quickness, learning and intimate knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, that appeared in the worthy Man of whom we are speaking.

Let us not be weary to hear his thoughts and discourse upon the other Sacrament of Baptism, as we have heard him upon that of the Lord's Supper. Our Doctor did allow of private Baptism in some cases. This was opposed by some, who would have Baptism celebrated in public only. Here the Doctor insisted upon these things. I. That in 1 Cor. I. I baptized the House of Stephanas, was in Ecclesia constituta, and the phrase importeth that it was not in a Synagogue. II. Whereas some had asserted, that Circumcision was public, he proved that it was generally private. 1. Otherwise in great Towns, every day sometimes would have been as a Sabbath; for every day would some Child come to be eight days old. 2. Moses his Wife, and Judah at Chezib, circumcised Children distant from any Congregation. III. All the Nation was baptized, when they were to come out of Egypt, but this could not be in the Congregation. IV. The Jews Pandect tells us, That a Proselyte was to be baptized at home, as a Servant by his Master, but if either Servant or Master refuse, then should he be brought before the Congregation.

Then was there a Learned discourse between our Author and another well skilled in Hebrew Learning concerning the import of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The one in a large discourse making it to mean dipping over head and cars. Which Dr. Lightfoot largely also proved to imply no more, but Sprinkling. And finally made a challenge to them all, to produce any one place in all the Old Testament, where Baptizare, when it is used De Sacris, and in a Transient action, is not used of Sprinkling. And so assured he was of this, That he declared he held Dipping unlawful, and an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a piece of Wilworship.

Concerning Keeping the Sabbath, the first Proposition was, That the Sabbath is to be remembered before it come, &c. That Phrase, Before it come, Our Doctor spake against, as putting a Gloss upon the Commemoration of the fourth Commandment never heard of before. But howsoever it was carried in terminis. But he succeeded better in his dislike of the third Proposition, which was, That there be no feasting on the Sabbath: he instancing in Christ's feasting, Luke XIV. and in his feasting, at least Dining, with all his Disciples in Peters House, Matth. VIII. Whereupon it was thus proposed, That the Diet on the Sabbath day be so ordered, that no servants or others be unnecessarily kept from the public Service.

The Assembly discoursing concerning Marriage, whether it should be denied to be a part of God's Worship, or whether it were to be held out as a mere civil thing, Mr. G. alleged, Eccles. VIII. 2. I counsel thee to keep the Kings Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God; to show obedience to Magistrates to be a mere Civil thing, and yet it lays a tie of Obedience from God. Dr. Lightfoot denied that Gloss of the place, and said, That the Oath there is not an Oath taken by the Subject to David, but the Oath made by God to David's House.

When the Assembly had expounded the meaning of that Article, He descended into Hell, to be, that he continued under the power of death; he impleaded that sense as too short, and not reaching to the meaning of the Greek phrase. For, saith he, 1. There is not so much difference between, He was dead, till he rose again, and He continued under the power of death, till he rose again, as to make two distinct Articles of the Creed. 2. The Greek phrase is a phrase used among the Heathen originally, and therefore from them best to be understood. 3. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among them signifies properly and constantly in relation to the Souls departed. For this he cited Homer, Diphilus, and other Heathens, which prove this undeniably. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 imports locomotion, and there is a plain difference between Descending, and Continuing in. 5. It is without doubt that this Article came into the Creed upon emergent occasion, because it was inserted after so many scores of years absence out. Now the detention of Christ under death was not such an emergency, as to cause an Article of so obscure a nature, for expression of that which was so well known. But it seems rather to have come in upon the Heresy of Apolinarius, who denied Christ to have had a true human Soul. These things he pleaded at large: and at last prevailed to have this clause, In the state of the dead, added to the explication; but could not strain it to any expression of his Soul. Of this Article he hath a just and learned Discourse in the second Volume of his Works.

That Proposition, Christ's whole Obedience is imputed to us, the Assembly proved from that place among others, Rom. V. 9, 17, 18, 19. Against this Mr. Ga. began to except, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies here not Righteousness, but Justa Satisfactio: and that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Obedience of Christ, is to be restrained to Obedience in suffering. To this Dr. Lightfoot made reply, 1. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 translates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Statutes, twenty times, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Commandments, five times in Psal. CXIX. and these words have plain reference to action. 2. That the Heathen Writers use it rarely for Recompence, if at all. For this purpose he alleged Aristotle and Dion. 3. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not used for the expression of Christ's suffering, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Esa. LIII. Act. VIII.

Treating of the thirteenth Article of Religion, That Works done before Justification are not pleasing to God, one of the places brought to prove this Proposition was, Tit. I. 15, 16. Unto the pure all things are pure, but unto them that are defiled and unbelieving nothing is pure, &c. This place our Doctor held improper upon these reasons. 1. Because the place seems to speak concerning meats. 2. It speaks of unbelieving Jews, and our Article seems to speak of Men under Christianity. 3. That of most abominable wretches, our Article of Men of good morals. But it was voted to pass for all this.

Among the Rules laid down for Preachers, it was made one of the qualifications of a Doctrine raised from a Text, A Doctrine raised ought to be such a truth, as is principally intended in that place. This was gainsaid by our Doctor, alleging these three places in one Chapter, viz. Matth. II. Out of Egypt have I called my son. And, In Rama was a voice heard. And, He shall be called a Nazarite: which the Evangelist quotes besides the principal intent of the Prophet. Whereupon they altered it thus, Such a Truth as it principally intended, or what is most for Edification. Mr. P. vehemently spake against the use of strange Tongues in Sermons. Among others that contradicted him, Dr. Lightfoot was one; who pleaded, that the very Cadence of many sentences in the Hebrew is of divine Observation, as in Gen. XI. And that it is impossible to give the life and vigor of the Text to the full meaning of the Spirit without the very citing of the words of the Original. And urged further, that it would take ill abroad, if they should declare anything against Languages: And moreover instanced in that place, which in Hebrew is called Abaddon. Now if I should, said he, preach upon this, how could I open it without the use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Numb. XXIV. 24. And when this point came afterwards to the Vote, it ran Against the unnecessary and unprofitable use of it.

The matter being debated, Whether Ministers should read the Service and Chapters before Sermon; some propounded, that young Men designed for the Ministry should do it for the ease of the Ministers. To this our Author assented, and shown, That in the New Testament we find the Preacher to be different from the Reader; as Luke IV. The Law was read before Christ preached on it. So Act. XIII. And so the Karraim among the Jews seemed to be the Readers of the Law, and the Pharisees the Expositors (from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To expound ) of it.

To that clause in the second Article of Religion, Who truly suffered, they added for its illustration, That for our sakes he suffered most grievous torments in his Soul immediately from God. These words after much debate were concluded on; and these proofs allowed for its confirmation, Esa. LIII. 10, 11. Mark XIV. 33, 34. But those places gave not the Doctor satisfaction, nor the addition itself any content. For it was his fear, that it would intricate the Article, rather than clear it, and that the proofs would not either satisfy the honest conscience, nor convince and stop the cavils of the captious. Indeed this was an opinion that he could never digest: The dearly beloved of the Soul of God, to •… der the heaviest wrath of God! (as he speaks elsewhere) The Lord of Heaven and E •… be under the torments of Hell? Let it not be told in Gath, publish it not in the Streets of Ascaelon. Let not the Jews hear i , nor the Turks understand such a thing: lest they blaspheme our Lord of Life, more than they do. For the proving that clause in the same Article, To reconcile his Father to us, they produced Ezek. XVI. 63. which the Doctor opposed, as improper for the thing in hand.

At another time, being upon Discipline, when there had been great bandying of that place Ephes. IV. 11. Pastors and Teachers: Disputing what officers they were, whether distinct or the same, whether ordinary or extraordinary; the Doctor spake to this purpose, That he for his part was of a strange indifferency in this place and point. For with the one part he held, that these two here named are distinct Offices, but it was pro hic & nunc, & ad tempus. For by that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Till we all come, &c. verse. 13. he means the coming in of the Gentiles: and that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. The unity of the Faith, and the measure of the stature, &c. there spoken of. And, that these Officers were those that God appointed for the bringing in the Gentiles to the union with the Jews, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; and therefore is no institution of such Offices for the time to come. A Pastor indeed is to continue, but this ex necessitate rei, rather than hujus loci. But a Doctor is not of such necessity. Then indeed there were, as Act. XIII. Prophets and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Teachers, but it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , according to the Church being, but now not so.

I will mention but one or two passages more, that will show how accurate a Man he was, as well as Learned. When the Directory for Prayer was reading over, and they came to that clause, Freeing us from Antichristian darkness, he excepted against the expression as too low: for that Antichrist importeth an activeness against Godliness; and Darkness is but a privation of Godliness. Therefore it was thus mended, From Antichristian darkness and Tyranny. And again, whereas it was thus penned, These things we ask for the merits of our High Priest: This he likewise excepted against, for that the allusion would not hold. For the Jews prayed to God by the Mediation of the High Priest, but never by the merits. Whereupon the word mediation was put in.

By all which passages laid together we may discover not only his knowledge in Divinity, his great parts and quickness, and his happy skill in interpreting Scriptures, and the great progress he had then made in the Oriental Learning: but also much of his judgment in the Presbyterian points; and how frequently and freely he opposed their most beloved and espoused Tenets.

He was now but a young Man, little above forty years old: but by all this it appears he had read much, and maturely digested his reading, especially Jewish Learning. Nay long before this he was an Author. For he published his Erubhin, or Miscellanies at seven and twenty years of age. By the frequent quotations in which Book it appears, that he had then read and studied even to a prodigy. For he doth not only make use of divers Rabbinical and Cabbalistical Authors, and of Latin Fathers, but he seemed well versed in the Greek Fathers also, as Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, &c. well read in ancient Greek profane Historians and Philosophers, and Poets, Plutarch, Plato, Homer, &c. well seen in Books of History Ecclesiastical and profane of our own Nation: and in a word skilled in the modern Tongues as well as the Learned: as is evident from his quotation of the Spanish Translation of the Bible, and a Spanish Book. And of what worth and value the Book itself was, you may guess by the Censure, that a Man of great Learning and Wisdom gave of it: I mean that Worshipful person to whom he dedicated it, his Patron Sir Rowland Cotton. Who in a Letter to him upon the receipt of the Book tells this young Author, That he had read it over, and that there were many rarities; nothing so Vulgar that he needed to fear his Books entertainment, unless it lapsed into the hands of an envious or stupid Dunce. And that he joyed much in his proficiency.

IV. Some Remarks upon his Horae Hebraicae & Talmudicae.

I Design not to give a particular account of his Works as they came forth, something hath already been spoken of them; his several Epistles before them will show that: only of his last pains, that crowned all the rest, I mean his Horae Hebraicae, I would remark something: and that is, the universal approbation and applause they met with in the Learned World, both at home, and in foreign parts. When our Author had sent his Horae upon S. Mark to the great and profound Linguist Dr. Castel, he calls it an unutterable obligation laid upon him; that it was a learned and much longed for work, and that it enriched his poor Library with an addition so excellent and delightful, &c. And upon the Doctors sending him his Horae upon St. John, he writes thus; I received last week by your appointment a gift auro quovis, gemmis{que} contra non charum: that all the riches of the Levant congested together cannot equal: such a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as will justly deserve to be enrolled among the very next Records to those of Infallibility. And truly, Sir, all your rare discoveries of Celestial Verities, seem to me to be at such, above the reach either of doubt or hesitation. And again, Your Criticism of Bethabara and Bethany (saith he) is so native, proper, genuine, and ingenious, I no sooner read it, but straightway said to myself, Securus jurarem in Verba Magistri. It is like all the other births of your blest Minerva. And upon the edition of another of those pieces Mr. Bernard of S. Johns, Oxford, a Man of known learning, worth and piety, writes thus to him; I most humbly thank you for the happy hours on the more copious Evangelist; by which that most excellent part of Holy Scripture is finished, and completely expounded in the most proper and yet untrodden way. God reward you both here, and in the better World for this, and the rest of your labors in this sort; which posterity will admire, and bless, when they see them altogether. Dr. Worthington another person of great judgment, learning and goodness, treats our Doctor with these words in a Letter wrote to him, Feb. 166 . concerning the same subject; I wish you length of life, health, vacancy and freedom for what remains. I hope that you are still proceeding, and are not weary in well doing, though Books sell but little: those that are able to buy, less mind Books, and those that would buy are less able: having little to spare from what is necessary for their families. But your labor will not be in vain in the Lord: nor here neither. The learned Men beyond the Seas had also an high value for these pieces: let some of them speak for themselves. Frederick Mieg, (son to a great Counselor of the Elector Palatine, once brought up under Buxtorph in Hebrew, and Rabbinical Studies, and of whom he gives a high character) thus writes to our Doctor from Paris 1664. concerning those precious Hours, as he styles them, and public Labors. Publicos enim labores non vereor appellare, quos in publicum literarii Orbis commodum redundare, nemo est qui ignoret. And tells him besides, that there were no learned Men, as he knew, on that side the Seas, but did summis anhelitibus, earnestly pant after his Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, which he had then ready for the Press. And begs him in his own Name and in the Name of that love those Studies, ut lucem non invideas scripto luce dignissimo, ne{que} illud intra privatos parietes consenescere sinas, unde tantum imminet publico emolumentum. That he would not envy it the light, since it was so worthy of it: nor suffer that to lie longer concealed within private walls, whence so great profit would accrue to the public. In a Letter from Nicholas Hoboken, Secretary to the Dutch Ambassador, here in England, written to Dr. Lightfoot in the year 1659. he acquaints him with the sense Gisbertus Voetius (Professor of Divinity, and a Man of great Name in Holland ) had of his Chorographical Century before his Horae upon S. Matthew, namely, That he had expressed to him (the said Secretary) the complacency that he took from those Geographical illustrations of his, fetched out of the Talmudists: ita tamen, ut spe largiori frui desideret plura Lucubrationum ejusmodi tuarum videndi. And if we should travail into France, there we shall find a Man of as great fame as the other was in Holland, and, it may be, of greater Learning, I mean, Monseir Le Moyn, who in a Letter to Dr. Worthington, Anno 1666. expressing the value he had of Dr. Lightfoots Books, and among the rest of his sacred Chorography before S. Matthew, he saith, that his Library is proud of them. But the judgment of the Venerable Buxtorph is instar omnium, who in a Letter to Dr. Castel in the year 1664. earnestly desires to know what Dr. Lightfoot did: and saith, That by his Talmudic Hours he began greatly to love his Learning and Diligence, and wished heartily to see more of them. And in the year before that in a Letter to our Doctor himself, he thus accosts him: Ex quo Horas tuas Hebraicas & Talmudicas in Matthaeum vidi & legi, coepi te amare, & pro merito aestimare: Tantam enim in eis Talmudicae lectionis peritiam, & ad illustrationem SS. literarum dexteritatem; tantam etiam diligentiam & accurationem in illis deprehendi, ut non potuerim non Te magnifacere, & in admirationem Tui rapi. Rar hae dotes hoc nostro saeculo in viris Theologis, rari hujusmodi Scriptores; qui nil nisi suas proprias observationes lectoribus proponunt: Unde ab eo tempore desiderium me tenuit, ob studiorum communionem propius tecum conjungi, & familiarius te noscere. Since the time I saw and read the Hebrew and Talmudic Hours upon Matthew, I began to love you, and to esteem you, as you deserved. For in them I observed so great skill in Talmudical reading, and dexterity in illustrating the Holy Scriptures, accompanied with so great diligence and accuracy, that I could not but extol you, and be carried away with an admiration of you. These endowments are rare in Divines in our days, writers of this nature are rare; who propound to Readers only their own observations. Whereupon from that time, I had a desire from the commonness of our Studies, to be better acquainted with you.

This was the reception these Learned Hours of his found in the World: and a great and invaluable loss it was, that he went not through the whole New Testament in that excellent method of explaining them. His friends indeed often called upon him and set him on to proceed. Dr. Worthington 's judgment was, that he would do better to publish more at a time than he did, since he needed not to fear now their reception; so as Luke and John might make one Volume, and after that the Acts and the Epistle to the Romans would make another; and then his Works would meet at the Epistle to the Corinthians. But if the tediousness of the Work should discourage him to go on, yet he earnestly recommends one Book at least to him, and that is the Epistle to the Hebrews, the matter of it being so suitable to his Hebrew Studies. Such good suggestions were made to him, but they took not effect: not that his strength began to fail him, or that he was unwilling to give his pains, (for he had a mind generously disposed to communicate his knowledge) but the true reason was, because he could not get them Printed, and had so much impaired his own estate by what he had before sent abroad. This he complains of more than once: and particularly in a Letter to Buxtorph: into whose bosom thus he pours out his mind. Exasciavi paucis adhin annis commentariolum, &c. A few years since I prepared a little Commentary upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians in the same style and manner as I had done that on Matthew. But it laid by me two years and more, nor can I now publish it, but at my own charges, and to my great damage: which I felt enough and too much in the edition of my Book upon S. Mark. Some progress I have made in the Gospel of S. Luke, but I can print nothing but at my own cost. Whereupon I wholly give myself to reading, and scarce think of writing more. Our Booksellers and Printers have dulled my edge, who will print no Book, especially Latin, unless they may have an assured and considerable gain. So that I know not whether we ought to be more angry or grieved; grieved that we are deprived of such useful Labors, or angry with those, who were the occasions of it.

V. The assistances he gave to the Polyglot Bible, the Heptaglot Lexicon, and other Learned Works and Men in his time.

THUS his fame spread itself far and wide: and this made him sought unto by many Learned Men for his Counsel or furtherance in their Studies, or for his directions or castigations in their Labors that they intended for the public. How much the Right Reverend Bishop Walton made use of him in his Bible, one of the bravest Works that ever came forth, and Reverend Writer of the account of the Doctors Life showeth. It was as good a Work as it was great, and this raised a wonderful zeal and affection in the Doctor to it, and excused the trouble that he was at about it, in revising it; and specially the Samaritan Pentateuch: and so the great Undertaker tells him in one of his Letters to him. And it much rejoiced his heart, when the Work was brought to perfection: which he expressed in a congratulatory Letter to Mr. Samuel Clark of Oxford, who had a great hand in it. To which that excellent Linguist makes this answer: As for the Work past through, I have great cause of thankfulness, blessing God, that hath even beyond our own hopes, carried us through it. Yet I have no reason to attribute to myself, as due, any part of that thanks and praise, whereunto you are pleased jointly to entitle me with others far more deserving: But I rather contract a greater debt of thankfulness, that by the Testimony and suffrage of one so eminently Judicious as you are, I am adjudged to have been faithful. I conclude this matter with a part of Dr. Lightfoots speech, that he made at the Commencement, Anno 1655. being then Vicechancellor: wherein he mentions this Work then in hand in a kind of triumph, as so much tending to the honor of Learning, and particularly of the English (then despised) Clergy, and finally for promoting the knowledge of the Bible all the World over. Sic sub protrito & proculcato statu Cleri nuper Anglicani germinavit, & adhuc germinat, noble illud eruditionis germen, editio Bibliorum multi-linguium, qua quid generosius vix vidit unquam Resp. literaria, nec quicquam Anglia sibi honorificentius. Opus aeternae famae, monumentum memorabile in sempiterna secula futurum, summae eruditionis, zeli, & in Deo bonarum literarum protectore fiduciae Cleri Anglicani jam tum sum periclitantis. Macti estote, viri Venerandi & Doctissimi, qui in opere tam magnanimo desudatis. Pergite, quod facitis, trophaea vobis erigere, Patriae{que} & perlegant ope vestra omnes Gentes Sacra Biblia suis linguis; atque iisdem linguis eadem ope praedicentur fama eruditionis & literatura gentis Anglicanae. Thus under the now despised and trampled on English Clergy, hath grown up, that noble issue of Learning, the edition of the Polyglot Bible, and still it grows: than which the learned World hath scarce ever seen anything more generous, nor the English Nation anything to its self more honorable. A work of eternal fame, a memorial to endure to everlasting ages of the English Clergies, great learning, zeal, and trust in God the Protector of Learning, when now it lay under mighty hazard. Go on, ye Reverend and Learned Men, who are sweating in so brave a Work. Proceed, as ye do, to raise trophies to yourselves, and your Country. And by your labors let all Nations read the Holy Bible in their own Tongues: and by the same Tongues, and the same labors let the English Nations fame for its Learning and literature be proclaimed. Thus did the good Man rejoice in Learning, and in the fame of his Coat, and of his Country.

The next Book to the Polyglot Bible, for Labor and Worth, and which is always to be named with it, is the Heptaglot Lexicon: to the laborious Author of which our Doctor also contributed his aid. A Work it was of seventeen years; a seventeen years drudgery, as he styles it in one of his Letters: in which, besides his own pains, he maintained in constant salary seven English, and as many strangers for his assistants: all which died some years before the Work was finished; and the whole burden of it fell upon himself. Though by God's grace he at last finished it, before it finished him.

And here I cannot but turn a little out of my way, to condole with this Author, that wore out himself, and his Estate too in a Work so generally beneficial; and had little thanks after for his labor. See and pity his condition, as he sets it out in one of his Letters to Dr. Lightfoot: where he says, He had spent twenty years in time to the public service, above 12000 l. of his own estate, and for a reward left in the close of the Work above 1800 l. in debt. Thus he kept his resolution, though it was as fatal to him as useful to the World. For in the beginning of the undertaking, he resolved to prosecute it though it cost him all his Estate, as he told Mr. Clark. This forced him to make his condition known unto his Majesty, wherein he petitioned, That a Jaylmight not be his reward for so much service and expense. It is pity such true Learning and hard Labor should meet with no better encouragement.

But to go back whence for mere charity and commiseration, we diverted. In this great undertaking Dr. Castel more than once acknowledgeth the help of our Author. Sure I am my Work could never have been so entire as it is without you. All pretenders to the Oriental Tongues must confess their great obligation to you. And in another Letter, with which he sent him his Lexicons, he tells him, That his Name ought to have shined in the Front, who had given the most orient splendor (if there be any such in them) unto all that is Printed, and may therefore most justly (saith he) be called Yours. And again, He calls him His greatliest and most highliest honored Master, Father and Patron. Indeed our Doctor did frequently encourage and comfort him with his Letters, got him Subscribers and Friends, afforded him his Lodgings at Katherine Hall, whensoever he came to Cambridge to read his Arabic Lectures, for some years, and such like kindnesses. For which he always professed a most dear affection and honor for him.

Another great Man in this kind of Learning, I mean Mr. Samuel Clark, one employed in both the aforesaid great Labors, applied to him for his Counsel and help in a learned Work, that he designed for the public. Which was the publishing of the Targum upon the Chronicles, with his own Translation; which was a part of the Hebrew Bible belonging to the Library of the University of Cambridge. A MS. it seems that the University set so highly by, that he made three journeys to Cambridge, before he obtained it. But he borrowed it at last by Dr. Lightfoots means, about the year 1659. And by the Doctors interest had it continued to him for some years. This he designed (as soon as he had finished it) to join, with some other Additionals, to the Polyglot Bible. Which design he communicates to our Doctor before he came to a resolution about it; telling him, that if he and such as he approved the design, it would be an encouragement to him to proceed in it. That the Doctor approved of his purpose it appears, from that constant assistance that he gave him afterwards about it: Mr. Clark sending it as he transcribed and translated, sheet by sheet, for the Doctors review and correction. For which in a Letter dated from Holywel, Sep. 3. 1667. He professeth himself exceedingly engaged to him for the great pains he had taken, and that he had so freely declared his judgment in some places he had noted: being so far from unwillingness (saith he) to have my errors shown me, that I am very thankful to you for it: and entreat you to go on as freely with the rest. This Targum, it seems, by a place in the Talmud mentioning Onkelos, the Doctor was moved to think Onkelos might be the Author of. For which discovery Mr. Clark heartily thanks him, telling him, that he would do him a great favor, if he would please to let him know his sense of it, whether he conceived that passage of weight enough to entitle him to this his Targum (as he calls it) upon the Chronicles.

This same worthy Person had Printed that Tract of the Talmud called Beracoth, which he sent to our Doctor, desiring his impartial judgment upon his performance therein, and begging him to signify to him wherein he might be guilty of mistake.

Nor ought we to forget the assistance he gave to the Author of the Synopsis of the Critics, upon his desire. For he cheerfully devoted himself to the public good. First, He encouraged him with an ample Testimonial of the usefulness of the design in general, and of the careful and impartial management of it by the undertaker. Then as to his pains in the Work itself; he seems to have reviewed it piece by piece as it passed from the hand of Mr. Pool, before it went to the Press. For in one Letter he tells the Doctor, that he therewith sent him one part upon Numbers, begging still his thoughts upon anything as he should meet with it. He likewise promised him, in such places as he observed to be most defectively done, to give him some explications tending to the clearing of the Hebrew words, or phrases or matter which Mr. Pool designed to bring nto a distinct Volume as Paralipomena, to go under the Doctors name, by themselves, with some other things, as Appendices to his Work; as De Nummis, ponderibus, mensuris, De Templo: Quaestiones Chronologicae, Chorograpicae, Historicae, &c. Some sheets of these Explications of Scripture I have seen, which he had sent to Mr. Pool according to his promise. There is all the Book of Joshua, and some Chapters of Exodus and Numbers. Where the Doctor proceeds Chapter by Chapter briefly to give the sense or illustration of difficult passages according to the Talmudists and Rabbins. But this last designed additional Volume, I think, Mr. Pool never published. And this was not all, for in another Letter he takes notice of a promise, made him by the Doctor, of his assistance in reference to the Historical Books of the Old Testament from Joshua to Job out of the Rabbins and Talmud: unless perhaps this was the same with the former.

VI. The addresses of Learned Men to him.

IT would be endless to mention the Applications of Learned Men to him. The deeply Learned Mr. Herbert Thorndike in the year 1669. writ to him a long Letter, desiring him to communicate the sum of his judgment concerning Morinus his Exercitations of the Jews, in the second Book of his Exercitationes Biblicae. Mr. James Calvert, a Learned Man of York begs his advice about the right position of the Priests portion in the holy square of Ezekiel. This Learned Man for the clearer understanding of divers passages in the Prophetical writings, was inclined to think, that that Vision of Ezekiel, commonly understood mystically, is rather literal and historical. The only or main objection against this Hypothesis is the placing of the Priests Portion: for if the Temple be either five, or thirty miles distant from the City, there can be no question but that the Vision is mystical: (they are his words) but if there be an error in placing of the Priests portion, and that the City and Sanctuary may meet together, the greatest objection against the literal sense will be removed. And thus concludes his Letter, Sir, I do not know your person, but I have both read and heard so much of your excellent Learning, and your candid and ingenuous nature, that it emboldens me to write thus freely to you, and to entreat you, that as you have hitherto, so you would still make this one great end of your rare Learning, to illustrate the Scripture Text, that instead of too many aerial and subtle speculations the Church of Christ may be fed with solid food: I mean, the simple and sincere meaning of the Holy Ghost, be it History or Mystery.

It would be too long to tell of young Buxtorph, upon whom the Magistrates of Basil conferred his Fathers Hebrew Professors place at seventeen years of age. Maximo Parente spe major filius, as Dr. Castel characters him; John Henricus Ottho, a Learned Man of Berne in Switzerland, Frederick Miege a Noble, Learned and Ingenious German, D. Knory a very Learned Man of Silesia, Theodore Haac, and many other foreigners of divers Nations; that came into England chiefly to see Dr. Lightfoot, and to be directed in their Rabbinical Studies by him: All whom he did with much humanity and affability receive: and from him they departed with great satisfaction; as by their Letters to him after their departure does appear.

VII. His Correspondences.

HE held a Learned Correspondence, especially with persons most eminent for that recondite Learning, that he was so famed for, and was dear unto and highly valued by them. Namely, The great Buxtorph while he lived, and at home, the Right Reverend Father in God Brian Lord Bishop of Chester, deceased, Dr. Pocok, Hebrew Professor at Oxford, Dr. Castel, Arabic Professor at Cambridge, Dr. Marshal the Reverend and Learned Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford, Mr. Samuel Clark, sometime Keeper of the Famous Library of the University of Oxford, Dr. Worthington, sometime Master of Jesus College in Cambridge, Mr. Bernard of S. Johns College, Oxford: all Men famous in their generation, whose names we need only mention; and among the laity, he held a most intimate friendship and correspondence with Sir Tho. Brograve, of Hertfordshire, Baronet, his Neighbor and Kinsman, a Gentleman well seen in those abstruser Studies. Nor did their Letters consist of vain strains of Complements, nor were they stuffed with idle and unprofitable News, of affairs in the State: but they carried deep and Learned enquiries about difficulties of Scripture, or doubts in their Oriental Studies: they conferred about brave and high Designs for the better promoting of Truth and Religion, and solid, useful Learning. One Conference I meet with between Dr. Castel, who was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Propounder, and our Doctor, The Resolver, was upon this subject proposed by the former, Whether when the ordinary Interpretation of any Hebrew words renders the sense hard and rough, recourse may not be had to the Interpretation of those words according as they signify in Syriac, Chaldee or Arabic. This question had been occasioned from Dr. Lightfoots excellent Interpretation of that difficult place, Ezek. VIII. 17. Upon which place he put a fair sense (as it seems) by Interpreting some word or words there, according to some of those Languages. Whereupon he tells him, That he met often with many seeming contradictions and absurdities in our English (though one of the best) as well as in other Versions. As Job III. 5. Let the shadow of death stain it ( in the margent, challenge.) A Catacresis I remember not to be found elsewhere. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the word there used) in the Arabic use is Excipere, Colligere, as the LXX, not there alone best. Chap. XV. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thou (speaking to Job ) restrainest prayer. Whereas Job was often in Prayer: in Arabic (in which Language many words with him occur) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, to Protract and Multiply, as the Syriac and Arab there render it, Thou art much in complaints, Chap. XVIII. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aucupia Verborum, again from the Arab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Contradicendi vices, as the Arab and Chaldee both. Chap. XVI. 18. O Earth cover not thou my blood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so that there should be no place to my cry: Because blood is a Crying sin. To pray his Cry should have no place: I am a Davus to that sense. Prov. XXIII. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 As he thinks in his heart—and yet his heart is not with thee: seem very repugnant. Whereupon he propounds this Question, That meeting with a World of these (seeming contradictions) every day, he r •• es his judgment, Whether the Arab, Chaldee, Syrian may not sometime sit upon the Bench, and pass their Vote concerning their old Mothers meaning? All the News communicated between these Correspondents was about the further progress of Oriental Learning, the discovery of more Books of that Nature, &c. which was the best and joyfullest news to them. It may be it will not be amiss to communicate a Letter or two of this nature. The one is of the aforesaid Dr. Castel, written 1664. Sir, Though I perish, it comforts me not a little to see how Holy Writ flourishes. I lately received an Armenian Psalter given me by Professor Golius, come newly off the Press: where they are Printing (at Leyden) the whole Bible in that Language. The Old Testament is there Printing in the Turkish Language, perfected by Levinus Warnerus. The New Testament in Turkish, done by Mr. Seaman, is just now in the Press at Oxford: of which I have some sheets by me: as I have also of the old Gothic, and Anglo-Saxon Gospels, now Printed with a Glossary to them at Leyden. Mr. Petreus hath Printed some parts of the Old Testament in Ethiopic, and hath many more prepared both in that and the Coptic Language. The Lithuanian (of which I have a good part by me) and the New England Bibles, I need not name. I have a specimen of a Turkish Dictionary Printed at Rome, and of a Chaldee Dictionary in folio in the Hebrew Language, composed by the Learned Coken de Lara; which our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Professor Buxtorph much desired he might live to see finished: tis said to be now near its period at the Press. And News of the same import the Learned Mr. Bernard communicated to him from Oxford about the year 1673/4. which let it not be too tedious to peruse also: it ran thus.

Reverend and Right Learned, I cannot but acquaint you, that the Learned and Pious Mr. Robert Huntingdon, present Minister of the Church of the English Factory at Aleppo, hath lately sent over hither, a good Samaritan Pentateuch, together with an account of the Religion of the Samaritans of Shechem, written by themselves there upon his request, and sent as it were to their Brethren here in England (as they mistook Mr. Huntingdon, who told them that there were Hebrews here, he meaning Jews, and they their own Sect.) The Translation whereof into Latin out of the Samaritan (which is nothing but the Biblical Hebrew, save some Arabismes here and there: for that is the Language commonly made use of by them at Shechem) I have here sent: and, if you think it worthy the while, I will also transmit a Copy of the Samaritan unto you. Mr. Huntingdon acquaints me that there are about thirty families of these Samaritans at Shechem, and not more, that they desire correspondence here. But care is to be taken that we do not dissemble with them, but beg their History of Joshua, and their Liturgy; and also examine them upon points that may be material. If you please to send what Questions you would desire resolution from them in, I will send them to Mr. Huntingdon, to whom I shall write about three weeks hence. The said good Mr. Huntingdon hath likewise sent over an hundred and fifty MSS. Arabic and Hebrew. Among which are Cosis in Hebrew, R. Saadias his Sepher Emunah in Arabic, Bar Bahlul's Lexicon well written, Maimonides his Yad entire except two Tracts, which are not quite complete, R. Saadias his Version and Notes on Job in Arabic, Maimonides's Moreh, both in Arabic and Hebrew, Maimonides his Sons Notes on his Fathers Yad, Gregorius's Syriac Grammar, pieces of R. Tanchum, and his Lexicon, or Murshed, Kimchi's Michlol, R. Alphes, and Tanchuma, and other good Books in Hebrew MSS. Besides, he hath sent over a Catalogue of Books to be had now at Damascus in Arabic and Persian, and some in Hebrew. He is skillful himself, and ready to serve you in anything Jewish or Oriental, that may be had there. This opportunity I would not let you be ignorant of, knowing how you have recommended above all others the Study of Jewish Learning, as plainly necessary to the right understanding of the New Testament, as well as the Old. And then by way of Postscript. As for Greek MSS. he could meet with none, that were classical, but Ascetics enough. The account of their Calendar in the Samaritans libel is somewhat obscure and defective. Whether these two Gentlemen or either of them, are yet alive, my Country retirement and want of Society gives me not opportunity to know. But if they be, I am confident such an entire respect they have to the memory of this excellent Man, that they will not be unwilling these their Letters should be exposed to the public, or anything else, that I have mentioned from them, that may any ways tend to the preserving his fame or honor. If it be said that these matters are no news now, though they were then. I answer, Probably divers things here related are not so common and ordinarily known, at least to many, but that they may be read with satisfaction. But the truth is, I produced them not so much to inform the World of News, as to discover some of the Learned matters of the Doctors correspondence.

VIII. An account of his imperfect pieces.

BEsides the Works of this our Learned Man, that saw the Light, and of which we have spoken somewhat, he had several other considerable things upon the Anvil: which show as well his abilities as his inexhaustible and continual labor and industry. Of which give me leave to give this Catalogue.

    In Latin.
  • I. Historia Quadripartita Chronica Universalis, Judaica, Romana, Ecclesiastica, De rebus Gestis, Imperante familia Flaviana, Vespaciano, Tito, Domitiano. The Chronica begins at the birth of Christ, and is digested under six Columns, viz. The first contains the year of the World; the second of Rome; the third of the Emperor; the fourth of Christ; the fifth Rerum Gestarum; the sixth of the Consuls.
    Pars Secunda, viz. Iudaica.
    CAP. I.
    Cineres Hierosolymorum, & Vastatae terrae facies.
    CAP. II.
    Synedrium magnum collocatur in Iabne.
    This is sufficient to show the design of that Book.
  • II. Computus Temporum Iudaicorum ab Urbis Excidio ad conscriptum Talmud Hierosolymitanum.
  • III. Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosolymitani.
  • IV. Disquisitio modesta de LXX, & de Graeca Versione.
  • V. Discrepantiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo in Pentateucho.
  • VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX. Giving an account of all the errors of all kinds at large.
  • VII. Hillel, a short discourse.
  • VIII. De spiritu prophetiae. A discourse occasioned from 1 Cor. Chap. XIV.
  • IX. Concio ad Clerum, Habita in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae, Ian. 12. 1651/2. pro Gradu Doctoratus.
  • X. Disputatio in publicts Comitiis pro Gradu Doctoratus.
  • XI. Orationes & Determinationes, cum Procancelariatu functus est.
  • XII. Aetates Rabbinorum.
  • XIII. Quaedam de Israelitica sparsim collecta.
  • XIV. Annotationes in primum & quartum Caput Geneseos.
  • XV. Memorabilia quaedam sub Ezra, & Synagoga ejus magna, Chronologice disposita.
  • XVI. Correctiones & observationes in Textum Samaritanum.
  • XVII. Adversaria e Rabbinis collecta in Iosuam, & in quaedam Capita Exod. & Numerorum.
  • XVIII. The Minor Prophets in the Vulgar and LXX translations compared with the Hebrew, and the various readings and additions taken notice of.
  • XIX. Divers other loose papers, concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, situation of places in the Holy Land. Chronology, History, &c.
    In English.
  • I. The Book of Chronicles of the Kings of France, and of the Kings of the House of Otoman the Turk. Written in Hebrew by Joseph the Priest, and Translated in English by I. Lightfoot.
  • II. The Consent of the four Evangelists. A Century. Perfect.
  • III. A plain and easy Exposition of the Prophesy of Hosea.
  • IV. An Exposition upon the Old and New Testament by way of Chronology, and Harmony; with a preface instructing how to understand the Scripture.
  • V. The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt.
  • VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Things appropriated by the Jews Traditions to the Land of Israel.
  • VII. Names of places in the Holy Land explained out of the Rabbins, set down by way of Alphabet.
  • VII. Of the Creation. A Chapter.
  • IX. A Discourse upon Joh. XIII. 27, 30.
  • X. History beginning from the fall of Jerusalem.
  • XI. Historical passages in the first year of Trajans reign.
  • XII. A Table of the years from the birth of Christ to the Fall of Jerusalem.
  • XIII. The Jewish, Christian, Roman History, Anno Christi XXXVI.
  • XIV. The Chronology and History of Dioclesian, Constantine and Constantius.

Indeed some of these were only Notes and Memoranda for his own private use; but several of them undoubtedly were intended to have seen the Light at one time or other, but that he found the Press so loath to receive things of that nature, and so he cast them by, some only begun, and as it were in Design; all of them imperfect, but One.

IX. Encomiums given him by Learned Men.

ALL these Labors of his, published and unpublished, and those deep notions in the way of his Learning, that he communicated by Letters or in Conversation, raised high and Venerable opinions of him amongst the best and most knowing Men. It would be endless to recount what large Testimonials and Commendations they have given him. Some we have read already. Let us hear a few more. Your Name (saith Dr. Castel ) is indeed a sweet Odor poured out into all Nations, who are all bound to pray heartily for you, your health, welfare, prosperity, longevity. And again, Nemini notus, quin te humani generis aestimet delicias; nemini ignotus, cui non absconditus maximus sub Coelo Thesaurus. And if you will, once more, in another Letter: Chaldea, whose ancient glory, and multiplicity of Sciences are, by the wheels of Nature in the long decurse of time, rolled into Munden. Which you, Sir, a right Trismegistus, for Christian, Jewish and Ethnic literature, will make to after ages more illustrious than either Babylon, or Athens were of old. Another, namely Mr. Samuel Clark, speaks thus, Your own great worth is sufficient to preserve your memory verdant with me, or any other, that hath any sense of Learning or Goodness. Mr. Bernard does violence to the Doctors modesty in these words: I know yourself and Doctor Pocok to be the very Pillars of Sacred Learning, like the Monuments of Seth, in a corrupt and vain age. God add, I beseech him, yet to your years and health so advantageous to his Church. And for forainers, besides what we have heard from them already, take the Value they had for him by the words of one of them, named before, viz. Johannes Henricus Otto: He was a Learned young Man of Bern, who it seems had travailed into France and other places for his improvement, and at last came into England, and being at Oxford, sends a Letter to our Doctor: wherein apologizing for his address, he tells him, That the fame of his Piety and singular Learning had so spread itself over the World, that there was no Scholar, who loved him not in his mind, and was not ambitious of his friendship. Plurimi sunt qui nondum meruerunt a te cognosci, qui tamen inter alias Gentes famam nominis tui exceperunt, & post praeclarorum scriptorum tuorum lectionem, in cultum tui venerabundi iverunt. But especially (he assures him) all studious of Hebrew do applaud him. And instanceth in Turretius junior at Geneva: Justellus, Tormentinus, Tenevottus, Capellanus, Ferrandus, at Paris: Toignard at Orleans: not to speak anything (saith he) of mine own Country and Germany also, whose Names this Letter would scarcely contain. Abundance more I might produce, both of our own Country-Men and Strangers; but he stands not in need 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of Letters of Commendation.

X. Concerning his love to, and endeavors of promoting Oriental Learning.

THERE was no Man under the Sun our Author more reverenced and honored, than Buxtorph Professor of Divinity and Hebrew in Basil: and the reason was because, next to his piety he had been so instrumental by his published Labors in furthering the knowledge of Jewish Learning: to which from his Youth the Doctor had a strong, and almost natural inclination, and it continued with him to the end of his Life. When Dr. Buxtorph had writ a Letter to him by the Hands of one, who had formerly been his Scholar, our good Man received both Letter and Bearer with the highest resentments of joy and complacency, for the sake of the Reverend Professor. And when he had signified in a Letter to our Doctor, that by reason of age and infirmities growing upon him, and finding himself greatly to decline in strength of body and mind, he must lay aside all thought of publishing anything more; this our Doctor took heavily to heart, and lamented in a Letter he sent him. For by him he acknowledged himself to have arrived to what skill he had in his Rabbinical Learning; and from the grateful sense he had of this, arose a vast love and reverence for him. Placet (saith he) Honoratissimo Domino, de peritia mea in Talmudicis loqui, quae siqua est (quam scio quam sit exigua) tota tibi ipsi referenda est, & incomparably Parenti tuo, &c. It pleaseth you, most honored Sir, to speak of my skill in the Talmudists, which if it be any, (and how small it is I well know) is wholly owing to you, and to your incomparable Father. Plowing with your Oxen (using your Lexicons) I have sowed, and if any crop comes of it, it is yours. And what Christian is there, I pray, who reads over the Talmudic Writings, that owes not the same tribute? So much is the whole Christian World indebted to the great name of Buxtorph. And then he professes to him, he could not read it without tears, when he told him, that by reason of the weaknesses and indispositions of old age, he must promise the World no more of his Writings. This was in the later end of the year 1663. And indeed the death of that Learned Professor happened not long after, namely in the beginning of September the year after. For whom the Magistrates of Basil had such a great esteem; that before the Fathers death, they chose his very young Son to succeed him in the Hebrew Professorship; as in his other of Divinity Dr. Zwinger (descended of that famous Man of his name) was also elected. And one of the last respects Dr. Lightfoot could pay the memory of that great Man he wrote an Epicedium upon him, and got Sir Tho. Brograve to write another in some of the Oriental Languages: and so also did Dr. Castel: which were sent to the Friends of the deceased. And when not long after the young Professor came into England, he received a most kind and obliging reception from our Doctor as well for his Father, as for his own sake.

It was his love of this Learning, and his great desires to see it more Studied, that made him so great a friend to Dr. Castel, under his ruinating and destructive Undertaking, as he himself truly called it, and under that which was the bitterest pill of all for him to swallow, namely the scornful reproaches of his pains that he met with from some, as if they were of little or no use. This had quite broke his almost broken heart, had not our Worthy Man continually upheld him, encouraged him, by Money, Subscriptions, Counsel, Comfort. So that, that the Work was ever finished was owing in a great measure, ( sub bono Deo, ) to Dr. Lightfoot, and a few more Men in the World of that tendency of Learning. But the truth is, saith he, one Dr. Lightfoot is more to me than ten thousand such Censors. Besides some few others amongst ourselves, I have a Golius, a Buxtorph, a Hottinger, a Ludolfo, &c. in foreign parts, that both by their Letters, and in Print have not only sufficiently, but too amply and abundantly for me to communicate, expressed their over high esteem of that, which finds but a Prophets reward here in its own Country.

He highly admired Mr. Broughton and Mr. Selden, Men deeply Studied in this kind of Learning, calling them a matchless pair; and never mentioned them without honor; undervaluing himself to nothing, as often as he had occasion to speak of them, or such as they.

And for the better setting afoot these Studies, upon the death of the Learned Golius, Hebrew Professor beyond Seas, who had an excellent collection of Rabbinical, and Oriental Books, vast were the pains and diligence he, and Dr. Castel▪ and some others used for the purchasing of them for the enriching the Library of Cambridge, or some other public one here in England. Though I think they succeeded not, those Books being afterwards sold at a public Auction in Holland.

He could not patiently hear the ancient Records of the Rabbin's too much aspersed, as proceeding most commonly from ignorance of their admirable use in explaining the Holy Scripture. When Rutherford in the Assembly of Divines had said, that there was no news of somewhat in controversy, but in the Rabbin's, (It was of a Cup in the institution of the Passover,) seeming to speak contemptibly of them; Dr. Lightfoot replied, That there are divers things in the New Testament, which we must be beholden to the Rabbins for the understanding of, or else we know not what to make of them.

So much did he delight in any Scholar, that took in hand the Study of those Eastern Languages, that in case any were minded to ingratiate himself into Dr. Lightfoots affection, next to Piety and Religion, he could not take a readier course to do it than bending his Studies that way. And very officious he was to assist such with his directions; laboring to bring young beginners into an affection and liking to that Learning, and facilitating the crabbedness of it to them, as much as he could. I know, some now alive, that have had the experience of what I say.

XI. His kindness and affection to Katharine Hall.

AS he truly loved Learning, so he had an entire favor to the Universities, where it was fostered and promoted. This appeared in that public and open joy and Triumph that he expressed in his Oration, when Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, which was Anno 1655. at the opening of the Commencement. For when in those unjust and Violent times wherein so much malice was exercised against Religion, no wonder its handmaid Learning was designed for ruin: nothing then was talked of so much, and so much intended, and almost come to a final resolution, as the seizing the possessions and revenues of the University, and turning out the Scholars to shift for themselves. But by God's gracious overruling Providence this feral design took not place. Upon which our Vice-Chancellor made a long Harangue, expressive of wonderful joy and thankfulness. Non fingere nobis id{que} moestis animis tremulis{que} non potuimus, qualis futura Anglia erutis oculis, &c. We could not but imagine, and that with sad and trembling hearts, what England would have been, her Eyes, viz. The Universities, and Clergy, being put out: what Cambridge would have been without Cambridge: what a spectre of a dead University, what a Sceleton of empty Colleges, what a funeral of the Muses, and a carkas of deceased Literature, &c. and after breaks forth into thanks to Almighty God for their happy deliverance. And then taketh occasion hence to expatiate Learnedly in his Rabbinical way of the Antitiquity, use and necessity of Universities. Academias primum fundavit ipse Deus, &c. God was the first Founder of Universities, of equal age with his Law and visible Church, and not to die but with them, &c. as he Elegantly and Learnedly goes on.

Thus his good will spread itself over the whole Universities, but it was more peculiar to two Colleges in that of Cambridge, unto which he was particularly related, viz. Christ's College, where he had first been bred, and Katharine Hall, over which for many years he presided. And this kindness he shown by dedicating a Book to each. That to Katharine Hall is before the first Horae Hebraicae he published. Wherein by giving them account of his first falling upon Jewish Studies, and the excellent method he used in perusing the Rabbins, he, like a careful Master, directs their Studies; and in the close he professeth his Dedication proceeded from that real respect and endearment he had to them, and that he designed his Book as an eternal memorial of it. What else sounded those kind words which he used in his Letters to forainers concerning his College, styling the Students thereof, Catharinenses mei? And Doctor Castel, who knew as much of his mind as any, there being a great friendship between them, speaking to him concerning the College, calls it, Your delighted in Katharine Hall. It is true he was at first put in Master there by the Powers that then were; but upon the happy settlement of these Kingdoms upon their old and true foundation of Monarchy, and the restitution of the King, our Doctor knowing the right of that place belonged to another, namely to Dr. Spurstow, voluntary and freely went and resigned it up to him: but upon his refusal to return back again, and take that charge, he applied to the King, who graciously bestowed his Letters upon him to confirm and settle him in that Mastership. And upon his coming down with those Letters, the Fellows of the College rode out some miles to meet him, and to receive him with that ceremony, as if he had been a New Master of Katharine Hall.

A small College indeed it was, and illy built, but yet was so blessed by God, that it could boast of many famous and excellent Divines and Prelates of the Church of England, and other very worthy Men, formerly members of it; and was usually stored with such numbers of Students, that they could hardly be contained within the Walls of the College. For the honor therefore of it, as well as its necessary enlargement, this our Master and the Fellows resolved to pull down at least some part of it, and to build it with more decency, capacity and advantage. Towards which as every Fellow presently laid down twenty pounds, so our Doctor gave a very liberal and generous contribution; and moreover was instrumental by his interest with his Friends to procure good benefactions for the same use from others. But he died soon after the Work was begun. So that the good Progress that is since made in that chargable Work is owing in the first place to the indefatigable pains of the Reverend and very Worthy John Eachard D. D. present Master, and those very many generous persons in London, and elsewhere, whose love of Learning, and favor to him, have excited them freely to contribute thereunto. But to return to Dr. Lightfoot. Who besides the former contribution, had before been a Benefactor to his College by redeeming a piece of Land to it. And therefore is always mentioned at the Commemoration of the Benefactors.

It was not his want of affection to his College, that made him reside not much there, but partly because he thought himself most bound to be chiefly among his Flock, of whose Souls he had the care: and partly because in the Country was most retirement, a thing that for the sake of his Studies he greatly affected to the last. Which were not ingrateful to his old Age, but rather an ease and a pleasure to it. Studendo solor senectutem, was a saying of his to a Learned Man.

XII. His Patrons and Friends.

HIS great Learning and excellent Qualities reconciled him Friends and admirers among those of his own Rank and Degree, and made him a favourite to Men of Eminency and Honor. Besides those I have already mentioned he was dear to, and highly valued by, his Grace, the most Reverend Father in God Gilbert late Lord Archbishop of Canterbury: through whose mediation, his Parsonage of Great Munden, and his Mastership of Katharine Hall were confirmed to him by the King. Which he acknowledged in two Epistles before two of his Hebrew and Talmudic Exercitations. The Right Honorable, Sir Orlando Bridgman, sometime Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, a Learned and Good Man, took a pleasure in his Learning; and when he was Judge, and went the Circuits, he always desired, and frequently procured Dr. Lightfoot to preach at the Assizes at Hertford, whom for his Learned and unusual Notions he delighted to hear. He was one of his great Encouragers to proceed in his Hebrew and Talmudical Explanations of the New Testament; Consilio, auxilio, Patrocinio, Munificentia, by his Council, aid, Patronage, and Bounty, as he speaks himself in his Epistle Dedicatory before the Horae upon S. John. The Right Honorable and Right Learned Sir William Morice Kt. one of the Principal Secretaries of State, deserves to be mentioned in the next place; who, unasked, unsought to, was very serviceable to our Author in procuring the Kings favor and his Letters Patents for him: The sense of which (for none so sensible of kindnesses) made him think himself obliged to put his Name before one of his Books. He was also endeared to two Personages of Hertfordshire, of great Honor and Integrity, viz. Sir Tho. Brograve Baronet, and Sir Henry Caesar Knight.

The former of these was doubly related to the Doctor, viz. in affinity, and in the course of his Studies, being Learned in the Jewish literature. As appears by a design he and the Doctor had of going to Dr. Castels Library to peruse some Books of his of that nature. To which Dr. Castel in a Letter gives them free leave, telling them, That his Cabbalistic and Rabbinic Books were most of them at Higham Gobyon: where his Study doors should stand wide open to give Sir Thomas and him entrance, every Book they found there most truly at the service of them both, to take and use at their pleasure. The intercourse between Sir Thomas and the Doctor was very frequent both by Letters and Visits, the distance not being so great, (only two miles) but that they might walk the one to the other on foot: which they often did, out of that great endearedness that was between them, and for conferring together in the things of their Studies. A Friend of mine has heard the Doctor tell more than once, how upon occasion of some discourse between them about such a Subject, Sir