A Looking Glass for Princes and Peoples Delivered

The Text. Psal. 72.

The first part: K. DAVID a Suter.

L OOKE not (Beloved in the Lord) for a full explication of every part of this Text, with their doctrines and uses, as we do in Sermons, but only for such points as this occasion craveth: In sum it containeth a prayer of King David for his Son Solomon, and offereth three things to our consideration. The Suter who prayeth is King David: Next, for whom he prayeth, it is for Solomon: And thirdlie the things that he suiteth, which are three: First, the Gift of Kinglie wisdom; verse 1. 2. The use of that Gift in righteous Judgment: verse 2. And thirdlie the fruit of that Gift so used, Peace and Tranquillitie: verse 3.

For the first, the Suter is King David, a Father for his Child, a King for his succeeding Son, and a Prophet for one that GOD was to bless. Nature might move him as a Father to seek the good of his Son; and Civility as a King, a greater Father of a Kingdom, to seek the good of his Successor: But as a Prophet he is moved diuinly to suit that which GOD had shown him he was purposed to do: In the first two respects, he had an ordinary grace as a Father, and a King to seek this Blessing. In the thread: he had an extraordinary gift to augment the former two, being privy to God's mind in this particular. Therefore it is not only a Prayer, but a Blessing: The one suiting a Gift, the other conferring the sought Gift, or rather declaring that it was to be conferred on Solomon.

Parents have a Fatherly authority over their Children to bless them, and are obliged to seek their good (because like Adam and Eve, they are first their murderers ere they be their Parents ) And Kings as Fathers over their Subjects; but Prophets are above them both in this point: what the former have by nature, and God's power committed to them, that and more had David, a Prophet, as being privy to God's purpose. So that this Prayer is not so much a Prayer for obtaining, as a prophecy that he shall obtain. That extraordinar Gift is now ceased in the Church, yet everyone should take heed how he prays: That as the matter he seeks is good in it self, needful for us, and promised, so it be sought with confidence and liberty. If the Lord so open our hearts to seek it, he will also satisfy our hearts in granting. None knows his mind, nor hath given him counsel, but when Providence is performing his promises, he will give some notice of his purpose to his own in these particulars.

GOD had purposed this blessing to Solomon, and now he moveth David to pray for it as a means both to give his purposed Gift to Solomon, and to oblige David the more for obtaining of it by prayer: The Blessing he hath ordained for us, he gives an heart to seek it, and in the very time of so free and affectuous seeking, worketh in us an hope of receiving: For we know not what we shall pray for as we ought: But the Spirit it self maketh intercession for us, with groanings which cannot be uttered. And he that searcheth the hearts, knows what▪ is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh intercession for the Saints according to the will of God. God's Spirit will not assist us with a spiritual liberty and confidence, in seeking that, that God is not purposed to give; for GOD is ever like Himself.

Prayer is on our part a Condition required, and a mean to obtain; and on God's part, a sort of beginning and obliging to give us that blessing that he hath made us to seek. These are both temporary effects of God's eternal purpose, and means to perform it: This is the covenant of grace, to turn the Condition in a promise, and then to perform it in us, that as GOD presenteth Salvation under condition of Faith and other works of grace, so he promiseth these conditions, and worketh them in us. He promised that they should believe, who said, And they shall not teach every man his neighbor, Know the Lord. He promised that they should be pardoned, who said, I will be merciful to their iniquities. He promised that they should obey, who said, I will put a new heart in them. He promised that they should persevere, who said, I will put my fear in their heart, so that they shall not depart from me. So then, Grace purposeth, Grace promiseth, Grace maketh us to pray; and Grace performeth the promise in answering our prayers, that it may be seen We are saved by Grace. This wonderful disposition of God's Grace in prayer, is summed up in one verse. Lord, Thou hast heard the desire of the humble, thou wilt prepare their heart; Thou wilt cause thine Eare to hear: And David on this same purpose: Thou hast said, That thou wilt build me an house: Therefore have I found in mine heart to pray this Prayer to Thee.

To the KING. The second part: Of a Monarchy.

THis much for the Person that prayeth, To wit King David, the next is, for whom he prayeth, and that is the King, even his Son Solomon, and that for three causes: The first is common to Kings, whom GOD resp • cts as his Deputies among men: The next is particular to Solomon, as being designed in God's promise to be a successor to David: The third is typical, because he was the type of Christ, the King of his Church; and so had a right to competent gifts for his place, for the better typifying of such a truth.

Here is the great respect that God hath to Kings, he causeth pray for them, mark their business, and write portions of Scripture for them: So Solomon's designing to the Crown gave us this Psalm▪ and his Marriage the 45. Psalm, and their Acts hath given us many Histories in Scripture, that his Providence about them may be more manifest, and his care of them, may witness his care of all mankind. God hath set them up to be respected as the Heades of human Societies, and though there be innumerable people in the World different in Laws, Manners, Languages, &c. Yet he hath summed them up in several Societies under Princes, and provided not only Order but also degrees whereof Kings are the Heads. Therefore the holy Apostle calleth them, supereminent Powers: and the primitive Church expounded that clearly. We honor the Emperor next to God, and less than God alone.

This leads us to consider in principality the Author, the Necessity, the Excellencie, and Limitation. The Author of Principalitie, is GOD, the King of Kings; either immediately designing them, as he did David and Solomon, &c. or mediately moving the hearts of people to choose them. He hath made man a social creature delighting in Society: and Necessity, and Profit, hath confirmed that sociablenes, and drawn them together in Societies and Incorporations: they know by the light of Nature, that Society is better than Solitarines, and that a multitude with equality hath confusion, and Order without Authority is an Anarchy with Oppression. Therefore, as GOD wisely ordained, so they willingly admit these gradual respects of higher and lower degrees, and take on that beautiful Order which he established: He appointes an outward Gouernement to mankind, and gives the influence of it not indifferently to all, but to Kings and Princes as the most eminent parts of mankind.

If we look to man simply as he is reasonable it is not impossible for him to live without public Gouernement, but if we consider him as he is now with corrupt reason it, is altogether impossible: He could not live alone without Society, and in Societies he was worse than alone, because of injuries: the wealthy oppressed the poor, and the stronger the weak, so that by time Societies agreed upon a common Gouernement, and set up someone who excelled the rest to govern all, and that common consent gave him power to rule, and disposed the rest for more hearty obedience. So GOD by his Law written in their hearts, led them to Gouernement, to deuolue their power in the hand of one, for eschewing of injuries, and procuring both public and the private good: Society remeeded Solitarinesse, and Principalitie remeeded the injuries of Societies.

Some have drawn Principalitie simply from the Ambition of men, because Cain, Nimrod, and such like were usurpers. But they should distinguish betwixt man's Ambition and God's institution: Man had his own ends of vain glory, Avarice, Reuenge, &c. But as GOD was therein punishing sin, so also prouyding Order among men, and therefore he taketh with • rincipalitie as his own ordinance. By me Kings reign and Princes decree Justice. There be sundry ways to come to a Kingdom: The suffrages of people in Election: Victories in Conquest: Birth in Succession: But GOD is the Author of Magistracy who gives Kingdoms, and transferres them at his pleasure. That Kings are, it is the divine Law written in the hearts of men: But that such or such a man is a King, is by divine • rouidence. They are the most e • inent and conspicuous Thinges in the World: Their beginning, course and end see • es to some to be of Fortune: And such as contemn that blind idol, ascriue them to Fate, an imaginary necessity beside the will of GOD and Man, but divine Providence disposeth all human Kingdoms.

Man by sin hath drawn on many Necessities, but GOD hath appointed lawful Callings as their Remeede and Supplie: and if we compare him to a Body, they go in four sorts: The first is of Callings, absolutlie necessar for our Being, as Husbandrie and Pasturage, the two Legges whereon the great body of man standeth. We are of the earth, we walk on it, and live by it, and these two Callings draw the substance out of it, in Fruits and Fleshes for our necessity. The profit of the Earth is for all: The King himself is served by the Field. The second is of such Callings as beside Necessity have great Profit for our well being; as Crafts and Merchants: these are busy about the fruits of the former Callings; the first perfecting them by Art, the other changing these fruits of Nature and Art; these are as the two Hands, in this great Body. The third is of such Callings, as beside Necessity and Profite have also Ornament for our better Being. These are as the Heart of this Body in liberal Sciences and Professions, &c. They frame and fashion the Soul which is the Man, and make him a Man properly. The fourth is of such Callings as beside Necessity, Profite and Ornament, are for human Perfection for our best Being in this life, & that is Principality & Gouernement; as the Head in the civil Body perfecting it with human excellency. But the Pastoral calling answereth all these respects spiritually.

GOD made all this plain in the beginning. First he gave Adam a Being, then appointed him Maintenance, and a Law to lead his life: And when he fell, his first business was tilling of the ground by Cain, and pasturage by Abel, as means to help the difficulty of maintenance that came by the curse laid upon the • arth for his sins. Thereafter came the invention of Mechanicke Trades, to make use of the fruits of these two simple Callings, and Gouernement came in also in the own degrees and periods. Lastly, when men were sensible of their misery spiritual & temporal, and from that sense Seth called his son Enoch (that is, Miserable or Calamitous ) • hen Religion was solemnlie exercised by in-calling on the Name of the Lord. They found such misery, as neither human Invention, Industrie, nor Gouernement could help; & therefore took them above all to the Religious worship of God, that he would mitigate the just curse by his supervenient Blessing, and lead them to a better Paradyse than they had lost.

Three sorts of Gouernement were in Adam: The Husbandlie government over Eve his wife: The fatherly over his Children, and the Princelie over all mankind so long as he lived. The first was more, a bond of love with his Wife, another himself: The third was a sort of authority, as a Superior over inferiors: And the second was mixed of Love and Authority. As mankind increased, so GOD drew out the Lyne of principality in Families, Towns and Countries, &c. which are both several partes of Principalitie and Images of it: to testify that mankind cannot well subsist without Gouernement. Every man carrieth the image of it in himself, he hath a body of many parts, and every part hath the own temper and form, to be a seat or instrument of some power in him. The Soul likewise hath diversity of powers, to understand, remember, will, &c. And yet notwithstanding of this diversity, they have all such a respect unto other, that they submit themselves to a government for the good of everyone severally, and of the whole man, in which respect we may call Man, A little Kingdom.

Gouernement then is of absolute necessity, without which neither House, nor City, nor Nation can stand, no not the nature of things, nor the world it self: For what is a multitude of people without it, but a liveliness and confused mass? They are not set to work in their several callings, neither have they fruit of their labors, neither use, nor enjoying of their fruits: But Gouernement as a vigorous life quickeneth all, gives a beauty to the body, and a sort of ability to every particular member. It is principally in the head, and from thence floweth to every member, to enable it for its own office: I need not to enlarge this point. This City, & other places of this Kingdom that were sometimes quickened, and warmed civillie by the presence of Kings, are now in a languishing Widow-hood, because of the far distance of that warming Sun.

Principalitie maketh a great relation in mankind: It is the Head, and such an Head as receiving due respects from other Callings, employs it self again to their good: They sustain it by their offices and labors, and it recompenceth them with a mutual sustaining, in that it prouydeth for them both liberty to labor in their Callings, and peace to enjoy the fruit of their labors, without which the better their Lotte be, the greater cross, if it be pulled away by war or oppression.

It is God's Wisdom to rule man by Man, and to set up some of Mankind above the rest: Thogh Kings be of the same kind by Nature, yet their degree and Spirit make them seem to be of another kind, that the mutual duties of commanding & obeying, may be the more distinct: And then to make them the more pleasant, he hath bound these far distant degrees in the bond of one kind: Kings command their Inferiors, louinglie as their own kind, & Inferiors obey Kings willingly, as their own kind: The communion of the kind distinguished by God in degrees keeps that Relation contentedlie: The Head, the Hands, and the Feet differ in their places & offices, yet are all one flesh in one Body: The Head commandeth them not rigorouslie, neither do they obey it grudginglie, but all their Offices are done in love to other. The disposing of these places and degrees are absolutely in God's hand, and he commands everyone to apply themselves to other according to their place. This is the Finger of God to make Authority as a vigorous life to quicken a Kingdom, and then to bind it up in such agreement, that many thousands of different conditions do submit themselves to one.

Princes have this Excellencie of Spirit, not so much from their Birth or bodily temper as from God immediately: He createth in them a reasonable Soul, to m • ke them Men, and gives them a princelie Spirit to make them Kings among Men. David was of private breeding, but so soon as GOD took him from behind the Ewes and set him upon the Throne; he gave him an heroic Spirit. Their Birth indeed giveth them great Privileges; but the royal Spirit is not infalliblie annexed to it: GOD reserveth it to his own free dispensation: he hath set them as Heads of Societies, and the Head is plenished with Understanding, and with moe Senses than the Body, for it is the seat of all the Senses, and none but the sense of Feeling is diffused through the whole body, & that floweth from the Head. So Kings by their place should be accomplished with human perfections above their Subjects. This hath with it a largeness of heart to over-reach private spirits as far as their place is above them, and that both in fore-sight to project their business, and Prudence to manage it. And they have as large affections of joy and grief, and their fruits answerable in Contentment and miscontentment. Their ordinar measure in these things would be excesses to over whelme private Spirits: Their greatest place occasioneth them greatest human contentments, but lest they become insolent as great miscontentments are annexed. So God hath counterpossed these great things in greatest Spirits, both to keep them from extremities, and to hold them on the Ballance of Equabilitie.

Power and Authority are invisible in themselves, but visible in their outward signs, and the more evident, the greater difference they make betwixt Kings & Subjects. Princes are men as other, yet are they far in dignity above other, as the patterns of native Nobility that cometh of Birth, and the Fountain of dative Nobility that flows from Princes favor. Though it fall out otherwise, sometimes for just causes, yet in an abstract consideration they ought to be, and usually are the choicest Men in human perfections.

A special sign is that Majesty wherewith God stampeth their countenance, to tell what Spirit dwelleth in such a Body: Though they be but Men, yet that Majesty in their countenance equalleth their place. This maketh their very silence to be awful and imperio • s, it confoundeth sometimes the most resolute Spirits, and putteth posed wits to precipitation. His whispering in his Chamber setteth all his Kingdom on work, and the only moving of his lips putteth all his Provinces to business: But if they speak in passion, it is like the roaring of the Lyon. This can be nothing else but the hand of GOD, that maketh so sensible a difference between ruling and ruled Spirits in one kind of Creature.

Next, God hath given them four Ensigns of a kinglie Power. The Throne as the ground of their Authority under God: The Scepter, the sign of their Law-making, or Nomoth • ticke wisdom, by its touchgiuing life to Laws: The Sword to execute Laws, as a token that all the Swords of their Subjects are at their command for War and Peace: And the Crown, as the sign of Glory, arising of the right use of all the former. God bestowed on Solomon such a royal Majesty as had not been in any King of Israel before: For the Lord his God was with him, and magnified him exceedinglie.

Their Place is great indeed to be God's Vice-gerents on Earth, yet that greatness is not absolute, but hath the own limitation: Their power is as well bounded as their Persons: Mortality boundeth their life, so doeth Providence their Power; & that on God's part by Communication for the original, and overruling for the use, and on their part dependence on God, and subjection to a reckoning hemmeth it in. I said, Ye are God's, and all of you the Children of the most High: But ye shall die like men. It is not of themselves, but lent of God, and not for themselves but for him and his people: It carrieth in it self an obligement to use it to his glory whom they represent, and a care in that use to do nothing that is not worthy of him: When Goodness and Greatness meet in them they are glorious Images of God, but when their greatness is void of goodness, they are hurtful to mankind, and make the Name of God to be evil spoken of: So long as they govern aright, their government is acceptable to God; but if they abuse their power, and follow their own will and not God's, then he disclaims their government: They reigned, but not of me. The excellency of their Calling cannot expiate these faults of their Person, but procures a double wrath:

If they look only to their place; as coming by Birth or people's favor, or their own worth, without respect to God, they cannot but swell in prid with Nebuchadnezzar: But when they take them as out of God's hand, they will reverence him, and use them to his glory; and that wise employment shall prove a way to a better Crown in Heaven. They are indeed above their Subjects▪ yet God is above them, the most High and higher than the highest: David knew that he both injured Uriah and his people, & that they could not correct him for his offense, yet he saw the punishment in God's hand, and being afraid thereof, cried out, Against thee, against thee, only have I sinned. He confessed himself guilty to God alone, because he had no man who might judge his fault.

Of all that is said ariseth a confirmation for a Monarchy: a Refutatiō of some errors: And a Direction in some duties. For a Monarchy this Text is plain, because it speaketh of a King, appointed & allowed of GOD in mercy: Sundrie sorts of Governement have been devysed as Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy▪ and these either simple or in diverse mixtures, but so that someone form did preponder the rest, & gave the name to the whole. Though all be good in themselves, and God can serve himself of any of these, yet they all point at a Monarchy as the best: For supreme power is to be found in them all, but the difference is in the number of the Persons: For that same supreme Power, which Monarchy hath in one Person, Aristocracy hath it in some few of the best, and Democracy in the multitude of the people, so that everyone of them is a Monarchy indeed diversified in the number of Persons.

As for their Practice, when moe ruled, they feared the usurpation of someone, and upon that fear as they saw any excel the rest in Riches, Wisdom, or Friendship, they served him with an Athenian Ostracisme, or a Syracusian Petalisme, and for one years ruling, cast him in ten years banishment: But by time they saw the ill of that censure, that it made worthy men hold back from public meddling, and opened a door to unworthy ambitious men to misguide all: And the Romans who like a feverous man, changed all sorts of government to find out the best, as Kings, Consuls, Tribuns, &c. were forced in great danger to choose a Dictator, and in end turned to a Monarchy, which is nothing but a perpetual Dictatorship. And when Augustus feigned politicklie to lay down the Empire, the Senate requeasted him to keep it still, they had been burnt so oft with the violence of a tribunitious government, that they chose rather to hazard on the faults of one Monarch, than the furies of a multitude.

Everie form of government hath the own Commodities, but Monarchy hath moe, and all these disputes that conclude for a Monarchy, do understand such a Monarch as is furnished with these three most essential gifts: Perspicacitie in judgment: Honesty in designs: and constant stability. There is but one head and one heart in the Body, one Sun for the day, and one Moon for the night: And Birds, Beasts, and Bees, have but one Leader of their company: And God set up but one Moses, one Joshua, and one Judge in Israel at once. He reproved Israel for seeking a King, not because of the unlawfulness of a Monarchy, but for loathing the government of Judges which he had established, and that ruled more moderately than the Kings of the Nations:

The errors to be refuted are these which have fallen either in Princes or people. Some Princes looking only to their greatness above their Subjects, have forgotten that they were men, & sought to be counted & called God's: They doated so on their perogatives as to be ashamed of Humanity, and puffed up with Victories above men, would not be men any longer, but set forward their Conquest to Heaven. So Alexander in his floorishing state, and Domitian and Caligula in the midst of their pleasures, and Gaius was so confident of a Divinity, that he pitied the Jews, who would not count him as a god: That same pity (if we trust the Stoics, who banish that passion from their wise men) might tell him, that he was but a frail man. But they were as senseless of the inward convictions of their error, as they were ignorant of the Truth.

There fell never such a frenzy in man, as to be tickled with a desire to be a god, or a conceate that he is so: Sound Humanity knows that Divinity is a thing transcendent, and they who are sick of that disease, are void of sound judgment and have put off Humanity it self. it was Satan's bait to Adam in the beginning, but he proponed it afterward in a grosser sort to such as was sick of Ambition: And it fell not in good Princes, but in the worst, for Domitian, Caligula, and such Monsters were greedy of that honor, but Augustus, Titus and Trajan were not so. They were conscious to themselves of great wickedness, and knew that the world abhorred them, yet they would cover all with that fair color, as to be better than all men, while they were the pests of their time: But a good King needeth not seek to be counted a god, for he is better than any of the gods of the Heathen. But all that affectation of a Godhead was gross Atheism; for if they had thought that there were any God's, they would not have usurped upon their place or office: And it proved that these injured gods were not at all, for if they had been, they would not have suffered themselves to be oppressed by a multitude of Monsters, who did not so much vex them by that encroaching, as destroy their account by profaneness. That multiplication of gods destroyed their fear and respect among men.

I know not whither it was a greater trick in Satan, or madness in them, to seek a place among the gods: But it testified in them both, a mocking of the gods, whom they counted no better than Companions to such Monsters▪ for they were as far dishonored, as these men were honored imaginarilie; but indeed all was alike here. Though we follow that distinction of Lares and Larvae good and evil Spirits, or their Manes, whose good or ill was uncertain, yet it is sure, that the best of their gods were but men, and the most part either cruel oppressors or filthy Atheists. Bacchus was a drunkard, Hercules a Palliard, Jupiter a Parricide, Venus a Whore, and in a word, the gods of the Gentiles were but the names of Vices: But indeed Satan had an higher intention to dishonor the true GOD, and exalt wickedness, while he purchased a commendation to Vices (which are too alluring of themselves) by the color of Religion, and a Divinity. GOD punished that frenzy in Herod, for suffering the people cry, The voice of God and not of man; he refuted their flattery, and punished his pride, by making worms at once to breed of him, and feed on him: He is a miserable god who is turned in the matter and food of worms, and in one instant is both their Mother and Nurce. God took that summar course with him, because he usurped upon the true God, whereas Pagans usurped upon the false gods only, who were as wicked as themselves.

We would count that madness fabulous, if the Popes brought it not on the Stage again, and none but they in the Christian world; for Pagan Princes find no Successors of their pride in the Throne of Kings, but only in Peters Chair: And what wonder, since they profess a power by Consecration, to make stones and stocks to be adored with a relative and terminatiue worship; and give power to Priests, by mumbling of five words to creat their Creator: Why may not the Author of so many gods call himself a God? and crave adoration: The concoat of their transcendent power, hath transported them from their wits; for under other names and colors they follow the pride of Alexander and Domitian to be counted gods, and of Diocl • tian to be adored as a god while he lived: And that more damnablie than they, because these Princes were ignorant of the true GOD, and the Divinity they affected was worse than Humanity: But Popes prosessing the true God, and usurping his Name and Titles, are more sacrilegious than they. They will not bide so low as to be Men, and cannot be gods, therefore they must be some third thing, and what that is may be known by their Luciferian pride.

The errors about principalitiie in people are two especially: The first of Anabaptists who think that Magistracy cannot stand with Christian Religion, as though Christ who cam to persite man by grace, destroyed good order among men: His Redemption looseth us from sin, but not from the ordinance of GOD; he came to destroy the works of Satan, but not the works of God: And Christian Religion in the Magistrate is so far from taking away his power, that it addeth moreover an aptitude to use his Power aright: And in Subjects it looseth not the obligement of obedience, but confirms it For if any man think because he is a Christian that he needs not pay tribute, nor give due honor to Superiors, he falleth in a great error. And the Jews sinned not, because they said, they had not a King but Caesar, but because they denied Christ. It is a singular work of God to erect and maintain a right Governement in the world: And the Apostle hath commanded us to render tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor.

The mystical Body of Christ is not a multitude of one gift, one degree, & one office, but in diversity of gifts and Operations doth respect other. Preheminency in Princes, & Subjection in people stand well with grace, & the holy Spirit can direct the one in commanding, & the other in obeying without any disparagement of grace: for he who said, By me Kings do reign, says also, Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers: Since grace then hath the own order and degrees in his mystical Body, it can well agree with the order and degrees he hath made in the civil Body of Kingdoms. The like may be seen in Heathen Princes, for their jurisdiction destroys not their humanity but they may keep them both, it enableth Humanity in them to curb the inhumanity of oppressors. The heavenly City of the Church is here lodged in the earthly City of wordly Kingdoms, and it were a bad requit all for that her lodging to destroy them: Therefore let that heavenly City obey the Laws of that earthly City, so long as she soio •• nes in it, that since mortality, is common to both Cities, concord may be keeped between them in things that concern it.

These men do sin against God; the law of Nature, & the good of human Societies for even reasonless creatures have a King of their own kind, & submit themselves to him. It is but a fleshly license that they seek under the name of a Christian liberty as was said of old to the Donatists their forefathers, according to these deceitful and vain opinions the rains are loosed to human license, and all sin left vnpunisht, that a boldness to hurt, and a liberty of wantonness may reign without the bar, and opposition of Laws: Yea, take away that which wholesome Doctrine commandeth wisely by the holy Apostle for the health of the World: Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers.

The second is a popular error of some, who think that Magistrates receive only benefit of Subjects, and give no recompense again: But they should remember that duties betwixt Princes and people are mutual, and their fruits also: The wise governing of Kings, and peace following, is as great a good as people can give to them: GOD hath tied them together by mutual respects & the more they are keeped by both the parties, the more they increase; and there is neither possibility nor hope of safety to either but in their agreement. The people of Rome fell in this same error, they departed from their Senate, because they sat in ease, while the people endured labor and lose of war: But Menenius Agrippa cured that error by a popular comparison.

All the parts of the body (said he) were angry on a time at the Bellie, because by their care and service all things were purchased for it, which in the mean time had ease in the midst of the Body, and enjoyed the fruit of their labors: Heerevpon they conspired against it, that the hands should not bear meat to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it, nor the teeth bray it: But while by this anger, they would dantoun the Bellie, all the members of the Body fell in extreme consumption whereby it appeared that the service of the Bellie was not in vain, and that it was no more nourished, than did nourish the body, while it sent out prepared food to every part: Theerfore they resolved to quite their miscontentment, and do their wonted offices to the Bellie. By this rude and populare Oration, the people of Rome began to hear of concord, and at once were reconciled to their Senate: The Bees give the like respect to their King, he alone among so busy laborers, is exeemed from labor, and yet is placed in the midst and largest room of the throng Hyue.

The directions for people are to pray for Princes, & obey them in the Lord: God's care of Kings, is both for their Place which he assigneth unto them, and for their work to be his Instruments for the good of mankind: And therefore, people are bound in the Lord, to honor them for their place, so far above them: To love them for their work, so profitable for them: And to commend them daily to GOD, that he would hold their Heart in his hand, and magnify his ordinance in their government: So David's example in this place, and the Apostle commands us to make Supplications, Prayers, Intercessions for all men, for Kings, and for these that are in authority. Their condition also craves this, for their education is usually in liberty without controlment; and since corruption in Subjects breaketh out in great insolencies, What may it do in Kings? great power without great wisdom, and a special assistance of God is dangerous both to the possessors and those they rule. Their place lays them open to many dangers, and therefore a necessity on our part to pray earnestly for them.

Our prayers are both for their good, and our own: though the fruit come first on Princes, yet in the next room it cometh to us: The rain that falleth on the mountains bydeth not there, but slydeth down to the Valleyes: So when servant prayers bring down blessings on Kings, the people are therein blessed also. When the Apostle biddeth us pray for Kings, he telleth that our fruit shall be a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty, and when God biddeth his people pray for the peace of the City where they dwell in captivity, he promiseth that in their peace they shall have peace.

The standing and falling of Princes importeth their Subjects greatly: So long as David walked in his uprightness, God blessed him & his people, but whē he waxed proud, Satan tempted him to number them, & they were punished. And when Rehoboam forsook the Lord, he fell not alone, but all Israel fell with him. When one of the people goes wrong, he alone perisheth, but the error of the Prince involveth many, & hurteth all that he ruleth. The fall of Kings is the punishment of people, for as by their virtue we are safe, so by their error we are in danger. Therefore we should pray to God that we may have a glorious and perfect King. It is then most profitable that good Kings reign long, and that profit is not so much to themselves as to these they rule: For their Piety and goodness (which are the Lord's great gifts) suffice them to true happiness, but the blessings of their good government cometh down to their Subjects.

The next duty required of Subjects, is to obey them in the Lord, and that not of fear but of Conscien • e. If it be of fear only, then their subjection is servitude, and themselves are Slaues, but when it is of Conscience, their obedience is Sonlie, and they themselves loyal Subjects. Then they obey for Conscience, when they reverence God's ordinance in Princes, and have reference to God, the Author of their power, and the Judge and Rewarder of obedience. Let every Soul be subject to Superior Powers, for the powers that are, are ordained of God: And that not for wrath, but for Conscience.

Of Princes care of Religion.

THis much for the necessity of Justice: The extent of it is not to be restrained to civil things alone, as though Princes might not meddle with Religion, but God hath given them an interesse therein: For if the proper work of Justice give everyone his due, then surly that must be her first task to see God get his due: and so Religion cometh within her compass as the first and main task. The Kings of the Earth serve Christ, when they make Laws for Christ; and herein they serve God, if in their Kingdoms they command good, and forbid evil, and that not only in things pertaining to human Society, but also in divine Religion.

In matters of Religion three parties have interesse: First, GOD hath absolute power: as He is the only Author and Object of religious worship, so is He only Directour and Judge of it. Next, Pastors are not Judges, but Indices, or interpreters, to point out that, that God hath set down in his Word. Thirdly, Princes are neither Judges nor • ndices, but Vindices or Promoters of true Religion: They are neither the Rule nor exponers of it, but Vrgers of men to do according to the Rule proponed of God, and exponed by faithful Pastors.

Constantine the great made this distinction to Churchmen, God hath made you Bishops of the inward things of the Church, but he hath made me Bishop of the outward things. That is ye have a calling to discern between Truth and heresy in doctrine, hurtful or wholesome in worship or manners: To preach the word, minister the Sacraments, and lead people in religious Worship, to deal with the Inner Man, and instruct the Conscience in the Truth: But my place is to maintain Religion in the Professors 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 and their maintenance, to deal with the outward Man, and to see that my Subjects worship and obey God according to the Rule, that he hath given, and ye point out of his Word.

All his business about the Council of Nice, was nothing but a Commentar of that distinction: he saw the Church poisoned with the Heresy of Arius, and rent with the Schism that followed thereupon: And not being able of himself to judge and determine these questions: he convened the most learned and godly Church-men, to whom that iniquity appertained: and when they had determined the matter, he repressed the Heresy that they damned, and maintained the Truth that they proponed. So Theodosius the great curbed the Macedonians in the Council of Constantinople: Theodosius the younger, the Nestorians by the Council of Ephesus: And Marcianus the Entychians by the Council of Chalcedon: And when the Nestorians raised up their head again, Justinian curbed both them and Pope Vigilius their Patron, both by a Council, and by his Edicts against their tria Capitula, the sum and marrow of Nestorianisme.

Synods and Councils assembled in the Name of the Lord, are as Counsels to Kings, in matters of Religion, and the Word of God is to rule both Princes, and Synods. So though David was a Prophet, yet he did nothing of himself in God's house, but with consent and advyse of Gad the Seer and of Nathan the Prophet: for so was the Commandment of the Lord by his Prophets. He had God's command for the warrant of his Command. And Jehoshaphat sent through the Cities of Judah, and they taught the People, and had the Book of the Law of the Lord with them. This was their Directorie.

Concerning the extent of their power, some Princes got wrong of others, and some did wrong to themselves. They got wrong most of the Pope, who after he affected Antichristian greatness, closed up Kings within civil affairs, and counted them but profaine Laickes, who had no intresse in matters Ecclesiastic. If they meddled with Investitures of Benefices, it was called Simony, and oppressing of the Ecclesiastic liberty. And the discharge of that duty which God hath founded in their Thrones and Scepters was called the Henrician heresy, and a fighting against God.

On the other part they bewitched Princes by the show of Canonizing. This was a deep policy by the hope of that bait, to steal from Princes their authority as the best way to that Canonizing, and to turn them Babes in this life, under hope to be Saints after death. It was too superstitious simplicity for that hope to disgrace themselves and their places, by surrendering their power to the Beast. He knew that Princes were ambitious of honor, and there was none greater than they had already, except it were to be sancted: He persuaded them that there was no way to that honor of sancting, but by his Canonizing; who had the Keys of Heaven at his Girdle. Therefore, when Princes were tickled with that Ambition, they cared not how baselie they prostitute themselves, and their dignity, to him for that Imaginarie Advancement.

Or rather shall we say, that God in this political abusing of Princes, was discovering a part of the Mystery of iniquity: For about th • se times: when Kings were made Saints, the Popes were Monsters: In the ninth and tenth Ages Ignorance reigned in the Church, & barbarous Crueltie in Popes; everyone disgraced his Predecessour, and abrogate his Ordinances: then Princes abhorring that wickedness, were the more stirred up to Piety, and so (comparatiuelie) they seemed to be Saints in respect of these monstrous Popes. It was the complaint of these times, That it was easier to find many Lay-men turn good, than one religious man grow better: And that it was a rare fowl on earth to find one ascend but a little, above the degree that he hath taken in Religion. The Chair of Peter was some time broodie of Saints, but then it became so barren, that it brought out none but Monsters; and that justly: for the Popes loathed that Chair, and affected the Throne of Princes: And holiness being banished that Chair, found her place more in Princes than Popes. This was God's Justice, that since Popes would be Kings, that Kings should be counted Saints: And yet both of them were but usurpers, for neither did God admit these Saints in Heaven for intercessors, whom the Popes thrust on him; neither did he allow the Popes kingdom, which he threw from Princes.

Again, some Princes wronged themselves, concerning Religion, & that in Policy, Superstition, & Neglect. For Policy, some of them harboured Religion in their Kingdoms, but abused it politicklie to their own ends: They measured it by the persons of Preachers; and seeing them in wordly things the meanest of their estates, did think as baselie of Religion it self; & so served themselves of it, as the fairest color to luster their foulest purposes. Jehu in show was zealous for God, but indeed all his zeal was to stablish the Crown of Israel in his own house. So soon as he obtained that end▪ his zeal for God was quenched, and he followed the idolatry of Ahab It was the Authority of Ahab's house, & not their Idolatry that made him zealous. So Jeroboam followed the counsel of his own heart in making two calves, and sparing the people's pains in going to Jerusalem. But indeed he cared neither for God's glory, nor the people, but for stablishing his own house: He pulled the hearts of the People from God, and from the house of David. So Julian when he thirsted for the Empire, he gave up his name among the Clergy, and frequented the Assemblies of Christians, to mak him mor acceptable to people, as Basil objecteth unto him: So Mahomet made himself great by the color of Religion, though he neither believed nor keeped these Precepts which he feigned to be of God, and the Popes seeking a Monarchy have used Religion for a cloak, as Leo the tenth in his last words, told his Secretary: Thou art not ignorant how much vantage that Fable of Christ brought to us. But such political abuse of Religion, moves God to cast down these Thrones which they seek so to establish: Never sin was either more severlie or justly punished than this, when God the chief end, and Religion the only way to that end, are turned in base means to bad purposes.

Secondly, some Kings have superstitiouslie taken too much on them in things merelie spiritual: Uzzah would do the Priests part, in burning Incense: and Constantius took upon him to moderate a Council alone in favor of the Arians, and prejudice of the Orthodoxes. And Sigis mund would play the Deacon at Constance, in assisting the Mass, and that, as appears more, because that days Lecture began, Exijt edictum a Caesare, then for any love of the work; or possibly because he was bound to that service, as being a Chanon in S. Peters Church, or the Lateran: for the Pope imposeth these Tittles on Emperors, as an homage, for holding the Empire of him. But God shown his anger against these preposterous courses Uzzah was smitten with bodily Leprosy: Constantius found confusions in the Empire, and Julian to usurp on him: for he was an enemy to Christ, and a more cruel persecutor than Nero or Decius, as Hilary calls him. And Sigismund had a worse • eprosie when he gave way to burn John Hus, and Jerome of Prague.

Thirdly, some Princes have either with Gallio neglected Religion as a light matter and impertinent to them: Or like Herod, held Christ out of their Kingdoms: as though his Throne and theirs could not stand together. This was a main motive of the persecution by pagane Princes: They thought that Christian Religion would • verthrow their Kingdoms: But Herod needed not fear Christ's coming, for he who gives heavenly Kingdoms, will not take earthly kingdoms from him. But beside the neglect of their own Salvation they look not wisely to their wordly standing. It is never better with Kings, than when Christ freely reigns in their Kingdoms, and there is no such prop to their Thrones as his Scepter. True Religion in a Land is more forcible to hold people in obedience to Princes, than many thousand Soldiers in Garrisons: Everie heart that hath the grace of Christ is a loyal heart to authority: Everie Parish where God is truly worshipped, is a Garrison, and great Cities planted with faithful Pastors, are as Citadells for the security of Princes.

Obedience goeth under one name, yet it hath many branches, it beginneth at God, who is both the first Object and the fountain of Dueties: We ought to respect him before all, and that for himself: But we respect other things for him and in him; as he hath ranked them in the order of his commands, or the degrees of place or goodness: If therefore we fear the Lord, we are thereby prepared & enabled to do a duty to man: Our Faith, Love, and other religious bonds to GOD, are so far from defrauding Superiors of their due, or disabling us from doing of it, that on the contrary they get more respect, because we love God; and we are both the abler and readier to do so to them: Our hearty Obedience to God gives a life and cheerfulness to our obedience to man: Godliness and righteousness are the sum of both Tables, the twin-fruits of one Faith, and the works of that same Spirit. The more godly, the more pliable to righteousness to man, and the more righteous, the more sincere in godliness: the Soul that loves God truly, will also respect man duetifullie in the Lord.

This is manifest in Europe; so long as Princes were popish, & suffered their people to lie in popery, they were never sure of their people's hearts: They had no care to bind them to God by a true Religion, & therefore God suffered them easily to be loosed frō them: Everie roaring of the Pope from the Capitol in excommunication, made people rebel against their Princes. But since the truth of the Gospel shines amongst them, they are not so soon moved: It bindeth them to God, and their Princes in God, and maketh them contemn these thunders of Rome, as wisemen do, that fatuous wild fire that hath a color of fire without burning: The Popes excommunications were fearful in the darkness of popish ignorance, but now in the night of the Gospel, wise people do scoff at them justly.

After Hildebrands time, Princes were pittifullie abused: bot since Luther arose, Popes have learned more modesty in their Censures; and Princes have found more respect of people: Such as harboured the Gospel in their Land are free of that abuse, and even they who adhere to the Pope, are obliged to the revealed Truth, that they are not so oft beaten by Excommunications as of old: And people have their own blessing by the true Religion, that thereby they are taught more chearefullie to obey Princes: So great a blessing is the Truth both to Princes and people.

We may close this verse with this Lesson: That the gift of Kinglie Governement is not infalliblie annexed to Crowns, but the gift of God to Kings: So Christ Jesus telleth us, By me Kings reign, and Princes decree Justice: By me Princes rule and Nobles, even all the Judges of the earth. Their Spirits makes them capable of royal gifts, and when he gives Kings in mercy he ever gives that gift. This is more thā either their Birth in Succession, or people's consent in their Election can give them: And it is a main difference betwixt God's calling and man's: Mans calling can do more. but fill the place with the man, & apply such a persō to such a Station: But God's calling sits the man for the place, And maketh the person meet for his Station: His providence putteth them in it; & his liberality furnisheth such gifts as the place craveth to justify his providence, Mans calling giveth an outward warrand to the wrok, but God's calling giveth the sufficiency, and ability to do the work, & that with a conscience of his Calling and furniture. This was a ground for David to ask this gift for Solomon: He knew it was God's will to set him upon the Throne, and therefore he suiteth of God who had appointed him that Station the answerable gifts for it: He saw that same Throne without these gifts in the person of Saul, but found them in himself, and craved the like to his Son.

It is therefore a great folie in Popes to tie Apostolic gifts to their triple Crown, or pretended Apostolic Chair: These things come of a free dispensation, & not of the merit of any place: If we ta • it for a material Chair, all is uncertain; for they know not whither it be the Chair of his installing, or the other of his repose; or the third for proving his sex, which now hath no use since their Children end that question. If we take it for a mystical Chair. it must be either in Apostleship, or Doctrine. But the first died with the Apostles as a personal Privilege, and the second is lost, because they have not the Chair of S. Peter, who hold not his Doctrine: This their opinion of not erring, is a Capitall error, thereby they tie God to them and theirseate, while they loose them selves to sin. But God hath confuted their folie, and shown to the world, that that seat is but a seat of scorners, for their is no Lyne of Christian Princes or Prelates, that hath moe monsters in it than the Succession of Popes: For the space of an hundredth and fifty years some fifty Popes fell close away from the virtue of their Predecessors, and were rather inordinate and Apostaticke than Apostolic, and in a word, they were • lagitious Monsters, as I said before, from their own confession. Indifferent men would think that where truth forceth their Conscience to confess so matchless wickedness in their Popes, they would grant also a possibility of erring: the interrupting of Succession at least in Doctrine: and so the Apostasy of their Church, &c. But they infer the contrary conclusion: That not witstanding the wickedness of Popes who both neglected to guide the Ship of the Church, and did rather what they could to drown it; yet God had a care to keep a Church amongst them. These are the conclusions of hardened hearts, who take the work of their own sin and God's punishment to be a work of mercy: We grant they have a Church, but an whorish, and heretical one, not an Apostolic, as they pretend, but an Apostaticke as they confess.

2. The work of the royal Gift. Just Governement. That he may judge thy people in righteousness.

THis is the second thing he prayeth for, the work and use of the gift, the governing of God's people aright: Everie gift of God is his blessing to mankind, and that both to the possessor and others. It maketh the possessor idonous, and fit for to do some good to mankind: And the want in other it respects as a remeedie to work such a good as they need: Therefore, there is required a work of the gift, to prove the liuelinesse of it in the possessor, and to produce the work of helping others: A gift without its own proper work, is but liveliness, and a Talent digged in the earth. The gift it self is a sort of God's presence with the possessor, but the right use of it is a greater degree of his presence: And for this cause a gift even in a Mechanicke calling, is called a Spirit: I will pour my Spirit on Bezaleel, &c. To testify it is all in action, a vigorous and actuous power in man setting him on work: The end also of all gifts is for action, whither it be a gift of common providence, the possession is personal, but the use is common, or whither it be a gift of grace for edification, the possession is also personal, but for a common use.

We shall consider this work in the rule, the Practice the Difficultie and Remeedes: The rule is the Law: As all gifts are for work, so the gift of Kinglie government, and that both to make good Laws by common consent, and govern according to them: In the beginning Societies had no enacted Laws, but a power committed to one. But when they saw that one to abuse his power, GOD by that same Law of Nature, that led them first to Governement, took them a step further to make Laws, that both Ruler and people might have a standing and set Directorie, by common consent: So that as tediousness of solitariness drew them to Societies, and injuries of Societies drew them to Governement, so the tyranny of Governors drew them to Laws for the good of the whole Body.

Laws do not only teach what should be done, but also enjoin that it be done, and that with respects of rewarding obedience, and punishing disobedience: so God gave his Law hedged with promises to allure, and threatenings to terrify; for he knoweth our slowness to good hath need to be allured by rewards, and our forwardness to evil, to be bridled with punishment: These respects are proper to man, for other creatures, as natural Agents work according to the Law that God hath given them: They have no more but a common assistance of God▪ as the first cause; neither hath the work the moral respect of virtue or vice, or of reward, or punishment: But man cometh in another estate, he hath a mind to consider the equity of the Law: a Conscience to be sensible of the obligement: and a will to incline to do: And therefore his obedience: hath the Name of righteousensse, looking to the promised reward, and his disobedience, the name of sin, looking to the threatened punishment.

Good Laws are the sinews of Societies; though they direct us in outward things, yet they stick fast on our Reason which being in kind but one in all men, maketh a great sibnesse of Notions in all: so that reason in every man can easily conceive, or condescend to that equity, which universal reason ( the extract of the eternal Law of God ) directeth us to do.

All Laws have a binding notion and use, though in diverse respects: The eternal Law is in God his will, the fountain and rule of all Laws: And amongst men, the Noetick Law of Nature writ̄ in the hearts of all people in principles. The laws of nations Dianoetick or discursiue in conclusions drawn out of these principles, which are divers in sundry places, because of the diversity of circumstances. The greatest perfection of human Laws is in their conformity to that prime and eternal Law in God; and in their vigor, when they are put in execution, like the effectual providence that executeth the prime Law.

Written Laws are for direction, and the living Law (that is a King) is for actions, to see that direction obeyed. As their calling prescryveth this, so the people crave it. For Justice is an habit dwelling in the Souls of Kings, and cannot be seen but in the work; and people are not so subtle as to consider royal Justice in an habit▪ but as they see it in practice: When they see sin punished and virtue honored, that is more forcible to persuade them of the gift of government in Kings, than a thousand subtle demonstrations. This is plain in the end of Solomon's desire; he craved a wise heart, not for that end to dwell in pleasant theorie, but for practice, that I may go out and in before thy people. No King abounded more in profound speculations: yet • ee made them not his end, but used them as means to fit him for a practike Governement, and to give the world a proof of his ability for his calling. It was not the habit of wisdom in his heart, but the practice that made him famous to the world: The words that he spake, the order of his house, and wise dispatch of his affairs, made the hearers & beholders astonished.

Laws are not made for Theorie, but for Practice; and the best practice on the part of the people is Obedience, and on the part of the Magistrate execution: And the best execution is when rewards and punishments (the pases of the worlds Clock) are applied as men deserve; the god lie rewarded, & the wicked punished. It hath been an old complaint, that Laws have been well made, but evil observed: And he cannot be innocent, who either spareth him that should be punished, or punisheth him that should be spared.

By just punishment three things are procured. First, the amendment of the offender; for so the evil of punishment laid upon the evil of his disobedience, will curb that corrup • ion in him; since it bringeth upon him a worse evil in his account. Next a bettering of other, who seeing iniquity punished, will fe • re to do the like, least they incur the like punishment: Thirdly, the peace of the whole Body, when such as trouble it with their wrongous dealing, are condignelie punished for their wrong • . On the other part, when righteousness is rewarded, three answerable fruits do follow. First, the righteous are made better, when the good of their righteousness is augmented by the good of their reward: Next, others are provoked to righteousness, when they see it rewarded: Thirdly, the whole body is rejoiced to see the good honored, for when the godly are exalted the people rejoice; and so public peace is keeped by the universal care and study of well-doing.

But when the application of these things go contrary, both to the meaning of the Law, and the deserving of the persons, then fearful confusions follow: All men are discouraged from righteousness, which they see neglected and punished: And none sleeth from evil, but rather followeth it; when they see it honored with the reward of good: The wicked are both imboldened to committee sin, and proud of their reward: The godly are grieved that matters go so cross, and lament to see good men cled in the liveray of the wicked, and the wicked in the liveray of the godly: It is a shame for the sons of men when the wicked are exalted. In such a case Laws are without life, their execution is contrary to their direction, and their direction serveth for no other end but as a shining light to discover the iniquity of such application.

Impyres and Kingdoms are no less mortal than a man: they have their own Infancie, Adolescence, and Vigour; and from that, their inclination, decay & death, and others arise of their fall: Their greatest high is in Piety and Justice, and their deadly disease is in profainesse and unrighteousness: As the heat decaying in the heart, so is profainnesse in a Kingdom, and injustice is as a palsy that dissolveth the whole Body.

It was one of Solomon's remarkes of vanity, I saw under the Sun the place of Judgment that wickedness was there and the place of righteousness that iniquity was there It is grievous to see iniquity anywhere, but most in the seat of Justice: and it is great boldness in iniquity to out-face Justice in her own seat: and great presumption in the unrighteous when they dare either prosecute or defend iniquity in Judgment: The case of that • and is lamentable, where Justice • eats are • ade seats of injustice, and the remeede of iniquity turned in the disease: there is no hope that Justice can reign where iniquity usurpeth so upon her as to thrust her out of her place, and from thence under her name maintaineth wrong. That case seemeth so desperate to Solomon that he putteth it amongst these cases reserved to God's own cure, and the great appellations to be discussed at the last day. I said in mine heart, God shall judge the righteous and the wicked, for there is a time for every purpose, and for every work. God hath established Justice amongst men to do them right, but when she is so oppressed as to be displaced, and her name borrowed, to color iniquity, then of a Judge she turned a Plaintiue, compleaning to God of that violence.

Though Laws were wrong exponed in their meaning, and their rewards wrong applied yet, supreme reason (the life of the law) liveth with God, and will vindicate the own true sense, and apply rewards aright. This is the law of Laws abiding in God, which we may know and ought to follow, • ut may not judge, so that we may say, THAT THE LAW OF THE COVRT OF HEAVEN, AND OF REPVBLICKS IS THE WILL OF GOD. He hath appointed Indicatories to keep men in order, but when they are abused to maintain wrong, and oppress right, he hath the last Judgment for a remeede, to call all proceedings to a new trial, and to discuss the appeals of the distressed.

Kings indeed have long ears to hear, and long hands to do many things; yet they cannot hear, and do all by themselves: Therefore Iethroes counsel to Moses was good to divide his burden, and set up Judges and Magistrates with authority under him. But that work is full of difficulty, & that in respect of the Laws, the parties & Witnesses. Laws are many, & yet short for all incident and daily emergent causes. Justinian thought he had put out a perfect body of the Laws, when he caused digest the Roman Laws for twelve hundredth year; and yet these many Volumes may be called short for so universal a purpose: and the matter appointed to end Pleas, is turned a seminarie of pleas, because of briefnesse: Though all Laws and Decisions were gathered together, they cannot meet with every new circumstance: Mans corruption is ever devysing new wrongs, and new colors to color them withal. • he diverse interpretation of Laws increaseth this difficulty, and that Emperor misseth his end of the hasty decision of pleas, when after long disputing, the question is more doubtful than when it was first stated, albeit the small brooks of Laws before Lotharius time, are turned since in Mare magnum, a great ocean of Laws.

The parties usually whither of simplicity or purpose, are bold to bring the evil cause to Judgment, they are confident of their cause▪ and oft times the worst cause hath most diligence, to supply the want of equity by the excess of business. If righteousness ruled men, Judges would have little to do; and if Truth were in their words, questions were soon decided. But the Clients information to their Advocates is so bad, that it is hard either for them to know, or the Judge to discern where the Truth is.

Witnesses also help this difficulty: They are subject to their own corruptions, and may deceive the best Judges, who by their office are bound to judge, according to things alleged and proven. If the religion of one Oath had force, the matter were easy, for God hath ordained it to put an end to controversies: but man's wickedness hath turned it in a means to hyde the truth: If Aequivocation had place in Judgment, God had never ordained Oaths for ending of questions; though the Jesuits have perfected that coloured perjury in our time, yet it is natural to man who is a liar. It confounded all Judgment, so that neither the oath of calumny in the parties, nor the oath of verity in the Witnesses wants the own suspicion: But possibly betime Judges will be forced to invent a third sort of oath (occasioned by Aequivocation) to make parties and Witnesses swear that they swear truly.

Moreover, though Knowledge and Experience in Judges overcome these difficulties, yet their frailty of affection is inclinable to the Parties: Therefore it was a good devyce to plead causes without designing the names of the parties, but under the feigned names of Seius and Titius &c. And that suffrages should not be given by Word, but by Notes on a Table or by Whitestones for assenting, or black-stones for dissenting. So a way was provyded for liberty in votting▪ and for security from challenge for that liberty. But the absolute best remeede for Parties, Pleaders, Witnesses and Judges, is to set God the supreme Judge before them, and to remember that God sitteh in the assembly of gods, and to proceed as in his sight. When cause is simply compared with cause, and reason with reason, the sentence will easily rise according to right and equity.

But this difficulty is greatest in criminal causes, and hath brought on the necessity of torture, which is a sort of torment to a pitiful Judge. It is a miserable supply of the want of probation, and so insufficient, that the vrgers of it permit the sufferer after torture to go from his deposition or bide at it. It was first devysed by Pagans, and is justly called a Tarquinian cruelty: They had not spiritual and divine motives taken from GOD or Heaven, or Hell &c. to press the Consciences of the guilty: therefore they took them to that brutish motive of a bodily pain: Man is reasonable, and truth should be sought out of him by reasonable motives, which choppe on his reason and Conscience▪ and that in the respects of eternal reward or punishment: But the way by bodily pains is more fleshly and the order is preposterous, by the bruising of the flesh, to open the mind: An extorted confession is but a bastard confession as fire forced out of the flint.

It is lamentable, that among Christians there is as great necessity of torture, and as small fruit of it as among Pagans: What ever be the lawfulness of it, the mind of he Judge is tortured. He would know the Truth, and must use such a means to search it: He knoweth not whither the sufferer be guilty or not yet must he suffer as suspected of obstinacy in denying, lest he die as guilty; and in avoiding death, he suffereth death in torments; he suffereth not, because he hath done the crime, but because it is uncertain if he have done it: And so the vnavoydable ignorance of the Judge is the calamity of the Innocent, and the more he press to help his ignorance, he hurteth the innocent the more: This is lamentable, and to be washeth with floodes of tears, that while the Judge tortures the susp • ct person least he kill an innocent, he killeth that innocent whom he tortureth lest he should kill him: And when their pain maketh them choose to die, rather than to be tortured, they confess the crime that they did not, and so are innocent both in torture and in death. And yet when they are execute the Judge knoweth not whither they be guilty or innocent: And so ofttimes both tortureth and killeth an innocent, while he laboreth to eschew it; By these things a wise Judge is drawn on not by desire of hurt but by necessity of ignorance, and yet (since human Society craveth it) by necessity of Judgment. This is contrary to the tortures of the old persecutors, they tortured confessing Christians, and let them go free if they denied; but the criminals torture that they may confess, and destroyeth them for their confession.

On the other part, how oft do the guilty endure torture with obstinacy, and harden their hearts to conceal the truth: Such obstinacy at the first is resolved, but if it turn judicial by a willful denying, with cursings and execrations, then it worketh either a stupefying senselesnes in their flesh, or else (by way of diversion ) fasteneth the mind so upon loss or shame (that followeth a confession) that it lets not the flesh feel pain: Satan can stupefy his martyrs in maintaining lies, that he may play the Ape to GOD, who mitigateth the pains of his martyrs by spiritual comforts. It is not therefore for naught, that God took of the Spirit of Moses and put upon the Elders, because they had a Calling full of difficulty: In all which cases it is best for a Judge to look to God, and that eternal Law in him; and withal to crave his direction that he err not in Judgment, and cry, Deliver me, O Lord, out of all my necessities. But there is no better spur than Iehosapha • s exhortation to Judges, Take heed what ye doc, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in the Judgment. Wherefore now, let the fear of the Lord be upon you, take heed and do it: For there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, nor respect of persons, nor taking of gifts.

Of Princes difficulties & dangers.

IT lieth then on Princes to exercise their Gift, as they would prove the liuelinesse of it: and this brings on them a world of difficulties: There is none in their Kingdom of a more laborious life. The Head that moveth all must have action in it, and the heart is in a continual motion, to furnish fresh Spirits to the body: Great is their task to know the state of their Subjects, to hear the plaints of the poor, to repress the insolencies of the proud, by causing minister Justice to all. God hath set them above their Subjects, but that same exalting in some sort putteth them under, because they are servants to their Subjects, in that they watch for their weall and safety. I herefore the Apostle in that same place where he calleth them supereminent powers, calleth them also the Ministers of God, to minister Justice, for he is the Minister of God to thee for thy good. They are God's Ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. They have supreme power, bowing down to a Ministerial work, and a Ministry clothed with supreme power.

Many are quick-sighted to see the defects of Governement, who will not see the difficulties and dangers of it: for beside the weight of such a Calling, the most lawful use of their coactiue power, beareth them on many dangers, either in punishing the unjust, or affraying them that would be so: Every curbed humor by fear of punishment fretteth against them; God hath fenced them indeed against briares and thorns with their supreme authority, and yet sometime they feel their sharpness. It is impossible to them to please all, yea, not to curb many in execu • ing Justice, and their danger is not so much from open Enemies and secret male-contents, as from their friends and Attendants: The force of the one is not so fearful as the treason of the other: Their guards are to keep them safe, and yet are they often in greatest danger in the midst of them: So both solitariness and Society are dangerous to Princes.

They reign over the multitude, wherein are moe unjust than just, and moe that will be offended than pleased: And in every Kingdom, the mighty and the people are as two factions▪ and Princes sails betwixt them as two extremes, but the upright ministration of Justice is the best wa • : Private men can hardly please both parties, but Princes cled with authority need not stick in these strai • es, but to give every man his due. This is the great benefit of Justice, that beside the native & intrinsical goodness, it hath also this accessory good, to make a safe way for Princes, betwixt contrary factions. When a Judge inflicteth punishment, the cause of punishment is not the Justice of the Judge, but the merit of the Crime. (a)

Greatest Princes have greatest cares; and the largeness of their Dominion enlargeth their labor; as great hollow Statues overlayed with gold, are full of worms, and Spiders, so the greatest Monarchs under show of worldly glory are full of noisome cares: All these cares should indeere them in the hearts of their people, because they are not for themselves, but for their people: A good Princes wakerifenesse keeps the sleep of his Subjects: His labor, their idleness: His business, their vacancy: and his care maketh them careless. The greatness of a Prince is as much for his people's good, as it is above them. Great business with dangers and difficulties are their ordinary diet, under which they would succumbe, if God supported them not with as great a Spirit to dispatch business, contemn dangers, and expede difficulties: So that though their Crowns be of Gold, yet they may be called Crowns of thorns and their just • mbleme, is a man sitting in a Chair of state with a naked Sword hinging by a small hair over his head: But God the King of kings hath a special care over them, and guardeth their persons by a particular providence, l • st his sacred image in supreme authority should be violat by every miscontent humor.

These are their seen dangers, but they have another enemy less hated, but more hurtful, and that is, Flattery, (the bane of greatness) it followeth it as the shadow doth the body, and looks not to truth but to acceptance, and putteth a visorne on the native face. Satan durst thereby assault Christ though he despaired of success, how much more will he assault sinful man where he is sure of victory: He knoweth that even they who overcome vice are often corrupted with praise. Scarcelie is there one who giveth not patent cares to flattery, and as they will not patiently suffer evil to be spoken of them, so if they live well, they would be counted of: And who is he whole virtues breaking forth desireth not to be commended? Or that contemneth the praise of men? Princes therefore are most exposed to the praises of mankind, both for their eminency as an object, and for their power to requyte with reward: Flatterers have suggested that poison to Princes, as to make them think their will is a law, their power the measure of their will, and that supreme Reason and their pleasure are all one: They labor to possess them with the opinion of complete absoluteness from dependence on any Author, from limitation by any Law, from error in their doing, and from reckoning for their doings to God. All men by nature like to be rubbed with this Comb, and with a deceiving delight admit that praise which their Reason and Conscience refuseth: But the angry countenance of a wise King will scatter these flies.

For expeding these difficulties, some Princes have used the faint remeede to lay down their Governement. Diocletian re signed his dignity to Galer • us, and turned private. It was not so much for sa • ietie of honor as impatiency of disappointment: He had for eighteen years cruelly persecuted the Christians, and not being able to root them out (as he desired) he satisfied his miscontentment by retiredness and privacie: The Martyrs courage made him a Coward, and he brake his own spirit in despite, because he could not break them, the Name of Jesus was more glorious by his persecution, and in end he died miserably. This was the hand of God throwing him down from the top of honor which he abused: He would be worshipped as a god, but fell low from the Throne to a Garden; and from the Scepter to a Spade: & more from an affected Godhead to a male-contentment; but indeed that swelling conceate of a Godhead was a worse fall than when he turned private. Lotharius also resigned his Kingdom to his Sons, and being weary of the imperial Crown, he would take on him the Monkish shaven Crown, and render himself to a Monastery. This last age also saw some of it in Charles the fist; so long as he was zealous for God, and earnestly sought Reformation, God blessed many great things in his hand. But when the Pope fed his ambition with the bait of the Empire of Germany, and he had devoured it by hope (a conceate where with his house is drunk until this day ) then he persecuted the Protestants with an unjust and civil war. After that, never thing prospered in his hand, but God cast him in such disastures, as suffered him not to brook the public; and therefore choosing retearednesse to digest them, he was digested and overcome by them. Such a dispositiō in Princes is a deserting of their place, their gift, & themselves; and on God's part a just desertion dryving them in the straits of a private spirit, who have prevaricat in his public service: The largeness of the heart is the uprightness of it When it dilateth it self on God by Faith and affection; but when men close their Heart upon God by seeking themselves, they are both separate from him and excluded from themselves in that self-respecting.

But the best remeede to overcome all these difficulties are Piety and Prudence. Piety directeth them in all actions towards God, & makes them in their adoes to depend on him, it holdeth them daily with him to seek both the gift, and the use of it, in his assisting and blessing of their labors. Though he be high, he must day lie do homage to God, who is higher than the highest, as he would have his presence with his Governement. The more he pray ardently and look on God, he shall the more find wisdom in that Fountain, & have a pattern to work himself to, in the use of that Wisdom. The complete furniture beginneth at the Spirit of the Lord, and is specified in the Spirit of counsel and might, the Spirit of knowledge, and closed with the fear of the Lord, or true piety.

The hight of their place exempts them not from this dependence, but subjecteth them the more to it; the heavier their but then be, the greater need have they to seek God's help: Their business seemeth to stay devotion, but the necessity is a spurr to prayer: The more business, the more necessity of help, and the more felt necessity the greater earnestness with God for a blessing: David's a does made him not forget his devotion, but he keeped his day lie diet thereof: Seven times a day do I praise thee because of thy righteous Judgments. God hath ever noted religious and devote Kings with excellent Blessings in their Governement.

This makes me remember a gross impiety in the Consitory of Rome. When the Pope is absent, the oldest Cardinal prays unto God to bless their adoes, but when he is present, he praves none at all: Let no man (saith their Cardinal) Think it strange if the Pope pray not for the assisting grace of God's Spirit, because it is likely he prayed before he came thither. Besides it hath been observed that because of the presence of the most glorious Vicar of Christ, who is thought to be assisted by the grace of the Spirit, that Ceremony is not keeped as in other places, and that not to withdraw anything from due devotion but to signify a more holy and sacred mystery: So that the imploring of God's assistance is but a Ceremony to them: That is a mystery of iniquity to think any man exeemed from a necessity of praying unto God for a blessing to his a l • es: What is it, but to tell that the Pope is a god, and needeth not implore God's ass • stance? As though God's presence were superfluous, where that pretended god presideth: Or shall we say, That God maketh him proclaim himself the man of sin, by so profaine a misregard of God in his weightiest adoes. Their Canon Law enjoins their Clergy to bless their meat, and hath not their Consitory affairs greater necessity of a blessing? It was the height of Pelagius pride to bid God adien, for he had no need of his help: And what other doeth the Pope? He contemneth the preaching of the Word as a base service, though it b • e indeed the most Apostolic, and thinketh the Consistoriall affairs only worthy of his greatness: If therefore he be so profaine in that he counts most weighty? What devotion hath he in lesser matters? Since they have left off to preach, no wonder they cease to pray, and their style to Princes that was to bless, request, exhort, is turned now in a mandamus & volumus to command and will. Bernard feared this pride in his Scholar Eugenius: and Bellarmine exponeth it rightly, that the business of the Court of Rome would stay devotion in him: If he condemns that slackness in Eugenius, why reproved he not that gross Impiety in Paul the fifth, whom he saw act it in the Consitory: But the older Popes had more devotion, and acknowledged that in their adoes his grace was to be implored, without whom we are nowhere without peril and sin.

The second necessar virtue is Prudence: There is no creature more unruly than man, and the more reasonable in nature, the more unreasonable in his actions, turning the quickness of understanding to plot and practice wickedness: He is more intractable than the Beasts, impatient of equity, but more of servitude, and in a natural blind love of liberty, he hateth them that govern. As for the multitude, it is called a Beast of many heads, but void of Judgment, they measure all things more by the events than causes, and the events by gain or loss: Their knowledge is rather a guessing than Science; the vulgar opinion maketh all the Topics of their Logic, and the fashion of the world is all their moral wisdom; they know nothing but extremes Hosanna, or crucify: extreme love or hatred without moderation. They are credu lous of all surmises, and expone all to the worst sense: They are so desirous of Novelties that Providence is counted Lazines, but heady-violence is taken for Courage. They are the basest part of the Kingdom, yet they crave greatest consideration: The terror of Princes to hem in their absolute power: And a raging sea that cannot be stilled by force, but must be sailled by the Carde and Compass of prudence if Princes would eschew ship wrack. Therefore there is no moral virtue more necessa • to Kings than Prudence, and that amongst other studies (to enable them to govern) they study the disposition of their people, and specially of such as they trust with their affairs: Nations, Families, and Callings; have their own complexions as well as particular men, and will change with times and occasions, by prosperity or adversity, a peaceable or a severe government: and it is a part of fatherly prudence to know the temper of his Son: So David led his people in the integrity of his heart, and according to the discretion of his hands.

This Prudence leadeth Princes to Moderation a special pillar of their Thrones: Extremities are only necessar in extreme cases, which cannot fall oft to them in respect of the eminency of their power: If Rehoboam had followed the moderation of the Auncients, he might have keeped the ten Tribes to the house of David: Mans rashness and peremptory courses make way to a precipice, which hath no evasion but ruin. Moderat Governement hath ever proven durable, but violence is a degree to tyranny, and overthrows it self. Moderation is both God's command, and ever followed with his blessing, and most powerful to rule man, who is a reasonable creature, but violence is forbidden and abhorred of God, and punished with self-ruin. Wisdom then is as necessar to King as reason is to a man: It is his greatest ability enlarging his heart to conceive, and direct things aright, as he conceiveth them: He compasseth his affairs in his mind, and levels all to the best end: It is in him the Image of the Auncient of days, who hath all things ever present, and disposeth them sweetelie and powerfullie: Thereby things past are made present by remembrance: things to come are present by fore-sight, and present things by that universal view, are rightly ordered and applied to their circumstances: And so the King by wisdom stablisheth the Land.

Of the subject of Governement: God's people: Thy people: the Poor.

BVt whom shall the King judge? Thy people: a people gathered in a Society; and by God's providence subjected unto him: And thy people, even the Church of God for the time, and his choice of mankind: He had blessed them with true Religion, and the means of grace, to incline them to righteousness amongst themselves, and yet for all this they have need of civil Governement. The best man hath some remanent Corruption, and in the best particular Churches are some who have not the power of Religion, nor are disposed for righteousness

Herein appeareth man's vnrulines: God's mercy supplying it with Governement: And the happiness of such Kings as rule the people of God: This is man's unruliness that though he be reasonable, and of one stock in Adam, and of one condition in sin, (which should make him to love his Neighbor) yet we are most unreasonable and inhumane to other: Neither the bands of common nature, nor common misery, no not of Religion can make us live in righteousness. It was truly said, That the necessitis of many Physicians in a City argued great intemperance in a people: So the necessity of Magistrates argueth great unrighteousness amongst men. If we had stood in Innocency as we were created, we had been to others as harmless Lambes and gallesse Doves; our pure mind took light of God fully; our Will followed that Light freely, and our Affections and the whole man went one way to obey him: But by our fall that furnishing is lost, and that harmony broken; our mind taketh not God's Light, our will and affections miscarry the whole man violently; we break to God, and so cannot do a duty to man.

That fancy of some School-men of a mere and pure Nature is a pernicious error, that ignorance and concupiscence were the conditions of that Nature, and that man in his first estate would have been carried to the desire of sinful things: This obseureth the integrity of our creation, the misery of our fall, and God's mercy restoring us: In our innocence we had no disposition to sin; our original righteousness was a sweet applying of every power in us to another, and all of them to God. But now being void of that original justice, and full of iniquity, we are like unreasonable creatures. Man is in honor, and understandeth not, he is like a beast that perisheth: As the greater Beasts devour the smaller, and ravening fowls prey upon the weaker, and greater fishes eat up the lesser: So every man as he hath a gift above his Neighbors useth it to their hurt: The wise man turneth his wisdom to intrappe the simple; the mighty man his power to oppress the weaker; and the rich man maketh his riches as feet and hands to fulfill his evil purpose against the poor. So, though it would seem an easy thing for a King to rule a multitude of reasonable men brought up in civility and Religion, yet it is a matter of great difficulty: Therefore one said right, That Kings ought to be Pastors, and that because they rule men who are led by brut • sh affections.

This is a Glass for man's infirmity: That he is the most disobedient creature: the will of God is an eternal Law, the cause and rule of all equity and reason; thereby he disposeth his own actions, and giveth the extract of it respectively to creatures, and all of them (except man) obey that Law according to their power: This power is specified in their essential forms, and these forms are the immediate cause of their working, and Character of their work: Mans disobedience is the greater, because he hath the most excellent form; is best obliged, and best furnished; he hath a reasonable Soul, and the greatest extract of God's eternal Law both wri • en in his heart, and revealed to him in Scripture. He alone hath a Conscience to charge him with obedience in the Name of God: As a Center he is compassed with obedient creatures: If he look above, he seeth the Angels keep their celestial Law, in loving, adoring, and imitating God; if beneath he seeth all creatures keep their Law: the fruit of their obedience is his comfort, and if they altered their course but a short space, he would perish: And yet notwithstanding of the excellency of his form, the riches of his furniture, and his compassing with a cloud of so many obedient witnesses, he remaineth still vntractab • e.

Secondly, herein is God's great mercy to man, that he leaveth him not in this disorder: He knoweth that he would be as a beast, pushing and goaring other therefore he hath set up Magistracy as a sovereign remeede of that fury, and given it power to secure the weak from the injuries of the mighty, & wisdom to save the simple from the snares of the crafty: That if the great sort will abuse their power in tyrannizing over the weak, they may find in Kings a power to control them. The greatness of Kings above their Subjects is both a staff to the weaker to lean to, and a bridle to restrain the outrages of the mighty, as the Prophet expresseth. Defend the poor and fatherless, do Justice to the afflicted and needy, deliver the poor and needy, rid them out of the hand of the wicked. This vindicating power of Princes is as great a blessing to the oppressors whom it restraineth, as to the poor who are rescued.

Thirdly, this is the happiness of Kings that rule over God's people, that their lotte is fallen pleasantly in God's inheritance. They who reign over Barbarians are Kings over beasts rather than men, and they who rule over civil Countries where true Religion is not, are Kings but of men; but they whose Kingdom is a particular Church to God, are Kings over Kings, or Christians more than men; and their common Subjects by grace have more true worth, than such Kings as are over Barbarians, because we are a royal Priest-hood. The one reign • th in a Paradise, the other as in a barren Wilderness. This excellency hath also an easiness with it to overcome man's native unruliness; for God's Scepter bringeth people to obedience, as this Prophet acknowledgeth: It is God that subdueth my people under me. When man's rudeness is broken with a true Religion, it is most pliable to authority as to the ordinance of God: he both commands and alloweth that obedience, and disposeth people thereto willingly. Numa by Religion plied his rude Romans more to the offices of War and peace, than Romulus austere government: If a false Religion, did this in Pagans, what shall the true Religion, and the grace that accompanieth it work in Christians?

It is far more easy to rule good people, than bad, because there is none so rebellious to Authority, as those who rebel against their own reason; & a good man is more obsequious to Princes, than a Russian: The godly do fear Princes more, than they are to be feared of Princes: but no bands can keep the wicked in order: True Religion binds us to God, and the grace of it is our greatest perfection in this life, and that partaking of the divine Nature maketh us the more respectuous to God's ordinance: Where that is not, Laws, Rewards, and Punishments are but weak motives; but where it is, they need not a Law: The least notice of God's will, is sufficient to move them to do his will.

God communicateth his eternal Law to creatures according to their kind and capacity: He giveth to heavenly creatures a celestial Law to adhere to him; to reasonless creatures a natural instinct, to direct them in their course, without either sense of his goodness, or reflecting on him: But to man renewed, such a Law where of Reason is capable, and Conscience sensible, and that both in piety and righteousness: The first is all in respect to him, the other to man: Natural men can exerce materiallie the works of Justice, but not spiritually, because they have no grace, nor the bands of a true Religion to God. Justice and piety of the old Romans were but a forced curing of the contrary vices, that their ambition and pride (whereof they were sick) might rule in them.

Of Princes ruling of their own Persons and of their Court.

THis princely government is not to be restrained to the people alone, but beginneth at the person of Princes, & goeth to their Families: So David who conceived this Prayer, wrote that Commentat on it, that he would sing of Justice and of Judgment, not only exercised amongst his people, but also in governing himself and his Family. For the first he saith, I will behave myself in the perfect way: That is a good government that beginneth at himself: Privat men are tolerablie called Kings, when by God's grace they command their own passions: For whosoever subdues his own body, neither suffereth his Soul to be troubled with passions while he refraineth himself by a kinglie power, is justly called a King, because he can rule himself: And if we rule the earth, even this our earthly body, we are Kings of the earth. But this is more in Princes, who have as much native corruption as private men, and more power to utter it.

The wise ruling of themselves is necessar to moderate their great power: The Heathen could say, If thou wilt subject others to thee, subject thyself to reason. And the Empire agreeth to none, but to such as are better than any of their Subjects. But the Divines spake more clearly; by Kings, understand these who direct the motions of their soul according to the will of God. And they are good Kings who can prove themselves Governors of their Body. And justly they are called Princes who exerce ever a principality, over their own thoughts by sound Judgment. It is often seen that greatest power hath greatest righteousness joined with it, and that for the good of Princes and people: If their passions were like their power, they would soon ruin their state, or persons, or both; but Piety and Justice joined to their power, moderateth their passions, and preserveth all, as the King of the Bees hath a sting, but never useth it to revenge. And where shall Justice have the own work, if not in the heart of Kings. It must first begin there, else it cannot have the work on other.

Justice distributeth duties to each one; and there must be in a just man, a just order, that the mind be subject to God, the body to the Soul, and both to God: If this be not, there is no righteousness in us, and so there cannot be an external governing righteousness. This is the glory of Kings, when their power is accompanied and swayed with Justice in their own persons; when the living law liveth according to the written Law, and authoritatiue Justice becometh exemplar Justice, their life by example insinuating that to people, what the Law and authority commandeth them; then Justice is not so much a gift annexed to their power, as a grace changing their persons: An evil King is a servant to as many masters as he hath vices, but he who commandeth his passions, is a King indeed; because he ruleth himself, and is neither taken captive of sin, nor carried violentlie of vice.

Man that ruleth over beasts, hath beasts within him: anger barketh more fiercely than a Dog; he that is speedy to wrongs is a Serpent, and he that is set for revenge, is a Viper. Shall man have Empire over the outward beasts, and leave the inward beasts loose? This is most necessary, that rulers of men rule themselves, least they fall in contempt: For how can he correct the manners of others, who cannot correct his own? An evil man though he reign, is a slave to his passions.

The Kings example is a Law to his Subjects: Their minds are lift up to his Eminencie, and what he doeth, he seemeth to command: The people's inclination to imitation is the greater, because of the greatness of his person: They pass the good or bad quality of the fact, and take his greatness for a reason: The faults of a King overwhelm a people, and he hurteth more by example than by the sin it self: And his good example is as forcible to make his people good: If they be godly, chaste, temperate, &c. they draw many of their Subjects to God; but if they be profaine, or dissolute, &c. they draw multititudes to Hell.

Pharaoh, Herod, Nero, and such can tell what evil great power joined with great wickedness can do: Therein Satan exalted sin, when he vented it by so great persons, and disgraced Magistracy when he made it an instrument of monstrous sins. But God had his good work therein to teach us, what men clothed with power are in themselves; and that principality without his Spirit is but a naked sword in a mad man's hand; and what a blessing good Princes are, who use their power in such righteousness, that the world must say, They are as good men, as they are great Kings.

This is the Privilege of Christian Kings; God giveth them a greater blessing than other Kings; he maketh them by grace Kings over themselves as well as over their Subjects, as they give Laws to other, so they take Laws of God, and use their power, as they may be best countable to him; they have principality of authority as Kings, and they reign by grace over themselves as Christians. There is no truly free King but a Christian King, and such as is neither captivat by the corruption of Nature, nor popish superstition, but set at liberty by the Law of the Spirit of life in Jesus Christ. Such a King is an Image of God, who governeth all in righteousness and wisdom, and then he shall most please the King of kings, if restraining his power, he think that less is leasome to him than he may.

The other task of his government is his Family: I will walk within mine house with a perfect heart. I will set no wicked thing before mine eyes, &c. And in all that Psa. he setteth down the diet of his house or court-government, a fit pattern for Princes to follow. The court of Kings is an abridgement of their Kingdoms, and the circle of the Subjects nearest to them: It is a proof of the Governement of their persons & an Image of the ruling of their Estates. If every house be a beginning and part of a city, and every beginning ought to be referred to the own end; much more the Families of Princes, which are not simply parts but rather compends & extracts of their Kingdoms. People cannot always see the person of their Kings, but they may guess at their disposition by the manners of their Court: As is the Prince so is his Court, because they seek by his imitation to procure and keep his favor; and as the Court is, so will the Country be. Such as his servants are, such is he counted: For men can hardly think but they are such by his command, or connivence, or example. If therefore they be godly and righteous, they win the hearts of people to the King: But if they be profaine and godless, they procure his contempt. This care ought not only to be of his nearest Attendents, but also of these whom he intrusteth with his affairs abroad: If they minister Justice, defend the people, exact no more than is due, then the people ascryue all that goodness to the King, commanding his Officers to handle his people tenderly: But if they be violent and outrageous, the contrary followeth, as if all that severity were commanded of the King. A good king by doing good, maketh his Subjects good, & is as eminet in example before them as in dignity above them.

The Roman Empire had a great proof of the force of their example both in their Court and people, when in fifty four years space it found five changes: First, Diocletiā like his Predecessors was a Pagan: Next, Constantine turned himself & the Empire to Christianity: 3. Constantius his son turned all Arian: 4. Julian the Apostate went back to Paganism: And fiftlie, Iovinian following Constantine's zeal brought them back again to Christianity. So important is the example of Princes either in good or evil, and so changeable are the people to follow them. The Kings of Judah were not vn •• k: Achaz an idolater, Hezekiah a zealous worshipper of God, Amon and Manasseh restorers of idolatry: Josiah a destroyer of idolatry &c. And their Courts and Countries followed their steppes.

Constantius the father of Constantine tried his Courteours wisely; he offered preferment to such as would worship Pagan gods, and when some for fear, and desire of honor did so, others laid down their honor, rather than that they would quite Christ; h • ereby he saw the ground of his Courtiers hearts; he degraded such as had forsaken Christ, and said, They would never be true to him that were false to God; but he honored such as were ready to loss all for adhering to God; he made them his Guard and Governors of his Kingdom, saying, That such men were to be numbered as his special Friends, and Familiars.. And Theodoricke the Goth, an Arian King, had some like practice, but with a more summar censure; for when one of his Court willing to please him forsook the faith of Christ, and turned Arian, he was so offended that he killed him with his own hand, affirming, that he would not be trusty to him that was a traitor to Christ.

To close this point, the fruit of David's prayer is manifest in Solomon's extraordinary wisdom; and that both in speculation and practice. For the first, he knew all mysteries, and wrote of the nature of all things from the Cedar of Lebanon to the Hyssop on the wall: Beside his heavenly Doctrine in his Song (whereof none of all the wise men of the earth could so much as dream) in his moralities in the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes he passed them all: Thogh they came long after him, and had the benefit of his Writs by some two Greek translations before the Septuagint's, yet they are no more to his wisdom, than a aram of vnfined silver-ure to a talent of pure gold.

As for his practice, his first trial proved an excellent practical gift: It was a plea betwixt two Harlots; both of them clamed the living Child, & no doubt, with the like boldness, & cursing, & execration the usual companions of passionate pleading: Here God offered a fit purpose, to prove the truth of his promise to Solomon. The question was not of civil things, but natural: to find out the mother of the living Child; and there was no witness, but both parties alike peremptory in their alledgeance. His wisdom leadeth him to find out the truth by natural affection: He laid this sure ground, that the Mothers affection is tender, and the bowels that bred the Child, would never agree to see him killed: On the other part, that the cruel affection agreeing to the division of the Child, was but a strange and stepmotherly affection: On these grounds he pronounceth, That the living Babe shall be cut in two: It might seem a cruel sentence to kill the Babe, but some equity in the just division; but the truth was, he found the decision of the matter in the show of division, and adjudged the living Babe to her, who in a sparing affection chose rather to want her Babe, than the Babe should want his life. He saw in the tender affection of the one, the equity of her cause, and in cruelty of the other, the iniquity of her clame. This was a proof of deep wisdom: The people heard of it, and were both glad of such a King, because the wisdom of God was in him; and yet feared him, because they saw he was such a one as could discover the secrets of their hearts, and counter-mine their deeepest policies.

3. The fruit of their Governement.

Of three sorts of Kings,

The Pourtrat of a perfect King.

WEe may also raise of this Text a description of a good King and an happy Kingdom. A good King God descriues in David, I have found me a man according to mine heart &c. And that was in respect of his Election to the Kingdom, which was in mercy, and had a preceeding Election of Grace: In his Government, because he applied himself to God's heart in following his will: And in his Approbation, because God who chose him in mercy, and guided him in his government, did accept his obedience, and set him up as a compleete pattern of good Kings, whose greatest commendation is to walk in the ways of David my servant.

This is God's description of good Kings; but how few such have been in the world? There were none good before Christ but in the line of David: For after the division of the Tribes under Rehoboam, all the Kings of Israel were wicked idolaters; and of Judah only two were exceeding good, Hezekiah, and Josiah; six were praised in part, and reproved in part, as Asa, Jehoshaphat, Ioaz, Amasah, Uzzah, and Jotham: And all the rest were idolaters as the Kings of Israel. The praise of good Kings is, that they know the Truth, and served God accordingly: They were zealous for his glory, destroying idolatry, and holding it out of their Kingdoms; they maintained the worship of God according to his Truth, and gave neither toleration nor liberty of false Religions to their Subjects; but astricted them by Laws to worship him aright, & went before them in a royal example. They sought not themselves, but God's glory; and he recompensed them again by his blessing on their persons and government, and making their Names to flourish in benediction. But the idolatrous Kings were contrary; they forsook the true God themselves, and permitted a miscellanie Religion to their people: Therefore his curse was on them, and their government: He wrote their Names in the dust, and made them vile to the posterity, as may be seen in Histories.

Here is a looking Glass for Christian Princes: Popish Kings though they be in the Church, yet they are like the Kings of Israel in idolatry, as Jeroboam with the Calves at Bethel: But Kings in reformed Churches are like the Kings of Judah, who have God among them in the Ark of his testimony, and true Religion; and it is their safety, to follow David, Hezekiah and Josiah in the maintenance and practice of true Religion. This is a better exemplar than the Cardinals: When for a fashion he hath set down the example of some good Jewish and Christian Princes, he subjoins the Legend of some canonized Kings, who got that honor when Ignorance and Idolatry prevailed in the Church, That looking to that Glass of the Popes forging, he may steal the hearts of Princes from God to superstition. I would ask, if Joseph, Moses David, &c. before Christ, and Theodosius, Tiberius the younger &c. were not as holy as Vences • aus, Leopoldus, and other canonized Kings. If they were, wherefore are these canonized and not the other?

A good King setteth God before him as his end; and true happiness in his favor; he counteth his earthly Kingdom neither his e • d, nor a way to the right end, but seeketh the Kingdom of Heaven above the other, and that by the way of godliness and righteousness: It is a well grounded Throne that standeth on these two pillars: Godliness maketh men eternal; it is his Image that never dieth, and maketh their persons and works acceptable to him; without it as no man can see him, so with it undoubtedly they shall enjoy him forever. No Jewel nor Dyamount shineth brighter in the Crowns of Kings than true godliness.

Righteousness is another Pillar, the proper work of the Throne, and God's work in Kings who sit in it; for the heart of the King is in the Lord's hand, and he sweyeth it whither he will: It is a just thing with GOD to maintain the Throne his own ordinance, when righteousness his will and work do both live in it, and issue from it: And what are good Kings on Thrones, but God in them judging the World? God standeth in the Congregation of the mighty, and he judgeth among God's: He delighteth to rest where he reigneth and ruleth with delight.

A righteous King sitting on his Throne is a more pleasant sight than Solomon's, & that more for his invisible Attendants than for his visible. Before him standeth Affabilitie, as a Porter, to give access to the plaints of the afflicted: Injuries choppe the hearts of the oppressed, and they run to Princes for help: And they are set up in their greatness, not to neglect the oppressed, but to hear their complaints: It was a fault in the Kings of Persia not to admit any to their presence, but such as were called upon; it made oppressors bold, and the oppression of the poor incurable: But it was commended in another King, who gave justice to an oppressed woman, who told him freely, That if he had not leisure to judge, he should not reign: And Trajan was honored with a Statue, because being on horse, and going to battle, he stayed till he did Justice to an oppressed Widow. When affability as a Porter hath made way to the oppressed, then love of the people in the Kings heart, as a Master of requeasts taketh the complaint in hand, and calling Wisdom and Prudence to counsel, they consult to do right according to the cause.

Before his Throne stand Courage & Clemency: Courage to proceed according to Justice; and Clemency to temper sometimes the strictness of Justice: Clemency removeth Severitie, least it turn to Crueltie, and Courage removeth too great Indulgence, least it breed in People a liberty to sin, and contempt of Princes: Clemency can pardon small faults; but great sins and effronts of Authority would be punished; else it is not Clemency, but Crueltie. On either side of the Throne two Sergents stand, Power and Diligence: Power, to execute the sentence pronounced, which careth as little the difficulties that may follow execution, as Justice did the respect of persons: And Diligence doth all with such convenient speed, as the nature of the matter, and the honor of the Prince requireth: At the back of this Throne leaneth Peace and Prosperity, Peace among the whole Body while everyone getteth his right, and is secured in it: And Prosperity, as God's blessing following that his own work, of a wife and righteous government.

As a good King seeketh God's favor above all, so next thereunto the love of his people: The heart is the Man, and among all affections love caries the heart and captives man: Hatred and Fear are troubling passions, and separate the heart from their object; but love applies it self joy fully, and draweth the whole Man to that it loveth: The best conquest of their love is by goodness Loves proper object; and there is no heart so hard as to hold it self from these in whom true goodness shineth: We may compel men to fear, but cannot move them to love us, but by sweet motives; the bond that cometh by compulsion is unpleasant to the parties; it is soon broken, and when it leaveth off, is turned in hatred, but the band of love is both pleasant and firm.

Fatherlie love in a King to his people, and love in them to him again is a sweet relation, and maketh their mutual duties both easy and pleasant: Moses preferred the people to himself: Spare them, O Lord, but raze my name out of the Book of life: And David offered himself to be punished for the people, I have sinned but these sheep what have they done? Next to the love they send up to GOD, this descending love to their people, maketh them careful of their people's good. When he loveth his people he hath conqueshed their heart absolutely; for no affection either deserveth or findeth more recompense than love: Thereby he is Master of their bodies and goods, and Constantius justly boasted, that he had more money in his Treasures than Diocletian, because he had his people's favor.

Princes are ofttimes unjustly hated, yet not loved except they love their Subjects; but if they hate them, and be terrible, they are repaid in the same kind: Whosoever affrighteth many, is affrighted of many again; for so God by nature hath appointed, that what is great by fear of others, is full of fear it self: The Lyon that affrighteth all Beasts, is affrighted at the crowing of a Cock, and cruel Beasts are amazed with cries and sounds in the Forest▪ so what ever terrifieth others, doeth tremble it self. A tyrants government r • steth not, and the fear he worketh on others, returneth on himself, and maketh him a Center both of their hatred and fears; who are affrayed of him: He is in a continual and dangerous, war, and neither sure before, nor behind, nor on either fide; neither hath he peace within, because he is ever affrayed.

But whē Princes exerce their power in love, are easy for access, ready to hear the plaints of the poor, they are loved of all, defended, and honored as God's Vice-gerents: All men will desire a long life to them, & bestow their own lives for their preservatiō. So he dwelleth in great safety, who dwelleth in the hearts of his Subjects: As many loving hatrs, so many open ears to hear, eyes to see, and hands to avoid his grief, and procure his good: The Bees defend their King, and count it their glory to die for him; so are loving and beloved Subjects to a loving and beloved King. He is as a Center in his Kingdom, and all gifts and callings as a circle about him; he sendeth out a royal influence to every part of that large Circle which is augmented by his love: And that influence and love doeth civilic perfect the gifts of his Subjects: This is recompensed with the love and service of millions of the people, who the more cheerfully bestow themselves & their gifts for him, because of his love. It is pleasant to see this mutual respect betwixt such an Head and such a Body; but more joyful for themselves, to find it betwixt them.

His love and royal virtues procure both the good-will of his people and Authority: The first is their strongest Affection, the other a great Opinion of their Kings excellency, composed of reverence and fear of his offense: All these preserve both the Persons and Majesty of Kings; a • d bar contempt, which vndermines the authority of Majesty and Empyres: Conspiracies are the most fearful convulsions of a Kingdom, and there is no better human guard against them than the love of people; for Traitors seek this as a special ground, if their treason can be acceptable to Subjects: But where Princes are loved of their people, none dare conspire against them; because they will find as many severe Avengers, as loving Subjects.

But we may take more briefelie the description of a good King from S. Augustine, after his long discourse of providence over Kingdoms. We do not count Christian Emperors happy (saith he) because they did reign long, or left their Sons heirs of their Empire—For such common blessings some worshippers of idols have received, who pertain not to the Kingdom of God, to which these Christians appertain: And this was done of God's great mercy, least the faithful should count th • se wordly dignities the chief good. But we call them happy, if they govern justly, if they be not puffed up, with flattering tongues and base attendents, but remember that they are men, if they make that power a servant to God, to enlarge his worship: If in their own persons, they fear, love, and worship God, and love that Kingdom of Heaven most wherein they will have no Competitours. If they revenge slowlie, and pardon hastily—If Leacherie and other lusts be so much the more restrained in them as they have the greater liberty: if they had rather rule their own lust than Nations: And if they do these things not for lo • e of vain glory, but the love of eternal happiness. If for their sins they offer to the true God a sacrifice of humility, piety, and prayer. Such Christian Kings we say are must happy.

An happy Land.

WEe may also raise hereof the description of an happy Land; that happiness is not in the situation lying convenientlie to the Sun, or to have rich Mines of gold and silver with all sort of rare fruits & commodities, &c. The best soils for the most part are inhabit by worse people: Turks and Mahumetanes dwell in that Land which God gave as a blessing to Israel; and Pagans have the choice parts of the world; to tell us that the happiness of people is not in the goodness of a soil, and that the godly have not their byding City on Earth: But that is the happiness of a Kingdom where the Sun of righteousness shineth, and the Mynes and Treasures of the grace of Christ are discovered, where Christ the desire of Nations, and the glory of Israel doth gather and rule his Church, where he setteth up his Throne in the hearts of their Rulers, and maketh them to authorize by Law, and profess and practice in their own person the true Religion: Where the people ladened with these mercies, know their time and the things that concern their Peace. The glory of Canaan was not for that it flowed with milk and honey, but for the Ark of God, that abode in it, and the glory of Jerusalem was not in statelie buildings, but because God was known in it, and said, here will I dwell.

This is the estate of every Kingdom where Christ ruleth by his Gospel. Behold, a King shall rule in righteousness and Princes shall rule in Judgment: And what shall be the fruit? The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness quietness and assurednesse forever. And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places: The eyes of the Lord is on such a Land from the beginning of the year to the end. Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

The Conclusion.

I Close with the two main uses of this Exercise, to wit Praise & Prayer: Of Praise, to thank God, that he hath given to the King his hearts Desire and hath not withholden the request of his lips: That he hath prevented him with the blessings of his goodness, and made him exceeding glad with the light of his Countenance. That he hath blessed these Kingdoms with a Prince, and apparent Heir to these Thrones. God hath verified on this I land that which Fables feigned of the happy or fortunate Isles; though we lie in a cold Climate far from the Line, yet for our spiritual condition we are under a better line. The Sun of Righteousness sendeth down his direct beams, and fullest influences on us: No land for many Ages hath had a more gracious, and benign aspect of God's favor, than this.

God hath set over us a King that loveth the Truth, professeth it with us, and in the Exercise of it, is exemplar to Subjects. Cast your Eyes beyond Sea, and consider what Kings rule over Christians there. The greatest of them strive with other, who shall be greatest Slaues to Antichrist; they affect their own destruction in pleasing him, by destroying their Subjects: There is nothing for God's people, under these three greatest Princes, but either the Imperial deformation rooting out the Truth, where it hath been; or the Spanish Inquisition, bearing it down, that it rise not; or the French Massacres, destroying both Professors and Profession: If the Saints under them were in our place, they would think themselves after a sort in Heaven, in a Goshen for light and security, and in Jerusalem for vision and peace. They have drunken these ten or twelve years of the Cup of Wrath, and suffered all the losses of Wars: Their Men killed, their Women defiled, and Countries wasted: If God (as he might justly for our sins) would make us drink of that same Cup but one Moneth, after such a calamity, we would count mor • of our Happiness, under the shadow of so good a King than we do.

Our Land hath not such rare Commodities as others, but yet the Tree of life groweth in our streets; and every shaking of it in the public worship of God, sendeth down such fruits, as all the Indies cannot afford the lik: The knowledge of God in Christ; Remission of sins; Peace of Conscience, & other saving Graces, are better than all the Spicerie of the World. God hath shown his Word to Jacob, his Statutes and his Judgments to Israel: He hath not dealt so with every Nation: For this happiness, we are a matter of Wonder and astonishment to people beyond Sea, because of our great Peace, with abundance of all things for Soul and Body: and only miserable in this, that we neither know our Happiness, nor thank God for it, We are a part of these ends of the Farth, which the • ather giveth in possession to his Son: And we find not since the Apostles time a Land blessed with a more sound body of Doctrine, than this, which God in mercy continue: We were as soon blessed with the Gospel as any Kingdom, and our numerous and learned Clergy, sent out some as Apostles, who turned to Christ some inner parts of this I land, and sundry Countries beyond Sea: And since our returning from the Babylonish Captivitie, God hath set up amongst us in Reformation a more glorious Temple than the first.

Happy is that Land, where the Sheep of Christ go out and in, and none affrighteth them▪ Praise thy God O Jerusalem, praise thy God O great Britain; He maketh peace in thy Borders, and filleth thee with the fat of wheat: Who will not desire to be sed for the p • ace for the fatness and satieti • ? Nothing is feared there, nothing is loathed, and nothing is lacking. Paradise is a sweet dwelling, the Word of God a sweet food, and Eternity is great riches. What Nation is there so great, who hath God so nigh unto them, as the Lord our God is in all things, that we call upon him for? And what Nation is there so great, that hath Statutes and Judgments so righteous, as all this Law which I set before you this day?

For you my Lord's of Nobility, Council, and State is matter of praise, because God hath given you a young Master, and augmented the matter of your Joy▪ in strengthening that royal Line: and of your peace, in securing your States and Dignities, by the hope of that Succession.

For you also my Lord's of the College of Justice, because God hath ioyfullie begun this Summer Session, and turned this day that beginneth the Terme of Justice, in a sacrum Iustitium, or holy Vacancie, from justice, and from the Bench, hath brought you to the Church to praise him, and to pray for the Spirit of Justice to our King, and Prince: That as God hath given a new Conduit for the Influence of Justice on this Land, you may partake there of, according to your Place, and prove thankful to God and to your Princes, in stablishing their Throne, by the Ministration of Justice; and may be a blessing to this People, making them obedient to God, and their Princes, when they are comforted by your righteousness.

For you also my beloved of this Parish, and others of this City, God hath given that Matter of Joy you have long desired. And at what time came the tidings of it? Even after you had refreshed us your Pastors, with your free offerings to the poor: You made us not ashamed of our boasting of your Charity, but satisfied abundantly fourfold the necessity that we commended to you: And while at night we were rejoicing in the Lord, for that fruit of your Faith, God gladened us with the good tidings of the birth of our Prince. It is ever seen, that when a People are zealous, and cheerful in good works to honor GOD, he meeteth them shortly with a greater blessing.

And let all the People count of this blessing, as of a Child borne in every house of this Land, and praise God for this new matter of our daily Prayers: For sex years bygone our Prayers had a want, because we had not a young Prince to pray for: But now God hath filled up that want, in giving us a Prince, to pray for after his royal Parents.

The second general Use, is to pray to God: and that for our King our Queen, our Prince, and our selves: For our King, that the Spirit of the Lord may rest upon him, the Spirit of Wisdom and Understanding, the Spirit of Counsel and Might, the Spirit of Knowledge, and of the fear of the Lord, that he may judge not after the sight of his Eyes, nor reprove after the hearing of his Ears; but may judge the poor with righteousness, and reprove withequitie, for the meek of the land: That he would bless him with Counselors about him, and judges with him, like Iethroes Elders: Men that fear God, hate covetousness, and seek God's glory, and the well of King and Country. That he would set him as a Seal on his Arm, and on his heart. That he would multiplee Grace more and more on him, to verify the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith, in maintaining the Truth, and repressing Idolatry, That God would clothe his Enemyes with shame, and on him make his Crown to floorish. That he would prolong the Kings life, and his years for many generations, that he may abide before the Lord forever: and continue the meek race of the Stewarts.

To pray for our Queen, as the Jews did for Pharaohs Daughter: That she may forget her People, and her Fathers house; and that as God hath begun to make her a fruitful Mother in Israel, so he would increase that fruitfulness, and make her prove new-borne in Israel: And with this bond of the fruit of her womb, that tieth her to the King, and this I land; to tie her heart also to the Truth professed amongst us.

To pray for our Prince: That the matter of our Joy in him may be constant: That God with the increase of his Days, would increase his Gifts and Graces, and enable him for the Place he hath appointed him; that when his Father is full of good Days, he may succeed him in all these forenamed blessings, as well as in these Thrones That so there never fail a Man of that Line, to sit on the Throne of these Kingdoms. That as Mankynd is increased by his Birth, so the number of the Faithful may be increased by his new Birth, in the • awer of Regeneration. And as God hath made him a Son of our Desires, so he would make him a Son of Delight to us and the Posterity, by growing in favor with God and Man.

To pray for our Selves: That we may know the Tyme of our Visitation, and the things that concern our Peace, and prove thankful to God for his great Mercies. We are like Jerusalem in the Happiness of our Tyme, and as like her in not knowing of it: We are like that Fig Tree which was long spared; and if we be unfruitful, still we are near to a curse: We are that Vineyard that was well dressed, but if we bring not our better fruits, we shall be destroyed. For all Estates of this Land, from the greatest to the smallest, do meet God's mercy with ingratitude and rebellioun. God hath been passing through the reformed Churches these years by gone; with a fearful, yet a just visitation: We are as guilty as they, and yet God in a forebearing mercy is waiting if we will repent: If we turn not to him unfeignedly, let us resolve that the dregs of this Cup are reserved for us: only let us take heed, and keep our Soul diligently, lest we forget the things which our Eyes have seen, and lest they depart from our Hearts all the days of our life.

But let us not think, that our present business in this Church is sufficient, we must hereafter walk in a new obedience to God, who ladeth us daily with blessings. This is our best thanksgiving, and a most forcible Prayer, to obtain new blessings upon the blessings received; and with all, it is a Seal that God's Mercies are given us in Mercy. If our Thanksgiving be a constant walking worthy of God's blessings, then he will delight to dwell amongst us, and bless us more; than shall we still be a matter of joyful wondering to the World, and of comfort to our selves, when the blessings of the Scepter of Christ, and of the well swayed Scepters of our Princes are visible amongst us, in Religion, Justice and Peace.

The Lord who hath blessed us with this joyful Occasion, and brought us together in this house, to testify our joy before Man and Angels, put this Day amongst these white and joyful Days, that are marked with rare blessings, and make it a period and beginning of a joyful reckoning of years to come. The Lord make us constant in thankfulness, that his goodness may continue with us: That the end of all his blessings may be his Glory, in the Salvation of our Princes, and of our selves, through Jesus Christ our Lord. To this God, Father, Son, and holy Ghost, King of Kings, and Lord of Lord's, be praise, honor, and glory, now, and for evermore, AMEN.

CHAP. I. In What respect this Vsurpation agreeth to Rome.

THE challenge which I made in my Sermon of the Popes Vsurpation over Princes, craveth a more full and press deduction, than a Sermon could suffer; which now in this subsidiarie discourse (by God's grace) I intend to perform.

And first, we shall consider on What Age or respect of the Roman Church, we fasten this Vsurpation; and then the Vsurpation it self. For the first the Church of Rome cometh in five several periods though some have casten it in seven.

In the first three hundredth years she was Ecclesia pu • ra, a pure Church; professing the Truth purelie, and the most part of her Bishops sealed it with their blood in Martyrdom: At what time little or no regard was had of her, as their own Aeneas Sylvius confesseth.

In the next three hundredth years finding rest from persecution, she became Ecclesia ambitiosa, an ambitious Church, tickled with pride, and desire of Vsurpation.

Then Leo the first roared, and stretched out his skirts; and Innocent and his followers encroached on the Affricane Fathers; but when she found her self respected for the privilege of the City, the Mother and Seat of the Empire, the number of her learned Clergy, and multitude of Martyrs; she began to usurp upon other Churches: Then she thrust her hand in every business, and turned all meddling to her gain: The brotherly correspondence of other Bishops by Letters, was turned in arguments of Supremacy and jurisdiction: The imploring of help against Heretics, in formal Appellations; Her advise given to them was counted absolute commands; and her arbitrary decisions of questions submitted freely to her, were called Decreets of an ordinar Judge. Baronius Anachronismes gave a luster to these forgeries in the eyes of the ignorant; for everywhere in the first Ages, he recordeth things as then done, which the Church knew not for seven or eight Ages. Cyprian cleareth this for his time, writing to Cornelius, That thy brother-hood may be informed. This dasheth their tyranny, for fraternity excludeth Supremacy, and Instruction destroys their pretended Jurisdiction.

In the third period she was Ecclesia insidiosa, lying in wait to effect that supremacy, which before she affected; for though she got a great effront of the African Fathers, yet (in a Roman pertinacious humor) she urged the purpose, till she got the name of universal Bishop: And rather then they want it, Boniface the third will take it of Phocas a Parricide: They saw the Empire weakened by the incursion of Barbarians and Factions within, and stirred their time for their purpose.

In the fourt hundredth years, she was Ecclesia seditiosa, a seditious Church; for having trodde down the Church, there remained nothing for her Conquest but the Empire. And Satan involving all in the darkness of ignorance and Superstition, fitted the minds of • rinces and people to be abused: Then Hildebrand brake the Majesty of the Empire in Henry the fourth, and succeeding Emperors, which to this day it could never recover.

In the fifth three hundredth years she is Ecclesia perniciosa, a pernicious Church: She will neither reform her self, nor suffer Reformation of her Heresies and wickedness: In which respect she is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every unclean spirit, and God calleth us to forsake her, Come out of her my people.

In respect then of her sedition and pernitiousnesse, she used this Vsurpation, and beareth the name to be called Popish: Popery (in it's proper Nation) is a pest in the Catholic Church, and a plague of God sent on them who would not receive the truth to be saved thereby: And therefore God gave them over to this strong delusion: It is not the Catholic Church but a Faction in the Church: Neither is it a Religion, but a Schism and an Heresy. taking the name from the Popes, the head and the heart, of that heretical and schismatical Faction. They grant themselves, that the Name Papa was first common to any reverend Clergy Man, thereafter it became peculiar to Bishops as may • e • seen in the writtes of Cyprian, Jerome, Augustine, &c. But in the end Gregory the seventh held a Synod at Rome, and statute ut nomen Papae, that the name of the Pope should be the only name of the Christian world: And that no man should take it to himself, or give it to other, but hold it proper to the Bishope of Rome. And though Bellarmine be offended that we call them by the name Papists: yet others are not ashamed of that name, but glory in it as Lorinus: We are neither afraid nor ashamed to be called Papists: And Baronius more fully: The Heretics cannot honor us with a greater Title of glory than when they call us Romans and Papists—Let these be our praises while we live, and after death our Titles upon our g • aues that we are called Romans and Papists: But Nazianzen saith of himself & Basil, that they counted it their greatest honor to be called Christians: And Chrysostom saith that Heretics take their name from the Haeresiarch. This Name also distinguish • th them among themselves: For a Papist properly is he who beside the superstition of Rome, burneth in a blind zeal to maintain the Popes authority: And moderate men who are not zealous, are called by them profane and impious Politickes: And in the time of the League: France was cast in three factions: The one was Hugonotes, or Protestants, the other Catholics, & the third were Politicks, who were neither Protestants nor Catholics, but moderate Papists, and good Patriots: But as P • cianus said to the Novatians: I accuse not the name in you, but the Sect; so we accuse not so much the name of Papists, as their factious disposition and proceeding. This usurpation then being the work and character of Rome, as they are papalized, let us consider the Vsurpation it self.

CHAP. II. Of the matter of this Vsurpation, And first at the entire of Princes.

IN the Usurpation it self, four things are to be considered: First, the mater wherein it standeth: Next, the Noveltie of it: Thirdly, their Defences: And lastly, their folie and madness in their whole course and Fruits.

For the Matter of this Vsurpation, it goes in two; at the Entrie of Princes, and in their Administration: At their Entrie, they clame an absolutehand over them, as though Kingdoms were their gift, and that because of their Election, Unction, Coronation, and Oath.

Their Election they clame absolutely: Though it go now by Electors, yet they will have all depending on them, so John. 8. in the Election of Carolus Calvus; we have elected justly and approven, &c. And their Analist letteth in great Letters, elegimus merito & approbavimus, and he putteth his gloss to it, that the Empire is given at the arbitriment of the Pope, and Gregory the seventh more clearly: Thou must acknowledge that thou hast the Scepter of the Kingdom by the benefit of the Apostolic and not of the Kingly Majesty: And lest it be ascryved to the Electors, the Cardinals of the Consitory have latelie published, that the Electors power to choose the Emperor, flows from the authority of the Apostolic Sea. And more clearly: It is of undoubted right, that it appertains to the Pope alone, and not to the College of Electors, to cognosce and discern of the affairs of the Empire. When the Authority of Gregory presseth them to the contrair who saith, That power over all men was given to Maurice the Emperor, and that the Priests were committed to him: They gave us strange glosses: That Imperatori potestas caelitus data est, H. E. à Deo sed per Ecclesiam & Romanum Pontificem, that is from God by the Church and the Pope of Rome who confirmeth, anoynteth, consecrateth, and crowneth him. By this gloss the Emperor holdeth his Crown of the Priests committed to him.

Their next clame is from the Unction and Coronation of Princes. But that Ceremony (a)conferreth not Authority upon the person, crowned and anointed, but declareth him to be set a part for the office, and is rather a Ministry, than an absolute Superioritie. Unction is not essential to Kings, neither was it from the beginning, for Justin 2. is called the first anointed Greek Emperor, and Pipine in France, and Edgarus in Scotland; and yet many good Princes were in these Thrones before them; without that Ceremony. And the Empire rightly enacted it to be laes-Majesty: If any Man thought that a chosen Emperor was not an Emperor before his Coronation, Albericus apud Martam de lurisdict. 1. 17. Num. 30. They see that the Patriarchs of Constantinople have crowned Emperors as well as the Pope, and therefore lest the Pope lose his privilege, they make the Patriarchs Coronation to be only a naked Ceremony, but the Popes to be Operatiue and confer authority, we have no ground of this distinction, but their naked assertion. But Bellarmine speaketh more truly, when he is correcting the fervor of his Dispute. Though Samuel anointed Saul at the Commandment of GOD, yet that anointing was rather a praediction, than a tradition of the royal power. And again, Samuel's anointing of David, was a designation and praediction, but not a conferring of royal Authority. Sure I am, they cannot ascriue more to the Popes anointing of an Emperor, than to Samuel's anointing of Saul and David, at God's express Command. But if their Coronation & Unction give authority to Princes, it is treason on their part to trode under foot these sacred Heads, which they have crowned and annointed.

Thirdly they claim it, by the Oath of Princes, taken at their Coronation; which is not of obedience to God, but of Fealtie and Obedience to the Pope So saith Marta that it is manifest the Emperor is Feudatarie to the Church, by the oath of fealty, which is a sort of servitude to the Pope . And Vestanus testifieth, that Princes are astricted by their oath of fidelity and obedience, whereby they may be compelled to obey the Apostolic Sea: And more fully he showeth both the ground, and the end of this Oath. When Religion decayed, and Men inclined to impiety, it became the Pope by the Oath of Fidelitie, and obedience to bind Kings unto him, both that he might see for himself, and that he might brydle their pride and rashness. For this end they blasphemously apply to the Pope these words that are proper to Christ, per quem Reges regnant. So in effect Princes are but the Popes Vassalls, to reign precario, and no longer than he pleaseth, or rather as they please him. This Barclaius objecteth, and Bellarmine would mitigate it, but their practice saith the contrary: And Suarez telleth, that the Vicar of Christ hath Dominion over his Vassall; And Baronius affirmeth, that the King of Spain is the Popes feudatarie for the Kingdom of Spain, and his Vassall for the Kingdom of Naples, whereupon he maketh his long digression of the Monarchy of Sicily, to prove this Superioritie. But Innocent 4. speaketh like a Pope, Doest thou not know, that the King of England is our Vassall, yea our Servant? This exacting of the Emperors Oath was far from Sergius the second, who sware obedience to the Emperor Lotharius: But of the Nature of this Oath, we shall speak hereafter in the Conclusion God willing. In the mean time it is remarkable, that the Maintainers of Equivocation, and losers of the Obligen ent of an Oath, do here urge the force of an Oath, when it maketh for their vantage.

They boast also of the Translation of the Emp • re, as an unanswerable argument, to prove their Superioritie: But the Pope had no other part therein, but a consent as a special member of the Republic of Rome: For if he had a full power, he needed not Charles, nor Pipine, to help him against the Longobards: None can better clear this than Frederick in the same Contest with Pope Hadrian, Thou sayest, that I came at thy calling: I grant I was called; but give the reason wherefore thou callest me, thou was oppressed by the Enemies, and couldst not help thyself by thine own power, or the Greeks cowardice: Therefore the power of the Francks was sought. This was rather an imploring of my help than an calling.

But Leo crosseth their late claims, and granteth that Martian the Emperor was elected of God; and Gregory to Maurice, That power over all men was given from above to the piety of his Lord. Princes also not-with-standing of his Vsurpation in the beginning of their edicts call themselves. N. By the Grace of God, King of such a Kingdom. and not by the gift of the Pope, as Casaubone observeth: And Cusan hath so fully refuted that Claime in this errand, as no man needeth to add anything. Bellarmine objecteth to him, that he erred for want of Books to inform him: But Cusan might more justly reply, that if Bellarmine had either eyes to read, or conscience to judge, according as Books informed him, he had not perverted the Truth as he did. The point of Election vexeth Bellarmine; therefore he telleth us, that in their Canons, Hadrianus, and in Synodo, The Name Emperor • may, and perchance should be delete. Thus they may elide the Truth of all Histories: Such doubting and staggering shifts became not an old Cardinal, and Contraversar in the head Article of his Faith.

It is clear then, that their Election is but pretended, their Coronation and Unction are but ceremonies officiously obtruded on Princes, to snare them in a base Subjection. The pretended Oath doeth more oblige Kings to correct the Popes enormities, than to maintain his Tyrannie. And their alleged translating of the Empire, is a crafty ingyring themselves on the prevailing side. And so none of these Claimes give them authority over Princes.

CHAP. III. Of their Vsurpation over Princes in their Administration: And first of their disdainful Speeches.

THis much for their Vsurpation over Princes at their entry: Followeth their Vsurping in their administration, which may be seen in four, In disdainful speeches: Abuse of their persons in base offices: Vsurping over their Laws in a directiue Power; And censuring them by a coactiue power. Disdainfull Speeches are the first fruits of their prid, & contempt of Princes: So they call them Dogs or Curres to the Pope the great Sheepeheard: If these Dogs (saith Becane) be watchful and trusty, they must be ready at the Sheepeheards hand. This is no other then what the Pope did to Franciscus Dandalus the Venetian, when he made him like a Dog eat crumbs under his table at Lions. And Scioppius compa • eth them to Asses, carrying burdens at the Popes will, and calleth Charles the Great a great Ass: But their Analist aboundeth in reproaching the Emperors: He calleth Henry the fourth Rex Apostate, Exemplum Regibus Henricianae haeresis labe conspersis, an Apostate King, and an exemplar to them who are guilty of the Henrician heresic. Likewise a contemner of God. And again obstinate and perjured and that like Herod he persecuted the anointed of God. And when they had stirred up against him his Son Henry the fifth, who betyme plied not their courses as they would, they paid him also with reproaches, and their Analist calleth him in Patrem Carnifex, his Fathers Burrio, and sacrilegious, a Traitour, a Monster, a Tyrant. Gregory the seventh calleth Henry the fourth Membrum Diaboli, a member of the Devil: And Vestanus uttereth his spleen also. Fredericus Oenobarbus bellua horrenda fuit. And Justinian for curbing Vigilius, both for his prevaricating in the Truth, and defending of Nestorius, is called by Baronius mad, possessed with an evil Spirit, and carried by Satan. So Richeomus the Jesuit • aileth against the Greek • m▪ perours, for their zeal against Imagerie: Leo Isauricus (saith he) perduellis haereticus—Constantine re & cognomento Copronymus Leonis Isaurici Patris nequam, nequior filius—Leo Quartus Copronymi foedus foetus, mali vti{que} Corvi, malum ovum,

Herein they tell of what Spirit they are, when they despise Dominioun, and speak evil of Dignities, and no better behavior can follow so disdainful speeches: Words are a mids between Estimation of the Mynd and actions: If they be good, they argue a good Estimation preceeding and promise suitable actions to follow: If they be ill, they argue an heart full of contempt, and promise nothing but outrage: Experience hath proven this to be true.

CHAP. IIII. Of their abuse of Princes in base offices.

THeir second abuse of Princes in their Administration is by employing their Persons in base service, as to hold the stirrup when the Pope goes on horse back, or cometh down. To lead his bridle for some space: And the Pope (forsooth) must refuse that service in show, and yet yield to it in end. This is hypocrisy with pride, for they do so earnestly exact it, that if the Emperor go not to the right stirrup, they will chyde him, as Hadrian the fourt did to Federicke the Emperor: To hold the water and towell to his hands: To carry dishes from his Kitchen to his Table: But the Emperor shall have a privilege, for where Kings must go into the Kitchen, he shall receive the dishes he caries, at the door. To sit on his knees when he giveth the cnp to the Pope, As Otto did to Urbane, who of purpose neglected the Emperor, and suffered him to sit long on his knees, till a Cardinal admonished him of that oversight. These things are so odious, that Harding is a ashamed, and denieth them. But they are registrate in their ceremonial and pontifical. I would gladly understand to which office of the Apostolic Church, the Master of ceremonies, is to be referred, or in what primitive rites from the Apostles time shall they find such abuse of the Lord's Anoynted? This question will be answered by silence.

But it is a greater abuse to make Princes kiss the Popes foot; it might pass with Cardinals, who are his creatures, and (since they left off preaching) seem to have no other use for their mouth, but to kiss his feet at all occasions: And there is nothing more frequent in the ceremonial, than Reverentiapro more facta, that is to say, The Cardinals kissing his feet before the people: I know not whither Adulation be baser in them, or affectation of vain glory be vyler in him.

But it is odious that he holds out his feet to be kissed of Emperors, and yet Rome that doeth all things under show of Reason (as Vives says scoffingly) by Vestanus, gives us two reasons hereof. The one is the Popes humility & devotion, who knowing that the people will kiss his feet, hath put a cross on his Pantoun, that their adoration may be given to the cross of Christ, and not to him. That is but a scoffing, for the foot is not a place to put the cross on, and the Emperors Theodosius and Valentinian were more religious, who discharged to paint the cross on the ground, least it should be trod upon: He admitteth men to three kisses, pedis, pectoris, & oris of the feet, the breast and his face. If therefore he would honor the Cross, why putteth he it on his foot, and not on his breast to tell his love to it? or on his face to tell his account of it: And the Greeks are more religious than he, for though they take not that Adoration, yet they set it on their face or Breast.

His second reason is a mocking of men, as his first is of Christ: That since the Popes office is to teach the world, and the feet of Preachers are beautiful, they cannot beautify them better, than by put putting the cross on them—for the spirit and grace descends to the feet—and to make their steppes stay in the way. This is a fiction, for neither hath the Pope that office of universal preaching, neither dischargeth he it in any one Church: and the beauty of the feet of Preachers is not by the sign of the Cross, but by their heavenly commission, their fruitful discharge of it, and a godly life. But the secret of all this business is this, he is an enemy to the cross of Christ, and by that seeming honoring of it upon his foot is tredding it under foot indeed.

But he cometh nearer the point at length, that whereas the Popes received white shoes from Constantine, they have taken purpour or scarlet shoes in their place: And what is this? but to tell the world that Rome is the scarlet coloured Beast drunk with the blood of the Saints; and this is the more because they acknowledge such kissing of his feet to come of Diocletian, who thought himself a god, & craved divine honors: And though that his wickedness was, (a) damnable (saith he) in craving of it, yet the custom is not to be damned that gave it: This is all one as to condemn Herod who took divine honors, but not the people that gave them. Diocletian then is the father of this pride, and it is worse in them, than in him; for he being an Emperor, took it of his Subjectes, but they being Church-men exact it of Emperors. They should remember their own gloss. The Pope is successor to Peter the Fisher, but not to Augustus the Emperor. If not to Augustus, far less should they succeed Diocletian.

Beside reason: Scripture must also be abused to color this wickedness, that thy foot may be dipped in blood, and the tongues of thy Dogs in the same. Then the feet are dipped in blood (say they) when they are decored with a cross of Christ, then the tongues of Dogs are dipped therein, when Heretics like dogs lick the Popes feet. But Augustine exponeth that blood, of Martyrs, and these Dogs of painful Pastors; which pertain nothing to the Pope, for he massacres Martyrs, and doeth not preach at all: To this same ende they abuse that Prophecy; Kings shall be thy nourcing fathers, and Queens thy nourcing mothers, they shall bow down to thee with their faces towards the Earth, and lick the dust of thy feet: This Prophecy according to the Letter is fulfilled in the Emperors and Kings kissing the Popes feet with their faces toward the ground: The like hath Eudaemon Johannes the Jesuit. But this is a great change, and far from that which Leo the third did, after he had crowned Charles, and made him Emperor, he would worship him before the people, that they might know the greatness of the imperial Majesty. Haymon. apud. Bozium de signis. This is proper to Heretics who steal the glory of God to pervert Scripture for colouring that sacrilege.

But Marta helpeth him, and would prove the lawfulness of it from the Jailor's falling down at Paul and Silas feet, and Cornelius falling down before Peter, but there is nothing for kissing of his feet in these Texts: and it is a weak proof to allege Abdias Babylonius, a fabler, whom he grantes, is ab Ecclesia reprobatus, rejected of the Church. And the antiquity of the practice, he findeth no sooner then Pipine, and Charle-main: Fables, and the color of antiquity serve these men who are destitute of ancient truth: But we shall help them in fathering of this adoration aright, on Darius who called himself King of kings, and cousing of the gods: and Cleopatra, who would be called the Queen of queenes: These are the parents of their pride, and would be adored.

Thirdly, they use greatest degree of their prid in trodding on the necks of Emperors, as Alexander the third did to Fridricke Barbarosa, at Venice, That is a more commendable fact (saith one) and more just, than the trodding of Ecebolius, because it was against a most cruel enemy of the Church, and Alexander (b) did well that he insulted with his heels against that horrible Beast: While heaven and earth are astonished at that pride, they glory in it. And of this sort was that pride of Celestine the third who did cast the Crown off the head of Henry the six, with his foot, as though the Crowns of Emperors served for none other use, but to be foot-bals to Popes. It is good for Kings who kiss his foot, that they are able again to rise or walk: For the trees of the wood of Loretto, inclined so low to welcome the Virgins Chamber coming over the Hadriaticke Sea, that they neither raise again nor inclined to the House when it was settled behind them. Tyrannie in Barbarians cannot exerce greater indignities against Princes, then this humility of the Servant of servants.

CHAP. V. Of their third usurpation over Princes: In their Laws.

THeir third vsurpatiō over Princes is in their Laws: God hath invested Kings with a Nomo-theticke, power, to make laws within their Kingdoms, but the Pope taketh on him to Expone, Mend, Alter, and Repeale them at his pleasure, and that is the common doctrine of the School-men: As for their Execution, he may stay their use, or set it to some profitable end for the good of the Church, and he power of both resideth in the Pope: And for this end absolutely he taketh on him, to direct and command Kings in the use of their power against Protestants: If they obey him, he casteth them in danger, and hatred of their people: If they disobey, he hath a cause of Censure against them, to suspend or depose them, for if the secular power be denied or neglected, the Seculars may be excommunicate . This is also enjoined to their Inquisitors, to compel Kings and Princes to recall their laws, that are against the Inquisition. And because Eymericus is too general in his decision, therefore Pegna is more particular in his Commentar, that common and fundamental Laws and Customs what-so-ever of that kind are null, and of no effect . So Bellarmine, Although the Pope be not a political Prince, yet he may confirm or infirm the laws of Kings . So then Princes can have no Laws in force, if the Pope mislike them; neither dar they refuse to make such laws, as he thinketh good for the Church, that is to say, for the upholding of his tyranny, though it were with the ruin of their Kingdom.

Their Analist giveth this in a word, Potest Papa in Regesius dicere, he is set up with full power to judge them, and their laws: And though he be that lawless Man▪ yet he taketh the Laws of Countries, the rains of government in his hand, as though he were the Law of Laws, and Reason of Reasons; for so Hildebrand professeth, that it is leasume to the Pope only to make new laws according to the necessity of Tyme.

But no wonder he use such power over the Laws of Princes, since he hath no constancy in his own laws: for neither Canons of Councils, nor of his Predecessors or his own can bind him, but upon any occasion he will alter: As it is said of the style of the Court of Rome (that it varyeth every year) so we may say of the Popes laws, that they are changed, and privileges destroyed, diminished, and augmented at their pleasure. The Apostolic sea may make all these alterations, according to their custom. This is the liberty they take over the opinions of others: The like Uigilius took of his own opinion, and that in fundamental points concerning Nestorianisme. For as he saw either danger or peace, he changed his sentence, and Baronius (whose task amongst other things is to defend the Popes greatest faults, and prove them to be perfections ) saith, that Uigilius after great consideration strove diversely: Et cur ei non licuit, mutato rerum statis, mutare sententiam? This is their constancy, even when they define out of Peters Chair.

This usurping over Kings concerning laws, is crossed by Pope Nicolaus, writing to Michael the Emperor▪ that Christ distinguished the acts, offices, and dignities of the Pope and Emperor, that the Emperor should not presume to usurp upon the Jurisdiction of the Pope, or the Pope upon the Emperors jurisdiction. When that Pope did so rid these merches, it is manifest, there was no such usurpation, as he condemneth in terms, and that the latter Popes in their usurping, are gone as far from the modesty of their Ancestors, as from reason and conscience. Princes may be content with that tyranny over their laws, seeing he doeth so to the laws of God: He dispenseth above, and contrary the Apostle, and selleth pardons of the notour breaches of the moral law, because no canon can bind the Pope, saith their Canonists. This proveth him to be that lawless Man: And another Phalaris boasting that he cannot be subject to laws. This is the loosing of the sinews of Governement, that as a Beast he may rage a • random.

CHAP. VI. Of their fourth Vsurpation, In censuring Kings.

THeir fourth Vsurpation over Princes is in Censures: They are not content with a directiue power, but will have a coactiue also, to compel Princes to do what they will, because the one power without the other is of no effect: And because that the Christian Church were not conveniently furnished, neither were it sufficiently provyded, if it had not a power to compel Rebels, that will not obey censures. This is in effect Bertrandus blasphemy, who said, that the Lord would not seem discreet enough, except he had left a Vicar behind him, who might do all things. And Rodericus hath the like, that Christ had not provyded well enough, for the World, nor for the Church, if he had not left so eminent a Vicar on the Earth. This is no discretion to speak so blasphemously of the wisdom of Christ: they choose rather to blaspheme, than recall their errors.

This coactiue power hath two branches: The one to deprive Kings of the use of their Authority by suspension: The other to deprive them of the property of it, by Deposition. But Deposition is no Ecclesiastic punishment, but an Imperial; as when Trajan took the Crown from the King of Armenia. And they know that excommunication a censure merelie Ecclesiastic, cannot extend it self to the deposing of Kings: Yet the Pope (say they) by his transcendent power hath annexed Deposition to Excommunication, as a convenient punishment; for though it exceed the Nature of Excommunication, yet it exceedeth not the bounds of the Popes power. His exorbitant power then findeth a right where no right is. And prian affirmeth and Erasmus marketh it out of him: That by Church censures, none is so noted as to be destroyed. The Church should censure Ecclesiasticklie and leave civil censures (such as is deprivation of Kings) unto the Magistrate.

Upon these grounds come the absolving of people from their Natiue alledgeance to Princes, and their rebellion against them: The giving of their Kingdom up to be invaded by neighbor Princes, or such as have any Title to it or power to conquer it. So Suarez, If the Pope depose a King, he may be expelled or killed by them who have commission of the Pope: And if he command the execution of it to none, then it pertains to the lawful Successor &c. And again. After the sentence pronounced he is deprived of his Kingdom, so that he cannot possess it by a just Title: Therefore▪ thereafter he may be handled like a Tyrant, and consequently killed by any private man. These positions are more bloody than Dracoes Laws. And we shall have the Pope himself saying by Bellarmine I shall make him who was thy King to be no King to thee. And though absolution from excommunication should relieve them of all things that follow thereupon, yet they have forged that distinction, to absolve & reconceale the person to the Church▪ yet he shall not be restored to his Kingdom. So Franciscus Veronensis, Albeit the King were absolved by the Pope, yet he cannot be a King. This they have learned of Hildebrand, who after he had absolved the Emperor from his excommunication, he held him still as deposed from the Empire; and caused choose Rudolph in his place ( c ) I have received (said he) that man in favor, and given him only the Communion, but have not restoreed him to the Kingdom, out of the which I threw him in the Synod of Rome. This is a taste of Popish wrath, to keep hatred after reconciliation, and deposition after Communion, he is as void of the meekness of Christ in the first, as he is full of the Serpents cruelty in the second. But may not humanity, and Mediation of other Princes plead favor for him that is censured? No surly; For neither the Emperor nor King of Spain may meddle (say their Cardinals) with the restitution of Prince Palatine to the Electorate and his Lands, because to seek these things is no other than to cast down the Apostolic seat from the rights of her Majesty, ( d ) And least the Pope prove tractable these holy Cardinals will bind his omnipotency, with their own oath, that he should change nothing that is done. Here is barbarous tyranny bound with roapes of sand: They vent their malice and folie, but God hath begun to behold and judge that tyranny, and possiiblie will restore him without their consent.

Lastly, if Kings by their power or love of their people be secured from foreign violence, they have their last refuge to cause kill him by stobbing, poison, or powderplots: And that not only Protestant Princes, but even of such as are Papists, as the world saw in Henry the third of France, for after excommunication, any man may take his life by any means whatsoever.

But this cruelty must have a warrand, and Scripture shall be thrown to favor it, for these words, Peter, kill and eat, give power to the Popes to excommunicate, depose and kill Kings, if we trust Baronius, for Peters Ministry, is twofold (saith he) to feed and to kill—And he is commanded to kill them, that is to resist, to fight against them and to defeat them that they be not at all: And because the Notion of killing soundeth harshlie, he will give us a charitable Commentary of it, that killing ought to be in great charity: That the thing killed be eaten, to wit, by Christian charity to hyde it in his bowels, and so that killing is not cruelty but Piety: I doubt if the Pope will count it either Piety or Charity, if he felt such a killing: And Bellarmine is as gross though in fewer words. For it is the duty of the head ( • aith he) to eat, and by eating to send down meat into the Stomach. This is a strange liberty in glossing Scripture, and to turn Peter a fisher of men in a Butcher of Kings, and the Pope in a Polyphemus to devour men. It is like the Jesuit Alcasers conceate on the Revelation. He saw how that Book tortured the Church of Rome, therefore he cast it in a new mould, and exponeth her destruction. Cap. 18. of her conversion to Christ, and the fire of God's anger that destroyeth her, to be the flame of God's love, turning her to Christianity. A fancy contrar to sense & reasō, for this destruction is threatened as a plague to Rome, & not promised as a blessing. So these men will never want a color for their cause so long as they play the Qu • dlibitars, to draw everything out of anything: But this gloss is cōtrare to the Text, which speaketh only of the conversiō of the Gentiles, & the Fathers exponded this eating of the Churches turning the Gentiles to her self by Baptism, so Augustine He said to Peter kill and eat, that is, kill them as they are corrupt, and make them the thing that thou art: And this is contrary to Baronius, for the end of his eating, is to destroy them alluterlie, but the end of this eating, is to save them by grace. And Baronius himself in cold blood and free of prejudice before the question arose betwixt the Pope, & Venice. What that heavenly vision meant the event declared so that we need no human interpretatiō, for it meant that the Gentiles should be turned to the Church by Baptism: And their own Onus Ecclesiae telleth us from what Spirit such glosses, and practices come, it is not pastoral love, but a devilish malice, to scatter, kill, and destroy: This liberty of glossing is that which Basil and Nazianzen call duleuein Hypoth • sei, to serve their turn, and to make the sense of Scripture currrent with the occasion or time, as Cusane affirmeth.

But such dealing Christian Princes are in the worst cas • of any men: Pagan Princes are without the Popes jurisdiction and free of his censure Kings under the Law had authority over the high Priest, but now the Pope clames more power, than the high Priest had: And though Subjectes of any quality be excommunicate, they are neither cast out of their possessions nor killed by virtue thereof. They say by word, that when a King becometh Christian, he loseth not his earthly kingdom whereunto he had right, but acquireth a new right to an eternal Kingdom. If it be so, as it is indeed, how is it that under the Pope Kingdoms are looseable, only because of Christianity? They fall here in that same inconvenient they would eschew, that Christianity is hurtful to Kings, and Grace destroys Nature. The cause of this difference is, that they are Kings, and by their place come in Competition with him who will be absolute Monarch over all. For the Pope (saith Suarez ) hath the height of both powers, and is both high Priest and a temporal King. This is a stumbling block to hold infidel Princes from Christ: The Turks stumble at popish images: and at the Siege of Vien when their Canon brake in pieces, the images that were set on the walls, to ke • pe the Town, they cried with disdain, Take up the Christians gods: Their Transubstantiation is another stumbling block, whē in one hour, they will create, adore, and eat their god: And that made Averroes to cry, The Religion of the Jews is for Swine: The Religiō of Mahumetanes is for Chidren: The Religiō of Christians is of impossibilies: Therefore Anima mea cum Philosophis, my soul with the Philosophs. So this excommunicating, & killing of Kings, maketh infidel Princes abhor Christianity, whose first reward under the Pope would be this base abusing. Therefore the Turk holdeth him with Muhammad, and though he honor his Muffti, and use his counsel in great matters, yet he keepeth him always subject to him in Civil things.

CHAP. VII. That Vsurpation now is the prime Article of their faith.

THis was some-times no Tenet of Doctrine, no not a Problem in the Schools; yea when it began Sigibert called it an Haeresie▪ It was not so much as res fidei, a matter of faith, but now it is made de fide, an article of faith and that not a common one, but caput fidei, an head article of faith. It is both their negative, and affirmative confession. Negative: If this proposition be denied, that the Pope may depose heretical Kings, the Catholic faith is abjured, said Suarez. And who deny this, falleth in Paganism, and in the sin against the holy Ghost, said Alvarez. Pelagius: It is their affirmative confession, because this is the main and principal point of faith, saith the Cardinal and the chief hinger whereupon all the contraversie turneth: And under the counterfitte name of Skulkenius, he saith, that this Papal power is the hinger, the foundation; and in a word, the sum of Christian Faith. And Cardinal Peron in his diswasiue oration to the communalitie of France; calleth it the greatest matter, whereupon the safety of all Christendom dependeth . By this they measure their trusty Professors, what ever men hold or deny in other points, so that they maintain this, all is well. But if they oppugn this, though they be sound in other points, they are persecuted as Heretics . They charge us falsely, that we make our doctrine of Antichrist an express article of our Creed; but they hing all their Creed, and Faith upon it. And upon their grounds it may pass, since they make the Pope their Church. They object (saith Gretzer ) that we call Papam Ecclesiam quid tum? non abnuo. What of that? I deny it not. And Ualentia more posedly Nomine Ecclesiae intelligimus caput Ecclesiae, by the Name of the Church we understand the head of the Church. Since therefore they make their pretended head the Church, no wonder that the greatness of that Head be the greatest articl • : yea, the sum of their whole Faith. And Baronius a firmeth, that without obedience to this Head, neither Faith, nor good works avail: And again that even Arian Princes prospered, when they obeyed the Pope. This Head is All to them: their Faith their Creed, the rule and cause of prosperity, to bless Heretics, if they obey him, to damn the Faithful, if they disobey him.

But seeing they will have it an head article, we ask in what Creed they find it? It is neither in the Nicene, nor Athanasian Creed; neither in these larger forms, as Jerome wrote to Damasus, or Augustine to Laurentius, or Petrus Diaconus; neither in the Creed of the Apostles, which (crediblie) was written before Peters supposed coming to Rome, and containeth nothing of his Supremacy: Therefore they must come home to their Trent Creed, canonized by Pius the fourth.

This is their idol of Ecclesiastic liberty, wherein though they speak diverselie, yet all runneth to a lawless license: Sometimes they restrain it to Canonicke election of Prelates: Some times to the investures of benefices and immunities of the Clergy: but Aventine descriueth it more partiticularlie that Hildebrand was desirous to shake off the Emperors yoke, break his authority, and turn all power to himself, and so to confirm the principality of the Pope. That there was nothing better, than to take away all fear▪ and be affrayed of no man; and that he might enjoy the Ecclesiastical liberty, and have such an Emperor, whose forces he feared no, as one that did reign at the pleasure of the Pope. This is the first branch of it in his Security: The second is, in being terrible to others, that as he feared not the Emperor, so although he injured him, yet the Emperor must be affrayed of him . And Gerochus an eager defender of Hildebrand descryveth it more shortly. The Romaines (said he) usurp divine honor, they will give no reason for their doing, neither suffer they any man to say to them, why do ye so? But use that verse of the Poet, so I will, so I command, and let my will pass for a reason. But Hildebrand expoundeth it himself most clearly, to be a power to take away, and give Impyres, Kingdoms, Principalities, and what ever mortal men may have. And what these proud words meaneth, he exponeth it in his twenty seven Dictats, the hammers of all lawful authority. And Vendramenus the Venitian defines it libertatem quodvis agendi & rapiendi impune, a liberty to do and pull what they please. But seeing they must have this Title of Head in their own sense, let them have it, as Aquinas calleth the Antichrist perfect, or an Head, quo modo dicimus perfectum latronum, as we say, a Brigand is perfect: But there needeth no comparison where there is an Identitie.

Their Church cannot be perfect in faith, that is ever parturiens, bring out new Articles of faith. Their Regulars have latelie affirmed. Quod Regulares sint de herachia absolute—articulum fidei esse puto. But the Parisian Divines have censured it thus. Author novum eum{que} falsum fidei articulum fingit. And that same Sorbone, gave the like censure against Becan, Bellarmine, Suarez, &c. in the point of the Popes headship. There is as much truth amongst themselves as to refute their new bred Articles of faith. Asorius is sufficient: Facta pontificum rem fidei non faciunt▪ faciunt tamen probabiliorem sententiam. If the Popes doing make not rem fidei a Matter of faith how can it make a thing de fide an Article of faith, and that a prime one.

I will close this point with Alvarez strange positions of this head. Maioritas Papae that the Popes greatness is in all by all, before all, and above all Christians, This might suffice, but we shall have more. Papa est Deus imperatoris, the Pope is the Emperors god. And yet more blasphemouslie, sicut Deus, as God cannot set a god above himself, so the Pope cannot set an equal to himself. These and other like blasphemies they suffer to stand in print, albeit they purge out better things by their Indices Expurgatorii: And when Paul the fifth was latelie called, Vice-Deus a Vice-God by▪ Thomas Carafa and Benedictus, and offense was taken at these Titles by Plessie, and other Protestants; the Consitory took it in their considerations to moderate them: But the Pope stayed all moderation, and said, That no more was in these Titles, than agreed to Peters successor. Thus their Head is far from found judgment, when he will suffer no mitigation of the blasphemous titles of his Headship.

CHAP. VIII. That the end of the Popes Vsurpation is his Monarchy.

HIs end in all this Vsurpation is; he will, he must be a Monarch: At the beginning he was subject to Emperors as well as other men. As the Popes submissive and humble Letters to Princes bears, as shall be seen hereafter. Next they aspired to an equality, as Symmachus with the Emperor Anastasius▪ Ita{que} non dicam superior, cer • e aqualis honor est, I will not say, it is a superior, but certainly it is an equal honor. But they knew that Equalitie of power cannot well stand▪ therefore they ascended in end to a Superioritie. So Gregory the seventh to Henry the fourt. And Hadrian to Friderick, who was angry that he preferred his name to his: This was far from Gregory the first, who reproved a noble woman for calling her self his hand-maid. For this cause they are not content with the Miter as Church-men, but wear the Crown, which they call Regnum. And Hildebrand hath decreede, Quod solus Papa potest vti imperialibus insignibus: That the Pope alone may use imperial Ensigns: And he hath a triple Crown, to tell that he is greater than all the Kings of the Earth in glory and authority. This they make plainer by a strange collation, making themselves to be all, and Kings but as cyphers: For temporalis potestas est in Rege, ut administrant: But they put it in the Pope in five respects: The first, as in conferente, by Election. Next as in confirmante, by Coronation. The next three, as in iudicante, dirigente, & corrigente, or in respect of his administration; And what is that one small entres, in respect of these five, in the hand of an usurping and emulous power? And Marta calleth them, but Ciphers indeed affirming that the Greek Emperor is but as the Kings of the Chess, having nothing but names and titles without the Pope. That is, except they hold and keep their Crowns of him, they are but as Chess-men to be placed or displaced at his pleasure.

But how can he clame a Kingdom as Christ's Successor, seeing Christ said to Pilate, My Kingdom is not of this world? And when the people would have made him a King, he fled, and hid himself. And when Satan offered him all the Kingdoms of the earth he refused. The Pope must seek another Precedent then Christ, to prove the lawfulness of his Kingdom. And another author than God, to wit, the Prince of the World whom Christ refused, But the Pope hath taken him at his Word, and fulfilled the condition of worshipping him; in respect that idolatry whereof he is the Father and Foster in Europe, is a worshipping of devils.

Their own confession is sufficient for us: Christ as a mortal man had not a temporal Kingdom, neither hath the pope as Christ's Vicar any such a kingdom. In respect then of all this proud Vsurpation against God's word, right, & Conscience, it was no wonder that their famous Painter Raphael Urbinas painted S. Peter, and S. Paul too rudie, and being asked, why he did so? He answered, That he keeped the decorum of his craft, for he was assured that now they were blushing in Heaven at the wickedness of their Successors on Earth. And a Frier, preaching before the Pope and his Cardinals, when he saw their pomp and glory, said nothing in the Pulpet, but repeated these words Phy Peter▪ phy Paul: And being demanded what he meaned thereby? answered, That he thought Peter and Paul were silly men, who ran through the world preaching in great distress, whereas their Successors equalled and excee • ed Kings in ease, wealth, and honor. But if that Pope had known the late Divinity, he might have answered, that scoffing Frier with Bellarmine That to to feed Christ's Flock is not to preach like Apostles, but to rule as Kings: Therefore Split calleth it miri • icum pasce a wonderful pasce that admittteth so many diverse and contrar senses. It is to them as the Philosophers stone turning all metals in gold: There is neither Heresy nor tyranny, but it is turned in truth and equity, so soon as it is touched with this wonderful Pasce.

They mind nothing but a Kingdom, therefore the Miter is called Regnum and Peters privileges, Petri regalia. This is the extract of old Rome, who were carried with desire of Governement, and yet that same desire ruled over them, and made them slaves: So the later Rome are slaves to their own pride, and verify Chams curse in the Pope, Servant of Servants, while his ambitiō commandeth him. Herein he loseth more than he gain • th, while he turneth from Spiritual things to temporal and falleth in that shameful change, whereof Bernard speaketh, that to change from heavenly to earthly things, is vile. He knew the Roman pride by their pulse, when he feared that the desire of reigning would pervert him . In their speculations, they make the spiritual state a substantive and the temporal state, an adjective upon Christ's words, ista adijcientur vobis, these things shall be casten to you. And Carerius thinketh it a good argument, for exalting the Pope above Princes: But here they turn the Adjective in a Substantiue, when they lay a • side Spiritualitie for Temporalitie: And Alvarez Pelagius said, that as Christ had Divinity and Humanity so the Pope had Spiritualitie and Temporalitie. Why then forsaketh he that Divinity, and turneth all human? Bernard told, that Domination was forbidden them: And Ambrose that the Purpure set the Emperor, but not the Priest: And in another place, that Impyres were rather given by Priests, than usurped. Saint Austin's Allegory of the Moon agreeth to them: The foolish is changed as the Moon, for when man's soul falleth from the Sun of Righteousness, it turneth all its force on earthly things: Let them lie still on the earth, to the which they cl • ue.

But if he must be an Emperor, and so called, let him have it in the true Notion. Pliny saith, that he is an Emperor who hath slain many with his own hands. And Cicero conformely, that he is an Emperor, who hath killed one thousand, or two thousand with his own hand: And Uarro defineth an Emperor, who oppresseth his Enimyes. According to these notions we grant him to be an Emperor, for after Uarro, he oppresseth all his Gainsayers, and over-reacheth Pliny and Ciceroes definition, because he boasteth of it, as a privilege, that he may carry millions of Souls to hell without controlment. Herein he is worse than the Frank • arbitrians; for they plead liberty to run to hell alone, but he carrieth millions with him. Such a roving cometh of his pride, but God's providence made them choose such an instance of the carrying of so many Souls, that they might reveal the Truth in the fume of a volant discourse, for he doeth so indeed as he boasteth. But he shall find an answer from Aponius, Ante Tribunal aeterni Iudicis, tantarum animarum sacrilegio condemnabitur: He shall be damned for the loss of so many Souls, before the Tribunal of God.

Saint Augustine noteth, that old Rome did not count felicity for a Goddess before Lucullus time: when their civile happiness gote a deadly wound, by Sylla and Marius strife, they smoothed that real misery, with that imaginary Goddess. So when Hildebrands pride had overthrown the peace of Church and State, he soothed all with the name of a Kingdom, and Ecclesiastic liberty.

CHAP. IX. And first the Negative proof thereof.

THis much of the Matter of Vsurpation: Followeth the novelty of it. Our Lord Jesus Christ prescryved against the Errors of Scribes and Pharisees, by this that ab initio non fuit sic, it was not so from the beginning: And the Apostle Jude following that rule, calleth the Christian faith; fidem semel traditam, faith once delyvered; that needeth no addition of new articles. And the Ancients used this praescription against Heretics, who could not plead antiquity, and praescription of time. So Tertullian ( a ) after that he had set down the sum of faith. That this rule ( saith he ) hath run from the beginning of the Gospel, even before former Heretics, much more before thee Praxeas, who was yesterday: Both the latenes of Heretics, and the Noveltie of Praxeas a yesterday-man will prove. Whereby it is equally prejudged against all heresies, that that is true which is first: And that is false that is last. And Hilarius against Constantius, what ever is with thee beside that one faith, it is perfidy, and not faith. They know the force of this prescription, and for eschewing of it, maintain both a current, or ambulatorie faith, and an unbounded power in their Church, to expone Scripture according to time, and their Mitigators help them in this strait with their new Maxim, that haeresis non est in excessu, sed defectu, that heresy is not in excess, but defect, as though it were not an heresy to have mo God's, but to deny the true God: Or as though it were no deformity to a man's body to have three or four hands, but only to want one.

By this rule of prescription, we find their Vsurpation to be a Novaltie, and that both negatively and positively. Negatively, because it was not so from the beginning, for a thousand years, as shall be seen in this induction. First, not before Christ, for then the high Priest (though a Type of Christ) and bearing the Vrim and Thummum was subject to their Kings. Secondly, not in Christ's time; for he used no such temporal power, as they themselves confess. In his Mothers womb he sub • ected himself to the Emperors edict, and went to Bethlehem, and in that one Act fulfilled both his Fathers prophesy, to be borne in Bethlehem, and obeyed the Emperors Edict, in going to his Family to be taxed. After his birth, he yielded to Herod's cruelty, who sought to kill him and fled to Egypt, whereas he might have destroyed Herod, if he pleased: He was subject to his suposed Father, and commanded to give to Caesar the things of Caesar's, and paid tribute to himself.

Thirdly, not by his Disciples, for they followed his example and command: Paul▪ commandeth every soul to be subject to superior powers: Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers: And appealed to Nero, though he was a tyrant: And Peter from whom they fetch all this power, commands us to be subject to authority for the Lord's sake, whither it be to Kings as supreme: And all of them submitted themselves to Princes, they neither inveyed against them, neither stirred up people to rebel, but patiently suffered Martyrdom.

Fourthly, not the Primitive Church, though we take it for the first Ages: They followed Christ and his Apostles in doctrine and practice; They suffered persecution, and did neither practice against their persons nor their estates: So Tertullian: Christians were never found Albinans, nor Nigrians, or Cassians, &c.—A Christian is enemy to no man, farrelesse to the Emperor, whom knowing to be appointed of God; it is necessar that he love, reverence, and honor him, &c. And again, we incall the eternal the true and living God, for the safety of Emperors. And thus these Fathers did both to approve themselves to God, & to clear the Christian Religion from the calumnies of Pagans, who charged it with sedition and rebellion: But these godly Fathers let them see that Christ commanded his people subjection and obedience to authority. And so a zealous Papist remarketh that from the death of Christ to Diocletian, for the space of three hundredth years, albeit the Christians suffered innumerable and cruel torments, so that twenty thousand were killed at once, and sometimes whole cities destroyed, yet it is nowhere red that Christians (albeit equal in number and power) did attempt anything against the Laws, or the Magistrate, or his Security, or any ways rebelled, & by this argument show that their Religion should be embraced—And that they were called Christians from him whose holy precept was this to obey the Magistrate. And Tertullian long before him. We are forbidden to wish ill, do ill, speak ill, to think ill of any — that which we may not do against any, far less may we do against him (to wit, the Emperor) who is so great by God's ordinance.

Fiftlie: Not the Fathers of the following Ages, who though they used popular comparisons of the Pastoral and princelie calling, that the Pastoral excelled the other as far as the Soul did the Body; Gold did Lead; and the Heaven did Earth. Yet they never dreamed of the Popes abuse of their comparisons: But in their practice (how ever the Truth held in the callings) Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and Ambrose, were most obedient to Princes, Ambrose alone will serve in the two great instances of censuring the Emperor, and answering his unjust command: For the first, he abstained Theodosius rather than excommunicate him: For the second, he refused to render the Churches of God to the Arians: In the first, he did not depose Theodosius, or absolve people from his obedience as Popes do. In the second, he did not fight, but pray and request.

Lastly: Not the Popes of the first Ages, for they all gave odedience as Bellarmine confesseth. When the Emperors were Heathen, the Pope was not their Judge but contrariewise subject to them in all civil causes, no les than other men. And after that Emperors were Christians, the Popes gave them that same respect. As Leo the • , zealous enough for greatness, writing to the Empr • s Pulcheria, I entreat thee that thou wouldst deign to present our Supplication to the most clement Emperor. And again, to Eudoxia, I have most humbl • e supplicate. And to Martianus ( d ) By all means we ought to obey your Piety. And he praiseth his zeal for the Christian Faith, and that he found a princelie affection in a most Christian Prince. He craveth also the gathering of the Chalcedon Council, and that he would compel a Bishop to return to the profession of his faith▪ ( e ) And that he would use his power in matters of Religion In like manner to Leo the Emperor. I received the Letters of your Clemency which I am willing to obey. And acknowledge in a word, that per vos in totius Ecclesiae salutem operatur Spiritus Sanctus. That by you the holy Spirit worketh for the safety of the whole Church. And Gregory the first, to Mauritus: Most glorious Lord, so far as concerneth me, I give obedience to your commandments. And speaking of the Longobards, who were but usurpers: If I would have revenged myself by the slaughter of men, the Longobards this day had not been extant. I must say to usurping Popes, as Erasmus did to the Sophists of his ti ne concerning Jerome's grave censure of such, who spiced and powdered divinity with Philosophy. Either they read not these things, or else prefer their own opinion unto Jerome's. So say I, that the later Popes, either read not these speeches of the old Popes, or else prefer their judgment to theirs.

Why then have the later Popes departed from the example of the former and better times, and of their own predecessors? They can give none other reason, but to acknowledge their Donatism or Anabaptism. Therefore as their Canon Law spake of the Eucharist, old golden priests did minister in treene vessel, but treene priests Minister in golden vessel: So we may say, that of old golden Popes were subject to Emperous: But now idol and treene Popes usurp on Emperors. If Gratian affirm rightly out of Jerome that to obey Princes is a demonstration of faith, it will follow that the Popes Usurpation over them, is a demonstration of persidie. The old Popes spake, and did like Protestants and Christians in this point: But the later Popes have taken up an Antichristian style and practice.

CHAP. X. Of their exceptions against the Practice of the primitive obedience.

THis practice of the former times torments them; and therefore they preasse to elide it by five shifts. The first is, That the Apostles and Fathers of the first times had the same right, but lacked power to use it, and were affrayed to make sturres in the Estate. I might answer Bellarmine with his own words: That it is ridiculous to give a right, and not a power to use it: And the forenamed blasphemies of Suarez, Bertrandus, Rodericus, serve to stop their mouths. But I answer directly: That this exception is false in it self; for these first times had sufficient power to repress enemies, but had no will. So Tertullian We are strangers, and have filled all your places, your Towns, Yles, Castles, Villages, meetings, your Camps, Courts, Palaces, Senate and Market. We have left to you the Temples only—If we had taken from you such a multitude, the loss of many Citizens had confounded your Empire, and had punished you with destitution. Doubtless you had been ashamed at your solitude. In like manner, Eusebius telleth that innumerable multitudes of Christians assembled everywhere, even in the time of Diocletian. And in another place: That Diocletian and Maximinian saw that almost all mortal men forsook the worship of the gods, and joined themselves to Christians. And most clearly Augustine. Although Christ's city had infinite multitudes of people, yet she fought not against her wicked persecutors, &c.

And Julian's instance is peremptory, both for the obedience of Christians, & their power: For the first, he was an Apostate; he persecuted the Christians, and specialie Athanasius, whom he called, the enemy of the gods, he charged the Religion with madness, that it destroyed all, He discharged School-masters to expone Greek Authors to Children, unless they would worship these gods whom the Poets and Philosophers did worship. As Augustine observeth. Confess. lib. 8. cap. 5. He took away violentlie the Christians riches, and said sco • finglie, he would help them to obey their wonderful Law, in making them ready to go to Heaven. He mocked the people of Alexandria, that they were so far degenerate as to serve the Hebrews, whose fathers in Egypt were slaves to theirs. Here was a matter to provocke the Christians. And next, for their Forces, they were most powerful, for Constantius before him, had cassered all the heathen from the wars, and settled thein Villages, or Pages near unto wells, wherefra they are called Pagani or Pagans unto this day. So they had force enough, when the remnant body of the Army were all Christians. And for Captains, they had Jovian who succeeded him, and Valentinian whom he banished, for refusing to offer incense to idols, and other religious Captains to set up against him, and yet there was not in all his Reign any such atempt; They bare their cross patiently, and left the flying cloud to God's punishment.

Next, this exception chargeth the Primitive Church with many faults: As Ignorance, that they knew not their right: And Feeblenesse, that they drust not use it: Of Prevarication, that they neglected to plead that greatest Article of Faith, And of Infirmitie, that they neither knew the right, nor had power to maintain it. And so putteth it many degrees behind the Church in latter times. And if they commend their wisdom in ceasing from the use of their power, for fear of sturres, that convinceth them, for there was as great sturres in Hildebrands time, as would have been before, if Christians had used their power. And what sturres see we presently in Europe for the urging of their Monarchy? It were wisdom in them to follow Augustine's counsel, which they have put in their Canon Law. that Correction cannot be profitable, but when he who is corrected hath not a multitude joined unto him This shift discovereth them that they want not will, but power and occasion to work mischief, and that the peace they gave to Princes and Protestants is but rebus stantibus ut nunc. Some times they turn their f • ct in a right, sometimes their power, and so proclaim to the world, that cruelty not equity ruleth them.

Their second shift is, that these first times called them more to Martyrdom, than to repress Princes, But that convicteth them also, for if these ancients did well in suffering, rather than to raise uproars: Why do not they the like? It is only their earthly mind that teacheth them this Martyrifugium by Regicidium, to flee Martyrdom by massacring Kings: And by their own confession they choose to be milites potius quam Martyrs, Souldirs rather than sufferers, and so have neither that same Religion that these Auncients had, nor that same disposition.

Their third shift is from Merite: That these Auncients were not obliged to obey infidel Princes, so that their obedience was meritorious, and that they who did the work manfullie in resist • g Princes, do no less merit: It is a strange n • erite that hath such a latitude in one thing both to obey and disobey: And more that the command to obey these Princes, was not ordinar to bind at all times, but extraordinar as the command given to the Israelites, to borrow silver and gold of the Egyptians. But the Apostles give commandments for obedience, binding all persons, and at all times: And it is as strange how they who boast of Merits, and have devised Counsels to enlarge the matter of Merite and Supererogation, do shift so great a command of patient suffering, where according to their Doctrine, they may have great Merite.

Their fourth shift is, that there was no matter, or subject of the use of their power, because then there was no Christian Emperors. But Bellarmine refuteth this, because there was then Philippus a Christian Emperor: Lucius a Britain King, and Donald the first Christian King of this Nation There was no such processing of these Christian Princes as now. Shall we think that infidel Princes were a guard to these Christian Princes? Or rather that Rome is now become insolent to abuse Christian Princes more, because their number is now greater in Europe.

Their last shift is made by Alcaser the Jesuit. That these Fathers did dissemble in a private habit. This is like Bellarmine's censu • e of Gregory the first, that his subjection to Maurice the Emperor was partly compelled of humility. partly of necessity, and that it was not of due, but compelled. Waldensis also hath the like censure of him, that he honored the Emperor, but by way of complement, and for the fashion. This is worse than any of the former shifts, to damn the Piety and humble obedience of the Auncients, under the name of dissimulation.

They rub on these Ancients their own doubleness, who like Solomon's whore can suffer the Babe to be divyded, and that not in obedience only, but in religious worship: For Pope Pius 5. sent Medalls to the English recusants, with this Circumscription, Da mihi fili mi cor tuum, & sufficit, My son give me thy heart, and it sufficeth. He gave them liberty to be present at the exercise of our Religion, if they keeped their heart to him and his Mass. Herein also they trode under foot the Godliness of Gregory, the first to hold up the pride of Gregory the seventh, and to preoccupie the Reader, least the grace of these ancients should condemn the ambition of their Successors. If Gregory's obedience was but dissimulation, how deeper hypocrisy is theres, who borrow his style of Servant of Servants, and yet trode upon Princes? If for his learning and piety he be called Gregory the Great; what degree shall they have, who in Ignorance, Pride, and profainesse, are contrary to him? Herein also they show, how little they count of Fathers: They cry everywhere in their writes, Patres, Patres, the Fathers, the Fathers, & yet they accuse them of dissimulation, praevarication, &c. Cham covered his Fathers nakedness; but they call that nakedness in Fathers, which is their glory; and declare what Duraeus spake of their doctrine, Neque enim Patr • s censentur, cum suum aliquod quod ab Ecclesia non acceperunt, vel scribunt, vel docent: That they are not to be counted Fathers, when they write, or teach anything of their own, which they have not received from the Church of Rome. In like manner Gretzer speaking of Bertrame, He who feedeth not the Church with wholesome food, is not a Father, but a Step-father. This is it that Gregory saith of Heretics, that are they friendly to them that are dumb; but enemies to them when they speak. We need no more proof of their contempt of the Fathers, than Sixtus Senensis Bibliotheck. But I close this point with S. Augustine against the Donatists, How can an evil pleader praise the Judges, by whose just judgment he is over come?

But they might borrow a better shift than these from Gratian: speaking of the Election of former Popes, done by Emperors, but now by the Popes creatures in the Conclaue: That the Church hath authority to abrogate such customs as in former times were without fault, but afterward turned to error or superstition. So be like the subjection of old Popes (as the brazen Serpent) was turned in abuse, and therefore must be turned in rebellion. And Azorius telleth as much, that Gregory called Maurice his Lord, and was subject to him not of right but of force, sicuti Paganis olim subiecti erant Sacerdotes Christiani. In the mean time we have gained this point of them, that in the first Ages their Usurpation was neither in doctrine nor practice: And that we who obey Princes prove the successors of these pious and obedient Fathers, While they prove successors of the Heathen Priests, who on every miscontentment cutted off their Princes.

CHAP. IX. Of the proof of their positive NOveltie: Or of Hildebrands contention.

FOlloweth that we prove positively the Noveltie of this Usurpation, which we affirm to have begun with Hildebrand: They call it old indeed: This Theology of the Jesuits is not new, but most ancient: And the Jesuits in their Apology again the Behemians, rest not on that indefinitenesse, but affirm their Doctrine to have stood 1610. years. But when he cometh to muster his forces to prove that Antiquity, he beginneth at Gregory the seventh who entered to the Popedom about the 1073. and so at the first encounter he passeth a thousand years and more: He stumbleth in the threshold of his dispute, and seeth not a contradiction in that his first reason; primus prodeat septimus, first let the seventh come forth: The seventh in order argues not a priority, but a posterioritie and a novelty. Though he had begun at Gregory the first, it had not proven true Antiquity, yet seeing he passeth sex Gregory's in silence, he telleth that they were named by that watchful name in vain, in betraying the Ecclesiastic liberty, and that this seventh Gregory, did first a wake to defend it.

The next proof is Otho Frisingensis, I read and read over again (saith he) the doings of the Emperors, but I find none of them excommunicate or deprived of their Kingdom by the Pope, before Henry the fourth. This Bellarmine presseth to refute, but in vain: For Onuphrius as zealous for the Pope as he, and a better antiqua • ie confirmeth it, Gregory the seventh, the first of all the Popes, trusting to the forces of the Normanes, &c. Beside the custom of the Auncients contemning the authority of the Emperor, was so bold as to excommunicate Caesar himself, and deprive him of his Kingdom. A thing not heard of before that time. And where their best reason to prove the practice of it before Hildebrands time, is taken from some practice against Arcadius, Anastasius, and Leo Emperors. Onuphrius showeth the vanity of that alledgeance in calling them fables not to be respected. In like manner Eberhardus, as he is alleged by Aventine. Hildebrand before an 170 years, was the first who laid the foundation of Antichrists Empire under color of Religion.

Baronius also confesseth as much, when he prefaceth that contentioun: Gregory (saith he) began a controversy with a constant mind, (although he knew all Christian Princes would be his a iversaries) yet with a mighty Spirit that could not yield, he enterprised a matter very hard, and which could not be compassed by human power. If it was so hard a work, (as he truly calleth it) then it was not ancient, for long practice would have made it easy. Lessius would make us believe, that Kings and Emperors followed that doctrine without any doubting. But Azorius contradicteth him, affirming▪ that there was ever a great controversy amongst Princes, and the Popes concerning their power in depryving King • . So Azorius expoundeth the cause of Baronius difficulty, to be the opposition of Princes. And Baronius confessed difficulty proveth the novelty of the matter: He insinuateth also the same in his Votum, to Paul the fifth, against the Venetians, when he testifieth his joy, because he saw in Peters chair another Gregory the seventh, or Alexander the third, who were the chief defenders of Ecclesiastic liberty.

But the contentioun it self will clear the matter: for there is not in all the story a more remarkable point, than this fearful collision of these two powers, in Henry the fourth, and Hildebrand. When they respected others in love, they were comfortable to other, as in Constantine and Sylvester, Maurice and Gregory, &c. But when they rubbed one other, both Churches and Policy smarted. They had sundry other rubs in former times, but never one like that. The Emperor thought that the question was no less, than the standing or ruin of the Impire, . And Gregory thought likewise of the standing, or ruin of the Church. The Emperor pleaded Prescription, because from the days of Charles the great, under threescore Popes and moe, it was in use: And Necessity because by loosing the Investures, he would lose a great of the Empire; for when Charles the great gote that privilege, the Pope and Prelates were poor: But thereafter both Kings and Emperors enriched the Church, because they had the investiture in their own hands. Besides when Princes had investitures, scarcely could Prelates be keeped in Subjection; but if they were put in the Popes hands, they would make many Enemyes in the Impire: so Onuphrius stateth the question.

But in the multitude of so many Historians affected to one of the parties, this much may be gathered; That the Emperor beside his personal faults gave occasion to Hildebrand, to make some stir . He abused the power of investiture, in passing by the voice of the Church, and giving Prelacies and Dignities to the unworthy, whom flattery or bryberie; or such by respects commended unto him He gave them as rewards for bygone service, or engagements for service to come. And at his Court, Church benefits were either saleable, or exposed to prey. Heereof Hildebrand took occasion to work, that he had long desired, he made a strong faction both of Church men, and Politicks against the Emperor, and drave him in that strait to make such a foul agreement at Canusium, as no man can patiently read of, and thereafter put all Europe in dissention and blood.

They divyded the truth, and each of them had both right and wrong on his side: The Emperor had right to the Investitures, but erred foully in their abuse; and brought in ignorant and fleshly men, in the chief places of the Church, who overthrew both Religion and State: The Pope had just cause to quarrel that abuse, but no right to clame the investitures, and far less to oppose seditiously, and trode down the Emperor. This was a consequent of too large dotations: The Dotars were Patrons of the Church rent, and some, abusing the Patronage, did mar the spiritualitie of the entry of the Pastors: So the Benefice drew the office after it, and the Investiture the Daughter of Donations bred this strife, and corrupt entry in some. But wise Princes have made some provision against such corruption, in giving the Church her place in election, and it is best when Church and Patrons go together. The mystery of iniquity was then coming to rypenesse, and Satan had provyded one to hatch that egg of Antichrist, whose seeds were laid in the Apostles times, and that omnious accident in Rome of a Bird that laid an egg with a Serpent, was so expounded by many, that the Apostolic Sea had hatched the Cokatrice egg, and brought out a Serpent to destroy the Empire.

We may pass the things imputed to him by his enemies: As his fornication with Mathildis, the great vrger of Chastity, to be familiar with that Countess, (lik Cremensis the Popes Legate, urging Chastity in a Synod at London, was found at night in a Borthell ) Or his impiety, in casting the Hostie in the fire: Or his Nacromancie, whereof he gave a proof in that Response: That an unjust King would be killed that year; he took this to be Henry the Emperor, but it fell on Rudolph the Usurper. But even his friends charge him with great sins: As his dissimulation, stirring up Rudolph in Germany, while Henry the Emperor was at Rome, fulfilling his enjoined penance. His idolatry in incalling the Apostles and blessed Virgin, and commanding them speedily to execute his decreete against the Emperor.

When he saw that this made him odious to men; he devysed some courses to mitigate their hatred: He sent Apologeticke Letters to excuse him to all men, and pretended the zeal of God, in defending the liberties of his Church, which was nothing, but a fleshly pride of his own broiling Nature. He took the lesson from Stephanus, who sat a little before him in the Chair, being a Brother of the house of Lorraine, and offended with the Emperor, for hurting of his House, he took that Gentilitious enmity into Peters Chair, and made it Peters quarrel: And his Successors finding it there, followed it out as the cause of the Church: Even as they took in the Arms and • nsignes of their Families.

Next, he pretended great purity and holiness and urged the Chastity of the Clergy: This was a fair color both to cover his too • reat homlinesse with the Countess Machildis, & to make the world think that all was good that came from such an one; but it was a liberty proclaimed to Church men, for sundry of them yielded to want one wife, that they might meddle with many. Hereby Europe was filled with troubles, and the Sacraments ministered by married Priests were trod under •• ote. This was to urge and promone the doctrine of devils.

But his third and most politick devyce was the holy war, which justly may be called, a profaine war. He made fair pretexts to recover these places where Christ was borne: And lived and wrought our salvation. And to make the matter more plausable, they feigned that Petrus Eremita got a Letter from Heaven, written by Jesus Christ, to stir up Christians to that war, though others are shamed of that fiction, and said, He got it by Revelation.

The motives were as powerful • o a superstitious Age. They offered to all that would go to that war. First, Security from all troubles under the Apostolic protection Secondly, Exemption from all pennence. Likwise the going to that war shall be reputed for all Penance. Thirdly▪ Rem • ssion of all their sins. For their wages who are in that war, they shall receive pardon of all their sins. Lastly, Life eternal what ever their former life hath been. This he learned of Muhammad, who bade his fellowers defend his Religion by force, promising Paradise to good warriors, whether they were killed or not.

In all this business of the profaine holy war, they obtained their ends both over Church and Policy: Over the Church; they sought to establish their Monarchy over the Patriarchs of the East, as they had done in the West. Over the Policy; because they diverted people's minds from prying in their tyrrannie over Princes, and gave them another matter of talking. They found an errand to send away the most wise and valorous Spirits, of whom they feared greatest opposition at home, as Gottofred the chief Counceller and commander of the Emp • rours Ar • ies: That emptying the land of such spirits, they might securelie encroach on empty Kingdoms. And all ran to their main purpose, to prove their supperiority over Princes, in that they urged them to vow a journey in Syria, and forced them to obey under the fear of excommunication: And so in this new devised fansi • of an holy war usurped an absolute dominion over their consciences and crowns.

At his death he repented the wickedness of his course, as Sigebert and others testifieth▪ when he was at the last gasp, he called to him a Cardinal whom he loved much, and confessed to God—that he had sinned greatly in his pastor all charge—and by Satan's instigation had stirred up hatred and wrath against mankind—And therefore sent the foresaid Confessor to the Emperor and Church to get pardon. Not withstanding of this declaration, yet they deny that Repentance saying, That Sigeberts lie of Gregory's repentance, for persecuting of the Emperor, is elided, Comentum Sigeberti de paenitentia Gregorij, de eo quod Henricum fuerit persecutus, eliditur: And they affirm that he died ratifying his former violence. This is the imp • nitent & pertinatious humor of the Roman Church they will neither repent themselves, nor let it be known that their predecessiours repent their wickedness; least they should grant the Pope may err and their Successors be forced to forsake the wickedness of their Ancestors.

As they cannot show us a Practice before Hildebrand so not any sanction of counsel before the Lateran, in Innocent the thirds time, Bellarmine calleth it maximum & celeberrimum concilium, because it was all for the Popes Monarchy: But that statute proves the novelty of usurpation for if it was a constant practice before, what needed it then a sanction: But the truth is, the practice was new, and craved a confirmation by a posterior sanction. A lawless practice craved a lawless order, first to do, and then by law to confirm it as right; a direction which Machiavell giveth to his tyrant. That Council ought to be called as well as the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or a council of Brigands wherein they were both judge and party, to confirm their own tyranie.

This was a fit time to work such wickedness, because great darkness had over whelmed the Church in those Ages, And their Cardinal crieth out on these times, Behold, an unhappy Age, wherein are no famous Writers, no Councils. And Sigebert expresselie, This novelty was not as yet risen in the World. And when Bardas had erected Schools in Constantinople, they could not find so many learned men as to teach in them: And in a conference between the Greek and the Roman Church many things were done ignorantly and confusedlie, because there was but one Interpreter, for all the Colloquutors. The Histories then writ̄ were full of visions, aparations of spirits, translations of Relicts, to tell that the Religion was dead in the living, when the living were seeking piety and devotion from the dead.

Therefore this doctrine is justie called by the judicious, Doctrina Hildebrandina, an Hildebrandine doctrine, because Hildebrand was the perfecter of it: And though they would fetch it from former times, yet they say as much as we, when they call him the most keen defender of Ecclesiastic liberty. And Onuphrius calleth him the only defender of all the Ecclesiastic liberty. And when as a Dictator he set down his Dictatus, as a platform of that tyranny, he declared that it was his own device.

We need no more against them than Baronius arguments in his long digression against the Monarc • ie of Sicily: From the weakness of the Charter, From the novelty that it was unheard in the Church: That the Authority of the Apostolic Sea was pretended against itself: That there could not be two Monarchs in the Church, because of a deformity of that body: All those arguments do militate more for us against the Popes Monarchy. But Tertullian his challenge is pertinent for us. Where is Religion? Where is Reverence aue to the Auncieunts▪ You have every way renounced them. You praise ever Antiquity, and yet ye live newlie. Whereby it is manifest while ye depart from your forefathers institutions, that ye do keep the things which ye ought not, since ye keep not the things which ye ought.

I close this point of the Noveltie of their Vsurpation, with Optatus Milevitanus, as he spake of the Donatists question: Ye say, it is leasome, we say, it is not leasome, between your leasome and our no leasome, the minds of people stagger, so say we to the Papists. Ye say, the Popes may depose Kings, we say, he may not. Let Scripture be Judge between us as the only Testament of our Father, as that same Optatus speaketh: And ex abundanti, we offer the challenge not for six hundredth years only as reverend Jewel did in Dogmaticke points, but for a thousands years. Ye have neither Dogmatical positions, nor assasinate practices before Hildebrands time. Neither have ye sanction of Councils before that Lateran Council under Innocent the third. This is far from true Antiquity, for that is true that is first and that is first that is from the Apostles: And that Martyr said right, Christ is my Antiquity, But least they be thrust from all notion of Antiquity, we shall grant them such as the • esuite Turselline clames to the transporting of the Virgines Chamber from Nazareth to Dalmatia, and from thence to Loretto: He calleth that fablous miracle, an ancient faith. And yet when he cometh to the proof, he findeth nothing of that transport in the first a • d thirtteenth hundredth years: Such Antiquity is but Noveltie, We have proved our proscription against this Noveltie, that ab initio non fuit sic, It was not so from the beginning. If Panciroll had meddled with divine remarkes, he might have put among his Vetera deperdita the humble obedience to Princes lately left off by Popes; and their proud Usurpation over Princes among his nova reperta.

CHAP. XII. Of the causes of this Vsurpation.

IT is a matter of astonishment to judicious men, to consider either the insolency of Popes in affecting; or the weakness of Princes in suffering such Vsurpation; and some • esuites also have professed no less, that old Emperors and states of the Empire were foolish, Who suffered their mouths to be wiped by Popes: By this wondering they make a greater wonder to the world, because they maintain and pursue that same quarrel, at whose iniquity they wonder: But the reasons of it are these especially.

First: an universal corruption in all Estates, and everyone winking at the sins of other: Princes preferred ignorant and wicked men to be Popes and Prelates: And winked at the corruptions they brought in the Church, in Doctrine worship and manners: And Popes on the other hand winked at the grievous sins of Princes: The Popes to make them strong against Princes gained their Clergy, not only by pleading their Immunity from Princes, but likewise giving them Impunity for their scandalous lives: And the Clergy finding that fleshly liberty under the Popes, assisted them against Authority: So that when good Princes intended to reform abuses in the Church, they found the faction of Pope and Clergy so strong that they could neither vendicate them selves, nor the Church from the tyranny of the Pope. As Princes then were not tymouslie zealous of God's glory, so he suffered Popes to tread their honor in the dust.

Next, Satan's malice, who seeing what good the spiritual and temporal powers wrought into man, and how their concord made a bar against him: Therefore he divyded them, and turned the pride of his suppost against the ordinance of God in Princes.

Thirdly, the decaying estate of the Impire offered occasion to the Pope, which he greedily embraced: It was then come to a great weakness, when Rodolph of Suevia was able to make a faction against the lawful Emperor: And that small remainder was obnoxious to the Pope, by his pretended power over their entry. Princes also were taken up with great and heavy wars, and had no time to think on the Church, or redress it: And the Pope with his Clergy on the other side turned these distractions in opportunities, to do what they pleased. Besides the long, and far absence of the Emperor from Rome, gave the Pope liberty to misguide all at his pleasure. For when the lik Ambition breakout in Michael the Patriarch of Constantinople, a little before Hildebrands time, the Greek Emperor dwelling in Constantinople, did soon crush the eggs of that usurpation: But the Emperors abiding in Germany, made the Pope a free working at Rome.

Fourthly, we may find some cause in the Romaine temper, which was ever set for pride and domination as Augustine marketh; that the lust of governing was in the whole people of Rome: And Bernard more fully, what is more known to the World, than the pride and partnesse of the Romaines? A Nation not acquaint with peace but with war: A Nation fierce and intractable; that cannot be subject, but where they cannot resist. And the Greek Church objected ever to them, supercilium Italicum, the Italian, or Roman pride: And the African council in Augustine's time, Typhum saeculi, fleshly and worldly ambition. They have this temper from Romulus, and not from Christ, for a thousand years it ever vexed it self in affecting a Monarchy: But when a period was fixed to the Monarchy, that pride ren ained, and changed only the object and ran out first upon a Kingdom or Hierarchy until Hildebrands time; and thereafter iovned both in one, in affecting an Hierarcho-Monarchy: You shall as soon twinne a Romaine and his life, as twinne him from his ambitious aspyring, and usurping humor.

Fifthly, too great respect superstitiously given to the Pope: For he had now ceased himself as God, in the house of God, and possessed the consciences of people by ignorance and superstition, so that all his words were as Oracles to them, and therefore as in Religion they thought he could not err, so in policy they thought all was right that he did; and to assist his most ambitious encroaching on Kings, was nothing less than to honor Christ himself. Moreover of these grounds, he made himself a party in the Empire, by fostering factions amongst Princes, and while they weakened other, everyone of them depended on him; either for fear of hurt, or hope of gain. He had also his Cloisters, Convents▪ and Chapters; as also many Garrisons in the heart of Kingdoms, and his volant forces of preaching and begging Friers, who are now both succeeded, and exceeded by the Jesuits.

Lastly the great difference between the policies of Princes and Popes. In the Impire the government was ever raw and green, and as mortal as the person of the Emperor. He was not ever of one house, and when he died, his counsel seemed to die also; his designs and projects, with all the means, for prosecuting were buried with him: A new Emperor had a new Council, and a new council had new grounds to lay, new ends to intend, and new means to choose: Their wits were taken up with the novelty of the preferment of their Master, and the first occurrent difficulties, and gote not liberty to pry in the deep of the Estate: So they were ever Novices, and Strangers in arcanis imperij and if any of them saw anything therein, touching the Popes tyranny, they durst not enter into that quarrel, wherein so many excellent Princes were overthrown; but chose by obsequie to provyde peace for themselves, and favor to their heirs. But Popery was swayed with a constant and standing council, though an Hildebrand, and Alexander died, their intentions and designs died not, but that same end remained, and the platform of their courses was followed out by their successor, in whom also their decessors lived All things mortal in the Impire but in a sort immortal in the government of Popery made the one to outreach the other, as far as it did out-live it. A Pope might die, but his consistory died not, nor the mystery of iniquity, nor the odd knacks of knaverie to perform it. Therefore he is called a Man, the Man of sin &c. not for unity of number, but of mind: A succession of Men of one intention, one course: Having one work or mystery in hand, whereof the seeds were in the Apostles time. It grew secretly in following Ages: It was perfected in Hildebrand thereafter discovered by the Gospel, and decayeth till it be destroyed.

Besides these reasons, two other things advanced this tyranny: Pretended holiness, as a specious color, and Excommunication as a terror. For Holiness: the Popes gave themselves out to the world, as most holy, and men counted so of them: whē they were holy indeed, they neither exacted adoration of Princes, neither usurped; but o beyed them: But being mōstrously profaine they boastof holiness & oppressed princes. There is nothing now but his Title Sanctissimus, most holy; & as though that Superlatiue were a Diminitiue of his worth, he must have it in abstracto, sanctitas, holiness it self. Men would think that he claimed this name, in the proper notion of infused and habitual holiness▪ in his person▪ as a special Grace of the holy Spirit: But their wickedness doeth witness so against them, that they take it in another Nation▪ and expone it of a comparative, a respective, a t • ular and putatiue holiness.

First, A Comparatiue holiness: Because he is holy in respect of people: But this is both a base clame, for him hat will be called a Vice god, a god on • a • th▪ the head of the Church by whom she hath influence: And it is false also, because many Princes and people both, were holier than usurping Popes as Bellarmine confesseth.

Secondly, A respective holiness: In respect of their Office, For there be two sorts of gifts of the Spirit saith Becane? One for salvation in true righteousness, and holiness: The other is given to help others to salvation and holiness and this is common both to good and evil; and of this kind is that holiness we acknowledge in the Pope: And when Gardius objected to him, that some Popes were ignorant and flagitious, he answereth that, that did not stay the assistance of the holy Spirit in those things that was necessar to the Popes holiness, because Balaam was a flagitious mā & these workers of iniquity, to whom Christ will say, I know you not, depart from me. This is true indeed, we hold him at his word, for it is a poor pleading, to sure no more holiness for their Pope, than to Balaam or false prophets.

Thirdly, A titular holiness, given for a title, and made passant through long custom: ( a ) As the Emperors were called Augusti, from Augustus▪ and Optimi from Trajan, though they were infortunat and diss • lute as Nero, Heliogabalus, and Galien, &c. So because some Popes were holy▪ that • a • e passed as a Title to their Successoures, without any respect of their personal▪ qualification. This Azo • ius confesseth that it is an • l • e custo • e that the Pope be • alled most holy, and most blessed, &c. So he contenteth him with a custom.

Fourthly, A putatiue or presumed holiness▪ when men think him to be holy, though he • e a monster indeed: So Hildebrand in his own cause. If the Pope be Canonicallie ordained vndoub • dlie he is made holy by the merits of S. Peter. And who can doubt s • id Symmachus. • ut he is holy whom the top of so great dignity extolleth. In whom if they lack merits of their own, the merits furnished by their Predecessors will suffice. For this place either exalteth them who are excellent, or maketh them excellent who are exalted. Let the World judge whither they or we put pillows of se • uritie under men • head since they come so easily to merit. But their Council of Basil is more clear, & giveth us three sorts of this putati • e holiness. The first is of his State that he be reputted holy, so that holiness is not referred to him, but to the estimation of people, as honor is in honoran • e non in honorato. The second holiness is religious. The third is the holiness of public Justice. But the Pope as Pope is the highest degree of all these sorts, therefore he may be called most holy▪ albeit he be of a wicked life, so long as he is not judged to be so, but tolerate by the holy Church. This like their State-sanctity or holiness of their religious orders, which is contrair distinguished to true holiness▪ For a man may be truly perfect and not in a religious state, and in a religious state, but not perfect. I admit their distinction, but why tie they Evangelicke perfection to that state, except they mean such a perfection as is their holiness, and that is but a fancy? They mo • ke the Imputation of Christ's righteousness, when the godly apply it by •• ith, Christ alloweth it▪ and the Father imputeth it: And • et they content themselves with a putatiue holiness borrowed of man, and i • puted by • an: So in their Priests absolution of the penit • 1nts and in this their holiness of Popes.

It argueth an evil cause, in so great a clame, to be content with so base a portion: in the strife for a Monarchy, they outrack all the notions of the words that signify power, Supremacy, &c. But in the clame of holiness they decline the proper Notion and retrinches all to a Titular and putatiue sense. This maketh their Patron when he disputs his eight note of the Church, to wit holiness, to shift it from persons, and apply it to doctrine. And in another place to crave no more respect to their Pope, than Caiaphas had, though he was a false Priest and wicked, and such respect as Judas had among the Disciples. This is a great change, that he who t • rusteth himself above Kings, yet among the Clergy is content to be ranked among Caiaphas and Judas.

This their not our wickedness seemeth to be the secret cause of the change of their Name, whē they enter the Popedom. The most part beginneth at Sergius the second, who being ashamed of his name ( Swynes-mouth ) called himself Sergius. But Baronius ascriveth it to Sergius the third, Who being first called Peter, would not retain that name, for the reverence he bare to S. Peter: But here is the mystery, they have no part of the holiness of S. Peter. & therefore take not his name: And moreover, among all who took other names, as of Paul, John &c. yet never one took the name of Peter, albeit some had that name before their Papalizing, as Innocent the fourth, formerly called Petrus of Tarentasia, and Paul the fist, formerly called Petrus Carafa. This is not of humility, but of conviction of conscience, not taking his name to whom they are opposite.

So long as Sancta Catholica stood in the Creed, there was some holiness amongst them, but since they thrust Romana on it, they have lost holiness: Roman holiness is but by Equivocation, and in end resolves in monstrous profainnesse for at Rome it is all one to be called a Christian, as in other places to be called an Ass. The head of their Church may be a Monster & to be a member of that Church, faith & inward virtue is not required, but only a Subjection to the Pope: So their Church in the head & members are by Equivocation, their holiness by Equivocation, & all of them in the Church, but secundum apparentiam exteriorem & putative: Campian needed n • t boast us, ad Ecclesiae nom • n rostis expalluit. As though it were to us as G • rgons head, to make us astonished, but if they have any remnant ingenuity, they should be ashamed of their excrementitious Church, for they crave none other place for it, but as hairs, and nails, and evil humors in the body. and their excommnnication is not a curse, but a blessing, to be separate from such a Synagogue. All here agree, such an head, such members: And this was the fruit of their Monarchy; when the Romans wanted Carthage, and other emulous Republickes they ran head-long to all • vices, & stantibus maenibus mores ruebāt, while their walls stood strong, their lives we • e diss • lute. So when the Popes had trod down all competitours, they loosed themselves to all profainesse.

Herein they seem to walk in an evil Conscience, both in plunging ignorant men, and flattering the Pope. They plunge the ignorant, while they affirm, that the salvation of all Christians dependeth on the holiness, virtue, and example of the Popes. And Salianus an Jesuit writing to Paul the fi • t, saith, Ut per unum te & in communion tantum tua, vis omnis, ac vigor gratiarum & sanct •• atis in omnia membra diffundatur. That Christ hath thee for his Vicar, and as the neck, under such an Head, that by thee alone▪ and in thy communion only, all power and vigor of grace and holiness may be diffused through all the members of his most sacred body. And to this s • m • sense. Bellarmine affirmeth, that no man (although • ee would) can be subject to Christ, and communicate with the heavenly Church, except he be subject to the Pope. this is more than Boniface his extravagant, for • that did only tie men to be subject to the Pope, but this bindeth Christ also that he cannot communicate his Grace, but by the Popes Mediation. And in a word, an exalting of the Pope above God and man. But since he saith, that Christ the Head of the Church, is sanctus sanctorum, I demand what necessity hath he of the Mediation of an usurping Pope, who is profanus profanorum. But Becane is more circumspect, than Salianus and Bellermine, while he draweth the influence of that Head no further, than the external government.

Their flattery of the Pope is clear, for they know his wickedness should be abhorred, and yet they will defend it: And Cano (otherwise modest) will tell us that they have learned eyes, and cover the Popes faults as Shem and Cham did Noah's nakedness: But that is impudency and not modesty: For Noah's nakedness came of infirmity, and was private within the Tent, but the Popes wickedness is affected, and scandalouslie open to the World: It were good for the Pope and them both to use Bernard's liberty, in not sparing the Pope but telling him his faults freely, that God might spare him; but herein they are more like Varro who dissembled the vallenies of the gods, lest he should believe things vnseemelie to them.

But if they must be called holy, let them have it, in that sense, as Paul the fourth called sanctissimum officium inquisitionis, most holy office of the inquisition . Or as Tertullian scornfully calleth Archi Gallus Cybel • Priest sanctissimus, whose service was so abhominable, that reason was ashamed to express it. because that goddess was great not in the greatness of goodness, but of wickedness. Or shall we say, that they make that title sanctissimus, to signify contrary things, both most holy, and most profaine, as the Hebrew Kadosh is holy, and Kadesh is scortum mus culum: All holds in the Pope, safe only that contrate significations in the Hebrew are of diverse things, bu • here both agree in him, the good notion putatiuely, but the ill both really and properly.

They might have lurked long under this ambiguity, had not their Analist discovered all; for where as others have made real profainesse, and titular holiness compatible in the Pope; he hath set them as two extremes and cont • ares, and ascryved true holiness to Dunstane, and profainesse to the Pope; to tell that holiness is more to be found in others than in Popes, yea that Popes compared to them are but Monsters.

To close this point, their holiness is the Court holiness of Rome, which (as Bernard speaketh) giveth all to honor, but nothing to holiness; and so they fall under his just censure in another place: That it is a monstrous thing, to see in one the highest degree of the Church, and lewdest life. And I would advise them to follow Ambrose direction, to show what they are rather by action than profession, that their Name agree with their life, and their life answer to their Name, least it be a vain name, and an odious crime: Least it be an high honor, and a deformed life; least it be a divine profession, and an unlawful action,—because as there is nothing more excellent than a good Bishop, so there is nothing more miserable than a scandalous Bishop; for great sublimity should have great circumspectnesse. Let him read his dittay and doom from Aponius: If he neither live holily, nor teach right, he shall drink the bitter fruits of his wickedness: And I must say of his Church with Bernard, O miserable Church committed to such a Paranymph; and with Cardinal Aliaco, It is lamentable when the Church of God is come to this estate, that it is not worthy to be ruled, but by reprobates.

The second furtherance of their tyranny was excommunicatiō of Princes: It had a show to cut them off from the Church: but was more terrible by the consequence in loosing people from their obedience. The old Romaines were not so cruel, for when their Laws of twelve tables appointed punishment to every crime, yet to impretie they appointed none, but referred the guilty to the revenge of the God's: The greatest force it had, was from Princes themselves: For as everyone was ambitious, or greedy of his neighbors Kingdom, he sought no more but to be an executioner of the Popes curse, for so he found a title to the Kingdom, that was exposed to prey, and to conquer it by the Subjects, who were ready either to forsake their native Lord, or take arms against him: As the Subjects of Navarre beyond the Pyrenes, at the excommunication of Julius the second, deserted their native King, and took them to the King of Castile. So Princes for their private ends gave strength to that blow of excommunication, and made it a matter of ruin to them all. This was his policy to bear down Kings, by yoaking them by the ears, and making them break one another. He overthrew them whom he hated; and engaged the other who was his instrument, to himself for the benefit of an ill conquered Kingdom. Here were both craft and cruelty: they not only stirred up other Kings against the excommunicate King, but also his own Subjects, who should have been his guard: They possessed their superstitious credulity, to make them think him execrable, and that it was good service to GOD to cut him off▪ Herein the Pope proved a Monster, in blowing at once both hot and cold: cursing good Kings; and with an Apostolic benediction, conferring their Kingdom on some other King: This is to have the horns of the Lamb, but to speak like the Dragon. Thus Hildebrand verifieth what was said of him: That he was terrore pot •• quàm Religion magnus. Great by terror rather than Piety

CHAP. XIII. And first of their Professions institute to defend it.

FOr upholding their Vsurpation they use four special things: First Professions for defending it. Secondly, Recrimination, charging us with their own crimes, Thirdly, Tergiversation, in contesting. Fourthly. Ludification of Kings. For the first, Satan knew this Monster could not subsist alone, and that truth could never countenance error; therefore as he begot it on man's fleshly wisdom, he set that same wisdom to foster it when it was brought forth; and so according to the several times, made that Antichristian Church to erect such professions as could best maintain it. These are School-men, Canonists: Casuists: The Hypocrisy of Orders: And lastly the Jesuits.

The first are School-men, a sort of Theologues slavishlie addicted to the Pope: For after that darkness had covered the Church, and a new light of learning seemed to break up, it was worse than the former darkness, as Error and Heresy are worse than simple ignorance or a a man after long sickness changed from a light fever to a frenzy. It is true, they have some good things, as distinct Notions; exact distinctions and words though rude, yet very significant; but it is as sure they spilled Divinity, and turned it in Philosophy; and like Nadab and Abihu brought vnkouth fire in the Sanctuary In divine things they disdained either to think or speak with Scripture and made their mouth consecrate to the Gospel, to sound nothing but Averroes, and Aristotle, as Erasmus wisely marketh. And Cano followeth his steppes. Marie now depend on Aristotle no less, than on a divine Oracle —And we have heard of some Italians, who spend as much time on Aristotle and Averroes, as others do on Scriptures, and trust them as much as the Apostles and Evangelists. They inquired all things curious • ie, and determined boldly, affecting more to close with the Philosophers words than with Christ, and that with endless • angling: For quo plus est eiusmodi questiuncularum, hoc plus etiam subscatet — Etiamsi millies mille milla produxeris. The more petit questions they made, the more questions ever grew, whereof though a thousand times a thousand thousand were determined yet moe were behind. They made Divinity like cornered Spectacles, through which one thing seemeth to be forty or thirty according to the number of the corners, so that a man putting his hand to take up that one thing, knew not how to find it among so many speces. So the truth that is in everything, but one indivisible point was lost amongst so many Questions. Their main end was to hold up the Pope in his tyranny, and that by base flattery They disputed more of his power, than of the power of God; and questioned, if he had a twofold power, and if he might abrogate that which was decreede by the Apostles: If he might coin a new Article of faith. If he had a greater power than Peter, or equal. If he might command the Angels. &c. The Pope was their god, the current oppinions of the time was their rule: And natural reason and Philosophy was their grounds. He had them at hand, to turn his fact into a right, and to determine all questions in his favor: And these seventy Divines re • koned out by Bellarmine, were all of that sort, and defenders of this Vsurpation. We may say of them all, as Augustine did of Verro, that these quick and skilled men were oppressed by the custom and Laws of their own City, in so far as being preoccupyed by an evil time, they went the way of the common error, and though they would father their fashion on Augustine's disputs, specially against the Priscillianists, yet it is nothing like: For everywhere he presseth Scripture: But they disdain it as trivial, and delight rather to say, At contra Philosophus, than contra Christus.

They were not all alike, but time brought out three distinct Classes of School-men▪ The first like Lombard had s • me Scripture: The second had less Scripture, and more Philosophy: The third was worst, that neglected Scripture, and had nothing but a mass of Philosophy and human subtilities; They could not have sound Divinity who (as Possevine witnesseth of Marius Victorinus ) were wholly taken up in profaine lear • ing, and ignorant of Scriptures: And if any of them joined knowledge with affection, and turned Theorie to Piety, as Bonaventura did he was contemned of the rest, albeit Gersome, Trithemius, and others call him a most compleete Divine. But notwithstanding these differences, they went all one way to maintain the Popes tyranny. The most of their business was as Constantine speaketh of Arius inanis dissoluti otij certatio. The vain jangling of dissolute idleness. But all their work is the building of Babel; they hurt Rome more in their doctrine, than they help their government, for scarcelie is there any point controverted, wherein they plead not for us.

The second sort of defenders are Canonists, and these more shameless flatterers of the Pope than Schoolmen: They made Laws of their own, and wrested all to the wrong end: As a Tyrant when he hath oppressed a Kingdom, abrogateth the ancient laws, and makes laws for his own behoove to approve his tyranny, and secure his possession, (a) So did the Pope by his Canon Law: they gave it a proud name, as though it were a ruling Law: Their Catholic faith is Roman heresy, and their Canon Law a Roman rule. So long as they lived Ecclesiasticklie, God's word sufficed them for a rule of Faith and manners, and the Canons of Councils for government: But when they turned Monarchs, they would have Traditions and School-divinity for a rule of Faith, and a Canon Law for Governement, So Lancelotus confesseth, That it is made to the imitation of the civil Law; for as the one dependeth on the authority of the Emperor, so the other on the authority of the Pope. Few things they have from Scripture, moe from Fathers, and more yet from Councils, but most of all from the Popes own Letters.

After many compylers, as Cresconius, Isidore, Hincmarus, Ivo, Burchardus, and others whereof their Analist writeth at length. Gratian put forth his Decretum; thereafter came the Decretals far worse for these wings put to his Decretum, carried them downward to an earthly Monarchy. But the Clementines, are cruel, and the Extravagants are extravagant indeed, and lay the grounds and process of a bloody inquisition. And lastly, the seventh of the Decretals is worst of all. Gratians Decreit, pointed at his Monarchy as a thing that must be: The Decritalls urge it as a thing must be: But this last setteth it out with an absolute power. But what ever their Laws bear in their sense; they can turn and expone all to the Popes behoove. Even as Martinus the Iurist, who for to please Fridericke the Emperor, declared that by Law, all the goods of the Insubrians pertained to him in property, and therefore got his palfrey. So the Canonists expone all Laws for the Popes end, and put all under his foot, and so they get Benefices. They follow the School-men in their confusion, and their resolutions agree as well as Clockes in a City.

The third sort of defenders are Casuists: Conscience is the most authoritatiue power and act in man, and therefore must be taken in for their defense. The Pope saw that men's minds might be possessed with School-divinity, and with the Canonists in the outward iudicatory, there la • ked only the captivating of their Consciences in foro interiori; therefore the Casuits were erected. They run the same way with their Brethrē to maintain the popes usurpation, but with a more press strain, giving him power to bind & loose in Heaven, Earth, & Purgatory what he will: They make people so pliable by superstitious credulity, that what he bindeth or looseth, biddeth or forbiddeth, &c. All floweth from a plenitude of power, and is ratified of God in Heaven. They abuse the name of Conscience in their profession, yet they rack Conscience more than direct it, and a man after reading shall come more perplexed from them, than when he began.

In all their large Volumes (wherein as Sheep they follow the beaten rod of the current opinion) there is little that smelleth of Conscience▪ or that serveth to keep it, but rather to destroy it: And for instance; if we look to their cases and resolutions on the fifth and sixth Commands, they are like Dracoes Laws, and on the seventh Command they are more vile than Arius Thalia, or Sotades filthy poesie, & seem rather to be written by Sannio or Messalina in the Borthell, than by Christian Divines under the vow of Chastity. It is a wonder how either they had hearts to think, or mouths to speak such villainies. But their main drift is to hold up the Popes tyrrannie in absolute power of judging, dispensing, absolving, reserved cases, &c. and to set his Throne upon the consciences of men.

Fourthly, because people are not aye capable of the subtleties of these three squadrons of defendents, but crave some visible thing, therefore the juggling of the last orders, was brought in, specially of Franciscus Hypocrisy, & Dominicus cruelty, who lik Pandarus and Bittas at the Port of Aeneas Town, held up the tottering Lateran Church. He inri • hed them by spoiling the secular Clergy of Tithes, to make them a counterpose to the Clergy, and as Garrisons entertained by Princes against themselves: Their Hypocrisy served much to luster his wickedness, for what could the world but think all was good stuff under so glistering colors. They gave out their Monasteries as as many Armies to fight gainst Satan, and by their merits and supererogation to help men to heaven: But in effect they were the Popes spies and Garrisons. First to eat up Kingdoms, and then to hold them in his obedience. This their politics do, But the wiser sort thought, this folie and hurtful to their state: So Cano saith in their name: In this our Age, there are so many Religions confirmed by Popes, that whoever would defend them as profitable, or necessar to the Church: He may justly be convicted of imprudence, if not of foolishness.

Lastly, the latter times hath drawn them on their deepest devyces: Valdensis, Wycliffe, Hus &c. gave them great blows, and their former provision, sufficed to mak some defense; but Luther and Calvin came with the great ordinance; and have battered their Walls, therefore they took them to a new sort of Soldiers: These are their Triarii or Soldiers of trust. The Jesuits Ignatius Schoolers; who like another Atlas putteth their shoulders under staggering Rome. They are the last order, but the worst, and have extracted from the rest all that may complete them for this great service. They have borrowed subtlety from the School-men, Impudencie from the Canonists, a cauterized Conscience from the Casuists, Hypocrisy from the Franciscans, cruelty from the Dominicans, And because these are not sufficient to perfect them, they have taken from the Mahumetanes Assasinisme, to kill and destroy Princes,. The Romans affrayed of Porsenna, sent out Scevola either to kill him or boast him to p • ace: So the Popes fearing the power of Princes, houndeth out Jesuits, either to cut them off, or make them pliable to his tyranny.

This order perfecteth his tyranny, for after Hildebrand, they held the • with excommunication, deposition, &c. But since the Jesuits arose, there are moe Princes stobbed, than in sex ages before; and all these Wars in Europe, since their rising, and this fearful combustion these last twelve years, are of their plotting. Their hand is most about Princes, and States, and make their Crowns, liberties, and lives problematicke: They lay them at the staike at their pleasure; and being impatient of their life, do consult Satan about their death, as Cotton did of Henry the fourth. Such consulting Tertullian called devilish in the Pagans, Magos consultat de capite Caesaris. Their fourth vow proper to them alone, proveth them to be the Popes Devotists, as Mutius, Curtius, & the two Decij offered themselves for their country; so have they bound themselves to do, and suffer all for the Popes Grandeur. This Gregory the thirteenth observed, when reading the Jesuits Annals, and seeing what pains they took▪ cried out, I have so many thousand Clerks; and yet the Jesuits overcome them all, in stablishing our Kingdom; therefore they are worthy to be entertained above the rest: Heerevpon he augmented their privileges, and exalted them to hold up the Popes dignity: And the Jesuits in their Apology against the Bohemians declare, se velle totum orbem Rom Pont. subijcere, that they would subdue all the world to the Pope.

And least Ignatius Soldiers be not sufficient to keep such a breach, Philippus Nerius (whether of emulation like Themistocles burning for Miltiades victory, or of a blind zeal) did institute his congregatio Oratorij, that hath brought out unto us most rigid zealots: Of this sort was Baronius, the two Bozij, &c. They are more mild in carriage than the Jesuits, but more peremptory (if more can be) in maintaining the Popes power. They condemn the moderation of their own Complices, and count them Heretics, and profaine Politicks, who mitigate anything; sometimes these distinctions of Iuris divini, & humani, directly and indirectly, &c. had some use, but now they have casten them over the bar, and propone their tenets in broad terms of a power divine in original, direct in use, and absolute in kind. It is like that Ignatius & Nereus Scholars, are stryving who shall most indeere the Pope to themselves by their service; and sure it is, that Sixtus the fifth was more pleased with the Nereans, than with the Jesuits, as shall be seen hereafter. All these are but fleshly subsidies to maintain an earthly Monarchy, and do rather procure, and hasten its ruin, than hold it up.

CHAP. XIIII. Of their second Coverture: RECRIMINATION.

THeir second Coverture of this Tyrannie, is Recrimination: They charge us with their doctrine, and treasonable practices; and like the old Pagans, crimina sua nobis obijciunt, as said Tertul. Apol. Salmeron hath it summarlie, that we obey not secular Princes and Emperors: And Scribanius The Calvinists (saith he) layeth over their own wickedness upon the Jesuits, for all •• the troubles of France are to be ascryved to them. But Richeomus the Jesuit most fully, that all the calamities of France are brought in by the pestiferous doctrine of the Protestants: And that the doctrine of Luther and Calvin armeth men, and powseth them to wickedness and treason: And Jesuit Fisher is so bold, as to attest King James of happy memory, That their doctrine was not so prejudicial to Princes, as the opinion of most of the Calvinists. This is their calumnious disposition, whereof they gave a proof at the Massacre of Paris: when under color to make a perfect peace, they drew in the chief Protestants to Paris, and murdered them treacherouslie: They dispatched letters to foreign Princes, bearing. that the Protestants had conspyred against the King; and what he did, was done upon his own defense. But they were soon ashamed of that color, and dispatched a Post to the Pope, to feed him with the news of that cruelty; and his gratulation in the Consitory telleth who were the Authors. Thuan relateth, and abhorreth both this calumnious dealing, and the Massacre it self: And the Cardinal of Lorraine confesseth, that the King had other crimes premeditate, to make the Hugonets cause abhominable. But we say to them, as Jacob did to Laban, search our stuff, even all the doctrine of the reformed Church; and show what positions or practice they find like their bloody doctrine. Some Humanists and Poets, or others, have spoken some things, that may be so thrown; but it was in the Hypothese of some particular abuse, and not the doctrine of our Church. But the killing of Kings amongst them is disputed, determined, and put in execution: And when a treasonable plotte was ready, their Jesuits and • riers vented in the Pulpi • s bloody Sermons, both to encourage the miscreants who attempted treason, and to mol • fie the minds of people about parricide: And Ravilliacke being posed what moved him to his parricide, answered, The preachings of the Jesuits and Friers against the King.

Beside their express Tenets of that doctrine, they have also some other points to maintain it ( for no great heresy can be alone) but hath a brotherhood with moe heretical points, which have a concatenation to maintain each other: So this point of killing Kings hath auricular confession: The seal of confession: and Equivocation to defendit. Auricular confession is a secret and sure way for consulting with a Priest or Jesuit, upon the matter of • reason, and to press his Conscience with a necessity to do it.

The pretended seal of confession maketh the Traitour bold to reveal himself to his Confessar, because of secrecy: It secureth also the Confessar, that though he be privy to Treason, yet he shall not be punished because he must not break the seal of confession. This is a main point of that mystery wherein though they differ among themselves (as Panormitane calling it, but Iuris Ecclesiastici, & Malderus, Iuris divini) yet all of them agree in this: That neither the Pope, nor Church may cause the Priest to reveal it: No not though the world should perish, as Binetus the Jesuit affirmed to Casaubone. And another Jesuit being privy to Ravilliacks treason testified, that God had given him such a gift, that so soon as he heard of any treasonable matter in confession, he forgot both the persons and purpose. Tertulians speech of the Heathen Altars fi • teth them, inter aras lenocinia tractari: But we may add that they treat not only of filthiness, but also Treason, so that S. Augustine's speech is likewise true, that men discedunt peiores ab eorum sacris, they depart worse from their Sacraments, than they came to them. So their Sacrament of pennence is a Machiavilian devyce, to plotte practice, and keep treason secret, in alibertie of consultation by auricular confession, in pressing their conscience with the equity of the fact, and encouraging them to do it under opinion of satisfaction and merit. France had a proof of this under Henry the third: The Jesuits in their confessions, urged men to join them to the League against their King, and refused absolution to such as they found steadfast in loyalty to him: And as their own Author says, Two hundredth Jesuits did more hurt in few months, than an hundredth thousand men could do: And they caused such as they absolved to swear. that they would neither acknowledge Henry the third, nor his Successor forlawfull Kings. And then all must be confirmed by taking their Eucharist. So they abuse their Sacraments: Penance serveth to plotte treason and practice it securelie, and the Eucharist to harden them in that wickedness.

Equivocation is a shelter for the traitorous complices that he shall not reveal them, but illude the Judge by Ambiguities and mental reservation: So Tolet affirmeth that the guilty Person may use Equivocation, and say, that he had not complices, albeit he had them— And he must be wily to speak according to his own intention, as to say, I did it not (understanding with himself, in the prison) and I had not complices in other crimes or such like. This is a point most defended by the Jesuits, and that to serve their turn for particide, as their Barnesius proves in his large Book which he hath written, fathering Equivocation upon the Jesuits as their proper Art. And some others confess, that it is the Art of our Jesuits to deceive Magistrates in their Oaths. Ars est nostrorum Iesuitarum ut in iuramentis suis Magistratibus illudant: Seeing therefore the reformed Churches hath no such Doctrine as Equivocation, auricular confession with the seal of it (which are the maskes of King-killing) their Recrimination is calumnious.

Their practice also proveth this, in that fanaticke dementation of some whom they either find or make for such a mischief. If they find one ladened with grievous sins, that craveth great penal Injunctions, or Melancholicke in complexion, or hardened in a blind resolvedness to be a Scholar in that School, where caeca obedientia blind obedience reigneth, thē they work on him by their speech and illusions in their Chamber of meditations, to mak him think it his happiness to do such things as they enjoin, though it were to kill a Prince, and withal to be secret and die silent. This they have learned of the Assasines and for their choice of the instrument, Machiavell hath taught them that Caedes quae ab obstinati & obfirmati animi proposito accidunt, evitari non possunt Machiavell. the slaughter coming from the purpose of an obstinate and obfirmed mind cannot be eschewed, and of Seneca: That he who contemns his own death, is Master of thine: As for their silence in death, it is native to them through Ignatius their Master, For when Piso was treacherouslie killed by a Spainiard, no torture could move the Traitour to reveal his complices.

Lastly, the rewards they have promised them for that fact, remission of sins in this life, canonizing and eternal life: Becket was sancted for his treason, and counted a Martyr: So is Garnet for the powder plotte: and because they thought it gross to call him a Martyr in t • arms, they devysed the conceate of spica Garneti: That feigned picture of a strae-Saint was a sufficient motive to canonize him: But since they call it a Palea, it is but a ehaffie argument, and may pass with the Paleas in their Canon Law: And Garnet was more ingenuous himself, than the Cretian; for being asked, What if the Church of Rome after his death would declare him a Martyr? He answered, Mee a Martyr? Oh! what a Martyr? I pray God, that the Church of Rome never think such a thing.—Now I acknowledge my fault, and confess that the sentence pronounced against me is most just. Here their Martyr dissavowes his martyrdom. But they have found out a new way to heaven by Rebellion, Periurie, and slaughter.

But I dare hazard the decision of this point upon Richeomus own ground, That pestilent and abominable seat (said he) which King David calleth the Chair of Pestilence—that is the Monster-bearing seat whence floweth the Doctrine, which all Kings, Princes and People should abhor as the Pest. We subscriue this proposition: As for the assumption, he meaneth it of Geneve, and we of Rome: But let Baronius make the assumption for us both. In Peters Chair (saith he) were intruded, Men monstrous, most filthy in life, most dissolute in manners, and every way most vile. And Genebrard more fully: For the space of an hundredth and fifty years, some fifty Popes fell close away from the virtue of their Predecessors, and were rather inordinate and Apostaticke than Apostolic. What can be the conclusion but this, That therefore the Church of Rome is this pestilent seat? Or let them show any seat in the reformed Churches so broodie of monsters as the seat of Rome?

Lastly, they purge us: As yet (saith Bellarmine ) The flatterers of Princes were not risen, who pull the Kingdom of Heaven from them, to establish their temporal kingdoms. To pass both their uncharitable censure in adjudging Kings to hell, and the falsehood of their challenging us of flattery, we easily evince this from their own mouth, that we neither preach nor practice King-killing, since they accusevs of flattery: And I am confident that so horrible a fact as the killing of Kings, had been still abhorred in the world, as the greatest parricide, if first the Assasines, and then the Jesuits had not made it common in Doctrine and practice. I close this point of Recrimination with Cyprian: Let them consider who serving either their fury or lust do forget divine Law and holiness, and yet vaunt of the things they cannot they prove, and when they cannot destroy the innocence of others, think it enough to rub blots on them by lying and false rumour. And with Augustine I desire them to look in their own Glass, and (if they have any shame) to blush to object such things to us.

CHAP. XV. The third color of their tyranny, To wit: Tergiversation.

THe thread color of their Tyrannie, is Tergiversation, wherein they carry themselves variouslie: denying Excusing: Transferring it on others: Or making apologies. For their denying Richeomus denieth plainly these positions which Jesuits affirm: As that it followeth not on their Doctrine that Kings excommunicate are tyrants & may be killed: That Subjects are absolved from their obedience: That the facts of Clemens, or Castellus were approved by them, That the violence that falleth out, cometh not of their Doctrine, but of the nature of the Catholic • . The like hath Becanus, and Hussius, an Jesuit, following his Master Gretzer: And Scribanius spends some Chapters of the first book of his Amphitheater to that end: Thus they spake in a strast, when they are taken red hand with some mischief.

If they cannot get it denied, then they excuse it. So Cydonius speaketh of Marianaes bloody doctrine: Mariana wrote I cannot tell what, &c. But the Parliament of Paris told that his little diminutiue was a superlative, even a damnable treasone, when they damned the book to be burnt publicly.

Thirdly, they transfer it, and shift it from hand to hand. The Clergy cast it on the Laics, the Laics on the Clergy, the secular Priests on the religious orders: The other Orders on Jesuits, and the Jesuits cast it on other Orders again.

Fourthly, when they see some Tragicall event of their doctrine, as a King killed, a treasonable plotte disappointed or discovered, when the World cry out against them, as in the powder treason, then they take them to A pologies So Cydonius wrote his Apology for the Jesuit Garnet, to lay that crime off him, and his society. And Richeomus when he saw France abhorring the fact of Castellus, the Parliament condemning them, the Pyramide erected, and the Jesuits banished, he laboreth to purge their order of that treason. This was but a floorish of words, for in the mean time, the Jesuits of Douay set out a refutation of the Parliaments sentence against Castell.

But in a free contest and dispute, they maintain these matters flatly. The Pope saith Bellarmine may bind secular Princes, by excommunication by his spiritual power: He may by that same loose his people from the oath of fidelity and obedience; may bind these same people under the pain of excommunication, that they obey not the excommunicate King, but choose another King to themselves: and more peremptorly: Kings both may and ought to be depryved of their dominioun. And D. Marta giveth him that same power over Kings, by virtue of his temporal jurisdiction. And Franciscus Veronensis affirmeth that the anointing that made them Kings, was w •• ed off by excommunication, and they made private men, and by private men may be killed: That they are furious men, and ought to be killed or bound: And when they are so, the people ought to have recourse to the Pope, as a common father for remeede . As for Castellus attempt to kill Henry the fourth, he calleth it a just fact; that it was holy and lawful; that it was most holy and human, in so far that it is blasphemy to condemn it; that it was divine, as the arrow or stroke that came from Heaven upon Julian, and as the fact of Ehud &c. And as though that were little, it is plus quam Ehudi, more than that of Ehud’s; and in a word, it was good service to God, and meritorious: That it was an Heroicke work, both in attempting, and constant enduring torments for it; and that in his honorarie punishment he was so far from confessing of sin in that stroke▪ that he craved God pardon for his miss, in not killing him, but stryking out a tooth. As for Iaques Clements killing of Henry the third, he calleth it an heroic work than which there was nothing more generous &c. And Mariana insulteth upon that killed King: Let Henry the thirdly killed by the hand of a Monk with a poisoned knyfe thurst in his bowels.

Hildebrand also alloweth this doctrine, as a father doeth his child. We holding the Statutes of our Predecessors, do absolve by Apostolic authority all these who are bound by oath or Sacrament, to excommunicate persons , &c. And Urbanus the second following his steppes, forbade these who were sworn to their Prince, to serve him so long as he was excommunicate: But more clearly in his bloody Canon: We judge them not Man-slayers, who burning in the zeal of the Catholic mother, against them that are excommunicate, do kill some of them. And Becane in his latter writes is more Jesuited, affirming that the Pope having excommunicate, and deposed Kings, may take their life from them, and their Kingdom also, that he may depose them two ways, one by absolving his Subjects from the bond of Obedience:—The other by way of compensation, that seeing they will not protect people, but trouble them for their Religion, they are no more bound to them. In like manner, Sixtus the fifth delyvered a gratulatory oration in the Consitory, for killing of Henry the third, preferring it to the fact of Judith. Cydonius denieth it not And while the world was astonished, and France sunk in sorrow for the death of their last King, a Preacher at Culen publickelie commanded Raviliacke. But we nee le not inquire the opinions of their I heologues: Let us hear Sixtus the fifth, commending the fact of Iaques Clement in the Consitory: And how Bellarmine defends that Oration. What can be found (saith he) of Sixtus Oration, but praises and admiration of the wisdom and providence of God?—The Pope extolleth to the heavens, that a simple Monk with one stroke killed a great King in the midst of his Guards. And then giving us the uses of that Oration. Thereby the Pope would admonish Kings—for that King commanded to kill a sacred man (the Cardinal of Lorrane ) and God caused a sacred man (a Monk) to kill that same King, not without a manifest miracle of the providence of God. Here the Popes Oration, defending Clemens Regicide is defended, and the fact it self fathered on God. With what face then do they deny that they allow Regicide? Cyprian said of another wickedness, that it was not only committed but taught, and we may add more, that by them greatest treason is both taught, practiced, and (which is the top of iniquity) ascrived unto God.

Some times disapointment maketh them speak moderatlie. I excuse not the fact (saith Bellarmine ) of the powder-plot, I hate murder, I abhor conspiracies: But If God for our sins had given way to that blow, we should find them Apologists, defending the lawfulness of it, who now abhor it; and his damning of it, is not for Atrocitie of the matter, but for the disappointing of the success, as in Castellus attempt: And how can it stand with the posed resolvedness of the Jesuits, to maintain the Doctrine, and condemn the practice? And what meaneth Garnets exhortation to his Catholics to pray profelici successu gravissimae cuiusdam re • in causa Catholicorum at the beginning of the Parliament: It could not be for the disappointing, for that he might have done by revealing it, which he knew without confession. That happy success therefore was the blow it self. These facts are such quae non nisi peracta laudantur, they praise them when they are done, and consequently frustrata damnantur, they are damned, when they are frutrated.

How ever then they deny, excuse, or transfer the matter▪ it standeth on their doctrine and practice, that Kings may be excommunicate and killed, and Richemous speeches, were neither from his heart, nor according to the truth, but to serve the time in glossing a wise and offended King. The Jesuits then were in great disgrace, and the sacrifice of public hatred, as a Fox in the snaire, they gave fair words; but being at liberty, returned to their nature: So soon as they were restored, the Pyramide cast down, and the King himself pleading for them, whereof they boast, they proved irreconciliable: For though he of a Princelie clemency pardoned their treason, yet they neither laid down their native or first hatred, nor the second, that they conceived of their supposed disgrace in banishment, but cut him off; and so declared to the world, that their Apologies were nothing, but feigned complements. That good Patriot (whom Jesuits call a profaine political) proved a Prophet in the end of his diswasiue Oration to the King, and foretold with tears, That if he restored them, they would destroy him, and so it came to pass.

This is the sum of their Tergiversation, wherein the Jesuits labor to purge their order: So when that order is justly pressed, then someone must suffer: But when France is in a broyle, Mariana must be sacrificed to quench the fire. Cotton condemneth him; Gretzer calleth it his provat opinion: Cydonius extenuats it, but Aquaviva censures it severelie in show: The Author of the Jesuits Apology defendeth all, praiseth all, except Mariana alone. But that nicenes is needless, for he is guilty of a crime that commandeth to do it as Cyprian saith. In the mean time of all this shifting, they give no security to Princes, but they are cutted down, and cannot tell who doeth it, they join scoffing with violence, as the Soldiers did to Christ, when they buffeted him, and said, Prophecy who smote thee?

But some may think, that these Effronts which they have suffered in the late tossing of their cause, hath brought them to some moderation. No, but they are as hard set against Princes as ever. Let us hear the Cardinals of the Consitory It is in the Popes hand to set up the Majesty of the Empire, to transfer the Empire from Nation to Nation, and alluterlie take away the right of Election. They think matters succeed to their desire, and therefore tell plainly, that their intention is no less than to overthrow Impyres, for the establishing of their Hierarcho-Monarchy. And Marta giveth a strange advertisement to Kings, Let Princes (saith he) beware to cast out or misregard Bishops, or other Prelates and Ecclesiastics if they will possess their Kingdoms and States, for a long time. This is plain talk; and the just extract of that which the King of the Assasines caused one (carrying a long spear full of sharp knifes) proclaim before him: Fugite ab eo qui portat exitiū regum flee from him who caries the ruin of Kings. But I answer: Let Princes look to this piece of Divinity so deeply contrived for their ruin, & ex ungue Leonem: Judge what a Religion it is that maintains such bloody Doctrine and canonizes the executioners of it: And that so much the more that they are not ashamed of it as a sin, but glory in it as their perfection, in setting large Catologues of Kings excommunicate, deposed and cut off by them: And that specially to terrify Kings, in showing them their doom, if they do not adore the Pope.

CHAP. XVI. Of their fourth coverture, to wit: LVDIFICATION. And first of their pretended love to Kings.

THe fourth Coverture of their tyranny, is Ludification. They are not content with indignities done to Princes; but scoff them also; and that five special ways: Pretext of love: Fained limitations of the use of their power: Futile and idle Distinctions: The bait of glorious titles while they are living, and canonizing after death.

First, they profess great love to Kings, and that all Usurpations and censures are for their good, as Baronius intending to throw the Monarchy of Sicily from the King of Spain, will make him think that he is pleading for his good, and in a flattering style calleth him a Tutor and keeper of the Faith, &c. But how that King expondeth his flattery, may be seen by his Edict, condemning that Tome of Baronius to the fire in all his Dominions, and that for presuming to dispute the right of that Kingdom. This is like Joab and Judas kiss, under friendship to destroy them: And like Julian scoffing of Christians, saying, He would help them to heaven by causing them keep their Masters command: If any man take thy Cloake from thee, give him thy Coat also. Wise Princes know their flattery to be but insidious, according to Jerome's censure▪ that flattery in Heretics is insidious, crafty, and full of insinuations.

Of the same sort of mocking is their offer of good counsel to Kings: So Bellarmine saith: Be wise ye Kings, be learned ye that judge the Earth, &c. Men would think by this Text, that their wisdom were to kiss the Son of God: But their sense is to kiss the Popes feet And a Commenter of this we have in Baronius, ascryving the prosperity of Sancius, and others then Kings of Spain, to the obseque of the Pope. So they abuse Scripture contrair to its end and meaning, for therein Kings rebelling against Christ, are exhorted to repent, and turn to him: But here they mock both God and Princes, in bidding them go on in their rebellion against Christ, and adore Antichrist. Even as the Pope writing to that Apostate Iustus Calvinus (who called himself thereafter Iustus Baronius ) abused that Scripture, Come out of Babylon, The head of Babylon called Zion by the name of Babylon, and Babylon by the name of Zion: They count Kings wise, when they serve them, as though they had taken on the Jesuits fourth vow: But if they use their Authority, then they call them mad and furious, as Charles of France, because he wrote as a King, behold (say they) how the King roveth when he wrote these things in a fury, And when God in mercy openeth the eyes of Kings to see the tyranny of Popes, and forsake them they call that work of God's grace in reformation, a giving up to a reprobate mind. as though that were not rather a reprobate mind to give their power to the Beast in fighting against the Lamb: In like manner, (e) another Jesuit calleth Kings serving of the Pope in destroying of the Saints, an opening of their eyes, and thanketh God that he opened the eyes of Louis of France, to destroy the Hugunotes. But Augustine expoundeth that Text better, that to kiss the Son, is not to be sorrowful, as though any benefit were taken from them, but to be wise in not reigning rashlie, but serving the Lord in fear.

CHAP. XVII. Of their second Ludification, To wit, their sained Limitations.

IN their second Ludification of Princes, they tell them, that they need not fear the Popes transcending power, because though it be plenary in it self, yet it is limited, and that in respect of the Judge. The cause, and the proceeding: For the Judge, they say, he is limited, and doeth it not alone, but with advyce of Council and Consitory of Cardinals. And Becane saith, that whither a King hath deserved deposition, it is to be tried by the judgment of learned and godly men. But that is a scoffing of the world, though in word they join to the Pope, the advyce of Synods and Consitory, yet they put all in his hand alone, for without the definition of a Synod, the definitions of the Pope are sufficient saith Suarez. And Castaldus is more clear to the point, That the Pope alone without a Council may depose the Emperor. And Dominicus Bannez is more peremptory than both, affirming that it is left to the Dominion and judgment of the Pope when to use this power: And though it were a general Council, yet all its firmness and infallibiltie is from the Pope alone, saith Bellarmine And Pius the second, cutteth short this Limitation, when he dischargeth all appellatition from the Consitory: So they must stand to his excommunication unless they will incur another excommunication by a penalty of Council. Yea, and Augustinus Triumphus affirmeth more blasphemoussie, that the Popes power is such a qua non potest appellari ad Deum ipsum as from which we cannot appeal to God himself: Let Councils then stand content, seeing God himself is excluded. What ever their Theologues dispute in Schools, matters are carried absolutely according to the Popes will.

As for the respect he hath to the College of Cardinals in the consistory, Palaeottus a Cardinal can tell us best, who for his practicke wit, and great performances at the Council of Trent, gote a Cardinals hatte for his reward. He maketh them the Popes creatures absolutlie, and that it is their best to give their voice in the consistory, according to the Popes pleasure. Quemadmodum illi (saith he) qui Divinam voluntatem, tanquam primam, ac potissimā rerum omnium regulā sequuntur: As they (saith he) who follow the will of God, as the first and chief rule of all things, are counted wise. So i • n may be said, that the Cardinal, who in giving counsel, adhereth to the judgment of the Pope, (which is the reerest rule of human action) he followeth the best course in doing his office, and exeemeth himself from all danger of error; and with all, giveth wholesome advyce to the matter it self. This ground being laid, he telleth us, that the College of Cardinals assisteth not the Pope by way of limitation of his power, but by way of Ministry and that the consent of Cardinals, or other in matters consistoriall, is no ways necessary : For what ever they advise, it is in his power to follow, or not follow at his pleasure Where is then the limitation they speak of, seeing it is here denied in terms: And what is this else but as Paul the second said to Platina, Doest thou not know, that all reason and law is in the shrine of our breast ? And what moderation he useth in the Consi •• orie, Paulus Servita in his considerations for the republick of Venice, declareth how contrary to laws divine and human he carried that matter in the beginning, in the fury of his passion ,

The limitation of the causes is like the former, which they sum up in some generals. Animarum salus; Aeternum & spiritual bonum, and bonum Ecclesiae: The salvation of Souls, Eternal and spiritual good, and good of the Church: These are fair pretexts, as though he sought nothing but man's spiritual good; but they are only colors for his ambition: For if he can come be his Monarchy he careth neither for the good of the Church nor of Souls; for he hath varifyed Basiles saying, That how much a Church decayeth, the more are they desirous of government: And it seemeth that he had a Prophetical Spirit in that place, when he said, that the domination of Bishops was devolved ad infelices homines, servos servorum, to unhappy men, the servants of servants, This is the Popes propper style: But the discerning of the weight or lightness of these causes, is restrained to the Pope alone, because he as a spiritual Father can best discern when Kings do wrong to their Subjects in things spiritual . And they have a more compendious course; for beside Dogmatical heresies in points of faith, they have also a practical heresy or schism, which they call the Henrician heresy : For as they call Antichristian usurpation, Ecclesiastic liberty, so they call the lawful defense of imperial authority, by the name of Henrician heresy. Binius defyneth what it is, to wit, the same that the Politicks of our time affirm. Behold we have witnesses for the liberty of Princes, under the name of Politicks; as well as we have witnesses of dogmatick truth, under the Name of Heretiks: And it were wisdom in these Politicks to join themselves to reformed doctrine, as they do in the vindicating of Princes. They gave the Name of Henriciana haeresis, from Henry the fourth, who was opposite to Hildebrand the father of the Hildebrandine tyranny. And a council at that time, was indicted by Hildebrand against that pretended heresy.

And though they do none of these, but be slack in rooting out of Protestants, that slackness is a cause of deposition: for a secular Judge may be deposed, not only for his heresy, but also for his negligence in rooting out of heresies. So whē the Pope is angry, he shall never want a cause: heresy, (as they call it) or Schism negligence, &c. that is to say, the love of the truth, the defense of their liberties, and clemency to their Subjects, are sufficient causes with him to cast them down. And smaller things than heresy o • schism are found causes relevant: If they but violate the least privilege of a monastery, they shall be cast out of their Kingdom: So Valdensis concludeth it for the power of Gregory over the French Kings, and Bellarmine approveth his Conclusion . But Bozius holdeth us not long in suspense, affirming that the Pope may transfer greatest impires upon just causes, or without a fault. Persidious men (said Tacitus ) will never want a cause to break their promise, for they will ever set some color of law upon their deceate. Lastly Alphonsus à Castro putteth us out of doubt saying, that they hold firmly many things pertaining to faith, by the Popes definition alone, wherein the Pope hath given no reason of his definition▪ The Popes will then is a sufficient cause; h • e careth for no cause, though it were to break his own oath: For when Gregory the twelfth was perjured in keeping still the Popedom, which he sware to lay down; yet it was not perjury (saith Azorius out of Panormitane, because he had a just cause so to do. This c • use was his own will, and the love of the Popedom.

Their third Limitation is from the manner of proceeding. It is not rash (say they) but all is in love and wises dome, for this is the Popes custom, first to rebuke fatherly, next to deprive them of the Sacraments by Ecclesiastic censure: Lastly to loose their Subjects from their oath, &c. Azorius putteh three conditions: First, to be admonished. Next, that the cause be notour. Thirdly, that he be disobedient. The like moderation is set down by their • ateran • Council. And as for their sentence of excommunication, it is to be understood clave non erran • e, if the key do not err. But their Law proves this a scoffing, for the sentence of the Pastor whither just or unjust, is ever to be feared, where the gloss and their Do • tours everywhere affirm, that the unjust sentence of excommunication is valide and differeth from that that is null. And Navarrus affirmeth, that even the unjust sentence regularlie is valide. And Bellarmine taketh away all doubts, saying, Peccabit princeps spiritualis; sed non poterit tamen princeps temporalis iudicium sibi sumere For if a spiritual Prince abuse his power in excommunicating v • justly a temporal Prince, or loose his Subjects from obedience without a just cause, and so trouble the state of the Common-wealth, the spiritual Prince sinneth in so doing: But yet the temporal Prince may not judge of these things, &c. And Hildebrand speaketh more peremptorlie: Although that he, to wit, the Emperor had been v • justly excommunicate by us, yet he should have made supplication to us, and sought the benefit to be absolved. And what they speak of the not erring of the Keye, is in vain for they maintain that the Key cannot err in the Popes hand, and have laid that fearful yo • ke upon the Church, to take that for good, which he commandeth, although it were vice. For the Church (say they) is bound in doubtful things to acqu • esce to the Popes judgment, and to do what he commandeth, &c.—And least she should do against her conscience, she is bound to believe that to be good which he biddeth, and that to be evil which he forbiddeth.

But they need not a long Procedor, for how soon a King becometh Heretics, his people are loosed from their obedience. And though he be not excommunicate by man, all is one, • not ••• matter needeth no pronouncing of a sentence. And there is yet more, for the Pope needeth neither to call a Cou • cell nor a Consitory▪ for his interpreta •• • •••• is sufficient. There is then no more for Kings, but after the condemnatorie sentence of deprivat • o▪— He may be •• pry • ed of his Kingdom, And Thomas closeth all; affirming that Subjects of an excommunicate King are indeed loosed from his Dominion and oath of fidelity,

This is contrary to the wisdom and lenity of the primitive Church, for Cyprian telleth, that in consuring Philumelus and Fortunatus the meanest of the Clergy, he would not proceed without the consent of his Brethren and the people.

But they agree not amongst themselves in their limitation. Simanca will have the cause declared; and Thomas saith, It is enough that the sentence be pronounced; And Cydonius dare determine nothing therein. Yet Princes must be content with that they know not what, declared or vndeclared: The Key erring, or not erring: In Council, or out of Council: Iustlie, or unjustly: But all agree to cast down Kings, and that with so many frivolous causes, as the justest King cannot eschew some of them.

All their moderation in proceeding, which they call aliqua ration: Omni ration necessaria: Commodas ratioones: Congruum remedium: Convenientem medelam: And such like floorish of words resolve in a summar & violent destroying of Kings: Their Church is like some late Physicians, who weary of Galens Methodicke curing, take them to Paracelsus minerals and extracts, so they leave the method of • enitie and Love, that Christ gave to his Apostles, and are come to a summar dealing, ure, seca: burn & cut: And of all cures of the sickness of their Monarchy which they think cometh of Kings, they like best to cut the Basilicke vein. The k • ngl • e head of Nations is that they shoot at, and that not at the • are as Peter did to Malchus but at the heart and throat, •• Clement, Castellus, and Raviliacke did to the Kings of France. So all this Limitation, is but a mist cast in the eyes of the world, and the sword put in the Popes hand to use it absolutely and summarlie at his pleasure.

CHAP. XVIII. Of their idle and futile Distinctions.

THeir third Ludification of Princes, is by idle and futile distinctions: And first of the Judge, pronouncing such bloody sentences: That it is not the Pope as Pope, but as he is the chief spiritual Prince. Next they distingiush the Nature of the power, that it is not a temporal power, but a power in temporal things. Thirdly, they distinguish the manner of the power, that it is not direct, but indirect, and in ordine ad spiritualia. That they allow not the killing of a King, but of a private man: That an excommunicate King is but a private man, and so may be lawfully killed. Of this sort are these, that albeit deposition of Kings exceed the bounds of excommunication, yet it exccedeth not the Popes power. Item, though absolution from excommunication restore a King to the peace of the Church, yet it restoreth him not to his Kingdom.

I doubt if the Jesuits speak of these distinctions without smyling, for they know they are but Cousenings, as though we would say, that David caused kill Uriah, not as a King, but as an Adulterer to cover his adultery with Bersheba: Was his sin the less before God? Or if a thief shall deny that he stole his Neighbors goods, because he did it not directly by coming in at the door, but indirectlie by creeping in at the Window, shall he escape punishment? And when Saul pretended a spiritual good end to Samuel in sparing the Cattle of the Amalekites for sacrifice, was he allowed of the Lord? Such are these foolries, they are feigned to obscure the truth, and harden their own hearts in a wicked course.

Besides, they do not agree amongst themselves concerning the Nature of this power, and the quality of it: Some afrme it absolutely, as the most part of the Jesuits and Philppus Ner • us Schoolers Congregationis oratorij, others deny it absolutely such as they themselves call profaine politics. And a third sort like Meteors, hing between these two, pressing to agree them with distinctions and mitigations. The Canonists go from the School-men, and the Schoolmen, are divided amongst themselves. So Bellarmine▪ confesseth that there lacketh no chydings among them of what sort & quality that power is, that is, whither it be by it self & properly temporal: Or necessar, if it be spiritual it self, but by certain consequence and in order to spiritual things dispone of temporal things. If it be so, that they agree not amongst themselves of the Nature, the quality, and use of this power, why trouble they the world in tyrannical exercing of it? This is (as Augustine noteth of Heretics) that they are like Samson's foxes, though their opinion be diverse, yet their vanity and wickedness is one: Two of them speak not one way of the matter, and yet they all agree to fire the world.

They use Papa ut papa like Jugglers, playing fast and loose: When they speak of his knowledge they grant he may err ut Doctor, but not ut Papa. There Papa carrieth away the privilege: But herein the use of his power, he may not use it in temporal things ut Papa, but as summus Princips spiritualis: Here Papa hath lost his privilege. I require them to agree these two, that since his knowledge and power are transcendent things, why the one resteth on him as Papa, and not the other? This is a trick, they care not what they say, so that they say something, and serve the time and their turn. For this cause Bellermine is justly called by some of them, an unhappy devyser of distinctions: And we may say of them all, as he doeth of them, Qui defendunt Imagines adorarilatria, coguntur uti subtilissimus distinctionibis, quas vix ipsimet intelligent nedum populus imperitus. Who defended that Images ought to be worshipped cultulatriae, that their distinctions per se & per accidens, proprie, & improprie: Relative terminative, & conterminative, &c. are so subtle, that scarcelie they who use them do understand them, far less the ignorant people.

Cardinal Peronius hath a new devyce, which he calleth a double wall about Kings: That the Execution of their down casting partaineth not to the Pope alone, • ut to the body of the Kingdom: And therefore, if the Pope err, the States of the Kingdom shall adhere to the King. This he did to gull the Estats of France, and to hold off the Oath of a leadgeance (a better Guard to Kings than his fancy.) Where was his double wall when both their Kings were killed? The Parricids waited neither on the Churches definition, nor the Subjects consent, but went on at the Jesuits instigation: With his Eloquence he blew that Assemblie blind, and turned them to a blind passive obedience, that the Jesuits active blind Obedience, might ruin all.

All this argues that they presumed on the simplicity of Princes, as though they could be content with such distinctions: Neither are miscreants stayed from attempting treason, but rather inboldened, while as Conies they may play under the Clapper, of such sandy distinctions: neither are Princes secured from violence neither comforted hereby if it shall overtake them. What comfort would it have been to Henry the third, to tell him: This is not done to you by the Pope, as Pope in an ordinar course by a direct power, but as a supreme Judge and indirectlie for the good of the Church. Who can suffer himself under such injury to be so mocked? I turn Gretzers word upon them, reproving Plessie, for chopping at the cutting off the • e • p • ars, But thou art come, O Plessie too lat • and slow an Advocate for them. The matter is long si •• judged and done And a late, and no Patrocinie are of alik • worth. So their Cardinals late fancied Guard proved no Guard.

But how shall Princes stand content with these distinctions, seeing the Pope is not content, for the hard temper of the Ca • onists and Nerius Scholars please him better. Doctor Marta mocketh Bellarmine's nicenes of potestas in temporalibus, & non potestas temporalis. Carerius calleth him and other mitigators by the name of profaine politics, so do the two Bozii, and Azorius professeth a simple mislike of their mitigations. Mihi non placet modus loquendi quo utuntur Victoria Sotus, Bellarminus—In iure enim Can absolute & simpliciter dicitur, &c. I like not the manner of speech which Victoria SoTus, Bellarmine &c. Do use to insinuate that the Pope hath only spiritual power, and not a temporal▪ And Sixtus the fifth was so angry at Bellarmine for his distinction of direct and indirect power, that he was minded to cause burn all his Books, as Barcklay objecteth to him. And when he cometh to answer that part of Barcklayes Book, he passeth it in silence; Wherevpon Barcklayes • on in his reply to Bellarmine taketh that silence or preterition of so weighty a challenge for a confession. Like to the Remonstrants in our time, • hen they are challenged of Socinianism about the state of the dead, and desired to declare themselves herein, they pass that weighty challenge with silence, and neete it with an impertinent Recrimination which is in effect a taking with that imputation: silence in such a case is to plead guilty.

CHAP. XIX. Of their fourth Ludification of Kings. In glorious Titles.

FOurthlie they mock Princes with glorious Titles: So Charles the Great gote the name Christianissimus: And King William of Scotland was called Defensor Ecclesiae, Defender of the Church, which style the Council of Mainz had long before given to Ludovicus And James 4. of Scotland was called Protector Christianae religions, protector of the Christian religion, by Julius the second. Henry eight of England was called defensor fidei, defender of the faith, by Leo • 0. Ferdinand was called Rex Catholicus, the Catholic King, which Alfonsus many ages before him had used. And the Helvetians were called Defensores libertatis Ecclesiasticae, Defenders of the Church liberty, by Julius the second.

The ground of such denomination was some benefit received. Charles enlarged their patrimony. King William enriched their Church, with the Abbacie of Aberbrothoke. Henry the eight wrote against Luther. The Helvetians at Julius the seconds desire scattered the Council of Pisa, when it was gathered to reform the Church. And Ferdinand was fi • te for their purpose, by his Catholic Monarchy, to build their Hierarchy. The end of this denomination was, to prove their Superioritie over Princes, and please them with that Title while they were pulling their honors from them, and to engage them more to a base subjection. But there is also some presage herein, for these Titles were some-what Prophetical that the Kings of these Kingdoms should • e • in God's time reformers of the Church, to purge her from that superstition which reigned in her, when these titles were given them: For even Caiaphas serving his own humor and prejudice, will some-times Prophetically light upon a truth. It hath also proven true in some part. The Kings of England prove now defenders of the Ancient and Apostolic faith: So the Kings of Scotland prove also defenders of the Church; and France and Spain will follow in that same work, in God's time.

This is like another conceate, when the Pope sendeth to Princes Roses, or Swords consecrate in the day of Christ's Nativitie: So Pius the second sent a sword to King James the second of Scotland: And Sixtus the fifth sent another to the Prince of Parme, for to overthrow the Hollanders, &c. Tiberius gave great honors to Seianus, while he feared his greatness, and plotted his ruin: So the Pope sendeth childish toys to please Princes, while he pulleth their honor and power from them.

CHAP. XX. Of their last Ludification. In Canonizing Kings.

LAstlie they mock Princes by Canonizing, and a long list of the Names of canonized Kings is set out as a Glass to them to look in, but in effect to let them see their reward, if they will serve the Pope. They have learned it from the old Senate, with whom divinity was weighed with human pleasures as saith Tertullian For except God pleased man, he was not made a God, and man was propitius to God: And as it now practiced amongst them, it is but a novelty, and their Patron bringeth not a practice of it before the eight age: The Church till then was destitute of canonized patrons, and had none in Heaven but Jesus Christ for their Advocate: First (saith h • e) they were worshipped by custom, and thereafter came formal canonizing. But when Idolatry grew, they joined patrons to him, as though he alone sufficed not: And this conceate they turned also to Kings, and sancted them at their pleasure, as they found them superstitious in religion, or obsequious to Rome. Augustine observed that Aesculapius was made a God, but not the Philosophers, because men felt the benefit of bodily health by medicine, but not the health of their soul by Philosophy: and he avouched, that Plato was more worthy to be deifyed than any of their gods: So Popes being sick of ambition and avarice, canonized such Kings as cured their diseases: No good and ancient Pope did so, but when they turned monsters, and were fardest from God, they took on them to make God's by canonizing, they resigned holiness to Kings, or rather declared that they were more holy than themselves They distribute their charity with discretion, and gave to Kingdoms their kyndlie titular Kings, the pride of Spain, and policy of Italy, either afforded not, or admitted not many such Saints, but the simplicity of the Transalpine people was more pliable to the Popes they filled them with Saints, while at Rome they were drowned in Atheis • e.

I demand if these canonized Kings ••• e holier than Melchisedecke, Moses, David, Hezekiah, Josiah before Christ? Or then Constantine, Theodosius after him? I think they will not call them so. If they were not; why are they canonized, and no the other? Why suffer they these who are honored by Scripture, and true histories, to stand amongst the people without respect, while as the other are in the Roll of Heavenlie Advocates, and honored with Temples Days, Alt •• s, Services, &c? And if these other b • e holier as they a •• indeed▪ why is the Church defrauded of their int •• c • ssio • ? They are like their forefathers the Romans, who apotheosed many wicked men; but did not so to Cato, of whom Velleius saith, that he was in all things nearer to gods than men, and that he was free of all human vices. Neither did they refer in the number of their gods, S • ip • o Nas • ca their high Priest, whom Augustine calls better than all the gods. So of some of the Popes gods, the common speech is verified, that many men's bones are worshipped on earth, whose souls are tormented in hell.

But herein the Popes would prove their superiority over Princes, for he that deifies, setteth himself above that that is deified. They would really be Kings, and therefore pleased Kings in making them titular and imaginary Saints. But it is no Divinity that is subject to men, and that mutual protection is ridiculous, when gods keep living men, and men keep the statues of dead gods. So they know nothing about Kings, but the two extermities of Excommuication or Canonization: If Kings serve them baselie, they shall be deified by canonizing: If not, they shall be damned to hell: But there is no truth in any of these▪ and both of them argue an Antichristian presumption in Popes: They usurp over Kings, in casting them down, and setting them up at their pleasure, and over God himself, in making gods and thrusting them on him as intercessors.

I close this point with Cicero wondering at Romulus Apot heosing: For though times of ignorance made men gods, yet it was wonderful in the midst of learning, men were so exalted, but he satisfieth himself; in that none, but Rome counted Romulus a god, and that when she was little and b • ginuing. So it was no wonder in the middle Ages of darkness, to see Rome canonize men, but now in so great a light of the Gospel, and in the Contest with Rome for her Idolatry, to see her multiply her • ut • ar gods, it is wonderful. But we may content our self with Cicero. Who taketh these to be gods but Rome (a) & that no • in her minorite & beginning, but in her maioritie and declining to destruction? I entreat you therefore with Augustine, to consider of this your Pagan impiety if your mind, so long drunk: with errors, suffereth you to think of any wholesome thing. And this much of their cloaks of shame, or their Spider-web-covertures of their open tyranny.

CHAP. XXI. Of their affected ignorance in the consideration of the two great powers Civil and Ecclesiastic.

THeir foolish madness is plain if we consider their course and their fruits that follow. Their folie considered not aright these two powers civil and spiritual; and their ignorance was rather affected than simple; to make greater way to their violent pride.

God ruleth the world by two distinct powers, Civil and Ecclesiastic: For Religion must be in the Republic. and the Republic must be in Religion (saith Optatus ) The Church and Common-wealth are as the two Estates, and everyone of them hath its own full power and authority in things that concern it. They are both of God, and none of them is that way more worthy than the other, as to subject the other to it. Neutra potestas est altera eo sensu dignior ut alteram sibi subijciat utra{que} enim est in suo genere prima, & ab altera independens. Each of them in its own kind is prime & independent from other. But yet they are distinguished from other in their ends, Taske and means for that end. They have both God for their Author, and generally the good of mankind for their end, but their proper ends are different: For the spiritual power leadeth only to a spiritual and eternal good, whereas the civil absolutlie looketh first to an human & temporal good: All mankind lieth flat on the Earth, notwithstanding of all other Callings: But the Pastoral calling pulleth him from the earth and lifteth him to Heaven.

The Taske of the Spiritual, is the preaching of the Word, ministration of Sacraments, and the use of the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, directing men's consciences in the will of God, and correcting them Ecclesiastickly. For which cause the Pulpit is called the Tribunal of the Church, because therein Pastors do publish more glorious I awes than the Praetor. The task of the civile power is notoure in things Civile; and for Religion, it is appointed of God to defend the Church, and truth in it: Indite and gather Councils, and ratify their Canons, to abrogate superstition and idolatry, to provide Pastors with hou • st maintenance, and maintain their provisions against the Sacrilegious. In a word, the power of the Church is not temporal but spiritual; not a coactiue, but a directiue power: And the power civile is not spiritual but human; not directiue but coactiue; to see all these spiritual duties performed in their Kingdoms. God hath not set them up as contraire and opposite; but as diverse, and that for agreement and mutual help, to make up an Harmonie of government in mankind.

These two powers cannot compete to any one person It is neither lawful nor seemlie for Princes to preach, baptize, communicate people, excommunicate, delinqu •• ts, &c Neither is it tolerable in Pastors to denounce war, lead Armies, shed blood, and sway a coactiue power. Ambrose (b) riddeth the marches clearly, We pay (saith he) to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to GOD the things that are God's. The tribute is Caesar's, and not denied. The Church is God's, and ought not to be adiugded to Caesar, because God's Church cannot be Caesar's right. Which none can deny is spoken with the honor of the Emperor. For what is more honorable▪ than that the Emperor be called the Son of the Church—For a good Emperor is within the Church, and not about the Church. And in another place, Divine things are not subject to the power of the Emperor—And thereafter places pertain to the Emperors, but Churches to the Priests. The right of the public walls is committed to thee, not of the sacred, so saith he to the Emperor, who craved the Church to be delivered to the Arians. Athanasius, and Ambrose speak distinct lie: That Princes are in the Church by profession and possession of grace, and so the Sons of God, and of the Church: They are not over the Church, for her direction but for her protection: her Parents, but her Nurce-Fathers.

Wise Kings ever granted the different power and interesse in things civil and Ecclesiastic. That in the first they were Lawmakers, but in the second were directed and admonished themselves: In the first, they had a power both to make and allow Laws for the public good: in the second, they are preservers of Laws, not to discern therein with authority: But to order matters Canonically according to the Laws of the Church. The Church first discerned Truth from Heresy, and then decerned: And Princes ratified their decrets. Pastors decrets according to the truth obliged men's Consciences to follow the truth, and Princes outwardly enjoined the People to follow a known truth.

Though these two powers or callings simply considered b •• not subject to other, yet there is a sort of mutual subordination in the persons that are clothed with them: Princes are above Pastors in respect of civil Eminence of outward government, and compulsion, to do their duty as Pastors; though not in the intrinsical direction. And Princes are subject to Pastors, in respect of the informing and directing of their consciences in Religion The one is subject to the other civillie, the other spiritually. Pastors are subject to Princes. Let every soul be subject to superior powers. And Princes are subject to Pastors spiritually. Obey them who have the over-sight of you and submit yourselves. And yet not withstanding of the comparision of the callings, GOD hath wisely subjected Pastors to Princes. First, because the Kingdom of the Church is not in this World But principallitie, hath the beginning, use and end in this life, and therefore here must they have the preeminence or else never. Next, because of vniversalitie: For the Church of God is not in every place: And yet these human Societies without a Church have both need of, and are governed by principality. Thirdly, because of Ancietie; for albeit God had a Church ever since he called on Adam in Paradise, yet ere the Church came to any greatness in number or conspicuousnesse in the use and work of spiritual power, Principalitie had the own Governement and eminency among men. For this cause some have pressed the name of secular power from the Ancietie, as though it began cum saeculo: Though more properly it be called a temporal power from the object and means.

This great blessing reformation bringeth unto Kingdoms, to rid merches between these powers: Amongst other things this enrage • Luther, (b) that he saw Princes mocked and abused as beasts: Therefore he vendicate their honor from the Popes tyranny. We teach according to God's word, that Princes and Preachers are mutually sheep to other: Princes to Preachers in respect of their spiritual office, informing, and counseling them out of the word of God: And Preachers to Princes, in respect of a temporal coactiue power, to protect them, or correct them, if they offend. If we consider in Mankind a spiritual Sphere, Preachers are above all: In which sense Nazianzen saith, that the Law of Christ hath subjected the Impire to the Priest. But if we consider it in the Sphere of Temporalitie, then Princes are above all: And so that same Nazianzen, We are subject to super eminent powers; but they will have Princes as Sheep to Preachers simply, and their Priests to be sheep to none but to the Pope, of whom they will be ruled, not only in spiritual things, but also in temporal.

When these two Powers keeped them within their bounds, they were helpful to others: Pastors by religion wrought the consciences of people to the obedience of Princes, and Princes by their coactiue power held people in the obedience of the Gospel. And Leo commendeth this concurrence: For human things (saith he) cannot be safe, unless both the Kingly and Priestly authority defend these things that pertain to religion. And our more royal Leo said, that these two powers are so straitly conjoined, that either of them dependeth upon the safety and incolumitie of the other: And Isiodore Civile powers were not necessary in the Church except to fulfill that by terror, which the Priest cannot do by his doctrine: Oft-times the Kingdom of Heaven is furthered by the earthly Kingdom that such as do contrary to the faith, and discipline of the Church, may be broken by the rigor of Princes, &c. And Bernard showeth both the possibility and expediency of their agreement, in his peaceable resolution. Non veniat anima (saith he) in concilium eorum; non enim viris us{que} institutor Deus, in destructionem ea connexuit, sed in aedificationem: Let not my Soul come in their counsel, who say that the peace and liberty of the Churches will hurt the impyre, or that the prosperity and glory of the impire will hurt the Churches: for God the Author of both hath not conjoined them for destruction, but for edification. It had been good for them, if they had followed his advice, that these two powers would join their minds together, who were joined by God's institution▪ let them mutually cherish other, and mutually defend other . But where Princes and Pastors pass their bounds, and encroached upon other, the exercise of their power was the Apple of strife The matter it self was two great powers in their kind, and the respects of mutual subordination, and subjection, was a fair color for ambition to usurp, and for the rebellious to resist.

It cannot be denied, but there were faults on both sides: Some Princes have given too much to Clergy men, as they who gave homage to Popes. This came of Superstition, which first playeth the Iugler to blind, and then the tyrant to force them to do as that blindness leadeth them: When they were possessed with Superstition, the Popes ambition could exact nothing of them, which they thought not reasonable.

Some Princes again have fallen in the defect, and given too little respect to Pastors: They saw their persons base in worldly things, and considered neither their calling nor their work; and so counted them baser than any of their Estats. This misreguard was helped by some flatterers of authority, who either of ignorance, or Invy have spoken and written disdainfullie of Pastors Calling, and equalled it to the basest handy craft in Cities. To let that pass (in respect of personal subjection to outward Governement, and of civil censure in case of breaking the common peace) yet the comparison of these Callings is odious; for both judicious Princes and ancient Divines without passion or contest, have given it greater respect, and casting these two powers in the Ballance, Nazianzen compared the one to the Soul, the other to the Body: Chrysostom use the comparison of the Heaven to the Earth: And Ambrose the comparison of Gold and Lead.

We allow not the bad Consequences and Practice, which Papists draw out of these popular comparisons, yet there is a considerable Truth in the things; for the Pastors calling is only about things spiritual and eternal. The Angels would think it no disparagement, to dispense the mysteries of the body and blood of Christ, to cleanse men in the Lawer of Regeneration, and to stand between God and man, in delyvering his will to them, and presenting their prayers to him. Beside that comparison of Callings, the person of Pastors have a great excellency in respect of God's choosing them to the work, his furnishing and assisting of them in it. Men's greatest excellency indeed is by the Grace of Christ▪ as they are Christians renewed and sanctified: But particular callings give also some qualification to the persons that are cled with them; and the Pastoral calling qualifyeth their persons with a spiritual respect, because they are God's instruments in a spiritual work. Their aptitude to a spiritual work, giveth them a spiritual habitude and God's employment therein giveth a sort of transcendent specification. Second causes though of one kind, take a diverse respect, both from the object, and from the employment of the first cause: And it is greatest excellency to be God's instrument, in converting, renewing, and saving men: For they that turn Souls, shall shine as the stars in the firmament, whereas others shall shine but as the firmament it self. If sanctification be joined in Pastors with the excellency of their aptitude and employment, then they are God's first borne with a double portion of holiness: And that without prejudice of the external supereminencie of honor, and authority, which God hath seated in Kings: The one breadeth a sacred, inward, and spiritual reverence, as to God's Ambassadors. The other an out ward, and civile reverence, as to the top of human Majesty: This is proper to the supreme Magistrate alone, whom God hath invested with Nomotheticke prudency, and Architectonick power in matters sacred and civile.

But Papists abuse these comparisons of the Auntients, while they turn them in arguments for the exemption, and deny obedience in temporal things to Princes, and clame a temporal precedence and preeminence. God is the God of order, and alloweth on Princes supreme honor as their due in civil Society: As for spiritual excellency of Pastors, it doth neither cōtaine intrinsecallie, neither clameth by way of consequence, any preeminence in temporal things, but in spiritual allane • lie. All their iuris • iction is merelie spiritual, as Halensis saith, that the spiritual power judgeth according to the spiritual punishment, and not according to the civil: And it may be instanced by the Apostle who (doubtless) if he had civil power would have used it against the incestuous man, and punished him civilie: But he knew the reach of the Apostolic power to be spiritual, and therefore censured him spiritually with excommunication. But most clearly, S Augustine disclames it in Christ's Name. Hearken, O Jews and Gentiles—hearken, O kingdoms of the earth: I stay not your domination in this world, &c.

Herein Popes usurp most who have least right, the excellency of Pastors flowed from their pastoral calling, and their discharge of it; but he is an idol pastour, who hath thrust himself in the most eminent place of the Church, and yet is least in worth. The least Pracher is worthy of more honor thā he though he were in his pontificals: He preacheth not and so can neither be the Vicare of Christ, nor successor of his Apostles. For Christus Rex & Dominus noster (as Bellarmine acknowledgeth) non erat occupatus in rebus temporalibus, sed praedicatione verbi, & conversione animarum: Christ was not busy in temporal things, but in preaching of the word, and conversion of Souls. But he inver • eth Christ's Dyet, neglecting preaching & employing himself altogether in temporal things: Neither can he be Peters successor, if we trust Bernard Prove thyself a Pastor to this people—least thou deny thyself to be his heir, whose seat thou holdest. This is Peter who never went out decked with Jewels— • nd yet without these he believed that command might be fulfilled: If thou love me, feed my Sheep. For in these things thou succeedeth not to Peter, but to Constantine—Thou art a Pastors heir, be not ashamed of the Gospel, to Evangelize is to feed the flock, do the work of an Evangelist, and thou hast fulfilled the work of a Pastor.

Their Analist commendeth preaching Popes, Serigius secundus for that he was praedicatione liberior, a free Preacher, and Leo the fourth, that he was a preacher of the word, and left an Homilie in register, to direct Church-men in their office, which Baronius closeth with this mark. Pervigilis curae pastoralis, noble documentum, a notable document of a wakerife pastoral care. It is a notable document indeed to prove Leos pastoral care, and to convince the later Popes, who are all together void of that care. Becanus also overthroweth the Popes Vicarshippe in that same place, where he pleadeth most for it. He scoffeth at that saying of Tertullian, that Christ reliquit vicariam vim Sp. Sancti, the vicariat power of the holy Spirit to rule his Church: And proveth the holy Spirit cannot be such an Vicar, because he doeth not these things visibly, which Christ did in his mortal flesh, for he neither administereth Sacraments, neither preacheth in public▪ This concludeth as strongelie against the pope, for as the holy Spirit cannot visibly & bodily exerce these offices, so the pope (though he may visibly exerce them) yet doeth it not at all, but in place of a Vicare, he is that abuse and blot in the Church, whereof S. Cyprian speaketh (if that be his work) The tenth abuse is a negligent Bishop, who requireth his degree of honor among men, but keepeth not the dignity of his Ministry before God, whose Ambassage he bearetth. The pope is wholly taken up in consistoriall business.

But since he must be called a Preacher, let him have it in that sense that Gregory speaketh of: Nova atque inaudita est ista praedicatio, quae verberibus exigit fidem: This is a new, and unheard sort of preaching, which exacteth faith by strokes. And if he will have honor for doing his office, let him have it, as Philo telleth, the high Priest amongst the Jews, albeit he was inferior to the King, yet so long as he was in his Ministry entering in the Temple, clothed with Aaron's garments, &c.—In that respect he was above the King. Let the Pope then exerce hierarchicall functions, as Christ, his Apostles, and the first godly Popes did, and then let him pretend his spiritual eminency, and clame the honor due to it. But so long as his preaching is the roaring of Bulls, Curs • s, Excommunications, &c. from the Capitol, he is Aba • don, and not the Vicar of Christ.

But what would the Pope and his Clergy say, if the Emperor upon the ground of his supereminent power, would raise contrary positions and practices, and so pay the Pope home in his own coin? As first to exempt himself and Kings and Princes, from all sort of Ecclesiastic subjection, as to hear the word, partake Sacraments &c. Next to use proscription against them, cutting them off from the common liberties of subjects. Thirdly, to depose them from Ecclesiastic offices, and discharge them from all exercise of their calling. Fourthly, to cause their people contemn them and set up some other ambitious Church-men in their vaking room. &c, That clame of Princes over them in spiritual things, were as just as their usurpation over Princes, except we trust the conceate of Bozius who affirmeth that the Ecclesiastics take upon them the secular power and jurisdiction, but the seculars may not take upon them the Ecclesiastic power. But their own Pope Nicolaus crosseth this conceate, and maketh the opposition equal, that the Ecclesiastics may no more have a temporal power, than the Emperor may have a spiritual.

Herein was a Mass of their folies, they confounded things that God had distinguished, spiritual and temporal, heavenly and earthly; and so verified Philoes first and better exposition of Babylon, to agree to them, to wit, that Babylon signifieth Confusion. Next with that Confusion they inverted all, and made temporal things their end, and neglected spiritual: They pretended that they used temporalia in ordine ad spiritualia, but in effect they used spiritualia in ordine ad temporalia: And so verified of themselves Philoes other exposition ( b ) of Babylon, that it signified inverting. No right, no reason could content them to keep their own place, and suffer Princes to keep theirs, as God had designed to both, but they will have the King subject to Christ, (c) and to the Pope, and the Pope, subject to Christ only. Therefore with this their Babylonish confusion and inversion, they prove themselves by Nicolaus testimony to be the successoures of Pagan Emperors, who would be both Priests and Kings: But we need not draw this by way of consequence. Doctor Marta granteth it in a plain Assertion, that in these ancient times all business were dispatched by the Priests, and confirms it by Ciceroes testimony, that the chief Priests among the Romans did sway both the Religions of the Immortal gods, and the chief matters of the Commonwealth. For which cause it may b • e con • ectured that their controversar speaking of their Pope, calls him rather Pontifex Romanus, then Episcopus Romanus, that under that old Pagan name, h • e may insinuate the Notion of his twofold Pagan power.

As for his Consistoriall business, whereof I spake before, Palaeottus hath plastered that sore, and telleth that the Popes business in the Consitory about temporal things are hierarchicall acts, because they are ordered to a spiritual end. So great is his power, that treasons, deposing of Kings, overthrow of Empyres, &c. are all turned in hierarchicall acts by his meddling. But I would know to what sort of hierarchicall act these may be referred, for Dionysi • s recounting the acts of Ecclesiastic hierarchy, hath no such matter: Therefore they are his Monarchick exercises, which he hath taken up, since he disdained the Ecclesiastic hierarchy.

This is far from Chrysostom's mind, who thinketh that Christ forbade his Apostles to take provision for their journey, that they might only wait on preaching, as the Apostles also did. How then doeth the Pope, who is altogether taken up with temporal business? Gregory calleth it an earthly disposition, when men forget heavenly things, and thirst only for earthly things. If their Visions tell that the Bishop of Anconaes Soul acknowledged it self justly in hell because neglecting preaching, he waited only upon Worldlie shows, banquets, and such other toys. What shall become of the Popes who are worse employed in oppressing the Church, and disturbing Europe? And if S. Augustine say truly, That the heart of the Wheat is in heaven, but the heart of the Chaff is on earth: Then surly the popes must be Chaff, and not Wheat, since his heart is all on the earthly Monarchy.

This then is their willful ignorance, whereby they deny to Kings not only their Architectonik power, which maketh them custodes v • riusque Tabulae: And Pastores populi: Keepers of both Tables: Pastors of people, and Nurce-fathers of the Church: but also their Eminencie in temporalibus. For the Pope hath supreme temporal jurisdiction temporalie and directly (saith Marta ) And again, he hath universal Dominion, vniversallie and over all. Papa habet supremam temporalem iurisdictionem, temporaliter & direct. Item habet vniversalem iurisdictionem & Dominium in vniversali in omnibus.