History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600
30. Peter Lombard, Bishop of Paris at the same time, followed the footsteps of Gratian, and gathered the sum of Divinity into four Books of sentences, out of the writings of the Fathers; but (as I said of Gratians Decrees) with adding, mincing, and changing of words and letters, and suitably unto his time; and these sentences were authorised as the Text in all Schools, to the end, none from thenceforth should search antiquity and truth anymore from Fathers or Councils, under no less danger then guiltiness of heresy. Hear what Cor. Agrippa De vanit. scient. cap. 97. saith of this Scholastic Theology, It is (saith he) of the kind of Centaures, a twofold discipline blown up by the Sorbon of Paris, with a sort of mixtion of Divine oracles, and Philosophical reasonings, written after a new form, and far different from the ancient customs, by questions and sly syllogisms, without all ornament of language, but otherwise full of judgment and understanding, and profitable to convince heretics—It cometh to pass, that the faculty of Scholastic Theology is not free from error and wickedness; these cursed hypocrites, and bold Sophists, have brought in so many heresies, which preach Christ not of good will, as Paul saith, but of contention, so that there is more agreement among Philosophers, then among these Divines, who have extinguished ancient Divinity with opinions of men, and new errors, &c. Here Barth. Gravius, a Printer at Lovane about the year 1565. giveth us some light; In his Epistle before his Edition of these Sentences, he telleth, that he had a purpose to reduce all the testimonies unto the first fountains in sincerity; but to his great admiration, he was informed by the Masters there, it could not be so, because albeit in other Editions innumerable places were corrected, yet many errors as yet were remaining, and these not little ones; and not a few things, as in the Edition at Paris, were changed, not according to the truth of the old books, but in conjecture, yea and the old words were corrupted oft times, through an immoderate desire of amending, and in not a few places the worse was put for the better; and (saith he) this may not be dissembled, that the genuine reading of the Master in quoting the testimonies of the ancient writers, is very oft changed into the truth of its original, especially no old Copy witnessing, that he had left it so written; for the Master was not so solicitous to repeat all their places wholly, but thought it sufficient to propound the matter briefly, and leave out many lines in the middle; and therefore it were not according to his mind, to fill up what he hath omitted; yea, they have found by sure arguments, that he had transcribed many things not from the very fountains, but from Hugo Victorian, and especially out of the Glossa Ordinaria; where these passages are not found in a continued context, as in their own Authors, but maimedly, and sometimes but in broken pieces, as it were out of sundry Books and Chapters, and mixed together as in a hotchpotch; and so if anything be corrupt in the Master, it must not be reduced unto the first fountains, but rather unto the Books of the Glossa, because it was last taken thence; And also he was sometimes deceived in reading it wrong possibly, and lead into error; in which case to amend him according to the square of his Author, were most absurd and madness; they said also, that in quoting the Authors, he erroneously nameth one for another often, &c. By this ingenuous testimony of the Printer, we may see what account they make now of their ancient Master; and seeing these books have been so oft changed, little credit can be given to any of their late Editions; and thirdly, that even the Master himself had not written soundly, according to the Fathers which he citeth. The Edition of Lombard at Paris An. 1550. hath in the end a catalogue of these which they call his errors, in quibus Magister non tenetur. I will show some instances: In the Edition at Lovane An. 1568. lib. 4. Dist. 2. F. They who had not hope in the baptism of John, and did believe the Father, Son and holy Ghost, were not baptized thereafter, but the Apostles laid hands on them, and then they received the holy Ghost. Here on the margint it is, Erronea Magistri opinio. Dist. 5. C. Christ might give unto them [his disciples] power to forgive sins, yet not the same power that he himself had, but a created power, by which a servant may forgive sins, yet not as the author of remission, but as a servant, and yet not without God the Author. On the margin it is added, Hic Magister non recipitur. Dist. 13. A. It may be truly said, that the body of Christ is not eaten by the brute beasts, albeit it seem so; what then doth a mouse take and eat? God knoweth. In the margin it is said, Non probatur haec Magistri opinio. Dist. 17. B. It may truly be said, that without confession of the mouth, and paying outward punishment, sins are forgiven upon contrition and humility of the heart. In the magin it is added, Non recte hic sentit Magister. Dist. 18. F. Unto the Priests he gave power of binding and loosing, that is, of showing that they are bound or loosed. In the margin it is, Gravis Magistri lapsus. In many other particulars, though they have not put such a censure on him, he is no less adversary unto the doctrine of Rome now; as lib. 1. Dist. 1. A. Let the diligent and modest speculation of Divines, take heed to hold the Divine Scripture as the prescribed form in doctrine. Dist. 2. C. As Augustine lib. de Trini. teacheth, we must first show, whether faith hold out so according to the authority of holy Scriptures; and then against babbling disputers, which are more proud then capable, use Catholic reasons, and fit similitudes, for defense and asserting the faith, that so satisfying curiosity, we may the more fully instruct the modest; or if they cannot find the truth which they seek, they may complain of their own mind, rather then of the truth, or of our assertion. D. Therefore let us propound the Authority of the old and new Testaments. Dist. 40. D. Seeing predestination is the preparation of grace, that is, Divine election, whereby he hath chosen whom he would before the foundation of the world, as the Apostle saith; on the other side, reprobation must be understood the foreknowledge of the iniquity of some, and the preparation of their damnation; for as the effect of predestination is that grace, whereby now we are justified, and helped to live well, and to continue in good, and whereby we are blessed in the future; so the reprobation of God, whereby from eternity, by not electing he hath rejected some, is considered in two particulars; whereof the one he foreseeth, and prepareth not, that is iniquity; the other he foreseeth, and prepareth, that is everlasting punishment. Whence Augustine ad Prosp. & Hilar. saith, This rule must be held without wavering, that sinners are foreknown in their sins, and not prepared, but that the punishment is prepared; for God in his presence (as Augustine in lib. de bono persevere.) hath prepared his good things unto whom he would, and unto whomsoever he giveth, certainly he foresaw that he would give them. Dist. 41. A. If we seek the merit of obduration and mercy, we find the merit of obduration, but we find not the merit of mercy; because there is no merit of mercy, lest grace be made nothing, if it be not given freely, but rendered unto merits. So he showeth mercy according to grace, which is given freely; but he hardeneth according to judgment, which is rendered unto merits; whence we may understand, that as God's reprobation is, that he will not show mercy, so God's obduration is, that he showeth not mercy; so that not anything proceedeth from him, whereby a man is made worse, but only it is not given, whereby he may be better. Hence it is clear (saith he) what the Apostle understandeth by mercy and hardening, and because mercy admitteth not merit, but obduration is not without merit; and by the word mercy here, is understood predestination, and especially the effect of predestination; but by the word obduration, is not meant the eternal reprobation of God, (because there is no merit thereof) but the privation or refusing of grace, which is some way the effect of reprobation; yet sometimes reprobation is taken for obduration, as predestination for its effect, which is grace given; for grace which is given, is the effect of predestination; therefore seeing there are no merits of grace, which is given to man for justification, and far less of predestination itself, whereby God hath from eternity chosen whom he would; can there be any merits? so nor of reprobation, whereby from eternity he foresaw that some would be evil, and be condemned, as he did choose Jacob, and denied Esau; which was not for their merits which they had then, because they had none, because themselves were not; nor for the future merits which he could foresee, did he either choose the one or refuse the other. In the next Section he showeth, how Augustine once thought, that God had choose Jacob, because he foresaw that Jacob would be such; and therefore Augustine recanted that error, and he concludeth the Section thus; Augustine in lib. de praedest. sanctor. saith, Not because he foresaw that we would be such, did he therefore choose; but that we might be such by the very election of his grace, whereby he hath accepted us in his beloved Son. Dist. 46. B. Unto that objection from Matth. 23. 37. he answereth, That is not to be understood so, as if the Lord would have gathered the children, and it was not done what he would, because Jerusalem would not, but rather that she would not have her children gathered by him, and yet against her will he gathered her children, even all whom he would; because in heaven and on earth, there be not some things that he would and doeth, and some things that he would, and doeth not, but all whatsoever he would, he hath done; and therefore the meaning is, whomsoever I have gathered by my ever efficacious will, I did against thy will. Behold, it is clear that these words of the Lord, are not contrary unto that is said. Lib. 2. Dist. 25. G. In man may be observed four estates of free-will; for before sin, nothing hindered him from good, and nothing moved him unto ill; he had not infirmity unto ill, and he had help unto good; then his reason could judge without error, and his will could follow good without difficulty; but after sin, and before reparation by grace, he is burdened and overcome with lust, and he hath infirmity in ill, and hath not grace in good; and therefore he may sin, and he cannot but sin, yea and damnably: but after reparation, and before confirmation, he is burdened with lust, but not overcome; and he hath infirmity in ill, but hath grace in good; so that he may sin, because of infirmity and liberty; and he may not sin to death, because of liberty and helping grace: but he hath not that he can as yet not sin at all, or that he cannot sin, because the infirmity is not perfectly taken away, and grace is not fully perfected; but after confirmation, when infirmity is altogether taken away, and grace is perfected, he cannot be overcome nor burdened, and then shall he have that he cannot sin. Ibid. A. That liberty which is from sin, they only now have, whom the Son by grace maketh free and repaireth; not so that they are altogether free from sin in this mortal flesh, but that in them sin hath not dominion, nor reigneth; and this is true and good liberty, which begetteth a good service, to wit, of righteousness. Whence Augustine in Ench. faith, None shall be free to do righteousness, unless he, being delivered from sin, become the servant of righteousness; and that is true liberty, for their joy of the good deed; and also it is godly service, for obedience of the command. Here it is to be noted, that whereas it is said in the line, propter recti facti laetitiam, these Masters of Lovane have caused it to be printed in the margin, recte faciendi licentiam. This little change giveth occasion to consider, whether the license of doing a thing rightly, or the joy and pleasure of doing well, be more true liberty. They show that they do judge, a license of doing well is sufficient; and nevertheless many have license, and commandment to do rightly, and do it not, nor have a will to do it; and some do it, and nevertheless are culpable, because they do it not heartily, or with pleasure, but for some compulsion or by-respects, as it followeth there in the line. There is another liberty not true, and conjoined with evil service, which is to do ill; when reason dissenteth from the will, judging that it should not be done, what the will would do; for to do good reason agreeth with the will; and therefore that is true and pious liberty. Whence it appeareth, that the marginal alteration is far different from the meaning of the Master, if it be not contrary. Dist. 27. A. Virtue is (as Augustine saith) a good quality of the mind, whereby men live rightly, and which none doth use evilly, and which only God worketh in man. Therefore it is only the work of God, as Augustine teacheth of the virtue of righteousness, upon that place of the Psalmist, I have done judgment and righteousness; saying, Righteousness is an excellent virtue of the mind, which none but God worketh in man. Therefore when the Prophet in the person of the Church saith, I have done righteousness, he understandeth not the virtue itself, which no man doth, but the work of it. Behold (saith he) here it is manifestly taught, that righteousness in man, is not the work of man, but of God; which is likewise to be meant of all other virtues. B. For the Apostle, writing unto the Ephesians of the grace of faith, affirmeth likewise, that faith is not of man, but of God only, saying, Through grace ye are saved by faith, and that not of yourselves, for it is the gift of God. Which is expounded by the Saints so, This, to wit, faith, is not from the power of our nature, because it is merely the gift of God. Behold, here it is clearly taught, that faith is not from the liberty of will, or of free-will; which agreeth with what is said before, that preveening and working grace is a virtue, which maketh free, and healeth the will of man. Wherefore Augustine in lib. de Spir. & lit. saith, We are justified not by free-will, but by the grace of Christ; not that it is without our will, but our will is shown to be weak by the Law, that grace may heal the will, and the will being made whole may obey the Law. C—Here it is clear, that the motion of the mind, whether unto good or ill, is from free-will; and therefore if grace or virtue be a motion of the mind, it is of free-will; but if it be of free-will, even but partly, then God alone without man worketh it not. Therefore some have said, not unlearnedly, that virtue is a good quality, or form of the mind, which informeth the soul; and it is not a motion, or affection of the mind, but free-will is helped by it, that it may be moved and set on good; and so out of virtue and free-will ariseth the good motion or affection of the mind, and thence the good deed proceedeth outwardly; as the earth is watered with rain, that it may bud and bring forth fruit; and the rain is not the earth, nor the bud, nor the fruit; and the earth is not the bud, nor fruit, nor bud of the fruit; So the rain of God's blessing is freely poured on the earth of our mind, that is, on free-will; that is, grace (which only God doth, and not man with him) is inspired, whereby the will of man is watered, that it may bud and bring forth fruit, that is, the will is healed and prepared, that it may will good, in which respect it is said to work; and it is helped that it may do good, in which respect it is said to cooperate. And that grace is (not without reason) called virtue, because it healeth and helpeth the will of man. Because the Papists do wrest many passages of the Ancients, wherein they find the word meritum, or meremur, here we may see how these words are to be expounded, and how Lombard did understand them in the Section E. Good will is both the gift of God, and also the merit of man, or rather of grace, because it is principally of grace, and it is a grace; wherefore Augustine ad Sixt. Presbyt. saith, What is the merit of man before grace, seeing nothing but grace worketh good merits in us? for from grace (as it is said) which preveeneth and healeth the will of man, and from that freedom ariseth in the soul of man, the good affection, or the good motion of the mind; and this is the first good merit of man. As for example, from the virtue of faith, and from the freedom of man's will, is begotten in the mind some good motion, and remunerable, to wit, to believe; so from charity & free-will, another good motion proceedeth, to wit, to love; which is a very good one: and so it may be understood of other virtues. And these good motions or affections, are merits, and the gifts of God, whereby we attain (meremur) both the increase of them, and other things which consequently are given unto us here or hereafter. Here if we remember what was said before, from lib. 1. Dist. 41. A. there is no merit of mercy—and then consider, how he here defineth merit to be a good motion of the mind, and remunerable; it is plain, that he thinketh not, man deserveth a reward, nor that the reward is given for the work, but that God of his mercy giveth more grace, and other things here and hereafter, unto them which being healed by grace, have good motions of mind. And this is the large and improper use of the word, which is not seldom among the writings of the Ancients since, and in the time of Pelagius. And in the Section G. he hath these words out of Augustine, When God doth crown our merits, he crowneth nothing but his own gifts; wherefore eternal life, which God rendereth unto preceeding merits, because even these merits whereunto it is rendered, are not of us, but wrought in us by grace; even that life is rightly called grace, because it is given freely or graciously; neither is it therefore graciously, because it is not given unto merits, but because even these merits are given by grace, unto whom it is given. But if the word merit be taken properly, it is a work not owed, for which a proportionable reward is given—and in this sense, neither Lombard, nor any of the mere Ancients, did use that word, how beit he useth it oft in that larger sense. Dist. 32. B. Behold, he (Augustine) showeth clearly, that sin is dimitted in baptism; not that it abideth not after baptism, but because its guiltiness is abolished in baptism: and he showeth also, that it is dimitted the same way, because by the grace of baptism, concupiscence itself is tamed and minished. Lib. 3. Dist. 25. A. That is sound faith, whereby we believe that no man, whether of riper or less age, can be freed from the contagion of death, and obligation of sin which he hath contracted in his first birth, but by the one Mediator between God and men Jesus Christ; by the most wholesome faith of which man (and the same being God) the righteous were saved, which did believe that he was to come in the flesh; for their faith and ours is one and the same; therefore seeing all the righteous before the incarnation, or after it, did not live, nor do live but by faith of the incarnation of Christ, certainly that which is written, There is no other name under heaven by which we must be saved, was powerful to save mankind from that time in which it was defiled in Adam. In lib. 4. he speaketh much of the conversion of the bread and wine in the Sacrament. And Dist. 11. he saith, But if you ask, what sort of conversion it is? whether formal, or substantial, or of any other sort, I am not able to define it; and I acknowledge it is not formal, because the kinds of things that were before do continue, both taste and weight. C. If you ask the way, how it can be? I answer shortly, the mystery of faith may be safely believed, but not safely searched. In Lombard's time transubstantiation was not an Article of faith. Dist. 12. It is asked, Whether that that the Priest doth, is properly a sacrifice? or if Christ be sacrificed daily? or if he was once only sacrificed? It may be answered shortly, That which is offered and consecrated by the Priest, is called a sacrifice and oblation, because it is the remembrance and representation of the true sacrifice, and holy offering that was made upon the altar of the Cross; and Christ died once on the Cross, and there was offered in himself; but he is daily offered in the Sacrament, because in the Sacrament is a remembrace of that which was once done. Wherefore Augustine saith, We hold it sure, that Christ rising from death, dieth not now; and nevertheless, lest we forget what was done, it is kept in our remembrance every year, to wit, so oft as the Pascha is celebrated. Is Christ killed so oft? but only a yearly remembrance representeth what was once done, and so maketh us to be moved, as if we saw the Lord on the Cross. Here we may observe, that where it is said, sed tantùm anniversaria recordatio— the Masters of Lovane have turned that, tantùm into tamen, the one is exclusive, but that they love not. In lib. 3. Dist. 22. D. It is asked, whether it may be said conveniently, that the Son of man, or that man came down from heaven, or be everywhere, as the Son of God, or God is said to have come from heaven, and to be everywhere? To this we say, if the meaning of that sentence be referred unto the unity of his person, it may be safely said; but if to the distinction of natures, it can be granted no way. Dist. 27. F. That command [Thou shalt love the Lord with all thy heart] is not at all fulfilled by man in this life, but in part, and not wholly, because we love in part, as we know but in part. Therefore Lombard did not believe perfection of man's obedience, not works of supererogation. In many other particulars he is contrary to the Canons of Trent. It is true, he was the first that hath named seven Sacraments: the Fathers in former times took the name in a large sense; as Augustine calleth the sign of the Cross, a Sacrament, contra Faust. lib. 19. cap. 14. and on Psal, 106. he calleth the several mystical or allegorical sentences, Sacraments: and after this, the Glossa on Gratian, Dist. 100. c. Siquis, calleth the consecration of the altar, a Sacrament; and Dist. 26. c. Acutius, it saith, The Bishop is a Sacrament: and Tho. Aquines Sum. par. 3. q. 6. giveth the name to sundry other things. If then we will reckon all that were called Sacraments, they will draw nearer the number of seventy then seven. But when the ancients speak more properly of the Sacraments of the New Testament, they do name but two, as I have noted in some already. But then first did Lombard make this reckoning, Lib. 4. Dist. 2. The Sacraments of the new Law, are baptism, confirmation, the bread of blessing, that is, the Eucharist, penance, extreme unction, order, marriage; whereof some give remedy against sin, and bestow helping grace; others are only for remedy, as marriage; some do support with grace and virtue, as the Eucharist. And in the margin it is said, Nec hic recte sentit Magister. And there is no small controversy among their School-men for five of them, to wit, who was the Author of them? in what part of the Scriptures have they any ground? what is their sign? Nevertheless the Council of Trent hath accursed all men, who hold that there be more or fewer then seven. Ses. 7. ca. 1. Likewise Lombard lib. 4. Dist. 21. hath the question, Whether sin can be forgiven after this life? and he speaketh of a fire of transitory tribulation, through which (he thinketh) some must pass; but he speaketh not of the place, nor time of continuance there, nor of sacrifice for the souls there, nor of any man's power to deliver souls out of it.
31. The Apostle Paul professed, that he knew not Christ according to the flesh; but in this Century they began to desire the sight of Christ's sepulcher, and frequent peregrinations thither, some in penance by injunction of Priests, and some of their carnal accord. Whence arose three Orders of religious Knights. 1. Hospitalarii, who received the pilgrims in lodging, and defended them from the infidels. Io. Naucler. in generat. 39. writeth, that Raymund their Master did many ways injure the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other Prelates; for whosoever was accursed, or excommunicated by the Patriarch or others, Raymund did receive them into communion, and when they were dying, he gave them the Sacrament, and did many other things contrary unto the privileges of the Church; and when the Patriarch did complain, there arose a sedition among the Citizens, and they ran furiously into the Church of the Grave against the Patriarch: The Church of Rome (saith he) seemeth to have given the occasion of so great confusion; for she did exempt that Order from the jurisdiction of the Patriarch. Afterwards they left their hospitality, and became soldiers against the Turks, under the title of Knights of S. John, and then of the Knights of Rhodos, where they dwelt until the year 1 • 23. when the Turks expelled them; and then they come to Malta, whence they now have their name. 2. Templarii, which was instituted by Fulco King of Jerusalem, and from them were named the Temple Land, that were dedicated unto them throughout Christendom, as they had their name from the Temple of Jerusalem; they were cut off for the most part, about the year 1305. and their means were given to the Knights of S. John, Platin. in Clemen. 5. of them we shall have occasion to speak again. 3. Teutonici, so named from their Nation; they professed both hospitality and warfar: when they were expelled out of Jerusalem, they abode at Ptolemeis in Egypt, Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 7. cap. 5. and from thence they come into Prussia, as followeth. In this time began many sorts of Friers.
32. Some Nations were then turned from Paganism, as some in Pomerania, about the year 1106. and they returned to it again, until the year 1124. when Boleslaus, Prince of Poland, compelled Wartislaus, Prince of Pomer, and all his subjects to receive the faith; these were a sort of Wandals in Poritz, Stetine, Wolin, &c. Wencelm Bishop of Bamberg went thither, and and was called, The Apostle of Pomer, Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 5. cap. 44, & 45. he preached among them thirty years. After his death, their Duke Pribislaus forsook the faith: and within six years Henry (surnamed the proud) Duke of Saxony, compelled them to receive the Gospel again: thereafter he continued in profession, but was little careful of the people, who continued in their Idolatry, until Woldemar, King of the Danes, did threaten them, that he would never cease from wars, until they would embrace Christianity. Norway received the Christian faith by the preaching of Hadrian, an English man, which thereafter was Pope Hadrian IV. The before named Boleslaus subdued the Pruteni, or Borussians, and compelled them to receive Christianism: yet thereafter they forsook it, until the Knights Teutonici conquered their Land, about the year 1317. There was also a new plantation of Rugani An. 1168. Jaremar their Duke went before the people, yea, and he preached the word unto them. Io. Papp. in Histo. convers. Gent. About that time, a ship of Lubert, going unto Livonia, the Merchants took with them a Monk, Meinhard; when he saw the miserable blindness of the people, he caused a little cottage to be set up for him, and dwelt there until he learned their language; and then he taught them the grounds of Religion: thereafter he had great authority among them, and was the first Bishop of Riga. Berthold, a Monk of St. Paul's at Breme, was sent thither after him, by the Arch-Bishop of Breme; he found many Pagans still there; and because they would not believe the word, he thought to daunt them with the sword; as Alb. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 7. cap. 13. saith, He sought from Pope Celestin, a Bull of remission of sins unto all Soldiers, which would go and fight against the Infidels of Livonia; and he was killed in the first fight, in the year 1198. Then Albert went through Saxony and Vandalia, and preached remission of sins to fight under the sign of the Cross, against the Infidels of Livonia: Many went with him, and bought that Land with their blood. At that time began a new Order of Fratres Crucegladiatores; and they did agree with the Church-men, that they should have the third part of the Land; this is called Conversio Vandalica: but afterwards they would be Lord's of the whole Land, scarcely leaving the third part unto the Church. At that time the Danes conquered the City Revel, and the Bishop thereof was subordinate unto the Metropolitan of Denmark. When the Teutonick Knights came and possessed Prussia, the Crucegladiatores of Livonia joined with them; but their Successors did repent it, for the Teutonicks made conquest of all, and that name did fail.
CHAP. IV. Of BRITANNY.
1. HENRY I. the third Son of William the Conqueror, began to reign in the year 1100. for his knowledge of the Liberal Arts, he was called, The Clerk. He paid Peter-pence unto the Pope; but he would not suffer his Subjects to appeal unto Rome, because the Popes have not continued in the steps of Peter (said he) and hunt after earthly lucre; they have not his power, seeing (as all may now see) they follow not his holiness. And when Pope Paschalis did challenge him, he returned answer, saying, Let your Holiness know, that while I live, by God's grace, the Prerogative and Customs of the Kingdom of England shall not be impaired; and though I would so far abuse myself (which God forbid) my Nobles, yea, all the Commons in England would not suffer it. Wherefore, most dear Father, let your bountifulness be so moderate toward us, that you do not enforce me (which I shall unwillingly do) to depart from your obedience. Matth. Parisien. And contrary to the Roman Canons, and without license of the Pope, he married Maude (Daughter to Malcolm Cammore) being then a Nun in Winchester. In the year 1125. John, Bishop of Cremona, was sent from Rome, and in a Synod at London, he did urge the single life of the Clergy, and said, It is a vile crime, that a man rising from the side of his concubine, should consecrate the body of Christ: The same night he was taken with a whore; It was so notorious, that it could not be denied, saith the same Author.
2. DAVID (the third Son of Malcolm Cammore) did erect four Bishoprics, and seven Abbeys, and other religious places (as they called them) and repaired sundry decayed Monasteries; therefore the Clergy called him, Saint David: but his Successor called him, a good Saint to the Church, and an ill Saint to the Crown. The fruit of so large donations (saith Buchan. Hist. lib. 7.) was, As the use of the members faileth in them, who stuff their bellies with too much meat, so from thenceforth the small sparks of wit being oppressed with luxury, did daily decay, the study of learning failed, piety was turned into a formality and superstition, and as in untilled land, the seeds of all weeds and vices sprang up; And the Prelates shook off the care of preaching, as a work not beseeming their Dignity; and because the Monks had the favor of the people for preaching, the Prelates gave unto them liberty above the Parish Priests, to the end, that the Monks might the more recommend them in their preachings.
3. When HENRY I. King of England died, without a Son, Steven, Earl of Bolonia, and his Sisters Son, usurpeth the Crown about the year 1133. His Brother Henry, Bishop of Winchester, procured the first Law that ever was in England, for appealations to Rome; (Ia. Vsser. de stat. & succes. eccle. cap. 8. ex Hen. Hunting. Hist.) but Steven reserveth to himself the right and power of bestowing Benefices, and investing Prelates. In the beginning of his reign, William, Dean of London, Ralph Longford, Richard Belmeys, and others of the Chapter, did elect a Bishop without the King's recommendation; wherefore he causeth to be imprisoned (not their persons, but) their wives, until they had satisfied for their contempt. Io. Bale ex Rad. de Dicet. Whence it appeareth, that as yet the Priests had wives, notwithstanding all former Acts. Thereafter Albericus, Bishop of Ostia; was sent by Pope Innocentius II. and in a Synod at Westminster, condemned the marriage of Priests again; and ordained that Christ's body (as they spoke) should not be kept above eight days, lest it become hoary and rot. At that time Robert Pully deserved commendation, for restoring, or erecting the University of Oxford, and was Rector thereof.
4. HENRY II. (Nephew of Henry I. by his Daughter Maude) disclaimed all the Authority of the Pope, refused to pay Peter-pence, and interdicted all appealation to Rome. At that time Philip de Brok, a Canon of Bedford, was questioned for murder; he used reproachful speeches to the King's Justices, for which he was censured; and the Judges complained unto the King, that there were many robberies, and rapes, and murders, to the number of an hundred, committed within the Realm by Church-men. The King commanded that justice should be executed upon all men alike in his Courts. But Thomas Becket, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, would have the Clergy (so offending) judged in the Spiritual Court, and by men of their own coat; who if they were convicted, should at first be deprived of their Benefice; and it they were found guilty again, they should be judged at the King's pleasure. The King stood for the ancient Laws and Customs; and in a general Assembly at Clarendon, in the year 1164. with consent of the Arch-Bishop, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons and great men, was a rehearsal and acknowledgement of some ancient Customs and Laws: among which that were authorised (being sixteen in number) were these; 1. If between a Lay-man and a Clark were any strife for Church-goods, the plea should be in the King's Court. 2. No Bishop nor Clark should go forth of the Realm without the King's license; and then he shall swear upon the Book, that he shall procure no hurt to the King, nor any of his Subjects. 3. None who holdeth of the King in chief, or in service, shall be accursed without the King's license. 4. All the Bishoprics and Abbeys, when they be vacant, should be in the King's hands until a Prelate be chosen; and he should be chosen out of the King's Chapels; and before he be confirmed, he should do his homage unto the King. 5. If any plea were brought to the Consistory, a party might appeal unto the Arch-Deacon, and from him to the Bishops Court, and thence unto the Arch-Bishop, and from him to the King, and no further. 6. All debts that were owing of truth-plight, should not be pleaded in Spiritual, but Temporal Courts. 7. The Peter-pence which were gathered for the Pope, should be collected for the King. 8. If any Clark were taken for felony, and it were so proved, he shall first be degraded, and then after judgment, be hanged; or if he were a traitor, he shall be drawn in sunder. They did all swe • r, and by word of mouth faithfully promise to observe these Laws unto the King and his Heirs, simply and without fraud. Mat. Parisi. calleth them, wicked and detestable Acts: But Tho. Becket's testimony is the stronger, de facto. Tho. Becket sent unto the Court of Rome, to signify the grief of the Church and his own, for consenting unto these Laws, and asked absolution from the bond which he had unwisely entered into; and he obtained it. The same year the King required to have punishment of some misdoings among the Clergy: The Arch-Bishop would not permit; and when he saw (in his judgment) the liberties of the Church trodden underfoot, he, without the King's knowledge, took ship, and intended toward Rome, but by a contrary wind he was brought back: Then he was called to account for his receipts, that came to his hand while he was high Chancellor: He appealeth to the See of Rome; and under pain of excommunication forbad both Bishops and Nobles to give sentence against him, seeing he was both their Father and their Judge: Nevertheless they, without his confession, gave sentence against him. Then he, seeing himself forsaken of all the other Bishops, lifted the cross which he held in his hand aloft, and went away from the Court; and the next day got him over into Flanders, and so to the Pope. Matth. Parisien. hath many Letters betwixt the Pope and this King, and the King of France, and sundry Bishops of France and England, for reconciliation betwixt the King and this proud Prelate; but all to no purpose, till Henry of his own accord did cause his Son (Henry III.) to be crowned, and then he (being in Normandy) was content, by the mediation of the French King, to accept the Prelate. Thomas, returning into England, excommunicateth all the Bishops which had been at the Coronation of the young King, because it appertained unto him (forsooth) to inaugurate the King. The King sent unto him, and required to absolve them, seeing what was done unto them, was done for his cause. The Prelate refuseth. On Christmas day he solemnly excommunicateth two Gentlemen, for cutting his horse tail. On the fifth day four Gentlemen did kill him, in the year 1171. At Easter Pope Alexander canonized him as a Saint, and would have excommunicated the King for his death; but the King by his Ambassadors purged himself, that he knew not of his death: yet because he did carry grudge at him, he was forced to renounce the investiture of Bishops, and thereby his Kingdom became more slavish then before. And the Pope, in token of his victory, to the shame of the King, and credit of the Clergy, did pretend some miracles as done by this Thomas after his death, and commanded his feast to be kept throughout the Kingdom; and the Cathedral which before was called Christ's Church, was after that called St. Thomas Becket's: and to the end the King might suffer this infamy the more patiently, and also to make Ireland the more subject unto the See of Rome, Pope Alexander confirmed again unto King Henry the Lordship of Ireland; and ordained that the Bishops there, should obey the Laws of England. For in the year 1155. Murchard (or as some call him Dermot mac Morrog) King of Leinster, being exiled by O. Roricy King of Midia, sought aid from Henry II. he sent Richard Strongbow, Earl of Penbrok, (who had married the only Daughter of Murchard) with a considerable Army into Ireland; and within a short space he restored his father in law, and conquered other Lands, so that Henry was jealous of his power, and commanded by open Proclamation, him and all his Army to return under pain of forfeiture. In obedience, Richard gave into the King's hand all his purchase, and his wifes inheritance, and again received (as his vassal) Weisford, Ossoria, Carterlogia, &c. But in the year 1172 Henry went personally into Ireland, and the most part submitted themselves unto him, as unto their only and lawful Sovereign, whereas in former times, that Nation was divided into four petty Kingdoms, and several Dukedoms, and one of them was chosen Monarch. The same Henry did claim the Lands of Northumberland, and—from the Scots; Malcolm the maiden, and his Brother William, at two several times went to London, and did acknowledge the King for these Lands, whereas in former times the Heir of the Crown did only perform that ceremony. But then Henry would have more, that all the Bishops of Scotland should be under the yoke of the Arch-Bishop of York as their Metropolitan. At the first meeting at Norham, the Scots put it off, but with slender delays. The next year Hugo, Cardinal de S. Angelo (sent into England) was for Henry in this purpose, and did cite the Bishops of Scotland to compear before him in Northampton; they went thither, and the Cardinal had a speech of humility and obedience, all to persuade the Scotch Bishops to submit themselves unto the Primate of York, who was a Prelate of great respect, and whose credit in the Court of Rome might serve them to good use. A young Clerk stood up, and spake in name of the others; his speech is written diversely; I shall show it, as I have copied it out of an old Register of Dunkel (by the favor of Bishop Alexander Lindsay) It is true, English Nation, thou mightest have been noble, and more noble then some other Nations, if thou hadst not craftily turned the power of thy Nobility, and the strength of thy fearful might, into the presumption of tyranny, and thy knowledge of Liberal Science, into the shifting Glosses of Sophistry; but thou disposest not thy purposes as if thou wert lead with reason, and being puffed up with thy strong Armies, and trusting in thy great wealth, thou attemptest, in thy wretched ambition, and lust of domineering, to bring under thy jurisdiction thy neghbor Provinces and Nations, more noble, I will not say in multitude or power, but in linage and antiquity; unto whom, if thou wilt consider ancient records, thou shouldest rather have been humbly obedient, or at least, laying aside thy rancor, have reigned together in perpetual love; and now with all wickedness of pride that thou showest, without any reason or law, but in thy ambitious power, thou seekest to oppress thy mother the Church of Scotland, which from the beginning hath been Catholic and free, and which brought thee, when thou wast straying in the wilderness of heathenism, into the safe-guard of the true faith, and way unto life, even unto Jesus Christ, the Author of eternal rest; she did wash thy Kings and Princes, and people, in the laver of holy Baptism; she taught thee the commandments of God, and instructed thee in moral duties; she did accept many of thy Nobles, and others of meaner rank, when they were desirous to learn to read, and gladly gave them daily entertainment without price, books also to read, and instruction freely; she did also appoint, ordain and consecrate thy Bishops and Priests; by the space of thirty years and above, she maintained the primacy and pontifical dignity within thee on the North side of Thames, as Beda witnesseth: And now, I pray, what recompense renderest thou unto her, that hath bestowed so many benefits on thee? is it bondage? or such as Judea rendered unto Christ, evil for good? it seemeth no other thing. Thou unkind vine, how art thou turned into bitterness? we looked for grapes, and thou bringest forth wild grapes; for judgment, and behold iniquity and crying. If thou couldest do as thou wouldest, thou wouldest draw thy mother the Church of Scotland, whom thou shouldest honor with all reverence, into the basest and most wretchedst bondage. Fie for shame! what is more base, when thou wilt do no good, to continue in doing wrong? even the serpents will not do harm to their own, albeit they cast forth to the hurt of others; the vice of ingratitude hath not so much moderation; an ungrateful man doth wrack and masacre himself, and he despiseth and minceth the benefits for which he should be thankful, but multiplieth and enlargeth injuries. It was a true saying of Seneca, (I see) The more some do owe, they hate the more; a small debt maketh a grievous enemy. What sayest thou, David? it is true, They rendered me evil for good, and hatred for my love. It is a wretched thing (saith Gregory) to serve a Lord, who cannot be appeased with whatsoever obeisance. Therefore thou Church of England, doest as becomes thee not; thou thinkest to carry what thou cravest, and to take what is not granted; seek what is just, if thou wilt have pleasure in what thou seekest. And to the end I do not weary others with my words, albeit I have no charge to speak for the liberty of the Church of Scotland, and albeit all the Clergy of Scotland would think otherwise, yet I dissent from subjecting her, and I do appeal unto the Apostolical Lord, unto whom immediately she is subject; and if it were needful for me to die in the cause, here I am ready to lay down my neck unto the sword: nor do I think it expedient to advise anymore with my Lord's the Prelates, nor if they will do otherwise, do I consent unto them; for it is more honest to deny quickly what is demanded unjustly, then to drive off time by delays, seeing he is the less deceived who is refused betimes. When Gilbert had so made an end, some English, both Prelates and Nobles, commend the young Clerk, that he had spoken so boldly for his Nation, without flattering, and not abashed at the gravity of such Authority; but others, because he spoke contrary unto their mind, said, A Scot is naturally violent, and In naso Scoti piper. But Roger, Arch-Bishop of York, which principally had moved this business, to bring the Church of Scotland unto his See, uttered a groan, and then with a merry countenance laid his hand on Gilbert's head, saying, Ex tua phareta non exiit illae sagitta; as if he had said, When ye stand in a good cause, do not forethink what ye shall say, for in that hour it shall be given unto you. This Gilbert was much respected at home after that. And Pope Celestin put an end unto this debate, for he sent his Bull unto King William, granting that neither in Ecclesiastical nor Civil affairs, the Nation should answer unto any foreign Judge whatsoever, except only unto the Pope, or his Legate specially constituted. So far in that Register of Dunkel.
5. The above named Henry II. was so admired thourgh the world for his prudence and prowess, that Manuel Emperor of the Greeks, Frederick Emperor of Germany, the French King, with many other famous Princes, sent unto him, as a School-Master of justice, for determination of obscure doubts. Alfonso King of Castile, and Saucius King of Navar, being at variance for some possessions, did of their own accord submit themselves unto his judgment, and he found an overture to both their good liking. This is to be marked, because the worshippers of Becket call him a vicious Prince. In the year 1181. the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the Master of the Templaries, having no King, and being distressed by Saladin, did profer unto the same Henry the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and brought unto him the keys of their Cities. He refused, because of his weighty affairs at home. They were oppressed by the Infidels; and he had no more prosperity; for his Son would have the Government, as well as the Title of the Kingdom; and the Father did the service of a Steward unto his Son; yea, and more disdainfully did the Son entreat his Father, till he was taken away by death; and his Brother Richard was also a grief unto his Father, and so was the third Brother, John. The true cause of all his woes, may be thought the oppression of some professors of truth; for Pol. Virgil. in Hist. Anglor. lib. 13. testifieth, that about the year 1160. thirty teachers came from Germany into England, and taught the right use of Baptism, of the Lord's Supper, &c. and were put to death. It is true, Virgil calleth them worshippers of Devils; but we shall hear anon, how all professors of truth were reviled: and John of Sarisbuny, at the same time, wrote, saying, He who speaketh for the truth of faith, or sincerity of manners, according to the Law of God, is called superstitious, envious, and which is capital, an enemy of the King. After four years, others which were (in contempt) called Publicans and Waldenses, taught in England, that the Roman Church had left the faith of Christ, and was become the whore of Babel, the barren fig-tree; no obedience should be given unto the Pope, or his Bishops; Monks were dead carrion; their vows frivolous; their characters were the mark of the Beast. Io. Bale. Cent. 2. §. 96. in Appen. And in the year 1166. the same Henry drew some professors unto judgment at Oxford, because they were said to dissent from the doctrine of the Roman Church; he caused them to be burnt with an hot iron, and banished them. I. Fox in Act. & Mon.
6. At that time were many married Priests in Britanny. Ephleg left his Son Cedda to be his Successor in the Priesthood at Plinmouth. Arnold Dunprust left his Son Robert likewise, in the same County; unto Robert did his Son succeed. In Norfolk Wulkerel dimitted his Priest-hood at Dyssa, unto his lawful Son William. Hugh Howet in Sarisbury, John in Exchester, and Oliver in Nottingham, all succeeded unto their Fathers. Io. Bale Cent. 3. §. 10. in Appen. In Ireland fifteen Bishops of Lesmore succeeded lineally and hereditarily, for the space of 200. years, and of them eight Sons succeeded unto their fathers (Bernard. in Vita Malac.) until the year 1121. when the Bishop Celsus, having no Son, did (as by testament) name Malachias Bishop of Connereth, to be his Successor; and his friends, as heirs, did resist for five years. Malachias had correspondence with Bernard of Claraval, and had two Monks sent from that Abbey, to begin an Abbey of that Order in Ireland; but they returned against the Bishops will: wherefore Bernard wrote unto him his 317. Epistle, exhorting that he would not leave off the purpose, but rather be more vigilant in that new place and Land, so unaccustomed with Monastical life; and excusing the Monks, that their returning was occasioned by the unto wardness of these brethren, living in a Land without discipline, and especially not accustomed to submit unto such counsels. This Malchias did urge the single life of Priests in Ireland. He went to Rome, and became Legate, but died in the way beside Bernard.
7. John of Sarisbury, Bishop of Carnotum, was familiar with his Countryman Pope Hadrian IV. when they were alone in a chamber at Benevento, Hadrian asked him, what the world thought and spake of him and of the Church? After a little form of excuse, he said, I will tell what I hear spoken everywhere; they say, The Church of Rome, which is the Mother of all Churches, is become a step dame unto them; and the Pope is called, across and grief unto all men, and intolerable for pride; as the zeal of their Fathers had erected Churches, so now they do decay; and the Pope was glorious not only in purple, but in glancing gold; the Cardinals and Bishops are called Scribes and Pharisees, laying heavy burdens on men's shoulders, which themselves will not touch with their finger; their Palaces are glorious, and the Churches of Christ are polluted by their hands; they spoil the Nations, as if they would scrape together the treasures of Croesus: But the most High dealeth most wisely with them, for they become often a prey unto others; and I think, so long as they stray out of the way, they shall never want a scourge from God. Then said the Pope, What thinkest thou? He answered There is danger on every side: I fear the blame of flattering or lying, if I alone do speak contrary unto the world; and I fear, laese-Majesty, lest it seem that I deserve the gibbet, as opening my mouth against the heaven; nevertheless, because Wido Cardinal of St. Potentiana beareth witness with the people, I dare not altogether contradict them; for he saith, There is a root of duplicity in the Roman Church: and I do ingenuously profess, I never saw more honest Clergy-men, then in the Church of Rome: but seeing you press and command me, and it is not lawful to lie unto the holy Ghost, I profess ye are not altogether to be followed in your works; for he who dissenteth from the truth, is a Schismatic and Heretic; but of the mercies of God, there be some who will not follow all our works; but I fear, lest while you continue asking these things, as you are pleased, you hear from your foolish friend, things that will not please you: Why is it Father, that you search other men's lives, and search not your own? all men rejoice with you; you are called the father and Lord of all men, and all the oil for sinners is poured on your head: If you be a Father, why cravest thou gifts from thy children? or if thou be a Lord, why causest thou not the Romans to stand in awe of thee? and having bridled their presumption, bringest them not again into the faith? But thou wilt preserve the City unto the Church by thy gifts; did Pope Sylvester so conquer it? thou art a Father in the by-ways, and not in the right ways; it is to be conserved by such means as it was purchased, &c. The Pope told him the fable, of the members grumbling against the womb; and the same (said he) would befall unto Christendom, if they should not resort unto Rome their head. And then the Pope, smiling at the man's boldness, did require him, that how oft he heard anything spoken amiss of him, he would presently advertise him. Without doubt this Bishop had more things in his mind, which he uttered not. P. Morn. in Myst. ex Io. Sarisbu. in Policrat. lib. 6. cap. 24. In the same work, lib. 6. cap. 16. he saith, The Roman Legates do so rage, as if Satan were come forth from the face of the Lord to oppress the Church; oft do they harm, and herein they are like the devil, that they are called good, when they do not evil; with them judgment is nothing but a public reward; they do account gain to be godliness; they do justify the wicked for gifts, and vex the afflicted souls; they adorn their tables with silver and gold, and rejoice in the worst things; seeing they eat the sins of the people, they are clothed with them, and in them do they riot many ways, whereas true worshippers should adore the Father in the Spirit; if any do dissent from them, he is judged a Schismatic or Heretic. O that Christ would manifest himself, and openly show the way wherein men should walk! Lib. 7. cap. 10. We should be servants unto the Scriptures, and not domineer over them, unless one will think himself worthy to rule over Angels. Cap. 17. One cometh into the Church trusting in the multitude of his riches, and followeth Simon, nor findeth he any that saith, thy money perish with thee. Another feareth to come unto Peter with his gifts, yet privily Jupiter slideth in a shower of gold into Danae's bosom, and the incestuous wooer entereth so into the bosom of the Church. The Author of Catal. test. ver. lib. 14. showeth, ex Petro Paris. Cantor. in Abbreviat. Verbo, how this John did oppose the Pope and the Cardinals, when they would enjoin some new Rites, and said, ye should be so far from enjoining new Rites, that ye should rather take away some ancient ones, albeit they were profitable; for Christians are much burdened with the multitude of these useful traditions; ye should rather endeavor, that the word of Christ may be kept; for now it may be objected unto us, that the commandments of God are made of no effect, in respect of men's traditions.
8. Edmond Rich Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, about the year 1181. was wont to say, By gifts that are given on the one side, and taken on the other, Christianity is already corrupted, and it will fail ere they be aware, unless they be so wise, as to cure themselves from this pest. By these gifts, some do understand not so much what was given by Intrants, as what the Popes and Bishops gave to stop the mouths of such as spoke against their vices and errors, to divert their reproofs. Catal. test. ver.
9. Petrus Blesensis, once Chancelor of Canterbury, and then Bishop of Rotomagum, for his learning and honesty of life, was in great favor with Princes and Prelates, saith Trithem. He did very sharply rebuke the manners of the Clergy, especially that they did abuse the power of the keys to satisfy their avarice. In Epistle 25. unto a friend, who was an official of a Bishop, he saith, Because I love thee affectionately in the bowels of Christ Jesus, I have decreed to exhort thee with wholesome admonitions, to come timely out of Ur of the Chaldees, and from the midst of Babylon, and forsake the ministry of that damnable stewardship; I know covetousness hath subverted thy heart, in so far as thou art become an official unto a Bishop; I think officials have their name, not from the nown officium, but from the verb officio; all the business of the official is in lieu of the Bishop, to strip and excoriate the silly sheep which are concredited unto him; these are the Bishops blood-suckers, spuing out other folks blood after they have drunk it; the riches which the wicked hath gathered, he shall spew it out, and God shall draw it out of his belly; these are as a spunge in the hand of a strainer—what he hath gathered by oppressing the poor, goeth unto the Bishop's pleasures, but to the official's torment; as the bees gather honey not for themselves, but for others; so ye gather riches not for yourselves, but for others: these are the privy doors, by which the servants of Bell do thievishly carry away the sacrifices which the King had laid on the table; so the Bishop taketh away other men's goods with long hands, and layeth the blame of the crime and infamy on the official; they have their eye on the reward, but look not to the fatherless and widow—what is done under pretence of counterfeit Religion and justice, availeth not unto life, nor edifieth unto salvation. Saul did spare the fattest of Amaleks flocks, as if he would sacrifice unto God, and he did provoke God unto wrath—I could the more patiently endure that damnable office, if thou wert not eminent in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures; these causes and judgments wherein thou hast entangled thyself imprudently, I will not say impudently, are fitter for a secular man; a learned and ecclesiastical man, should not meddle with secular affairs—I wish that thou wouldest forsake these noisome things of the world, that the Prince of this world may not find anything that is his in thee, &c. He did oft call the Clergy, Syria, Edom, the calves of Bethel, Idols of Egypt, Priests of Baal, &c. In his other Epistles he saith, If thou hadst once tasted the sweetness of wisdom (i. e. of the holy Scripture) thou wouldest loath all other things in comparison; for this giveth abundantly the incomparable treasures of pleasure, and the grace of all gifts. And again, It is necessary to read the Scriptures, for that is the table of the tabernacle—that is the food by which we breath and live. Certainly Christ did use the only testimony of the word, against all the temptations of Satan in the wilderness; if therefore an host should come against you, guard yourself with the buckler of a good conscience, and with the sword of the Spirit. Again, The exhortation of man, without the grace of God, is but as sounding brass, and a tinkling cymbal; he only can give a mouth and wisdom, which saith, Without me you can do nothing—Lord, take thou away my stony heart, and give a new, humble, contrite, and a heart of flesh. In the last of his Epistles, he reckoneth the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Esdras III. and IV. Judeth, Tobias, Maccabees, among the Apocrypha. Catol. test. ver. lib. 14.
10. Richard de St. Victor, a Scot, was held for a learned and good man, about the year 1140. He wrote much. On Cant. c. 2. The reading and meditation of the Scriptures do strengthen the mind, and weaken the enemy; so long as they keep this in mind, and do it, they are hereby most expert to encounter with the enemy. De statu. hom. inter cap. 12. How justly is fr • ewill said to be dead, seeing by itself it is never moved unto any good? for what good can it do of itself, seeing it cannot say, Jesus is the Lord, but by the holy Ghost? and indeed it is often moved unto good, but never accept by the holy Ghost. De sacrif. Abrah. & Mariae, If the grace and protection of God be withheld, man is thrown down at every suggestion of the enemy, and into whatsoever evil, and being once thrown down, he can never rise by his own power—A man can bring forth no bud of good work of himself, without working grace; and when he hath begun to work, he can no way continue without its cooperation. Par. 2. in explanat. aliquot locor. Apost. The Law teacheth only what we should do, and addeth not how we may obey; and therefore it can justify none: the Gospel teacheth what should be done, how it may be done, and how that which is not done may be supplied. In Apocaly. lib. 3. Only that prayer is acceptable in heaven, which the Son offereth unto the Father. Catol. test. ver. lib 15. He was the first which taught that the Virgin Mary was born without original sin, Io. Major in gest. Scot. lib. 3. cap. 12.
11. Malcolm IV. King of Scots, did command Roger Arch-Bishop of York, and Roman Legate, to depart out of the Realm, and said, It was not reason that the Land should be oppressed by ungodly men, bearing glorious names. He. Boet. Hist. lib. 13. Again in the year 1188. Pope Clement sent another, and he had not better success, for all did refuse him, except John Bishop of St. Andrew's; and therefore he was banished: and he had refuge unto the Pope, who by and by sent unto Henry King of England, and gave unto him the right of the Crown of Scotland, Io. Bale. Cent. 3. §. 26. in Appen.
12. It is recorded, that one Fulco came and said unto the English King Richard, with great boldness, O King, thou hast three very bad daughters; take good heed unto them, and provide unto them good husbands, lest by inconvenient bestowing of them, thou run not into damage only, but utter perdition unto thyself. The King said, Thou art mad, foolish hypocrite, I have no daughter. Fulco replieth, I do not lie, O mighty King, for you have three daughters continually in your Court, and wholly possess your person; and such whores are they, that the like hath not been heard; I mean, mischievous pride, greedy covetousness, and filthy letchery; therefore I say again, beware of them, and out of hand provide marriages for them. The King then took his words in good part, & by and by calling his Nobles, declared unto them them the words of Fulco, whose counsel (said he) I intend to follow, not doubting of your consents, my Lord's, thereunto: wherefore, here before you all, I give my eldest daughter, swelling pride, to wife unto the proud Templars; my greedy daughter, avarice, unto the Cistertian Monks; and filthy luxury, unto the riotous Prelates of the Church; so severally agreeing with all their natures, that the like match is not to be found unto them. This was about the year 1198. saith I. Fox in Act.
13. Here it shall not be amiss to remember the example of Simon Thurvey, an English man of Cornwall, for a warning to temerarious Students; He was a subtle Logician, and expert in all Liberal Sciences; he left his own Country, and was a Doctor in Paris many years; and trusting to his Philosophy, he vaunted that he knew all Christ's Law, and by force of disputation, he could disprove it all: on a sudden he became forgetful of all learning, and could not say the Lord's Prayer, nor knew the a, b, c. Mat. Paris. reporteth, that when he was writing his History, Nicola. epi. Danelm. told him this, and had seen this Simon learning to read from his own bastard son, as if he had been a child of six years only.
14. King William went into England to congratulate the safe arrival of Richard from Judea, in the year 1199. at that time Harald Earl of Orknay, and Caitnes, took the Bishop of the Country prisoner (because he had stopped some suit he had demanded of the King) and bereft him of his eyes and tongue. William at his returning would revenge this inhumanity, and Harald would defend himself by force; but his forces were scattered, and he was apprehended; it was done unto him by the hangman, as he had unto the Bishop, and then strangled: all his male-children were gelded; and many of his friends (as accessories) were fined in money, Buchan. lib. 7. When this was reported unto Pope Innocentius III. he sent his Legate John Cardinal de monte Celio, with a sword richly set with precious stones, a purple hat in form of a diadem, and a Bull of large privileges, exempting the Church of Scotland from all censures, except only of the Pope, or Legate sent by the Conclave; the Bull was dated in the year 1209. H. Boeth. Hist. lib. 13. cap. 8.
THE FOURTH AGE Of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church lurking, and of Anti-Christ reigning, containing the space of 300. years, from the year of our Lord 1000. until the year 1300.
CENTURY XIII.
CHAP. I. Of POPES.
I Begin this Century at the Popes, because the times are changed, and I must change with the times; in the former Century the Popes were first exalted above the Emperors.
1. INNOCENTIUS the III. being thirty years old, was chosen Pope Ian. 3. 1198. In his time the Empire was weak, and a great Schism in Germany, as followeth; whereupon the Pope made his advantage; and the Authority of the Papal Chair, and errors in doctrine waxed then wonderously. Frederick was young; Kings and Princes everywhere were at variance, so that there was none to stay the ambition of Innocentius. From the Empire he took Romandiola, Ravenna and other Lands, pretending that these did belong unto St. Peter. Io. Naucler. At that time he obtained two Decrees, which did much serve unto the advancement of the man of sin; one, So oft as Princes are at variance, or shall endammage one another, the cognizance of their cause shall appertain unto the high Priest of Rome. Another, So oft as the suffrages of whatsoever Electors shall be equal, and no greater agreement intervening, the Pope may determine as he pleaseth. These two were registered in the Decretals, lib. 1. tit. 6. de elect. c. Venerabilem. The former was made upon occasion of variance betwixt France and England, and the other in favor of Otho, Duke of Brunswick. P. Mornay in Myster. Unto these a third may well be joined; When the Imperial seat is vacant, the Roman high Priest shall have the administration, and exercise the Imperial power until another Emperor be chosen. Clement. Pastoral. de sent. & re judic. near the end. Out of these the Canonists do conclude, that the Pope is Lord of Christendom. But the Jesuits say, Not so; for the Pope succeedeth not into the Empire in all things, but only in discerning in such causes as appertain unto the Emperor, and may not be delayed, Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 5. The works and writings of Innocentius, show yet more of his pride. In his first Sermon on the feast of St. Silvester, he saith, The Roman high Priest, in token of Empire, weareth a Globe, and in token of Priesthood, a Mitre; but he weareth the Mitre at all times, and everywhere, but not so the Globe, because the Priestly Dignity is first, and worthiest, and largest; for the Priesthood went before the Kingdom among the people of God, as Aaron was before Saul. God speaking of Priests and Kings, calleth the Priests, gods, and the Kings, Princes, saying, Thou shalt not rail on the gods, nor speak evil of the ruler of the people, Exod. 22. And whereas he saith of the King, Be subject unto all ordinance of man, whether the King, &c. he saith of Priests unto Jeremiah, I have set thee over Nations and Kingdoms, to pull up and to cast down, to plant and to build; and unto Peter in the singular number, Thou art Cephas; that is, Thou art the HEAD, in which are all the senses. The deep Sea, of which Christ said to Peter, Lanch into the Sea, is Rome, which had and hath the primacy of all the world; as if he had said, Go to Rome. On the anniversary day of his Coronation, Sermon III. speaking on these, He is the Bridegroom who hath the Bride; and speaking unto his Cardinals, saith, Am not I the Bridegroom, and each one of you the Bridegroom's friend? certainly I am the Bridegroom, for I have a noble, rich, high, comely, chaste, lovely and sacred Bride, the Roman Church; which, as God hath ordained, is the Mother and Mistress of all believers: She is older then Sara, wiser then Rebeca, more fertile then Lea, more aimable then Rachel, more devout then Anna, more chaste then Susanna, more courageous then Judith, and fairer then Edissa; many daughters have purchased riches, but she surmounteth them all; with her is my sacramental marriage—Have ye not read, that Abraham had a wife Sara, and she brought in her maid Agar unto him? nor did he for that commit adultery, but discharged his duty: so the Pope hath his wife, the Roman Church, which bringeth unto him other Churches that are subject unto her, that they may receive from him due provision, because how much is paid, the more is owed; but this is done in the spirit, and the other was done in the flesh; because the spirit quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing, &c. In another place he saith, The Church of Rome should give the debt of reverence unto none, but unto the Priest of Rome, who under God hath none above him [Behold the Beast, and the Roman distinguished] The high Priest of Rome hath the Roman Church for his Spouse, who bringeth unto him other Churches, that are subject unto her. Thus of all the Popes, Innocentius would be the first corrival of Christ. Bellarmine would excuse this blasphemy, by a distinction of the principal, and the subaltern husband. De Ro. Pon. lib. 2. cap. 31. But he considered not what Thomas de Corsellis (as Ae. Sylvius reporteth de Council. Basil.) said publicly in that Council, We call the Church the Spouse of Christ, and the Pope his Vicar; but none appointeth such a Vicar, that he will subject his Spouse unto his Vicar. And the Author of the Book, De squalore Ro. Curiae [Oraeus calleth him Lurgius] printed with Petrus de Alliaco at Basil An. 1551. saith, The Church hath not two heads, but one, and this is Christ, and not his Vicar; whom Christ hath appointed to be an attendant on his Spouse, and not the husband. Vsser. de Eccles. statu. cap. 9. Behold yet the novations of his doctrine: In the year 1215. he assembled a Council at Lateran; there were (as Garanza saith) the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Jerusalem, Metropolitans 70, Bishops 400, Abbots 12, Priors 800, the Ambassadors of the Greek and Roman Empires, Orators of Spain, England and Cyprus: Here the Pope intended to establish many particulars, some good, and some bad; but (saith Platina) nothing could be openly established, because when the Canons were read, some called them tolerable, and others called them grievous. Mat. Parisien. (who was living as that time) saith, The general Council, which at the first had great show after the Papal manner, ended in laughter and derision, and all that came thither were deluded. These Canons were inserted among the Decrees of the five Books of Decretals, after they had been reformed by himself, as Jo Cochleus testifieth in his Epistle before the Acts of this Council; he collected them, and first sent them to be printed by P. Quintel An. 1537. as if they had been the Acts of the Council; but there he showeth, that these Acts were framed, or at least reformed after the Council; which (saith he) any man of judgment may perceive by the XXIX, XXXIII, and LXI Chapters, where is a reference unto the Lateran Council. We have seen, that under Pope Nicolaus the II. it was decreed, that the body of Christ is corporally present in the Sacrament. Whence it was questioned, Whether the bread evacuateth, or the substance of it be changed into Christ's body? Lombard could not define the question, and showeth the different opinions of others. Lib. 4. Dist. 11. Innocentius setteth it as an Article of faith, that the bread and wine are transubstantiated into Christ's body and blood, cap. 1. In cap. 2. the doctrine of Joachim is condemned, but not himself. In cap. 3. all men are cursed, who hold not the faith which is in cap. 1. and they are ordained to be punished by the Magistrate; and if they be Laics, their goods shall be confiscated; or if they be Clerks, their goods should return to the Church where they had their Benefice. He ordained, that all Magistrates should swear at their admission, to banish all who are discerned Heretics by the Church; which if they be slack to do, they should be accursed; and if after excommunication, any shall continue a year, the Metropolitan should give notice unto the Pope, who shall absolve all the subjects from obedience, and give his Land unto others who will expel the Heretics. Item, He who is declared an Heretic, should not be admitted unto the Sacrament, nor unto Christian burial; nor should alms nor oblations be received from such. Item, All Bishops should twice, or at least once in the year, visit all their Diocy, where is any suspicion of heresy, and cause three or more men of best account, or if need require, all of the bounds should be compelled to swear, whether they know any Heretics there, or if there be any privy meetings, or any persons different in manners from the common conversation of others. Cap. 10. Because the food of God's word is necessary unto Christian people, and Bishops are hindered by many occasions from teaching their people, therefore they should employ sufficient men to preach and visit, and they should provide necessaries unto such. This was a safe-guard unto unqualified and non-resident Bishops. Cap. 13. There should be no more religions or society of Monks, because there are too many already; if any will be a Monk, let him go to one of those sorts that are approved: and if any will found a new Monastery, let him take one of the former rules. Cap. 19. We will not let this pass without correction, that some of the Clergy adorn the Churches with their own and other men's goods, that they are more like to Laics houses, then to the Churches of God. Ca. 21. All believers, when they come to the years of discretion, should confess all their sins unto his own Priest once a year, and accomplish the penance that shall be enjoined; and should communicate at least at Easter, unless his own Priest think good that he should abstain—Neither may a Priest reveal unto others, what hath been confessed. These private confessions were in use before, but then made necessary; as also here it appeareth, that before were no confessaries but the Priests, until afterwards the Monks obtained this privilege. Ca. 22. Because when one is sick, and the Physician biddeth send for a Priest, the patient often despaireth of health, and so falleth into greater danger, therefore the Physician shall at the first bid send for the Physician of the soul. Ca. 29. Plurality of Benefices is forbidden, unless the Pope think good to dispense with some persons, who are to be honored. Ca. 31. Because Patrons detain the Church-revenues, so that in these Countries scarcely is found any Parish-Priest that hath but the least knowledge of letters; therefore we ordain, that a sufficient portion be assigned unto the Parish-Priest, who should serve not by a Vicar, but personally, &c. Ca. 42. As we would not that Laics usurp the power of Clerks, so we will that Clerks usurp not the power of Laics. Ca. 46. Magistrates should not exact taxations from the Clergy, unless the Clerks will willingly contribute, when they see the necessity of common burdens, and even then not without the advice of the Pope. Ca. 50. The prohibition of marriage should not exceed the fourth degree of blood, or alliance, because there are but four humors in man's body, or it consisteth of four elements. This is a fair pretence; but it was a remedy (saith Po. Virg. de inven. lib. 5. cap. 5.) against the Decree of Pope Julius, who had ordained, that marriage should not be within the seventh degree; by which severity it came to pass, that men could not find marriage within their City; and this Decree is observed, saith he; but he might have added, unless men will pay for a dispensation; and so no degree hindereth marriage, as I have touched elsewhere, and experience showeth. Likewise Pope Celestin the III. gave a judicial sentence, If a married person fall into heresy, the other spouse may marry another. But this Innocentius ordained contrarily, that heresy should not be a cause of divorce, Extra. de divort. c. Quanto. The election of the Pope was restrained unto the Cardinals, by Pope Celestin the II. and this Innocentius confirmed that Act; and added, that the holy College of Cardinals should have jurisdiction in all places, and have authority over all men, and power of judging the causes of all Princes, and of bringing them into their Kingdoms, or depriving them. Cumi Ventura in Thesor. Politic. pag. 388. printed at Frankford An. 1610. Peter King of Aragon, made his Realms of Aragon and Sardinia, tributary unto the Chair of St. Peter, for the salvation of his soul (forsooth) in the days of this Innocentius. He sat eighteen years and seven months. After his death he appeared unto Ludgardis; when she saw him compassed with so great fire, she asked, Who he was? He answered, I am Innocentius. She groaned and said, How is it, that our common father is so tormented? He answered, I am so tormented for three causes, which most justly had condemned me unto eternal punishment, if by the intercession of the most holy Mother of God, I had not repented at the last gasp; I have indeed escaped eternal death, but until the day of judgment I am tormented with most cruel punishments: and that I could come unto thee to seek thy prayers, the Mother of mercy hath obtained it from her Son: And having spoken so, he vanished. The Nun declared his necessity unto her sisters, that they would help him; and lamenting his case, she afflicted herself wonderously. Let the reader understand (saith my Author) that I am not ignorant of those three causes, which Ludgardis told me, but for reverence of so great an high Priest, I will not report them. Bellar. de gemitu. col. lib. 2. cap. 9. ex Suri. in vita Ludgar.
2. HONORIUS the III. confirmed the Order of Dominicks, and gave them privilege of preaching, and hearing confessions, albeit they had not cure of souls, or parishes. He confirmed also the Orders of Franciscans, Augustinenses and Carmelites. He ordained, that everyone should bow their knee at the lifting up of the bread of the Mass; and that the Eucharist should be carried with lighted candles unto the sick. De celebrat. Miss. lib. 3. tit. 41. c. Sane. It followeth to speak of his pride. He sat eleven years.
3. GREGORY the IX. (so soon as he was set in his Chair) sent a Nuntio, Steven, into England, to crave the tenth part of all movables, both of the Nobility and Clergy, for maintenance of his wars against the Emperor, but under the name of wars against the Infidels. Because they refused, he excommunicateth them all, until they obeyed. P. Mornay in Myster. The next year he sent his Legates through Europe, who by preachings, entreatings, and excommunications, purchased great sums of money, as if it had been for aid of the holy Land; but it could not be known into what gulf so vast sums were hid; but the care of the holy Land was forgot, and the charity of men grew cold, Mat. Paris. Behold the issue; it was to repress the Emperor Frederick; who is more execrable (said the Pope) then Pharaoh, Nero, or any Tyrant. He sent his Legate, Albert Beham, into Germany, to deprive all Bishops, and to excommunicate all Laics adhering unto the Emperor, or who wished him well. But at that time none of the Bishops, nor Abbots, regarded that commission; and being assembled, they openly protested, That the Priest of Rome had no power in Germany, without consent of the Bishops there: Let the Priest of Rome feed his Italians, said they; we who are the dogs of this flock, will beat away the wolves lurking under lambs skins; what he will do to others, ye may know, seeing this disguised Vicar so dealeth with us. The Pope accursed Frederick Duke of Austria, as the chief of that Assembly; and Eberhard Bishop of Salzburgh presently absolved him. And all the Bishops, with one consent, accursed the Pope, as the enemy of Christian peace, a most damnable Arch-Heretic, and more pestiferous then the Turks, Jews or Tartars, seeing he doth such things, as those had never done the like. Mornay in Myster. ex Avent. lib. 7. Annal. Boio. Then Gregory sent unto the Canons and Monks, charging them to choose other Prelates. They would not. Therefore he charged some of them to compear before him for their rebellion. They contemned his summons. Then the Princes and Clergy of Germany assembled again: but the Pope died. This opposition had he abroad; neither wanted he enemies at home; for in his first year was so great variance between him and the Citizens, that he fled out of Rome about Easter to Viterbio, and then to Pirusio; and having no other means of revenge, he excommunicated them all. The cause of this sedition was, the Citizens claimed an ancient custom and law, that the Pope should not excommunicate any of them, nor suspend the City with any interdiction for any excess. He answered, The Pope is less then God, but greater then any man, consequently greater then a Citizen, yea, greater is he then any Emperor; and seeing he is their spiritual father, he may chastise his children, and reduce them so oft as they go astray. Moreover the Romans alleged, that their Bishops were tied to pay unto the Senate yearly tribute, both by ancient and late laws, of which they have been in use and possession until these days. Gregory replied, Albeit in time of persecution, the Church for her defense and cause of peace, had gratified the heads of the City with kindly rewards, yet that should not now be pleaded as a debt. This strife was not soon ended. Mat. Paris. ad An. 1234. It would seem incredible (almost) to read how vast sums of money this Pope did rake together by exactions, voluntary offerings, confirmations of Bishoprics, removing variances betwixt Bishops and Magistrates, and other Church-men, and especially for dispensing with oaths: by all which, what inconveniences did arise, it cannot be told, saith Matth. Parisien. ibid. for as there was nothing so hard or absurd, wherewith the Pope could not dispense for money; so the people, trusting to dispensations, did little regard how great evil they did; As for example, Henry King of England, being desirous of a taxation, did swear in Parliament, that he would ratify some ancient Liberties which they were suing; and after the tax was granted, he past from his oath by a dispensation. At another time the same Henry did sign himself with the cross, pretending and swearing that he would go into the holy Land against the Infidels; when the money was amassed for his journey, he gave over his journey, being assured that the Pope would acquit him for 100. or 200. pounds. From this sink of dispensations, did more and more abound the plurality of Benefices in one man's person; Bishoprics were bestowed on men without literature; children were made Parsons; kinsfolks were married within degrees; in a word, what kind of iniquity was not committed under sure confidence of dispensations? Matth. Parisien. This Gregory made truce with the Emperor An. 1240. and within a few months he calleth for the Cardinals, John de Columna and Raymond, and said, I am ashamed of the truce made with the enemy of the Church; go therefore unto the Emperor, thou John who wast mediator betwixt us, and show him, that I will not accept the articles, and that I am his enemy. John answereth, Far be that inconstancy from such an one; I will not consent unto this counsel, yea I earnestly contradict it. Gregory saith, Then from this forth, I will not hold thee for a Cardinal. John answereth, Nor will I have thee for a Pope. Thus they were parted with mutual defiance. Ibid. When the King of France heard of this, he commandeth to hold up all the moneys that the Legate had amassed, under the name of relief for the holy Land; and then the Pope was content to keep the truce. Ibid. He was the Author of that hymn, Salve Regina, &c. in which he giveth unto the blessed Virgin the proper worship of Christ. In his name were published the Books of Decretals, that were collected by Raymond a Dominican. He sat fourteen years, and died An. 1241. When the Cardinals came together for election, Robert Somerset, an English Cardinal, was likely to have carried it, and in the mean time he, and some others who did incline that way, were poisoned, to the great infamy of the Roman Clergy, saith Mat. Paris.
4. CELESTIN the IV. a very old man, attaineth the Chair by promises. He sat eighteen days, and was poisoned. Then the See was vacant twenty and one months, because the Emperor had some Cardinals under arrest; whom at last he dismissed by intercession of Baldwin Greek Emperor, and Raymund Earl of Tolouse.
5. Here it shall not be amiss to insert the comparison of these former Popes with others following, as it is in Io. Bale Catal. From Silvester the Il. until this year 1242. (that is, for the space of 240. years) Antichrist did reign in the Roman Church like some accursed Lucifer; for in all deceiving, tyranny, fraud, and oppression of truth (I will not speak of their filthiness more then Sodomitish) did these high Priests employ their times; so that then Rome did deserve to be called the synagogue of Satan, or seat of the Devil; and justly might be reputed, the habitation of foul spirits, and the sink of all uncleanness, Revel. 2, & 18. Wherefore when they went to their general Councils, or their Legates were sent unto the Nations, under color of reconciliation and reformation, it may seem, that so oft did Satan come out from the presence of the Lord to smite Job; for whatsoever he is said in the Scriptures to have done, the same did these his hooded Vicars; nor did their hellish madness spare the most puissant, Princes—but hereafter shall the Kingdom of Abaddon (which is the King of Locusts, or Friers of the begging Order) by their sophistry, lay waste and destroy all things, until Pope Julius the II. that is, the space of 260. years; but that the Lord will have sparks of honesty to be seen here and there.
6. So many Cardinals were poisoned at the last election, that they which were alive would not convene, until the Emperor did charge them to go on with the election, with certification, that if they would not, he would cause his Soldiers to plunder their Lands, Cities and houses; and until the French King told them, that he would choose a Pope for the Church of his own Kingdom, Mat. Paris. INNOCENTIUS the IV. was then chosen; he was one of these whom the Emperor had under arrest, and had been familiar with him; but now he forgot his kindness, and without delay did confirm the sentence of Pope Gregory against the Emperor; so the wars did continue He proffered the Kingdom of Italy unto Edmund for a certain sum of money; but his father Henry, King of England, was scant of money (saith Mat. Par.) that he could not perform what was required, because he had foolishly tied his Kingdom unto the Popish Merchants. In the Council at Lions (which Bellarmine calleth the thirtieth general Council) he would not delay his curse three days against the Emperor, albeit he understood that the Emperor was upon his journey to come before him and satisfy. He ordained the feast Octava festivitatis Mariae. And that Cardinals should ride with foot-mantles, and red hats, and red clokes, for honor of their Order, saith Platina; or in imitation of the Jewish Priests, saith Po. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 4. cap. 9. or rather it came so pass, that the prophecy might be fulfilled, and the Beast be clothed in scarlet, Revel. 17. 3. He added unto the Decretals; and honored the Dominicks with apostatical (they say Apostolical) honors and privileges, and advanced them unto Bishoprics; and in favor of Curates, he discharged all begging Friers, to exercise any of their function. Mortous Appeal lib. 5. cap. 4. §. 6. ex Azor. Iesui. Thus he did ramverse the privilege granted by Pope Honorius the III. After the Council, when he heard that the Imperial forces did prevail in sundry places, he, like a lion robbed of his whelps, rageth, and leaveth no means unessayed to cut off the Emperor; especially he enticeth some of his domestics, Theobald Francis, James de Mora, Pandulf de Fasanellis, and William de S. Severino to lie in wait for his life, either by poison secretly, or by weapons violently; it was made known unto the Emperor, and yet he could not be so watchful, but he was poisoned in Pulia, as appeareth by his Letters unto his Brother in law Henry the III. King of England. The doers of this fact (saith he) being accompanied with a number of Friers Minorites, do openly avow, that they are about the affairs of the Mother Church of Rome; and that they are signed by Apostolical Letters against us; and the Pope is the Author of our death and disinheriting, Matth. Parisien. So soon as the Pope heard of the Emperor's death, he taketh his journey into Italy; when he went from Lions, the Bishop and other chief men of the City did accompany him; and unto them he said, I have done much good in this City since I came into it: At that time were but three or four Stews in it, & now is but one, howbeit a large one, from the East-gate to the West-gate. Idem. ad An. 1251. He coming into Italy, ceased not to draw the Cities cleaving unto the Emperor, from his Son Conrade; yea, at the same time, when Louis the French King and his Navy were in great peril of the Turks in Syria, he caused to proclaim greater pardon unto all who would fight against Conrade, then he or any Pope had proffered to fight against the Turks; for he caused it to be preached in all the pulpits of Italy, If any will fight against Conrade, both the signed (that is, the fighter under the sign of the Cross) and his father and mother, shall have pardon of all their sins. When he heard of Conrades death, he laughed loudly, and said, I am glad, and let all the Church of Rome rejoice, for now our two greatest enemies are out of the way, Conrade King of Siciles, and Robert Bishop of Lincoln. And immediately he went unto Naples, to take possession of that Kingdom. Not long thereafter he directeth Letters into England, to take up the dead body of the before named Robert, and cause him to be proclaimed an Heathen: the same night after this direction, he thought that the same Robert did smite him on the side, and for his impiety did threaten him with the judgment of God; the next day his side was very sore, and within few days he died. Matth. Paris.
7. ALEXANDER the IV. was chosen at Naples, when the See had been vacant two years. His first exploit was, to follow the wars moved by his Predecessors against Manfred, then King of both Sicilies; to this effect he sent his locusts the Friers to preach, that everyone should send Subsidy unto the holy wars, against the enemy of the Church. Some did see the Pope's insatiable greediness, and others were persuaded, and so all Italy was in an uproar. He rewarded his Friers with red hats, and cornered caps. He gave the Kingdoms of Sicily and Pulia unto Edmund, Son of Henry III. King of England, for the conquering; and for this effect, he sent Legate Rostand to collect all the tenths of England and Scotland (against Manfred, still prevailing not only in Naples, but in Hetruria and Lombardie) and many abominable things (saith Matth. Paris.) did flow from the sulphurous fount of the Roman Church (fie for sorrow!) to the damage of many. Such an exaction was not heard, as the Pope craved at that time. Rostand said in the Assembl • at London, All the Churches belong unto my Master the Pope. One Leonard in name of the Bishops, said, It is true, for defense, but not for possession nor dissipation, as all things belong unto the King. In a word, at three several meetings he received a universal nolumus. Therefore the Pope sent two Minorites, Arlotus and Mansuetus, with some Bishops, and with full power to exact tenths of Benefices, to absolve for money all perjured persons, all convicted of adultery, sodomy, &c. Whereupon an old woman, in the Church o • St. Alban, is said to have seen a fearful vision, and heard a voice crying thrice, Woe, woe unto the inhabitants of the earth. Matth. Paris. ad An. 1259. saith, This was not a dream, but a fearful threatening from heaven. This Alexander added unto the Decretals; and turned the ancient Temple of Bacchus, to the service of St. Constantia. He sat seven years.
8. URBAN the IV. (Patriarch of Jerusalem, a French man) never entered into Rome, because of factions. Because the Ancestors of Conradin King of Sicilies, had been adversaries unto former Popes, he sent unto Louis King of France, requiring to send his brother Charles, Duke of Aniow, with an Army to expel Manfred and his pupil Conradin; and he will give him and his heirs to the fourth generation both Sicilies in fee, as the inheritance of the Church. Louis prepareth an Army, but Urban saw it not. He ordaineth the feast of the Rood or Cross, Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 6. cap. 8. as also the feast of Corp. Christi upon this occasion, as Onuphrius writeth; A Priest was saying Mass in urbe vetere (where Urban was residing) and doubted of the transubstantiation, as he was holding the hostie in his hand, hot blood dropped down and coloureth the Corporale; Urban taketh this as a true miracle, and ordaineth the second Thursday after Whitsunday to be kept holy, for confirmation of transubstantiation; as also he commandeth the bread should be adored, and the Corporale should be carried in the procession that day. It is no wonder to see men believe lies, and deceive others. Onuphrius testifieth in the same place, that a Nun Eva did bleed in that Mass; he saith, It was a common report, and calleth it a fable. Io. Bale (ex Arnol. Bost. & pe. premonstrat.) showeth, how Urban appointed that feast at the request of a Nun Eva, which had been acquainted with him, and did allege that she had seen a vision for institution of such a feast. And the same Bale hath an Epistle of Urban unto her concerning that feast, both long and impious. Whatsoever was the occasion, we may say with Po. Virg. lo. cap. 1. feasts were heaped upon feasts for very small causes, and we scarcely know whether it was profitable, seeing it is manifest, the manners of Christians are become such, that if it was profitable unto Religion in former times to appoint them, it is now more profitable to abolish them. Urban sat three years.
9. CLEMENS the IV. of a Lawyer in the Court of France, was made Bishop of Podio, and at last Pope. In his time Charles Duke of Anjow, overthrew Manfred and Conradin, as followeth; and at Rome was Crowned King of both Sicilies and Jerusalem, upon these conditions. 1. He shall pay yearly four thousand crowns to St. Peter. 2. He shall never accept the Empire, although it were offered unto him, unless he be pressed by the Pope. Whereby the intention of the Conclave is manifest, that they sought by all means to bring the Empire low, to the end they might the more easily lift up their heads. The Guelphs then did insult over the Gibelines. Clemens sat three years, and died in Viterbio, and had given order to bury him in a Cloister of the black Friers; and so would many of his Successors, for the honor of that Order. The Cardinals could not agree in the election for the space of two years and nine months: many strove for it; and so great was their prertinacy (saith Naucler.) that neither the fear of God, nor prayers of men could move them: at last, by procurement of Princes, especially of Philip King of France, they agree to choose one not as yet named. So Theobald Viscount of Placentia, and Bishop of Leodium (being then Legate with Edward Long-shanks in Syria) was chosen; upon advertisement, he made haste into Italy. This was
10. GREGORY the X. who never saw Rome. In his first year he summoneth a Council (which they call, the XIV. general Council) at Lions, and was held An. 1274. He calleth four Bishops from Germany, four from France, four from England, two from Spain; from Sicily, the Kingdom of the Church, Hungary, Dacia, Bohem, Poland, Suionia, Norway and Scotland, from each of these one. Bishop Spotswood in Hist. lib. 2. (ex Scon. lib. 10. cap. 34.) saith, There were two Patriarchs, Cardinals 15, Bishops 500, and 1000 mitred Prelates, besides the King of France, the Emperor of Greece, and many other Princes. The first proposition was for the holy war; and for it they decree, that a tenth part of all Benefices in Christendom (the privileged Churches not excepted) should be paid for six years; that all Penitentiaries or Confessors, should urge offenders to assist that holy business with their wealth and riches; and that every Christian, without exception of sex or quality, should pay a penny yearly during that space, under pain of excommunication. 2. For remedying abuses in the Church, it was ordained, 1. That no procurations to Bishops nor Arch-Deacons, unless they do visit the Churches in their own persons. Here is still a postern for the Bishops. 2. No Church-man should possess more Benefices then one, and should reside at the Church he retaineth. 3. None of the Clergy shall without the Pope's license, answer the impositions which shall be laid upon them by any Prince or State. 4. The Mendicant Friers shall be reduced to four Orders, the Minorites, Predicants, Carmelites, and Hermits of St. Augustine, who shall continue in their present estate, until the Pope shall otherwise think good. 5. A prohibition was made, to advise or admit any new order, besides these named. Some other Acts of less moment were passed, whereof the extract under the hands of the public Notaries, were sent unto this Church, saith he; but all these Statutes, turned in a short time into smoke; pluralities being of new dispensed, with the clause of Non obstante, which then first came in use. The Orders of Friers and Monks were restored one by one; the Cistertians redeemed their liberty by payment of 500000 marks; the Bernardines paid 600000 crowns; and other Orders made their composition. Whereby it appeareth, that the Statutes which were enacted, were only devised to raise sums of money, and not of any purpose to redress these abuses. They did profess at that time, that upon these charges alone they would redeem Asia, and Africa, from the Turks, Saracens, and Barbarians; and for this effect, the Emperor Rodulph gave unto the Pope Bononia, and the revenue of Romandiola, which paid yearly 700000 drach. of gold. Howbeit Gregory died the next year, yet these taxes were paid. In that Council also Canons were prescribed for the manner of electing the Pope; especially, that the Cardinals should continue in a chamber, and not come forth, nor have a dish of meat but one, until they agree. But neither were these observed. He advanced the Dominicans to high Dignities, even to red hats.
11. INNOCENTIUS the V. was the first Pope of the Order of Dominicans; for Gregory had advanced so many of them, that then the locusts had power to choose their own King. He procured peace betwixt the Hetrurians and Pisanes, and absolved them from the curse of Pope Gregory. He had a purpose to abrogate the Canons of the election of the Pope, but he died in the fifth month.
12. HADRIAN the V. in his short Papacy of forty days, sent Letters unto the Emperor Rodulph, enviting him to come into Italy, and take the Kingdom of both Sicilies from Charles Duke of Anjow.
13. JOHN (some call him XX. some say XXI. and others XXII. as appeareth by what is said before of the Johns) sat but eight months, and did many things smelling of folly and levity, saith Platina; to wit, he made these Articles against the begging Friers; 1. Christ, as he was man on earth, by lapse of time, had proper and immediate right of garments, shoes, and other things, partly by donation of believers, and partly he bought them. 2. Christ never commanded his disciples to renounce their right and possession of temporal things. 3. Christ gave no other law of life to his Apostles then to his other disciples. 4. Christ commanded not his Apostles simply, that they should possess neither silver nor gold, except only in that journey, when they were going to preach, and thereafter they might have these things again. 5. The Apostles had their own propriety and right of clothes, shoes and swords; and after the holy Ghost was sent on them, these words, We have left all things, are not to be understood, as if they renounced their propriety, save only in affection. 6. The Apostles might have had their particular dominion of Castles, or Villages, or any other temporal goods. 7. The Apostles, notwithstanding their Evangelical perfection, might have had immovable goods in common, as Lands; but they had no such things in Judea, because in the Spirit they foresaw, that they must go among the Nations. 8. The Apostles never made a vow to renounce temporal things. Catal. • est. ver. lib. 17. These Articles were against the profession of the Friers; but experience showeth whether they were against their affection. He revoketh the constitutions of Pope Gregory concerning the chamber; and after him the election went not in that manner, but was more weighed by the purse, until Pope Celestin the V. renewed the same Canons. He canonized Louis Bishop of Tolouse, and Son of Charles King of France; and Thomas Aquinas the black Frier. He dreamed of long life, and said, he knew so by the stars; but as he was walking under a vault (which he had made for his pleasure at Viterbio) it fell upon him, and the next day he was found among the rubbish. Platina.
14. NICOLAUS the III. a Roman, of the family of Ursini, was of as great authority as any Pope before him Pope. Clemens had given the government of Rome unto Charles Duke of Anjow, under the Title of Senator; and Nicolaus took this office unto himself: and he inciteth Peter King of Aragon▪ to claim the right of both Sicilies (because he had married Constantia, the only child of Manfred) and take that Kingdom. He was the Author of that famous Decretal in 6. in c. Fundamenta. tit. de Election. & electi potestate; to wit, God hath assumed Peter into the society of individual unity; the Lord would have him to be called that that he was himself, saying, Thou art Peter; that from him as the head, he might pour his gifts on his body the Church. Thus they became more arrogant and blasphemous. He took in Bononia, Flaminia, and other Cities into the Papal See. He made a Law, that no King, nor Kings Son, should be Senator of Rome. He began to talk of making two Kings of his own kindred, one of Hetruria, and another of Lombardie; but he was prevented by death. Platina saith, He is reported to have loved his kinsfolks too much; and to have robbed from others to give unto them, without all reason. He had a Park for hares at Rome; and sat almost four years.
15. MARTINE the IV. a French man, restoreth (contrary to the Law of Nicolaus) Charles to his office of Senator of Rome, and government of Hetruria. Whereas many Popes had their ordinary residence at Viterbio, he was forced to flee (because of sedition betwixt the Italian and French Cardinals) and be Crowned at Vrbe Vetere, or Orvieto. Now Charles thought to have subdued Michael Paleologus, Emperor of the East; but Michael and Peter of Aragon had secret correspondence, and levy an Army upon common charges. The Pope understanding this, sent unto Peter, asking, Why he was amassing such an Army? Peter answered, If I knew my shirt were privy to my intention, I would burn it. So Peter passeth over with his Army unto the coast of Africa; there he took some prey, and returned into Sardinia, awaiting his opportunity to come into Sicily. The Sicilians hated the French, and they all conspired, that on Easter day, when the bell was tolling to the evening Mass, they should kill all the French; it came so to pass, that they spared not a woman with child: That night was thereafter Vigiliae Siculae. Then John Prochyta, the chief author of that conspiracy, advertiseth Peter, and brought him in. Charles was in Italy; and then were continual wars betwixt the two Sicilies, until Charles died: and Peter took his Son, and held him captive. The Pope sent his Legate unto Naples, to hold that Kingdom in name of the captive Charles; and he excommunicated Peter for sacrilege, and gave his Kingdoms of Castil and Aragon, unto any who would enter and occupy them: Behold the contrariety of the Popes! Peter was not afraid of the vain curse of the pretended Peter, who died in sorrow in the third year of his Papacy. Martin gave unto the begging Friers, liberty to hear confessions, and administer the Sacraments.
16. HONORIUS the IV. was elected at Perusio, when his Brother Pandolf was Roman Senator. He made haste to Rome, and dwelt on the hill Aventine. He ratified the excommunication of Peter. In his time was wars betwixt Peter and Charles, betwixt the Genoways and Venetians, and betwixt the Pope and Guido Feltrenus, for the Province of Flaminia. Then sickness was so rise, that so many Cardinals died, that the remanent said, God was against the election; therefore it was delayed ten months.
17. NICOLAUS the IV. hired Soldiers to go unto the defense of Ptolemais, which only remained of all the late Conquest; when they came thither, they did no less damage to the Christians then to the Saracens: by dissention, or rather ambition of these Papalines, Ptolemais was lost 196. years after the first Conquest. Contrary unto Pope John XXII. did Nicolaus teach, that Christ both by word and example, had taught his Apostles perfect poverty; that is, to renounce and forsake all goods, and reserve no right either in common or personal; and that such poverty is holy and meritorious. Bellarm. de Ro. Pon. lib. 4 cap. 14. He abode at Reate, because of factions at Rome. He had been a Dominican; but then preferred he no Order to another (Platin.) and made Cardinals of all sorts, and gave them equal privileges. When he was sick, he called all the Cardinals together, and discharged them of all power and authority, that they all should live a private life. They said, he was phrenetick, and left him. Then he sent for a certain number of Minorites, and gave them all red hats, in sign that they were all Cardinals; and he caused them all to swear, that after his death they should suffer none to be chosen Pope, but one of their own Order. He sat four years. P. Morn. in Myst. Then was such competition, that the Cardinals could not agree the space of two years and three months. At last Peter an Eremite, and Father of the Celestines, or
18. CELESTIN the V. was preferred for conceit of his godliness. It was so great a wonder, that a man was preferred for conceit of godliness, that 200000 persons went to Perusio, to see his coronation. His residence was at Aquileia, Platin. In his first Consistory he began to reform the Clergy of Rome; and he said, he would make it a pattern unto other Churches. Hereby he procured such hatred of his Clergy, that they sought to depose him; and he was willing to renounce his seat. The Princes were earnest that he would not quit his Chair; and Charles King of Sicilies conveyed him to Naples, and exhorted him that he would abhor so great indignity, seeing the people everywhere were so prone towards him, Platin. But the Cardinals, especially Benedict Cajetan, caused it to be broached, that the Pope was a doting old man, and unfit for such a place; and caused some of his own chamber to tell him, that he would lose his life, if he did not renounce the Papacy: also Benedict spake thorough a reed into his chamber, as if it had been a voice from heaven, telling him, that he should forsake the Papacy, as being too weighty a burden for him. So when he had sat six months, by the craft of Benedict (who deceived the holy man, saith Platin.) he was persuaded to dimit, if it were lawful. Then they made an Act, that it was lawful for the Pope to renounce his place: this Act was by his Successor inserted into the Decretals, ca. Quoniam. Then Benedict left nothing undone, by ambition and fraud, to advance himself, saith Platin. and was called
19. BONIFACE the VIII. and by some others NERO the II. So soon as he was Crowned, he said, he would preveen sedition, lest a Schism be made, and some take Celestin for their head, who was returning into his Eremitish life; so he thrust the old man into the Castle of Famo of Henrici. Celestin was sensible of the fraud, and said unto Boniface, Thou hast entered like a fox, thou wilt reign like a lion, and shalt die as a dog. The old man died in sorrow; and was canonized under the name of Peter the Confessor, by Pope Clemens the V. and his feast is kept Iunii 17. Platin. Boniface took part with the Minorites, and gave them special authority (without license of Bishop or Priest) to preach, hear confessions of all whosoever would come unto them, nihil obstante. He did first of all the Popes bear two swords; and endeavored to move fear, more then piety, unto Emperors, Kings, and Nations; to give or take away Kingdoms; to banish men, and bring them home again at his pleasure. Idem. He excommunicated Philip King of France, because he would not obey his command, in the complaint of Edward King of England, and Guido Earl of Flanders. Then the King would suffer no money to be carried out of France. Boniface curseth him and his seed to the fourth generation. The Emperor Albert sought confirmation twice or thrice; but Boniface said, He was unworthy of the Crown, who had killed his Lord. Then having set a diadem on his own head, and a sword by his side, he said, I am Caesar. Nevertheless, thereafter he did confirm Albert, but on condition to take arms against France. I. Naucler. Of all others, he was the greatest fire-brand betwixt the Gibelines (which were called Albi) and the Gwelphs (or Nigri) and destroyed all the Gibelines so far as he could. He augmented unto the Decretals with another book, where are these constitutions; The high Priest of Rome should be reproved by none, albeit he cast down innumerable souls to hell. Another, We declare, pronounce and define, that upon necessity of salvation, all human creatures should be under the Pope of Rome. Extrav. c. unam sanctam, de Major. & obed. Bellar. de. Ro. Pon. l. 1. c. 9. confesseth that this is contrary unto the order of the primitive Church, seeing at that time all the Apostles, and first Teachers, had equal power. And lib. 2. cap. 12. he saith, The Church, which is but one, should at all times keep one and the same government. Therefore Boniface brought into the Church a strange and grievous innovation. He proclaimed the first Jubilee to be kept An. 1300. and promised full remission both of sin and punishment, unto all who came that year to visit the Churches of the Apostles; in solemnising of which, he shown himself one day in his Pontificals, and according to his promise, he gave remission unto all who came that year; the next day he came forth in the Imperial ornaments, and caused a naked sword to be carried before, and the Herald cried, Behold two swords. Bellarm. de Ro. Pon. lib. 5. ca. 5. teacheth, that in these words, Behold two swords, and in the answer of Christ, It is enough, is no syllable of spiritual nor temporal power; but only that Christ forewarneth his disciples, that in the time of his passion they were to be in such fear, as they who sell their coat to buy a sword: this he writeth not of his own invention, but according to the ancients. Albert Crantzius commendeth the Popes everywhere almost; but in Saxo. lib. 8. cap. 35. when he is writing of this pomp of Boniface, he cannot contain himself from crying, Behold, Peter, thy Successor! and thou, Savior, behold thy Vicar! behold whither the pride of the Servant of servants hath climbed! Pol. Virgil. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 1. saith, This feast was in imitation of the Jewish Jubilee, or to draw away the people from remembering the ancient heathenish secular Plays. Whatsoever was the pretext, it appeareth the aim was to bring gain unto Rome, and glory unto the Pope. In the year 1301. he sent Boniface Bishop of Apamea, or of Openham, unto Philip King of France, requiring him to go into the holy Land: when the Bishop saw no appearance of obedience, he threatened the King, that the Pope would deprive him of his Kingdom. Wherefore the Bishop was charged of arrogancy and treason, and cast into prison. The Pope sent another, and commanded the King to set the Bishop at liberty, and to take voyage into the East against the Infidels, and not to meddle with the tenths of the Clergy. Philip answered, His difficulties at home did both hinder him from going into the East, and brought a necessity of Subsidy from the Clergy; and he was willing to dismiss the Bishop. The Legate said, You know not the Pope's authority, which is not only the Father of all Christian souls, but Lord and Prince in temporal things; and therefore by that authority I do excommunicate thee, and I declare thee unworthy to reign, and thy Realm forefeited unto the Church of Rome. And he did acquit all French from their oath of obedience unto Philip; and he disannulled all indulgences, grants and privileges, that had been granted by any of his Predecessors unto any King of France. I. de Secres. Then Philip by advice of his Council, did cause it to be proclaimed, That none of his subjects go unto Rome, nor send money thither; and he bestowed vacant Benefices without leave of the Pope. Wherefore the Pope wrote unto him thus; Boniface the Servant of God's servants—fear God, and keep his commandments. We will thee to understand, that thou art subject unto us in spiritual and temporal things; and that no gift of Prebends or Benefices belongeth unto thee; if thou hast the custody of any Prebend, keep it unto the use of the Intrant; if thou hast presented any, we discern that gift null, and do revoke all that hath been done by thee; and whosoever thinketh otherwise, we judge him to be blockish. Philip conveeneth the Peers and Bishops at Paris, and by their advice replieth in this manner; Philip by the grace of God King of France, unto him who is called Boniface, and is not such indeed, little friendship or none. Let thy blockishness know, that in temporal things we are subject unto no man; and that the gift of Prebends and Benefices (being void) belongeth unto us by our royal prerogative, the which we will defend with the sword; and we think them fools and mad who judge otherwise. Io. Secres. Thereafter the King had another meeting of his Nobles and Clergy at Paris, where sundry persons of both states gave in their grievances, accusing the Pope of many crimes, as heresy, simony, and others, saith Io. Naucler. And others write, they undertook to prove, that the Pope was an usurer, incestuous, having known two of his Neeces, a Simoniack, an Heretic, that he had a familiar spirit, he denied the resurrection, &c. And that these things may be the better qualified, they propound that a general Council may be called. There a National Assembly against the Pope, and calleth for a general Council as his superior. When Boniface heard these things, he gave the Kingdom of France unto the Emperor Albert. Philip levieth an Army in Naples (which was then under the French) under the conduct of Siarra Columna (an Hetrurian, whom with all his kindred the Pope had excommunicated, and razed their Castles and houses for writing against him) and sent William Nogaret (a French Gentleman, and one of the Albigenses) to publish the foresaid appellation at Rome. They came to the gates of Aruagio (Platina calleth it Anagnia) with the assistance of some Gibelines. The Pope hid himself, with his Nephew a Marquess, and two Cardinals; these two escape by a privy door; the Marquess rendered himself in hope of favor; they rush in, and gave the Pope in option, whether he will presently quit his life or Papacy? He said, he would never renounce his Papacy. Wherefore Siarra would have killed him; but Nogaret said, they had not that commission. They carried him to Rome, where grief turned him into madness, and he died on the thirty fifth day thereafter, in the eighth year of his Papacy, and An. 1304. Platina addeth this exhortation (it seemeth from Fasc. tempo.) By his example, let all Princes, both of Church and Commonwealths, learn to rule their people and Clergy not arrogantly and contumeliously, as he of whom we are speaking did, but holily and modestly, as Christ our King, and his disciples and true followers; and let them endeavor to be loved rather then feared; which is the cause of the fall of many Tyrants. In his days were many and fearful earthquakes, that many houses fell; and the Pope with all his Court was once afraid, and dwelt in a spacious meadow under pavilions, about Andersmes.
CHAP. II. Of EMPERORS.
1. FREDERICK the II. was very young, and the Empire could not be vacant so long time, for many evils that might ensue; therefore the Princes moved PHILIP of Suevia to accept the Crown, until his Nephew came to age. He sought not confirmation of the Pope; and therefore Innocentius said, Either the Pope shall take the Crown and Kingdom from Philip, or Philip shall take the Apostolical ornaments from the Pope. Then Innocentius went about by all means to keep the Empire from Frederick; and to this end (among other his tricks) he absolveth all the Electors from their oath. and raiseth slanders against Philip; and enticeth Barthold Duke of Zaringia, to usurp the Empire. He would not. Then he persuadeth Otho Duke of Brunswike, and Brother of the Duke of Saxony. So wars were betwixt Philip and Otho. Nocentius excommunicateth the Emperor. Nevertheless Otho at last was put to flight, and glad to seek peace. Philip was not unwilling, and gave him his Daughter in marriage. Not long thereafter, Philip had a meeting with the Pope's Legate and Otho, and was murdered by them in his chamber in the tenth year of his Empire. P. Mexia.
2. OTHO the V. was elected, and quickly confirmed by the Pope; but their concord continued not; for on the day of Coronation, a tumult arose between the Romans and Germans, for the gifts which the Emperor had bestowed; 1100. were slain, and no fewer were wounded. The Emperor took it ill, and required satisfaction from the Romans; they refused: and the Pope was suspected to be the cause of the first tumult. Likewise the Pope had caused him to swear at his Coronation, that he should with all his might maintain and preserve the Imperial liberties, and recover that which was given away and lost. Matth. Paris. in Johan. Innocentius did require this in despite of Frederick. Then Otho seeing that he was slighted, went hastily from the City, and wasted Tuscia, Marchia, Anconitana, all Romandiola, Capua, and he intended to enter into the bounds of Naples. The Pope then requireth him to restore the patrimony of the Church, and the fued Land, under pain of his curse. Otho did not regard his menaces, and said, He was doing according to the oath of his Coronation. The Pope excommunicateth him at Rome, Matth. Paris. loc. ci. and he sent unto Sifrid Bishop of Mainz, commanding him to publish the sentence of the Roman Consistory against Otho throughout all Germany, and charge all the Cities that they do not acknowledge him. Sifrid delayed no time. But immediately Henry Count Palatine of Rhene, the Duke of Brabant, and other Princes and Barons, levy an Army against Sifrid, and forced him to leave his Bishopric, and hide himself in Thuringia, where the Count did as yet cleave unto the Pope. When Otho understood of this stir in Germany, he did return quickly, and notwithstanding the Pope's curse, was received as Emperor; and calleth a Diet at Norinberg An. 1212. about Whitsunday, where he declareth the manifold fraud of Innocentius, and how unjustly he had accursed him; and then said, Be of courage, you Princes, unto you belongeth the charge of this Kingdom, and the administration thereof; I say, unto you belongeth every disposition of the Teutonick Kingdom, and to provide for everything therein; it is in your power, and not in the power of the Pope, to create or forsake an Emperor; it is your part to calm the troubles, if any shall arise within the Empire; therefore, ye Princes and Nobles, maintain your rights, and show your power for your Nation and Imperial Laws; lest if ye do it not, ye be deprived of Empire and patrimony, &c. By these and such other words, they resolve to levy immediately an Army, and first to invade Thuringia. Io. Naucler. gener. 41. In the year 1214. Innocentius causeth Frederick to be elected (which now had been well bred in literature) and Otho thought to have hindered the election; but the Princes (some for envy of his puissance, and some for affection to the former Emperor, and some addicted unto the Pope) fell from him; therefore he retired into Saxony, until he gathered a new Army; he made some attempts, but in vain, and died An. 1220.
3. FREDERICK the II. left Germany in peace, and went to be confirmed at Rome. He gave unto Pope Honorius the County of Funda, and other great gifts, even a rod to break his own head; and he confirmed the Act, Whosoever continued a year under excommunication, shall be guilty of proscription, and shall not be absolved, until he make satisfaction unto the Pope. In recompense of these gratitudes and obeisance, when two Counts in Tuscia, Thomas and Richard, did rebel against the Emperor, the Pope maintained them, and absolved them from their allegiance; and because Frederick did expostulate Honorius, the Pope thundereth a curse against him. Some Bishops conspired with the rebels, and the Emperor accused and pursued them for treason. They run to Honorius. He sent a Nuntio unto the Emperor, and commandeth to restore the Bishops, and dischargeth him that he meddle not with Church-men. The Emperor could not endure such imperiousness, and said, How long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience? when will his covetous heart be satisfied? go tell him, that I have as great prerogatives as my Father Henry, and Frederick my Grand-father; and that I will rather hazard my Crown, then suffer him to empair my authority, seeing every Prince in France, Spain, England, &c. hath the nomination of their own Prelates. Pe. Mexia. But Platina saith, The cause of this excommunication was, when his Mother died (which held him within bounds) he began to vex the Church Lands. But it is certain by sundry Histories, that his Mother died in the beginning of Innocentius. In his time came John de Bregna King of Jerusalem into Italy, for aid against the Turks; he made reconciliation betwixt the Pope and Emperor; and gave his only Daughter Jole unto the Emperor (then a widower) with the Title, King of Jerusalem: for this cause the Kings of Sicily, were called Kings of Jerusalem for a long space. Then Frederick did intend to go into Asia; yet because he delayed (Pe. Mexia saith, the truce which John had made with the Sultan for ten years, was not yet expired) the Pope did intend some great thing against him, but was taken away by death. When Gregory was installed, Jole was brought to Rome to be married; and when the Pope held out his right foot unto the Emperor to kiss it, he scarcely touched his knee, but would not bow unto the foot. P. Mexia. The Pope was not well pleased; he dissembleth for a time, but intendeth to revenge: So after some months, he chargeth the Emperor to go into Asia, according to his vow, but intendeth to deprive him of the Empire. Frederick suspecteth it, and delayeth the longer, till he heard that the Christians in Asia were utterly distressed; then he assembleth his Nobles at Cremona, and causeth his Son Henry to be created Caesar, and sent him to persuade the Princes, to send aid unto his expedition, An. 1226. At this time the Lombards had made a league with other Cities of Italy, by suggestion of Pope (as is believed, saith Naucler.) Honorius, against the Emperor; which league continued many years, to the great prejudice of the Empire, and manifest hindering of the expedition. An. 1227. Pope Gregory again chargeth the Emperor to go into Asia. Frederick writeth unto his Son, to convene the Princes again, and nameth the time when they should make their rendezvous at Brundusio. The Emperor becometh sickly; nevertheless he sailed with his Army into Creta; and there being hindered by sickness, he sent his Army forward, and returned himself into Pulia. Then the Pope excommunicateth him; the Papalines say, because he had murdered Jole, and others speak of other pretexts; but P. Mexia and Blondus say, that Jole died after this curse. Immediately Frederick sent to Rome, offering to clear himself; but his Ambassade was not admitted. Therefore the Emperor sent Letters throughout the Empire, and to other Princes, showing how wonderously he was excommunicated, and how presumptuous and covetous the Church of Rome was become, even the mother of all mischief. Unto Otho Duke of Bavier he wrote thus; The high Priests of Rome do now affect not only dominion, but God-head, for they will have all men to fear them more then God; and it is sure, that there be many Antichrists among them; neither hath Christian Religion any such adversary—that man which is called the Pope, abounding in wealth to the great prejudice of piety, thinketh (after the manner of Tyrants) that he may do as he listeth, and is answerable to none, as if he were God; what is proper unto God, he vaunteth of himself, that he cannot err; he requireth both impudently and imperiously all men to believe, that he cannot be guilty of a lie. Avent. Annal. lib. 7. And unto Henry the III. King of England, he wrote; The Church of Rome is become so avaricious, that they are not content with the goods of the Church, but they will have the inheritance of Emperors, Kings and Princes, and make them all tributaries, as Henry hath experience, and the Earl of Tolouse, whom the Popes bind with excommunication, till they bring them into bondage; they have words softer then oil, and are insatiable blood-suckers; they say, The Church of Rome is the mother of all; but she is the root of all evil, and showeth the pranks of a step-dame, &c. Matth. Parisien. But Frederick must go into Palestine; and An. 1228. the Calipha of Babylon was pestered with civil broils, and the Emperor the more easily recovered Jerusalem without blood, and was Crowned in it, and began to fortify. The Sultan did fear his power, and sought truce for ten years. The Emperor sent unto the Pope, certifying him of his happy success, and craving absolution, seeing he had performed his promise; and he expected congratulation. But the Pope did cause the messengers to be killed, that they should not publish such news; and he said, the Letters were sent to advertise of the Emperor's death; for he thought the Cities of Pulia would submit themselves unto his See. And to the end the Emperor might not return, he sent unto John Patriarch of Jerusalem, and unto the Templaries, that they would not acknowledge the Emperor; But they did more think upon their own danger: Yet as Matth. Parisien. hath ad An. 1229. the Templarii wrote unto the Soldan, that the Emperor was to be at such a time at that part of Jordan where John baptized Christ, and there he might have occasion to kill him. When the Soldan had read the Letter, he said, There the fidelity of Christians! and he sent the Letter unto the Emperor. But the Emperor was informed (as the truth was) that the Pope had created John de Bregna Exarch of Ravenna; and had incited him to invade the Empire on the one part, and the Lombards on the other. Thomas, an Earl, whom the Emperor had entrusted to be one of his Deputies, did certify him, and told him, that his friends and Clergy of the Empire, did admire how the Pope could do such things. Ibid. Neither did the malice of this Pope stay, until he had stirred up Henry against his Father. The Emperor understanding all these things, returneth quietly into Sicily; he levieth an Army; many came gladly unto him; and by the help of God, he recovereth all the holds that they had taken in his absence. After all these things, the Emperor seeketh peace of the Pope, and albeit he sent eight of the chief Dukes and Bishops within the Empire, offering himself and his life to be censured by the Church, yet in the space of a year he could not obtain peace; at last An. 1230. by frequent intercessions, and after the payment of 120000. ounces of gold, the Emperor was restored. Some write, that the Pope was a good Merchant, who could reap so much money for an excommunication; which power he had received freely, if he had received that power from Christ. Then Frederick went into Germany, to curb his two Sons Henry and Frederick; they did submit themselves. Then he turneth to revenge himself of the Lombards. And now Pope Gregory excommunicateth him again, as a Tyrant and Heretic; and he calleth him, that warlike beast coming out of the sea; and he threateneth all them of the Empire, that they should not wish well to Frederick. Then the Emperor sent Letters unto sundry Countries, showing his liberality unto the Pope; and on the other side, the pride and avarice of the Pope; whom he calleth, the red dragon that deceiveth the world; the Antichrist; the typified Balaam, who was hired for wages to curse God's servants; the Prince of darkness, who bewitcheth the Prophets; the counterfeit Vicar of Peter, setting forth his own imaginations, and hath turned pontificium in maleficium; a wrester of the word into his own gain. In the end, he entreateth all them of true wisdom, to despise the roaring of such an enemy. Then he proclaimed a Diet at Aegra; where did assemble Caesar Henry, the Dukes of Saxony, Brandeburgh, Misnia, Turingia, the Bishop of Mainz, and the Nobles of Brabant, and a little thereafter Frederick, the Emperor's second Son; all cleaving unto the Emperor, notwithstanding all the Pope's curses on the one side, and promises on the other. So the Emperor marched toward Hetruria, and to Rome. In the mean time the Pope forgiveth the payment of tenths for a time, giveth Church livings that were vacant, and promiseth eternal life unto all who would fight against Frederick, and marked them with the Cross; and he himself goeth unto the siege of Ferraria, where he allureth the Governor unto a parley, and taketh him captive, and then the City, contrary to his faithful promise. The Popish flatterers call this falsehood a stratagem. The Emperor said, It was strange, that Christians were marked with the Cross against him, as an Infidel or Mahumatist. Nevertheless he passeth from City to City subduing his adversaries, till he came into his own inheritance; there he levieth an Army, and hireth Saracen Soldiers, for fear that in the end, the Pope's curses might change the minds of the Italians, as in the days of Barbarossa, and Henry the IV. He took some Gwelph Cities; then having intelligence, how the Pope had deceived Bohem, and Prince Palatine, he sent unto them, showing (in sum) how the estate both of the Church and Commonwealth was subverted by this Pope; and he promiseth that himself, as the chief member of the Commonwealth, would endeavor to remove him, who pretending to be the shepherd of the flock, is a very wolf, to the end a faithful shepherd might be placed in Christ's Church; and he entreateth that they would not retard his purpose, as they tendered the good of the Empire. The King of Bohem was so moved with this Letter, that immediately he procureth a meeting of the Empire at Aegra, to aid the Emperor. The Pope was no less busy, partly by means of Otho Duke of Bavier to stay them, and partly an Assembly at Rome from France and England, to deprive Frederick. The Emperor hearing of such a Council, stoppeth all passages by Sea and Land; and had a great prey of the Pope's Legates (whom the Pisanes, in the Emperor's name, took by Sea) and great victories at Ticino and Faventia. P. Mexia. And such was his respect unto the quietness of the Commonwealth, that he again sendeth for peace; and in the mean time the Tartars came into Poland, Misnia, Bohem, Hungary, and the Princes were forced to send unto the Emperor for aid, promising obedience unto him in all time coming. He advertiseth the Pope of the calamity of Christendom, and craveth peace, that he may resist the Infidels. But the Pope would the Infidels did oppress, rather then the Emperor should stand; therefore he labored that his confederates might meet at Libussa, to the election of another Emperor. When he could not work out his point, he died for very anger. The Emperor now hopeth for peace at home, and marcheth with all speed into Hungary. The Tartars hearing of him, fled away and left Europe. Innocentius the IV. though he had been very familiar with the Emperor, yet was not more peaceable then others had been. In a Synod at Lions An. 1245. he excommunicateth the Emperor for perjury, in not performing his promises, and for heresy; but no particular is named, either in the citation or sentence. The Emperor made haste to answer at Lions, if by any means he might enjoy peace; but being within three days journey, he heard how peremptory the Pope was against him, and also the Gwelphs had taken some of his Towns in Italy, whereby he knew it would be to no purpose, though he went forward, and therefore he wheeleth about, and layeth siege to Parma▪ Innocentius causeth to elect Henry Landtsgrave of Thuringia to be Emperor▪ and he directeth Letters unto the Soldan of Babylon, craving peace, at least truce betwixt the Christians and the Saracens, as some say (saith Mat. Paris.) but others write, to break the truce betwixt him and the Emperor; but the matter of the Letter is understood by the Soldan's answer. We have heard (saith he) thy Nuntio talking much of Christ—we know more of this Christ then you know; and we magnify him more then you magnify him: whereas you say, you desire peace and quietness among men, so do we always; but there is mutual love betwixt us and the Emperor since the days of my Father, but betwixt you and the Emperor it is as you know: but it is not lawful unto us to treat with the Christians, without his counsel and consent. We have written unto our Ambassador at the Emperor's Court, showing him the heads of your message; he will come unto you and tell you, and report again unto us. Matth. Parisien saith, there was suspicion that this Letter was forged, by information of the Emperor, but he judgeth otherwise. And Alb. Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 8. cap. 4. saith, The Pope was so wrathful against Frederick, that he would have turned away not only Christians, but the Infidels also. And it may appear what the Pope was seeking, seeing in the mean time he was exacting tenths and twentieths through France, England, &c. as for maintaining the wars against the Infidels, and sent the money into Germany and Italy against the Emperor. In Germany Conrade the Son of Frederick, led an Army against Henry, and overthrew him in the second fight, An. 1247. and he died before he was Crowned. Matth. Parisien. Then the Pope did proffer the Imperial Crown unto Richard, Brother of Henry the III. King of England: He refused simply. Then unto Haco King of Norway: He answered, He would fight against the enemies of the Church, but not against all the enemies of the Pope. At last he caused to be elected William Count of Holland, which was Crowned; but the foresaid Conrade pursued him; and he retired into Holland, and then did renounce his Title of Emperor. The more God did prosper Frederick, Innocentius was the madder; and the more mad was he, when heard that Entius, the Emperor's bastard Son, had obtained victories against the Gwelphs, and other Gibeline Captains prevailed in other places. When the Emperor lay at Parma, he (as secure) went one day a hunting, and left his Army not sufficiently provided; the Citizens came out and took his pavilions, which they called victory. So the Emperor turned to Domnio, and thence into Pulia, bringing many Cities into his obedience. And then An. 1249. he sendeth unto Lions, professing his innocence in all that had happened, and showing the wrongs that he had sustained by the former Popes; and withal, that howbeit the Pope by custom (as he alledgeth) had the confirmation of the Emperor, yet he had not power to depose him, no more then other Prelates in other Realms, who anoint their Kings; and nevertheless, I earnestly crave that I may have peace. The Pope hearing of this submission, became the more haughty, and would not consent to a treaty: so that many great men were offended, and did detest so great pride, and did return unto the Emperor. Great were the schisms in Germany and Italy; nothing in safety to any, each party by violence robbing the other. Now Otho Duke of Bavier, and others more forsook the Pope; wherefore the Pope caused to assemble another Synod at Mildorf, and summoned Otho to compear, and answer for his rebellion against the Pope. He appeareth, and said unto the Commissioners, I cannot marvel enough at your inconstancy; ye know how ye drew me from the Pope, and ye yourselves called him the Antichrist; and ye persuaded me to take part with the Emperor: so there is great inconstancy both in your deeds and words, calling that wicked and violent wrong, which lately ye called just and right: But ye are overcome with expectation of honors and pleasures, more then led with honesty and godliness, according to your office. As for me, I will obey God and my Prince. I believe in Christ, and trust in his mercy; and persuade myself, that those whom ye do curse and give to the devil, are in the greater favor with God. They could give no reasonable reply; yet they accounted him as bad as the worst, and accursed him. Avent. Annal. lib. 7. All these are but a taste of the Popes innumerable inventions against the Emperor. And here you may please to see the verses which Frederick sent unto Pope Innocentius the IV.
At last the Emperor heard that his Son Entius was taken captive, and his enemies waxed strong in Germany; wherefore he intendeth to go into Germany, but was poisoned, as is touched before, and became sick at Florence An. 1250. and there divided his lands and goods unto his children; and then set his heart on meditation of the promised blessedness. The Papalines write, that after a little space he began to recover somewhat, and was stifled by his bastard Son Manfred with a pillow, Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 8. cap 18. The writers testify, that he was endued with excellent gifts, albeit the Pope pursued him as an enemy of the Church. And they say, when they consider the life of Christ, and his command to forgive seventy times in a day, with the practices of the Popes against the Emperor, they are persuaded to think with Aeneas Sylvius, that there hath not been a greater calamity in the Church or Commonwealth these many years, whereof the Bishops of Rome have not been the Authors; and they call this Frederick, another Charles the Great. He could talk in Arabic, Greek, Latin, French and Dutch languages. On his Tomb it was written thus;
Jo. Bale saith, he may not in this cause believe Blondus, Platina, Stella or Sabellicus, for they report nothing but what was written by the flatterers of the Popes, that (if it had been possible) they might provoke all the world against him; but who desireth to know the truth, let them read the sixth Book of the Epistles of Petrus de Vineis, Haec Marius, saith he.
4. In the Greek Empire was a great alteration about that time; the History thereof I will set down together for the more clearness. Isaacius the Emperor had redeemed his Brother Alexius from the Scythians, and advanced him to so great authority, that all the affairs of the Empire were at the command of Alexius. Here Nicetas Choniat. in Annal. lamenteth the condition of that people, saying, Truth and holiness had failed, and because of manifold iniquity, love was become cold, so that the people left whole Cities, and went in colonies into the Lands of the Babarians, where they might live more securely; for a sober kind of life was banished by frequent tyrannies, and the most part of the Emperors were robbers, neither thinking nor doing anything moderately—O glorious Empire of the Romans (saith he) and majesty which all Nations did admire and adore! what Tyrants hast thou endured! with what injuries hast thou been afflicted! how many have burnt in love of thee! what men hast thou embraced, and prostituted thyself unto! what sort of men hast thou honored with a diadem and purple shoes! &c. By the way observe here, that the Greeks do always call themselves Romans; and they called all the western people, Latins. When the Empire was in this condition, Alexius usurpeth the Crown; he pulleth out his Brother's eyes, and shutteth him in prison An. 1190. Alexius, Son of Isaacius, fleeth unto Philip Duke of Suevia (afterwads Emperor) who had married his Sister Irene; and he sendeth him at last unto the Pope for help to be restored. There this Alexius conformeth himself unto Rome, and he promiseth (saith Nicetas) to change the institutions of the ancient Romans, into the corrupt Religion of the Latins. The Pope recommendeth him unto certain Princes, which then were assembling at Venice to go into Syria, to wit, Baldwin Earl of Flanders, and his Brother Henry, Boniface Marquess of Monferrate, Louis Prince of Savoy, and others more. The Venetians also had an old quarrel against the Greeks, and were glad of this occasion. Likewise the young man did swear unto them, that he would give them what they did demand, even (which were impossible) oceans of money, saith Nicetas. Though the Emperor Alexius understood of this preparation, he made nothing for resistance. So the Latins arrived at Jadara, and then came to Epidamnum; and they call young Alexius Emperor, to the end the people may the more willingly accept them; then they came to Constantinople. Theodorus Lascaris, Son in law of Alexius, made some resistance; but Alexius fled, and the Italians enter the Town; and after nine years imprisonment, Isaacius is set upon his throne, and his Son Alexius with him. Within few days the chief of the Italians sat with them, as being saviors of the Commonwealth; then the Soldiers plundered the Town, sparing neither private houses nor Churches, nor the Flemins, nor the Pisanes, nor the Venetians dwelling there. The old Alexius had been deceived by a false response, that the East and West should be conjoined in his time; and now the Monks (execrable men, and hated of God, saith Nicet.) made him believe, that God would restore him sight, and give him the Monarchy of the world; thus he had no other thought but to eat and drink with these Monks. And the young man kept company with the Latins, was for the most part in their ships, playing at dice, carowsing, &c. From July 18. till January 25. the people were so grievously oppressed, that they began to talk of choosing another Emperor; the wiser sort said, It was not time to attempt the like: but the people were so impatient of their oppression, that there must needs be another Emperor, and they name Nicolaus Canabus, who was very unwilling. But Ducas Alexius (called the proud) taketh him prisoner, killeth young Alexius, imprisoneth the old man, and taketh the Scepter; the people were contented. He beginneth to treat with the Venetians, and other Latins; their demands were so high, that the Greeks could not or would not assent; wherefore they possess themselves of the Town, put Ducas to flight, and do more harm then the Saracens did at their entering into Jerusalem, saith Nicet. Then they made fifteen Electors, and choose Baldwin Emperor, and Thomas a Venetian to be Patriarch, who was sent to Rome, to get all these things confirmed by the Pope; and he reporteth Imperial badges to Baldwin, in whose Successors that Empire continued sixty years. At that time Creta and Euboea, or Nigrepont, was given unto the Venetians; Boniface was made King of Macedonia; and other rewards were given to others. All the Greek Empire was subject unto Baldwin, except Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Hadrianople, and in them several Greeks had the dominion; especially Lascaris about Hadrianople, and kept the title of Emperor of Constantinople. The Bulgarians invade Thracia, and took Baldwin captive, and sent him in fetters into Mysia. His Brother Henry succeedeth, and gave his only Daughter unto Peter Earl of Altisiodore, which succeeded in the Empire at that time when Otho the V. was deposed; he was confirmed by Pope Honorius shortly after his election. So soon as he returned from Rome, he entered in wars with Lascaris; and they conclude a peace: then he was entrapped in Constantinople, and died in prison in the third year of his reign. His wife Jole causeth his Son Robert to be received Emperor. He fell in love with a young damsel, betrothed unto a Burgonian Knight (who had done good service in that Empire) and by consent of her mother, brought her to his palace. The Knight dissembleth for a time, and then made an horrible revenge; to wit, he gathereth his friends, and a number of Greeks, haters of Robert, and cometh by night into the Palace, he cutteth off the nose of the young Empress, and throweth her mother out at a window into the sea. Robert could not revenge it; for at that time he must go to Rome for confirmation, and in his returning, he died at Macedonia. His Brother Baldwin was received Emperor; and because he was young, the Pope sent John de Bregna to be Governor there. He contracteth Baldwin with his second Daughter; governeth the Empire six years, and leaveth it in peace unto his Son in law. John Duca married the only Daughter of Lascaris, and did reign thirty and three years, but dwelt at Nice in Bithynia: He was peaceable; and dischargeth his subjects from wearing any clothes but what their own Country did afford; and he caused them to be industrious in husbandry; by which two means (as Nic. Gregoras witnesseth) his subjects became very wealthy, and amassed plenty of Silver and Gold from their neighbors round about, which at that time were necessitated to come and buy victuals from them. Unto John succeeded Theodor Lascaris; he put Baldwin to such stress, that he went unto his Brother in law Frederick the II. for aid, when Innocentius the IV. was chosen. Then Lascaris died, and Baldwin returned, but had not long peace; for Michael Palaeologus, the Nephew of Alexius, was first chosen Governor of the Empire, and then Crowned Emperor, for the time of his pupil John (the Son of Lascaris) his minority; he would be Lord of the whole Empire. Caesar, Brother of Michael, was sent against Epirus; by the way he came near Constantinople with eight hundred men, without his expectation, the Greeks (being wearied with the Government of the Latins) envite him to come in. Baldwin was not able to resist, and fled; so that Empire returned unto the Greeks An. 1260. but sore weakened, and after that it decayed also.
5. WILLIAM Earl of Flanders, and CONRADE the Son of Frederick, now strove for the Empire of Germany; the one was confirmed by the Pope, and Conrade was aided by the Gibelines; so that Italy and Germany had not peace for many years. At last Conrade considering the difficulty of holding Germany, and that the Kingdom of both Sicilies were more sure, appertaining unto him by his Grand-mother Constantia, he left Suevia, and such Cities of Germany (as had accepted him) under the tuition of his Father in law, the Duke of Bavier, and went into Italy, still keeping the title of Emperor. He was received in Verona, and being accompanied with Enceline, Captain of the Gibelines, he was made welcome in sundry places on the coast of the Golf; and passing by Romandiola, he sailed into Pulia, where he was heartily received by all, except the Cities of Naples and Capua; he besiegeth them, and took them, and punisheth them severely. Not long thereafter he dieth at Naples, and left his Son Conradine Heir of both Sicilies and Suevia, under the protection of his wife and some German Princes. But Manfred (the bastard Son of Frederick) behaving himself at first as one of the Tutores, endeavoreth by all means to possess himself of both Sicilies. Pope Innocentius the IV. and his Successor did allege, that Kingdom appertained unto the Church of Rome, because Frederick and Conrade had died under excommunication. But Manfred (with the help of the Gibelines) prevaileth, so that he was Crowned King of Sicilies, (his Nephew living in Suevia) and did invest Bishops, and Arch-Bishops, without consent of the Pope; and they all, contemning the Papal prohibition, gave obedience unto their King. Matth. Parisien. ad An. 1258. William then was only Emperor, and they which had adhered unto Conrade, sought his peace. He thought to be Crowned at Rome, but being in a Diet at Colein (saith Naucler) he heard that the Frisons had rebelled, and invaded Holland; this rumor made him stay his journey. He went against them; as he with one or two went to spy a place to encamp, his horse fell thorough the ice, and he was so pestered, that he could not come out; some Frisons perceiving him, and not knowing who he was, slew him, and drowned him. After him not any Emperor was of such authority as the former had been.
6. The Princes could not agree in the election; at last three choose Alfonso King of Castile; three were for Richard Earl of Cornwall, Brother of Henry King of England; and the King of Bohem was for himself. Alfonso was glad, but could not come into Germany, because of his business with the Moors in Spain; and to keep the Pope's favor, he gave him some Cities upon the river Po; he gave what he never had, and in so doing he did deplume the Eagle, saith Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 8. cap. 21. Richard had the assistance of his Brother, and was Crowned at Aken: Some Towns received him; others wait for Alfonso; and many were neutral, usurping liberty; so miserable Germany was kindled again with Civil wars. Richard died after he had remained in Germany seventeen years. If Alfonso had come then, he might have been Emperor. But the Gibelines in Italy, do invite Conradine Duke of Suevia (now about eighteen years of age, and of good expectation) to come, and they would aid him in recovering his Father's inheritance from Charles Duke of Anjow. Pope Clemens the IV. hearing of his preparation, declareth Charles King of Sicilies, to be Vicar of the Empire; and wrote unto all the Nations, that they should not aid Conradine against Charles; and that the German Electors should not name him to be King of the Romans. On the other side Conradine publisheth a deploring declaration, showing how injuriously Innocentius the IV. had dealt with him, being at that time very innocent; for his Father Conrade had recommended him unto the tutory of the Roman Church especially, and Innocentius, as one of his Tutors, had taken possession of the Kingdom of Sicilies, and then divided it among his own friends. 2. When Manfred had in his name recovered that Kingdom, Pope Alexander did stir up other men to invade that Kingdom. 3. Pope Urban had dealt unmannerly with him; for first, he would have confirmed that Kingdom unto Manfred and his Heirs; and then he inviteth Charles to take it. 4. Pope Clemens now dealeth unclemently with him, in establishing a King within that Kingdom against him; and as if that were not enough, he thundereth a process against him, and hath declared Charles to be Vicar of the Empire throughout all Italy, to the end he may have the more power against him; and he concludeth, that upon these grounds he taketh arms against Charles. Naucler. gener. 43. About that time Henry (who was banished out of Castile by his own Brother, King Alfonso, and having insinuated himself into favor with the Romans, was created Senator of Rome, and had great authority there) sent unto Conradine, and promised him aid, not for recovering his Kingdom only, but to attain the Imperial Crown. Conradine with all haste marcheth into Italy, and was accepted as Emperor by them of Sena, Pisa, and the Gibelines of Lombardie and Romandiola: He overthrew Charles his Marshal at Aretio; and he had gotten possession of all Hetruria, if at the call of the forenamed Henry he had not made such haste toward Rome, where he was accepted by the Senator and many Romans, and lodged in the Capitole. Thence he and Henry went into Pulia, where they were taken captive by Charles; and after a year, by the unclement instigation of Pope Clemens, Conradine was beheaded, contrary unto the Law of Arms. Many French men did speak against it; but when they saw that the Pope's will must be obeyed, these French appointed a certain man to be in readiness to kill the Burreo (immediately after the beheading of Conradine) lest he vaunt, that he had shed the blood of a Prince: And the Duke of Flanders, with his own hand, slew him which had given out the sentence. All Christendom abhorred the fact; especially Peter King of Aragon, by Letter, upbraided the Pope, saying, Thou art a worse Nero then Nero himself, and more cruel then any Turk. God suffered neither of the two to rejoice long time; for Clemens died within a month; and albeit Charles lived some years, yet he had continual wrestlings and misfortunes, and died in sorrow. P. Morn. in Myster. After this the house of Suevia failed, and that through the malice of the Popes; and many of their Cities became free. The Princes Electors convene at Frankford, but could not agree in three years; in the end, they all confer their suffrages on Louis Count Palatine to name one; he nameth
7. RODULPH Earl of Habsburgh, which had lately conquered Austria from the Crown of Bohem. Germany was all glad, because they had suffered much, enduring this inter-reign the space of twenty and two years. Rodulph was Crowned at Aken; but would not go to Rome, pretending unto the Pope the difficulties in Germany; but unto others he said, as the fox unto the lion, Omnia te advorsum spectantia, nulla retrorsum. He contented himself with Germany, and that the Cities in Italy paid unto his Deputies: but many did usurp; and some bought their liberty: and he gave unto Pope Nicolaus Ravenna, and some other Cities. He had wars with Othocurus King of Bohem, who was killed in battle; and Rodulph did agree with his Son Wenceslaus, and gave him his Daughter in marriage. He was held in singular estimation, because he, finding the Empire troublesome, had procured peace, and left it in peace An. 1291.
8. When Baldwin was chased out of Constantinople, he had his refuge unto Charles King of Naples, and contracteth his Daughter with his Son; instead of dowry, he promiseth Constantinople, if by the aid of Charles he can be able to recover it. Charles thought by this means to attain unto the Monarchy of Julius Caesar and Augustus; he was informed of the weakness of Constantinople, and of the aid that he might have from the Italians and Germans remaining in Greece since the last conquest, &c. so he prepared to invade. Michael Emperor of Constantinople is afraid of him, and to hold him at home, he persuadeth the King of Sicily, and the Venetians, to invade the Kingdom of Naples; and he sent unto the Pope for his furtherance. The Pope refuseth to assist him by any means, unless he will come into agreement with the Church of old Rome; whereunto Michael assenteth, and sendeth Ambassadors to treat of the Articles; which were comprised into three. 1. That in the Litanies mention should be of the Pope and four Patriarchs. 2. That it should be lawful unto any Greek to appeal unto old Rome, as the older and more perfect Court. 3. That in all things superiority should be given unto Rome. At this time no mention was of the word filioque in the Creed. Joseph Patriarch of Constantinople, hearing of this concord, left his See, and entered into a Monastery. The greatest number of Presbyters preached against it, and exhorted the people to suffer martyrdom, rather then to accept such articles; so that a great stir was among the people; and the Emperor was in greater fear of his people at home, then of his foreign enemy, knowing that dangers at home are most perilous; and he was brought into this strait by many of his Nobles, either to persuade them of his assent, or then avow them as enemies: And first he calleth them together, and showeth unto them, that he had attempted this concord with the Western Church not for desire of novelty, but to prevent the present difficulty, and it is wisdom to decline the greatest evil; for if the enemy come against them, the broken walls which now are begun to be repaired shall suffer greater evils, and themselves with wives and children shall be slaves, neither able to retain their ancient Laws nor Religion; and therefore he had chosen to yield in lesser things for a greater commodity; with these words, some were moved, and many were not; wherefore he shown violence: some were clapt in prison for disobedience, some were banished, and all means were used whereby men's minds could be tried; they who had knowledge (who were but few) suffered all extremities courageously, others wandered into Peloponnesus, Achaia, Thessalie, Colchis, or wheresoever they heard of Christians, Niceph, Gregor. lib. 5. After this he went to the Council at Lions, but his doings there were so ungracious unto his Country, that he had no quietness; and when he died, his Son Andronicus, though he loved and reverenced his Father, yet because he had gone from the right doctrine of the Church, would not suffer his body to be buried, no not in a common place of burial; only he commanded that a few should cover it in the earth, a little space from the leager where he died, lest the body of an Emperor be torn of beasts, Ibid. Immediately Andronicus sent his Edicts everywhere, proclaiming the liberty of the Church again, and restoring all who were banished or imprisoned, or robbed for the cause of Religion; and Becus the Patriarch left his seat privily, and hid himself in a Monastery, fearing still when and where the people would crush him; and Joseph, who was forced before to dimit, is now restored. But where alteration once entereth, it is not soon calmed; both Clergy and people were divided into factions; for the conformers of Michael, when they had no other to say against Joseph, they objected, that he had received his seat, Arsenius the true Patriarch being yet alive, and was therefore excommunicated by Arsenius. The followers of Joseph alleged again, that Arsenius was deposed in a free Synod, by Authority of the Emperor, as indeed Nicephorus Gregoras showeth the same lib. 4 howbeit the ground of the deposition is justly questionable, or rather unjust. Joseph was glad, for love of quietness, to renounce his See, and within a few days died; and George, or Gregory, a Cyprian, succeeded unto him, a learned and eloquent man: the Emperor would not suffer him to receive consecration from any Bishop, who had yielded unto the new Articles; only he was chosen, and elected, and the Emperor gave unto him pastorale pedum, and so without consecration he administered, until Nicephor Bishop of Mozylle came Legate from the Prince of Aetolia, and the Bishop Debrenus from Macedonia, about some other business; then, by advice of George, Andronicus designeth Germanus, a Monk, to be Bishop of Heraclea; and by these three, the Patriarch was consecrated. Nevertheless the contention ceased not yet; but the Emperor being wise, and desirous to make peace with the least offense of either party, he calleth a Synod at Atramylium; there after little jangling, both parties agreed, that their several reasons should be written in two several books, and the decision should be committed unto God by fire and miracle; so when they had watched all night, and prayed unto God, both books were cast into a fire in the midst of the Church, on a Sunday; both parties waited that their book should be preserved, but both were burnt: this was the sentence of God, and his deciding of them who troubled the Church untimously, and would refer a serious matter unto a foolish trial. From thence they all subscribed unto the Patriarch; nevertheless, they who had suffered under Michael, did now so domineer, that all the other Bishops and Priests were removed from their places; and the Bishops commanded their inferiors to take the priestly habits from them, and trample their garments on the ground, with these words, He is unworthy; and after they had buffeted them, they thrust them out of the Churches, even albeit the other party professed repentance; But (as Nicephorus saith lib. 6.) they who were so unmerciful, suffered afterward just punishments, none of them died in their own place; and being also most shamefully removed, they ended their lives in sorrow: Especially the forenamed Becus wrote Apologies, and desired to be heard in a lawful Assembly. The Emperor considering, that reproaches sometimes had just grounds, and sometimes were altogether false, yet in time are wont to breed factions, called the Clergy, with some of the Nobility into his Palace, and there Becus, coming from his prison, was permitted to speak, and pleaded so eloquently, that many of his hearers were persuaded. The Patriarch and Muzalo magnus Logotheta, refuted his eloquence with strong reasons; and Becus was sent again in banishment into a little Town of Bithynia. After this the Patriarch set forth refutations of the opinions of Becus, and he spake very bitterly against him; some Bishops and Priests by their published writings, did admonish the Patriarch to change his style, if he would prevent danger, and the like reproaches: he took this admonition to proceed of envy, and was the more stirred to write, and heap disputations upon disputations, thinking to stop the mouths of adversaries: the more he writeth invectively, the more of his own Clergy begin to mislike him; but he regardeth nothing, till Chilas Bishop of Ephesus, and Daniel Bishop of Cizicum (whom he had advanced, and esteemed above others) became his avowed enemies in the same cause: then he thought upon the example of Julius Caesar, resisting all his adversaries; but in grief yieldeth unto Brutus and Cassius; so he quiteth all jars and disputes, he dimiteth his charge, and entereth into St. Marie's Hodegium or Monastery. Chilas and Daniel drank also of the same cup; for their Clergy rose against them severally, and dilated them unto the Emperor, and to other Bishops, for crimes worthy of deposition. The Emperor summoneth them unto Constantinople; they elude his summons with delays; but they did find the Emperor's secret dislike, more noisome then open anger; and they were despised of all their colleagues and brethren; nor were they answered in their revenues, and so died in sorrow. Nicep. Gregor. lib. 6. The same Andronicus took pleasure in Astronomy, and began to think on the right keeping of Easter. Therein Nicephorus Gregoras the Historician shown his skill; and did demonstrate by Astronomical reasons, that the day of Easter was changed from March 25. unto the 17. day. Many did deride the ostentation (as they did judge) of Nicephorus, that he had not gotten license to speak, if the Emperor had not commanded them silence. His reasons were taken from the vernal equinox, and the first full Moon thereafter. The Emperor was persuaded of it, and would have had it amended; but he did fear, that the unlearned would be offended, and the Church be divided; and he said, It were not an easy matter to go through the Empire and the Islands, and to inform them in such ascruple, but some would keep one day, and some keep another; therefore it is better to continue in such things as they were received. Gregor. lib. 8.
9. ADOLPH Count of Nassaw was next Emperor, by the policy of the Bishop of Mainz; for he dealt privily with the Electors, and persuaded them to refer their suffrages unto him; and he named this Adolph. He sought not confirmation from Rome. He was faithful unto the Empire; for he did not enrich his own children; but did enlarge the revenues of the Crown, by conquering the Princedom of Misna, and other Lands. In time of the wars betwixt France and England, he was for England, and all the Electors were for France; and therefore they conspired against him, saith Io. Naucler, and they dethroned him. Albert the Son of Rodulph was chosen; they fought a bloody battle before Albert was Crowned, and Adolph was slain. All the Authors of the insurrection were remarkably punished within a year; to wit, both the Bishops and the Counts; and Albert (though he lived some years, yet) was slain by his own Brother, Idem. The death of Adolph, and the time, is marked in these verses:
CHAP. III. Of divers Countries.
1. PLatina in Honor. III. writeth, that then were earthquakes so great and fearful, that in the mountains Salvii five thousand men and women were smothered by ruin of houses, and falling of stones off hills: and in the days of Gregory the IX. was inundation of waters; Tibris overflowing his banks brought great harm: and men were so plagued with pestilence, that scarcely the tenth person was preserved: then was a strange eclipse of the Sun, and Stars seemed to fall. But these days were more miserable for spiritual plagues; for the misty ignorance of former times became more foggy; people and nations were wonderously deluded with strong delusions of the man of sin. No peace in the world almost; and the blood of Christians was shed everywhere, and for the most part by procurement of the Popes, partly under the show of holy wars, and partly under pretence of heresies, as will yet more appear. For
2. Then came the locusts out of the bottomless pit; of whom the first was Dominicus Calaguritanus a Spaniard, the Father of Fratres Praedicatores, or black Friers, who were also called Jacobines and Dominicans. Petrus Auratus, one of that Order, in Scintilla Divi. amor. cap. 5. writeth of him thus; Our holy Father Dominicus, did every day lash his own body most sharply; once for dantoning the flesh, next for satisfying for the souls in Purgatory, and the third time for living sinners. But Antonius Arch-Bishop of Florence, about the year 1420. goeth further, comparing Dominicus with Christ in number and greatness of miracles, in name, in life, death, and after death; and in all these (almost) preferring Dominicus (O blasphemy!) saying, Christ raised three dead bodies; Dominicus raised three dead bodies at Rome; what shall I say of four hundred which were drowned at Tolouse, and at the prayer of Dominicus were brought forth safe, after they had been a long space under the water? Christ, being immortal, came twice unto his disciples when the the doors were shut; but Dominicus, being as yet mortal, came into the Church in the night when the doors were shut, lest he did awake his disciples. Christ after his death said unto his disciples, All power is given unto me in heaven and earth: but this power was given unto Dominicus in heaven, on earth, and in hell; for he had Angels to serve him, and the Devils trembled at his nod, nor were they able to disobey him. The prayer of Christ was heard so oft as he would; for when he prayed in the garden, Let this cup depart from me, albeit he was not heard, in so far as he prayed in sensuality, yet according to his mind or reason he wished not to be heard; but Dominicus shown unto one of his companions, [Jacob. de Vorag. in Legend. Aurea calleth him Prior Monasterii Cassamariae] in a familiar conference, that he never did seek anything from God, which he did not obtain to his hearts desire; [to wit, because he was more perfect then Christ, and never did pray by appetite of senses.] These and many other blasphemies were paralleled by that Bishop, and canonized Saint of the Roman Church. Anton. par. 3. tit. 23. cap. 1. §. 2, & 38. The next was Francis of Assisio, an Italian, the Father of the Minorites, or Franciscans: he also is exalted above the Prophets, Apostles, yea and above Christ. In Francis (say they) the passion of Christ is renewed; of him David saith, Thou hast crowned him with glory and honor, and thou hast set him above the works of thy hands; He is given as a light to the Nations. It is most certain, for one Mass of St. Francis, God hath been appeased with all the world. They are all saved who die in that Order, and under the rule of St. Francis. He hath obtained from God, that none can die evilly in his habit. Christus oravit, Franciscus exoravit. P. Morn. in Myster. iniq. ex libro Conformitat. Vitae B. Francis. ad vit. Christi. The Author of that book was Barth. de Pisis, An. 1389. it was approved by the Roman censurers, and printed at Bononia An. 1510. with this inscription, Liber aureus. These two, Dominicus and Francis, were canonized, and their Orders confirmed: And by the Bull of Pope Gregory the IX. it was commanded, that all should believe the holiness and power of these men, or shall be punished as Heretics. That Legenda showeth the cause of their honor. Pope Innocentius did refuse to confirm their Order, until he dreamed; as Mantuanus also hath expressed it in Fastor. lib. 8.
This dream is in Legenda Aurea, and in Fascic. temp. After that dream, Innocentius craved that Dominicus would draw up the rules of his Order; but before the rules were digested, Innocentius died; and then Pope Honorius received and confirmed them. Legen. Aurea. Bonaventura in vita Francis. saith, that dream was meant of his Father Francis. How was the Lateran Church then like to fall? The Emperor for a long time was striving against the Popes; and the Waldenses were preaching against the heresies of Rome, and calling the Pope the Antichrist; therefore power and authority was given to Dominicus and Francis, with their disciples, to allure with their pale faces, to sting with feigned words, and to preach, that all men should send money for maintaining the holy wars against the holy wars against the Emperor, and that none should believe the new doctrine of the Waldenses: This was the scope of their preachings at first, and so did they uphold the Lateran Church. And because the Bishops were not diligent enough to resist the Waldenses, the Pope commiteth unto Dominicus the office of Inquisition; and he took with him others, which either with sword or by tongue, would oppugn all the adversaries of the Roman Church. Afterwards these Friers became Bishops, Cardinals, and Legati à latere (and what were they not?) to gather collections of money, and to incite Kings and Nations against the Infidel Emperor (as they spake) and Princes, and against them whom they called Heretics. For their diligence in this Commission, Dominicus and Francis were called the two Olives, and the two Candlesticks standing before the Lord, Revel. 11. and the two Cherubims full of wisdom, Exod. 37. Antonin. loc. cit. Their Institution was, to have a white coat, and a black one above it; to live by the works of their hands, or by alms, but to have no proper goods; and lest their piety turn to idleness, they should go abroad and preach everywhere, as Christ did. Pope Innocentius the III. commended this Institution; and after him Honorius confirmed it. Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 7. cap. 4. From their preaching they were called Praedicatores. Francis had been an Augustinian, but he would, being a more strict life, all Monks had possessions in common, though nothing in propriety; but he would have nothing in common nor in propriety, nor two coats, but one coat of the natural color, girded with a girdle of leather: This he commended as the very life of a Christian, and commanded and practiced by Christ; and to the end that these of his Order should beware of pride (which often followeth sanctity, saith Pol. Virg. loc. cit.) he would have them called Minorites. He vowed obedience unto Pope Honorius the IV. and his Successors; and his Brethren must vow obedience unto him and his Successors. When they were advising in the College at Rome, upon the confirmation of this Order, some Cardinals said, It was a new thing, and more then man is able to perform. John Bishop of Sabinien, said, It is blasphemy against Christ and his Gospel, to say, that it containeth anything new and impossible: So it was confirmed at that time. And afterwards by Pope Gregory the IX. in these words; We say, that neither in common no • in special, should they have any propriety; but they may have the use of utensils, of books, and other moveables that they shall get lawfully; and the Friers may use such things as their General or Provincials shall think good, reserving the dominion of the houses and places unto such as is known it belongeth unto; neither may they sell their moveables, or give them away from their Order, unless a Cardinal of the Roman Church, who shall be Governor of the Order, shall give power and consent unto their General or Provincials. Innocentius the IV. declared, that the propriety of the Minorites goods, belongeth unto the Apostolical See; and he gave them power to appoint Procurators, who might sell, or any way change their goods for their use; and to change the Procurators as they thought good. And so though they had vowed simple poverty, yet they devised ways of possession; yea, they sought the possessions of other Monks; and (as Matth. Paris. saith ad An. 1235.) it was told them, It is a shame unto them, and scandal unto others, to change their rule and profession so soon. Their way of purchasing was thus; They had liberty to hear confessions (as the Dominicans had to preach) and they did ask persons of whatsoever quality, Hast thou made thy confession? If it were answered, Yea; they said, To whom? if it were answered, To our Priest; the Frier said, What an idiot is that? he never learned Divinity, nor hath he read the Decrees, nor hath he learned to solve a question; those Priests are blind guides of the blind; come unto us, we can distinguish between leprosy and leprosy; unto us are the mysteries and secrets of God revealed; confess unto us, to whom so great privileges are granted by the Apostolical See: Therefore many Nobles and others, left their Bishops and Priests, and made their confessions unto the Friers, and gave them their tithes and offerings, as is manifest by the querulous Letters that were collected by Petrus de Vineis Epist. lib. 1. And then the Friers began to rear up georgeous buildings for themselves, and the Priests were for the most part but contemned and poor. Some Popes made Decree in favor of the Friers, for the benefit of the Church; and some made contrary Decrees: for them, Honorius the IV. Gregory the IX. Alexander the IV. Clemens the IV. and V. against them, and for the Curates, was especially John the XXII. (who made himself Pope) and others after him: In his time some that were called paupers de paupere vita, and Beguini, separated themselves from their Order, and returned to their Institution; Pope John condemned them and their constitution: but these were zealous of their first rule, even so zealous, that at Massiles four of them were condemned by their own Order the Inquisitors, and were burnt, because they would not consent unto the dispensation that was granted unto them. Others in many places of France called these four Martyrs, and said, If the Pope hath consented unto their death, he is an Heretic. Such doings and speeches, provoked Pope John the XXII. first to suspend, and then to condemn the Decrees of his Predecessors, that had confirmed the Institution of that Order, as commanded and practiced by Christ. Geo. Calixtus in his book De nova art, hath those things at more length, ex Nic. Eimer. the Author of Directori Inquisitor. and Alvar. Pelagius de Planctu Eccles. After Pope John were many Bulls both for and against the Friers. Then starteth up a new controversy between the Friers and the Priests; The Priests said, The Tithes, being the proper patrimony of the Church, should be paid unto them who serve in the Church, and not unto idle bellies, who have not charge in the Church. The Friers move other two questions; 1. By what Law should Tithes be paid? 2. Unto whom they should be paid? For the first they say, It was the uniform consent of the Church, that God commandeth the payment of Tithes under the Gospel, as under the Law. So Origen on Numer. cap. 18. August. de temp. Ser. 219, & 48. and such was the practice in many ages, saith Council. Matiscon. 2. cap. 5. But at that time the Friers held, It was a judicial Law, binding the Jews only, yet so as it may be continued by Princes; and the Church hath enjoined the payment of the tenth part of the increase; neither may any refuse to pay the Tithe, and more also, if the Church shall enjoin more, as she hath power indeed. Tho. Aquin. in Sum. 2. 2. qu. 87. The other question was before without scruple, that Tithes should be paid unto Church-men; and a division should be of them (as of all other Church-goods) one unto the Bishop, another for the Curate, and a third for the fabric of the Church, and the fourth for the poor and strangers. But the Friers made a new distinction, saying, In Tithes two things are to be considered, to wit, the power of receiving them, and the Tithes themselve; the power is spiritual, and belongeth unto them that serve at the altar for their service; but the things called Tithes are corporal, and therefore may be given unto Laics. Tho. Aquin. ib. By this distinction the Priests were cheated; and afterwards the Tithes were given to Abbeys and Monasteries. By the way note, that the Frier Thomas calleth the Friers Laics; as they were never reckoned among the Clergy, unless they were promoted, and received Orders. And we may see how the Franciscans were subdivided (as also other Orders) into Sects; some kept the first Institution, and go coarsely appareled, living only by begging; and others want not their ease nor abundance; they say, They have nothing, and yet enjoy plenty: and they excuse their practice (which is contrary unto their profession) with a distinction, They have riches in common, but nothing in propriety. This cause why Friers are so many ways subdivided, is marked by Bellarmine de Monach. l. 2. c. 2. Every Sect (saith he) is hot at the beginning, and then they become colder; then ariseth someone or other, who reduceth the Sect to the first Institution, with some particular Rite in remembrance of himself, and this is called a new Religion. Until this day these two Orders kept the Office of Inquisition, wheresoever the Pope commandeth, saith Francis Pegna in Directo. Inquisitor. but principally the Fransciscans exercise it. How they discharge this Office, Agrippa de vanitat. scien. cap. 96. showeth, saying, Whereas their jurisdiction should be grounded upon Theological traditions, and holy Scriptures, they exercise it according to the Canon-Law and Papal Decrees, as if it were impossible the Pope can err; and they throw away the holy Scriptures as a dead letter, or but a shadow of truth, yea, and they say, as a buckler and fortress of Heretics; neither admit they the ancient traditions of Fathers and Doctors, saying, Those might be deceived, and deceive, but the holy Church of Rome cannot err, nor the Pope the head thereof; and they set before them the Books of his Court, as the But of their faith: when they inquire, they ask nothing but, Believest thou in the Church of Rome? and if it be answered affirmatively; they say, But the Church of Rome judgeth this proposition heretical and scandalous unto godly ears, or derogatory unto the power of the Church; and so they compel the man unto a recantation. But if he who is examined, do profess to maintain his opinion by testimony of Scripture, or by reasoning, they make a noise, and blowing their cheeks, they say, You have not to deal with Batchelors, or raw Students, but with your Judges; you come not to argue and jangle, but you must answer simply, whether you will acknowledge the Decree of the Roman Church, and revoke what you have said: If the man will not, they show him faggots, and say, We must deal with Heretics, not by arguments and Scripture, but by these, &c. A third sort of locusts were the Carmelites, a more ancient sort indeed; for they had been many ages at mount Carmel, even under the Soldan; but when they changed their habit, they were all banished; and coming into Europe, were confirmed by Pope Honorius the III. Their habit was white; their rule was to accept from any man, and do nothing, but at command of their Superior to deceive the people with glossing words, under pretence of long prayer. Those were once conjunct with the Franciscans in the Inquisition; but when they saw the people hated them for the cruelty of that office, they forsook it; as I. Bale in Catal. pag. 546. hath marked from the Bull of Pope Alexander the IV. A fourth sort was the Crucigeri, which began (as Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 7. cap. 3. hath it) in this manner. INNOCENTIUS the III. directed against the Albigenses a great number of Soldiers, intended against the Turks; they had received their badge of the cross: Those all were slain, and the Pope canonized them all; and for their honor he began such an Order, and gave them privileges. Pope Alexander the IV. dreamed that he saw St. Augustine, and therefore he called all the Augustinians out of the woods and deserts, and caused them to dwell in Cities, and gave them exemptions and privileges. So about that time began many other Orders, both of men & women, apart in their own Monasteries, and some of both men and women in the same Monastery, but (for shame) in divers parts, and both sorts under the command of a woman; as the Order of St. Clara (the Sister of Francis the Minorite) and of St. Briget. About the year 1252. the Minorites began to teach Aristotle, that they might be the more able to deceive with Sophistry. Innocentius the IV. thereupon said, Now Philosophy sitteth like a whore; to wit, (saith Matth. Parisien.) as another Caiaphas, he prophesied truly; If he knew that she was a whore, why did he suffer her to occupy the chair of her Mistress? because he would show, that wittingly and willingly he had given a bill of divorcement unto the holy Scriptures. Scholastic Theology was the proper exercise of these two Sects of Friers, and they did still extinguish the few and little sparks of truth: For the Scholastic Divinity had (as it were) three ages; the first from the year 1120. until the year 1212. the Doctors of this age are reckoned, Anselm Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Hugo de St. Victor, a German, Richard de St. Victor, a Scot, Gratian the Compiler of the Decrees, Peter Lombard Master of the Sentences, his colleague Blandinus, Rupertus Tuitiensis, Hugo de Ponto, Hugo the Cardinal, and first Compiler of Concordantiae Biblicae, Leo Tuscus, Gulielm. Altisiodorensis, Vincentius Gallus, Alexander de Ales, alias Fons vitae, an English, who wrote the first Commentaries on Lombard, Gwalther Pictaviensis, Alfonsus Tostatus, or Abulensis, &c. The second age began with Albertus Magnus, Professor once at Paris, and then at Colein, his disciple Thomas de Aquino Doctor irrefragabilis▪ Aegidius Romanus Primate of Aquitania, Johannes Scotus Subtilis Doctor, Richardus de Media villa, Alanus de Insulis, Augustinus de Ancona, Nicolaus de Lyra, Cardinal Bonaventura Sepharicus Doctor, Durand de St. Portiano, not the worst of them, Gulielmus Occam, about the year 1330. &c. These were diligent in studying, reading and writing; but as the Arians, Novatians, and other Heretics in former times, did trust in their subtle disputes, so these for the most part, forsake the certainty of Scriptures, despise the simplicity of the Fathers, delight in the subtlety of distinctions and curious questions; and were readier to wrangle and jangle with ostentation of wit, then to search the truth in love; desirous to maintain opinions that they have coined, and not to follow Divine oracles; feigning new words, and prattling of verbalities, realities, hecceities, and what other frivolous words they can devise, to paint and disguise their errors: And when they have talked so highly, that few can understand their discourse, then they are called sublime Doctors; and what one did coin, another did oppose and refute. In their disputes they seldom bring texts of Scripture for confirmation or grounds, but so saith the Philosopher, or so saith the Master (meaning Aristotle and Lombard) or so saith such a Father. And others among them, whose sagacity cannot soar aloft, do write of the power of the Pope, and miracles of Saints; they forge plausible or terrible fables, advance the relics and Histories of this or that Saint, still mixing their own lies. I leave the third age of Scholastic unto its own place. These of that second age, have added many errors unto the former; as for example, 1. Peter Lombard could not tell, whether the change of the bread in the Sacrament were formal or accidental; but these held transubstantion and concomitancy. From this root sprang a wood of intricate questions, that the world knew not before (which demonstrateth the novelty of the error) as 1. What giveth immediately the form unto the Sacrament? Pope Innocentius the III. lib. 4. de Myster. cap. 6. saith, Christ used no words in the consecration, but only did consecrate by his Divine power. But Tho. Aquin. in Sum. par. 3. qu. 76. ar. 1. ad 1. saith, Against this are the words of the Gospel, which say, Christ blessed; and certainly that blessing was done by some words; therefore the words of Innocentius are spoken opinative magis quàm determinative. For clearing this point, he showeth (a little before) a new distinction between this Sacrament and all other Sacraments; to wit, the form of other Sacraments import the use of the matter, but the form of this importeth only the consecration of the matter, which, saith he, consists in consubstantiation. 2. Whether the substance of the bread remain after the consecration? they conclude this negative. 3. Whether the substance of the bread be turned into nothing, or into materiam primam, or into the body of Christ? 4. In what subject do the accidents of the bread and wine remain? 5. Whether the transubstantiation be done in a moment of time? 6. Whether the dimentions of Christ be wholly in this Sacrament? 7. Whether the body of Christ be in this Sacrament locally. 8. Whether the body of Christ doth move according to the motion of the hostie? 9. Whether any eye, even a glorified one, can see Christ's body in the Sacrament? 10. Concerning the truth of the words, Hoc est enim copus meum, are innumerable controversies, as, Whether hoc signify bread? or whether it importeth demonstrationem ut conceptam, & non ut exercitatam? or ad intellectum, & non ad sensum? that is, This, that is the thing signified, by this is my body: Or, whether it demonstrateth to the sense? but is to be understood according to the instant or moment, not of pronouncing it, but of pronouncing the last syllable; as when one saith, Now I will be silent. Thomas Aquinas first did write those, and innumerable more such questions, and after him many have debated them, and many other questions of that subject and nature. 2. Before it was voluntary (excepting the case of scandal) to confess their sins, and no Laws were against them which did not confess; yea, Lombard, Lib. 4. Dist. 17. B. saith, It may be said, that without confession of the mouth, or payment of outward punishment, sins are blotted away by contrition and humility of the heart; for after that one doth with a grieved mind propound to confess his sins, God forgiveth; because there is confession of the heart, albeit not of the mouth; and by this confession the soul is inwardly cleansed from the spot and contagion of committed sin, and the debt of everlasting death is forgiven; and therefore (saith he) these sentences [of the Fathers which he hath quoted before] concerning repentance and confession, are to be understood of the confession of the heart, or of inward punishment. But after that Decree of Innocentius the III. the School-men held, that he is not to be accounted a Christian, who confesseth not all his sins particularly. As for the circumstances, the Canon biddeth the Priest be discreet in searching the circumstances of the sinner, and of the sin. But the School-men press every man to confess particularly every circumstance of his sin, so far as possibly he can. Concerning the person who should hear confessions, Lombard, lot. cit. D. teacheth, that a man should diligently seek a Priest, because God hath given the power of binding and loosing unto Priests; but if a Priest cannot be had, one may make his confession unto his neighbor or companion: and he speaketh nowhere of a Monk or Frier. But afterwards the Dominicans got power from the Popes, and the Priests were neglected. 3. Gratian in his Decrees, and Lombard in his Sentences, have no word of pardons or Papal indulgences. But when avarice had possessed the Clergy, and the people were blinded with ignorance and superstition, and both were contented with an outward formality, then public declarations were redeemed with sums of money which they called alms for the use of the poor, or for building Hospitals or Churches, or Bridges; and the discharge of the public declarations, was called indulgence or pardon. The School-men finding this practice to be so gainful unto Bishops, and the pardons so acceptable unto the people, did commend them in their preachings, yet so, that among themselves some made question of the truth of them; for some (as Tho. Aquin. Supplem. qu. 25. ar. 2.) said, These pardons were but a kind of pious deceit, whereby the Church draweth men into some sort of devout actions, as a mother allureth her child unto some steps, by showing him a golden penny, which she giveth him not. Some said, they were available in the Court, not of God, but of the Church; others held they were useful in both Courts: And they made the ground of this power, to be the treasures of Christ's, and the Saints sufferings, which they had suffered more then was needful for the propitiating their sin and everlasting punishment, all which their sufferings of supererogation, make up the treasure of the Church; and the Bishops or Priests may bestow a part of that treasure on them which have not merits of their own. And truly any man might perceive (as the Germans did in their grievances, which they sent unto Pope Hadrian the VI.) that these were cunning frauds to purchase money unto the Pope, and the Friers, and others their partners. We read, that in the primitive Church, when discipline was strict, they would remit somewhat of their severity, as they saw the persons affected; but in that Century, not so much the punishment already enjoined, but to be enjoined was dispensed with for money; in former time the dispensation was granted, lest the penitents did faint under the burden, and that they might the sooner be received into the communion again, nor were they granted for money. But at that time, and in times following, they were pardoned from all satisfaction, both for sin committed and to be committed, if they would give moneys; which trick was coloured with pretext to say Masses for them, or for use of the holy wars. And these pardons were (at most) thought to avail only unto the living, until Boniface the VIII. did extend their virtue unto the souls in Purgatory. Co. Agrip. de vanit. scien. cap. 61. Unto the more clearing of this point, hear what John Roffen. saith, contra assert. Luthe. art. 18. seeing Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 1. and others do cite the same as truth; Possibly many (saith he) do not value indulgences, because the use of them is known to have come but lately among Christians; unto them I answer, It is not certain who gave them first; nevertheless there hath been some use of them very ancient, as they say, among the Romans, which may be gathered by the Stations—None who is Orthodox [here he would say, Popish, or a follower of the Pope] doubteth whether there be a Purgatory; of which there is no, or very little mention among the ancients; yea, and mong the Greeks it is not believed until this day; and neither did the Latins conceive the verity thereof at one time, but by little and little, nor without dispensation of the holy Ghost; that after so many years, both the faith of Purgatory, and use of indulgences, was generally received by the Romish Church: so long as there was not fear of Purgatory, no man sought pardons; for upon it doth all the account of pardons depend; if ye take away Purgatory, what use have pardons? therefore pardons began after that people stood in awe of Purgatory. So far he, saith Polydore, which thou perhaps (seeing they are of so great moment) didst expect (as more certain) from the mouth of God. But Roffensis saith further; If there be no Purgatory, we shall not have need of pardons; considering therefore how long time Purgatory was not known, and then it was believed by some by degrees, partly by revelations, and partly by Scriptures, and so at last it was believed generally by the whole Church; we may easily understand some cause of pardons: Seeing then Purgatory was so lately known, who can now admire, that there was no use of pardons in the primitive Church? &c. 4. A fourth device of the Friers, was the distinction of merit, ex congruo, & condigno; some holding the one part only, and some both parts, but it was never universally approved among them, seeing always some did abhor to say, A man by his merits is worthy of the Kingdom of heaven. Of which number were Guiliel. Parisien, Jo. Scotus, Gregorius de Arimino, Biel, &c. This particular leadeth to another consideration of these Friers, that as they do differ in degrees, the latter sort (for the most part) being worse, or more erroneous then their fathers, and ready to produce a worse generation, so they did and still do differ in contrary opinions; for they preach not Christ of good will (saith Agrip. de vanit. scien. cap. 97.) but for contention; so that there is more hope of agreement among Philosophers, then among these School-men, seeing they have darkened and killed all manner of Divinity with opinions of men, and new errors, &c. and the posterity sweareth into the words or tenets of their Master; and they are led captive by his opinion, so that they will not yield unto contrary reasons nor Scripture. This is clear by the families or Sects of Thomists and Scotists, striving the one against the other, not in Philosophical or indifferent points, but in matters of greatest moment; As for example, 1. Thomas saith, A man is accepted of God, not for his virtue, but by the grace of God, which is the fountain of these virtues. In 2. Sent. Dist. 26. q. 1. ar. 4. But Capreolus on that place bringeth Scotus, Durand and Aureolus, holding the contrary. 2. Thomas saith, A man deserveth glory ex condigno, 1, 2. qu. 114. ar. 3. yet to make this smooth, he hath devised that distinction, that a work deserveth either as it proceedeth from free-will, or as it proceedeth from God's grace; and so on that part of Rom. 6. J • ct. 4. he saith, If good works be considered in their own nature, or as they proceed from man's free-will, they deserve not eternal life ex condigno, but only as they proceed from the grace of the holy Ghost. But Durand in 2. Sent. Dist. 27. qu. 2. refuteth both the tenet and that frivolous distinction. 3. Thomas proveth, that a man cannot understand supernatural things without the light of grace, In 2. Sent. Dist. 28. qu. 1. ar. 5. But Durand on that place striveth for the contrary. 4. Thomas saith, No man in this life without habitual grace, can eschew all and every sin, 1, 2. qu. 109. But Scotus holdeth the contrary. In 2. Sent. Dist. 28. 5. Thomas saith, None without the help of God, can sufficiently prepare himself unto habitual grace, loc. cit. ar. 6. and there he declareth what it is to prepare himself; to wit, to turn unto God; as he which hath his eyes turned from the Sun, prepareth himself to receive the light of the Sun, when he turneth himself unto the Sun. Against this doth Durand dispute, in 2. Sent. Dist. 28. qu. 5. 6. Thomas saith, Grace differeth really from virtue, as the soul from the faculties, in 2. Sent. Dist. 26. qu. 1. ar. 4. Scotus holdeth the contrary on that place. 7. Thomas holdeth, that want of original justice in babes is a sin, ibid. Dist. 30. qu. 1. ar. 2. Durand on that place holdeth the contrary. 3. Thomas saith, Original sin cannot be properly called a quality, or absolute form inclining to ill actions, 1, 2. qu. 82. ar. 1. Gregor. de Armi. on 2. Sent. Dist. 30. qu. 1. ar. 2. teacheth, that according to Augustine, original sin is a positive quality, or carnal concupiscense, by which man is inclined to sin actually. 9. Thomas holdeth, that every action of man, if it be evil, is properly a sin, 1, 2. qu. 21. ar. 1. Gregory in loc. cit. holdeth the contrary. 10. Thomas proveth, that every act of man, as it is an act, is from God, De malo qu. 3. ar. 2. Capreolus on 2. Sent. Dist. 37. qu. 1. ar. 1. bringeth Durand, Gregory, and Aureolus, disputing in the contrary. 11. Thomas teacheth, that to the goodness of an action, is required the goodness of the matter, and of the form and intention. Capreolus on 2. Sent. Dist. 38. bringeth sundry School-men, holding that the goodness of intention is not necessary. 12. Dominicans generally hold, that the Sacraments do work grace after the manner of a knife, cutting and framing a thing, and not a vessel containing grace. But the Franciscans deny all effective power in the Sacraments, but bring the virtue of them from the only power of God's promise, so oft as the Sacrament is administered. They do agree in the opere operato, and differ in the manner. Council. Trident. lib. 2. 13. Dominicans held, that the Sacraments of the Old Testament did not confer, but only foresignifie grace which was to be given after the sufferings of Christ. The Franciscans held the contrary, ibid. 14. Thomas par. 3. qu. 75. ar. 4. saith, It is necessary to believe, that the body of Christ is in the Eucharist, by the change of the substance of the bread into it. But Bellarmine De Euchar. lib. 3. cap. 23. saith, Scotus held, that transubstantiation was not thought a doctrine of • aith before the Lateran Council; and that there is not express Text of Scripture, which without declaration of the Scripture, can convince one to admit transubstantiation. Certainly the opinion of Thomas was according to the sense of the article which Innocentius the III. did decree; and howbeit the Romanists hold still the word transubstantiation, yet they are all for the most part fallen upon another conceit, that the substance of the bread evanisheth, or is annihilated, and the body of Christ cometh instead of it. And hence ariseth many questions among them, as, whether the body of Christ be eaten with the teeth, and go into the belly? whether the wicked do eat the body of Christ? They who will read any School-man on Lombard, Lib. 4. Dist. 10, 11. will find many such questions concerning the Sacrament. In a word, all the huge volumes of Thomists and Scotists upon the Sentences, are so many monuments of controversies betwixt antagonists in the Romish Church; as lately Dr. T. Mortan hath proved the Protestant faith by testimonies of these School-men, or (as he speaketh) even the enemies being judges: Therefore all the boasting of Papists concerning the unity of their Church, is indeed but to delude them which are not acquainted with their books. Thus the Church was pitifully divided with these Sects; and when the disciples of these School-men went abroad to preach, one thus, and another the contrary, the people knew not what to believe. And albeit the Popes did tolerate them so long as they stood for the triple Mitre, yet hence we may understand one main cause, why some Bishops and Princes did be wail the confusion in the Church, and after that time wish and cry for a Reformation. To this purpose hear how • e. Soave in Hist. Con. Triden. lib. 2. reporteth the contest betwixt the Bishops and the Generals of the Friers. On the one side the Bishops did complain, that albeit Christ had commanded to teach the people his doctrine, and that could be no other way but by public teaching in the Church; and to the end sufficient men might be provided to teach the people, this charge did properly belong unto Bishops; as the Apostles at first shown the way, and the holy Fathers did follow; yet this charge of so great importance was taken from the Bishops, that no footsteps thereof remain, and that by giving of privileges; and this is the cause why all things become worse and worse, because Christ's institution is changed. The Universities had immunity, that a Bishop cannot know what they are teaching; the power of preaching is given unto the begging Friers, so that they are free from the Laws of Bishops, and will not let them see what they are doing; and so Bishops are robbed of the chief part of their office. And in the contrary, they which at first were appointed only to be wail the sins of men, and which by express and severe threatenings were forbidden to teach or preach, have now usurped, or as a gift do possess that office as their peculiar only, in the mean time the flock wanteth a shepherd and hireling too; for these vagring preachers, which skip from one City to another, cannot understand either the necessity of the people, or the capacity of their minds, and far less the opportunities of teaching and edifying them, so as a constant Pastor might, who living continually with his flock, hath more experience of their infirmities and necessities. Moreover, these preachers have not such an aim to edify the people, but to bring alms to their own advantage, or of their Convent; and to the end they may make their purchase the more liberally, they look not to the salvation of souls, but only to their own advantage by flattering, delighting and following the affections of men; and the people learn instead of the doctrine of Christ, nothing but news, or certainly vanity—The only remedy of all these evils is, that these privileges and exemptions be discharged, and the charge of teaching and preaching be restored unto Bishops, and of choosing others to be their helpers in that work. On the other side, the Generals of the Friers said, When Bishops and Curates had neglected their pastoral work, so that in many ages, neither preachings were heard in Churches, nor teaching of Divinity in Schools, at last God did raise up the Orders of begging Friers, to repair the defect of that necessary office, which they had not usurped, but had obtained by the gift of the supreme Pastor; and seeing it belongeth unto him chiefly to feed the flock, it is an injury to aver, that whom he hath appointed to supply their defects, who according to their office should have had care of the flock, and had forsaken it, and meddled with the harvest of others; but it is rather true, that unless they had so done in love and charity, there had been ere now no remembrance of Christ's name; and therefore seeing for the space of three hundreds years and upwards they have waited upon this work, to the manifest benefit of men, and by just title of the Roman high Priests, gifts and prescription of so long time, this is their office; the Bishops have no reason to move any controversy, or pretend the custom of ancient time, for recovering the office which they had forsaken for so many ages. And what is objected of their enlarging the Monasteries or seeking their own gain, it is a mere calumny, seeing of the alms they did reap nothing but meat and clothes, and what was over, was employed to the service of God, in saying Masses, or in building and decoring Churches, for the benefit of the people; and therefore the offices which have been exercised by these Orders, in the holy Churches and study of Divinity, which scarcely can be found without the Cloisters of Monks, they may justly claim as their own, and should be continued with them, seeing hardly can other sufficient men be had. So far there. If we compare these two discourses, and consider how truly the first describeth the latter times, and the other painteth forth the preceeding time, we may understand the miseries of the Church, and what need there was of Reformation.
3. It is said before, that Pope Innocentius the III. made a Law, that the election of the Pope should appertain unto the Cardinals only, whereby their grandeur did wax mightily. I will not say, that this was a novation, and a change of the election of the Bishop of Rome; but now it is time to speak of their beginning, and increase of their honor, and that in the words of Romish Authors. The Jesuit Azorius saith, Some bring their conception from Gregory the I. and some from Silvester the I. and some from Marcellus. Bellarm. de Cleri. lib. 1. cap. 16. alledgeth, that there is mention of Cardinals, in a Council at Rome, in the days of Pope Silvester the I. but then (as Spalatin. de Repu. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 5. §. 11. hath observed ex Grego. Regist. & Epist.) Cardinalis was no other but fixed and ordinary, and it was opposed to vagrant and titular Bishops and Priests; whereas now (saith he) for the most part, or rather all Cardinals are but titulars, and none of them hath an ordinary or settled charge. Ibid. §. 32. Bellarm. loc. cit. saith also, The office of Cardinals consisteth in three particulars: 1. Is the office of a Bishop, or Priest, or Deacon. 2. The election of the Pope. 3. It is to assist the Pope always. In all these, saith he, they have their original from the days of the Apostles; but he proveth not well. When Pol. Virg. searcheth the invention of things, he passeth not by the invention of Cardinals, in li. 4. ca. 9. Pope Marcellus (saith he) from among the twenty five Parishes that were then at Rome, appointed fifteen of them to be Cardinal [or as they call them improperly Mother-Churches, and the rest were but Chapels or Oratories] for the use of baptism and burial; and this is the very beginning of the Order of Cardinals—and long after, to be a Cardinal, was no other thing but to have the care of souls. [That which followeth, is commanded to be blotted out by the Index expurgatorius, Printed at Antwerp An. 1561. pag. 70.] But afterwards, when Pope Boniface the III. obtained from the Emperor Phocas the prerogative over all the rest of the Bishops, then the high Priest of Rome, with his Senate of Town-Priests, began to be more advanced above others; and these Priests to whom these titles were given in old time, and to whom the cure of Christian souls was committed, began especially to be honored with that name, as proper to the highest Dignity—In the beginning it was altogether a burden, and at last the chiefest honor, seeing they are always nearest to the Pope in the administration of the Christian Republic, and unto them was more and more given; and by little and little by jarring of the Emperors and the people of Rome for the election of the Pope, all the right of the election came unto them. So far he. In this last matter, Bellar. loc. cit. is more plain; howsoever these things be so, I confess, saith he, that the Cardinalship was a step unto a Bishopric, as it is most manifest out of the first book of the life of Gregory, cap. 7. but that order is changed, and Cardinals are preferred unto Bishops; because when the Emperors, and Clergy, and people did choose the Pope, the Cardinals were not in such estimation; but when only they began to choose the Pope, and only Cardinals were chosen, the dignity of a Cardinal is not without cause more respected. Secondly, The dignity of a Cardinal is advanced, because they were wont to be neither the only, neither the chief Consellors of the Pope; for in the first eight hundred years, a national Council of Italian Bishops was gathered, for consultation of the weighty affairs, as is manifest by the Councils; there the chief place was given to Bishops: but when the affairs of the Church of Rome did increase, especially the temporal Princedom in the days of Pipin and Charles the Great, the Councils have been omitted, and all things brought to the College of Cardinals. So he. We saw before how great privileges Innocentius the III. gave unto this Order, and so did Innocentius the IV. If Peter Damian, Cardinal of Ostia, had seen them so far honored, whereunto would he have compared them, seeing he is bold to extol them so far in his days? What thinkest thou of the Cardinal Bishops (saith he) who principally choose the Pope of Rome, and do transcend the power of all Bishops, yea of Patriarchs and Primates? to wit, except the Sacrament of the universal Church, these are the eyes of the one stone, that is, of the Roman Church; of whom it is said in Zacharias, Behold the stone which I have set before Jehoshua; upon that one stone are seven eyes; they are the lamp of the one candlestick—they are the candlesticks in the midst of which Jesus doth walk. Apoc. 2, &c. Baron. Tom. 11. ad An. 1061. nu. 11. at the election of Cardinals, the Pope saith to them, Be ye our Brethren and Princes of the world? Antonin. Flor. sum. Theol. par. 3. tit. 21. cap. 1. §. 2. Pope Pius the II. said to his Cardinals, Ye are my eldest and best beloved children; and ye are honored with most excellent dignity, when ye are called into the Apostolical College; ye shall be our Counselors, and judges of all the earth—ye shall be Senators of the City, and like unto Kings; and very hinges of the world, upon whom the door of the militant Church must turn and be governed. Vsser. de Eccles. statu. cap. 4. ex Sacr. cerem. Ro. Eccles. lib. sect. 8. cap. 3. Antonius, after his manner, proveth, that the same authority belongeth unto them, loc. cit.
4. In this Century these Friers and Cardinals spared not the blood of God's servants; for Pope Innocentius thought first by disputes and sophistry to bear down the Waldenses, but when he could not that way prevail, he caused his Friers to sting them with fire and sword. An. 1205. he sent the forenamed Dominicus, with Didacus Bishop of Exonia or Uxonia, in Spain, into the County of Tolose; they disputed once at Viride Folium, and again at Axamia. An. 1207. in the City Montie-regalis, the same two, with Fulco Bishop of Tolouse, and Petrus de Castro novo, the Popes Legate, disputed against Arnold hot, Pastor Albigensium, Ponticus Jordanus, Arnold Aurisanus, Philibert Castrensis, and Benedict Thermus. These were the Articles; The Church of Rome is not the holy Church, neither Spouse of Christ, but filled with the doctrine of devils; she is Babylon that John describeth in the Apocalypse; the mother of fornications and abominations; covered with the blood of the Saints. It doth not please the Lord, which pleaseth the Church of Rome; neither Christ nor his Apostles did institute the Mass, but it is the device of man. By consent of both parties, four Laics were named Auditors; to wit, two noble men, Bernard de Villa nova, and Bernard Arrensis; and two of meaner degree, Raymundus Godins, and Arnold Riberia. When the disputation had continued three days, Fulco sought the space of fifteen days, and he would give the defense of his positions in writing; and Arnold Hot craved eight days to give his answer in writing likewise. They assembled at the day appointed; and the conferences were prolonged the space of four days; and at last the Bishop said, These things ought to be taken from the Mass, that are not of the Mass: and so they were dismissed; neither was anymore done of these controversies, Vsser. ex Vignier. Hist. Eccles. ad An. 1207. There were also other conferences among them. But when the Pope and his Cardinals saw that they could not prevail with disputes, Odo Bishop of Paris easily persuaded the Pope to try them with the sword, An. 1208. The Pope wrote unto Philip King of France for that effect; and proclaimed Indulgences unto all who would take Arms against the Waldenses and Albigenses, even as large as to them who warred against the Mahumetists; and the Pope and the King gave all the lands of the Waldenses, and their goods, unto any who would take them. Raymund Earl of Tolouse was of this number; and was much envied by the Clergy for his devotion, and by Laity for his grandeur: he was Cousin-german of King Philip, and Lord of Tolouse, Province, Aquitania, Delphinate, the County of S. Giles, Velnaissen, Ruthen, Cadurcen, Albio, and of other large dominions on both sides of Rhodanus; he had married Johanna, Sister of John King of England, and after her Eleonora, Daughter of Peter King of Aragon, Vsser. in Stat. & Succes. Eccles. ex Guil. Armor. & Bertrand. in gest. Tolos. Of the same profession were the Counts de Foy, de Beders, de Cominees, de Carmain, &c. To the end that Raymund may be the more odious unto the people, the Preachers did slander him of Manicheism; but untruly, saith Bertrand. In the year 1209. were levied in France 22000. men; their General was Simon Earl of Monford, with some of the Preachers and Nobility. They first did set against Biterrae, in which were 100000. men; it pleased God that the persecutors had the upper hand; and when the Soldiers asked the Abbot of Cistertian, what they should do, because they knew not who were Heretics, and who were not? he answered, Kill all, God knoweth who are his: So they spare neither age nor sex, Caesar. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 21. Many hundreds were burnt, many were hanged, and many thousands were slain in other places, I. Thuan. ad An. 1550 In a word, they prevailed so, that Raymund was robbed of all his lands almost; and went to Rome An. 1215. and promised obedience unto the Church, if the Pope would cause his lands to be restored. Innocentius answered, The expedition was chargeable unto the Church, and unto Simon de Monford; and therefore he had given these lands unto Simon; and it was past the King's confirmation, and could not be recalled; only he would grant unto Raymund 400. marks yearly, during his life, if he shall continue under obedience. Then Raymund went to Aragon, and levied an Army of 100000. men; and within a year he recovered by strength all his lands▪ Simon was killed An. 1218. and 22000. men with him; so was his Son Guido An. 1219. Io. de Serres. Then King Philip sent his Son Louis once and again against Tolouse; but all in vain so long as Raymund lived, and Roger de Foy; both which died within one month, An. 1221. His Son Raymund (whether for fear of worldly opposition, or if he left the doctrine which his Father had professed, it is uncertain) offered all obedience unto the Church and King, if they would grant him peace. Almaric, the Son of Simon de Montford, appeareth in the contrary, alleging his Title unto the County of Tolouse—which was granted unto his Father, and confirmed by the Pope and the King. In the mean time Philip dieth, and left unto Almaric 20000. (some write 100000.) lievers of Paris, for a new expedition against Tolouse; and at last, by persuasion of Romanus, Cardinal de St. Angelo, the Pope's Legat, Louis VIII. King of France, with Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Peers, Barons, and 50000. horse, with a great number of foot (which arose for fear of the King and the Pope's Legate, more then for zeal to the cause, saith Mat. Paris. in Hen. III.) they were marked with the sign of the Cross, against the Heretics (as they spake) of Tolouse and Avenion (which also belonged unto Raymund) and boasting to destroy all the means and men within his Dominions, An. 1226. They came first to Avenion, craving passage through the Town for shortness of way. The Citizens said, They feared more danger. The King sware he would not rise from siege, till he had taken the City. They had so provided, that within were neither old persons, nor women, nor children; and all beastials were removed, and all the meadows were tilled; that the King had scarcity without, and they within had plenty; so without was dearth, and death (as was reckoned) of 22000. Simon and the Pope's General were killed with stones out of slings. Some of the Nobility crave leave to return, but obtain it not. The King dieth. Romanus causeth his death to be concealed; and after asking a treaty for peace, (which was refused) he craveth that he and the Prelates may enter the City, to try if the wickedness was so great, as the cry thereof was come unto the Pope's ears; and swore that he minded nothing but the salvation of souls: But he contemned his oath, brought in the Army, brake their walls, and slew many of them, Mat. Paris. ad An. 1226. in Hen. III. In the year 1228. Raymund did rout his adversaries in three several battles, idem. Then they invade Tolouse; but so that the young King was glad to seek peace; and the Earl accepteth it on good conditions. Then the Pope sent the Marshal de la Foy with a fresh Army. King Louis would not allow it, and said, They should persuade by reason, and not constrain by force, Io. de Serres. When open wars were ended, the Bishops and Friers were busy with burning and hanging; and these broils were not ended for seventy years, saith Bertrand. Ia. Thuan. in the dedication of his History, telleth summarily the success: They were killed or banished, and scattered hither and thither, but not convicted of errors, nor brought into repentance; some fled into Province, or near unto the Alps, finding lurking holes for their liyes and doctrine; some went into Calabria, and their followers abode there until the Papacy of Pius the IV. some settled in Bohem, Poland and Livonia; and of their relics in Britain, was John Wycliffe in Oxford. So Thuan. Wheresoever they went, Satan followed to devour them. And all the Historians of those times show how they were persecuted; as Vsser. hath marked particularly, loc. cit. ca. 10. Innocentius III. caused the bones of Almaric to be burnt, a learned Bishop at Paris, because he had taught, that no sin is imputed unto man in the state of grace; and Images should not be in Churches; and other twenty four persons, for the same doctrine, An. 1210. Io. Bale Cent. 3. cap. 67. in Appen. showeth ex Bern. Lutzenburg. that when Dominicus, with twelve Cistertian Monks, was sent against them, the sum of them who were killed in the wars, were 100000. persons, and out of Christ. Massanus. That in the Diocy of Narbon 140. men chose rather to suffer the fire, then accept the doctrine of Rome, An. 1210. And in the next year 400. were burnt within the Diocy of Tolouse, eighty were beheaded, and Almericus, Captain of the Castle of Vare, was hanged, and his wife was stoned to death. M. Fox in Act. & Monim. showeth out of Herm. Mutius, that An. 1212. sundry Noble men and others, in the County of Alsatia, did hold, that every day was free for eating of flesh, if it be soberly; and that they do wickedly, who hinder Priests from lawful marriage. Therefore Innocentius caused an hundred of them to be burnt in one day. Nauclerus showeth, that at the same time were many of the same doctrine at Milan, who sent relief unto their Brethren in Alsatia. An. 1220. William, a Goldsmith, was burnt, because he said, Rome was Babylon, and the Pope was Antichrist. Bale ex Caesar. in dialogue. Desiderius à Lombard. at the same time was called Haeresiarcha, because he wrote against the begging Friers. We read of many such other burnings and martyrdoms in other places and times; but the truth could not be burnt, nor overthrown, nor want her witnesses.
5. Guilielmus de Alta Petra, Bishop of Paris, about the year 1220. wrote a book De Clero, wherein he speaketh of the Clergy of his time in this manner; No godliness or learning is seen in them, but rather all devilish filthiness, and monstrous vices; their sins are not simply sins, but monsters of sins; they are not the Church, but Babylon, Egypt, and Sodom; the Prelates build not the Church, but destroy it; they mock God; and they and their Priests do profane the body of Christ; they lift up to the heavens, with all manner of Ecclesiastical honor, the limbs of the devil, and enemies of God: in a word, they bring Lucifer into the Church of Christ. He taught also that there is no law belonging unto the salvation of man, but the Gospel of Christ.
6. Joachim, Abbot of Curacon in Calabria, about the year 1200. held and and taught, that the Pope and his Court were the Antichrist, because they were drowned in simony and luxury; by their wickedness they hindered the Jews and Pagans from converting unto Christ. He wrote prophetical pictures upon the Revelation, with Italian expositions, wherein he sharply taxeth the Pope and his Clergy. In his Commentary on Jeremiah, he saith, The days shall be perilous from the year 1200. until the last times, when the law of liberty shall appear, the Gospel of Christ shall be preached, and the Church shall be purged, as the wheat from the chaff and tares. Pope Innocentius the III. condemned him, as thinking amiss of the Trinity; and saying, that he who believeth the Trinity of persons, and unity of nature or essence, establisheth a quaternity. But as we said, Antoninus showeth, that the Pope condemned that error as his, but he condemned not himself. And Mar. Luther, in a peculiar Treatise, cleareth this Joachim from all error of the faith in the Trinity, Catal. test. verit. lib. 17. and certainly all is not sure that is set down in the Decretals. M. Fox in Act. & Monim. showeth ex Roge. Honeden. that when Richard King of England went to Syria, by the way he sent for Joachim to meet him in Sicily, and asked him many things; among the rest, he asked what he thought of the coming of the Antichrist? He began to expound the mystery of the seven Kings in the Apocalypse; these are seven persecutors, Herod, Nero, Constantius, Muhammad, Melsemutus, Saladin and Antichrist; and Antichrist is now sitting in the City of Rome, and in his Apostolical throne; as the Apostle saith, he is an adversary, and exalteth himself above all that is called God: Also he foretold the estate of the Church; all the Church of the Saints shall be hid; for the elect of God, what they know, they shall know it to themselves; so that they will not presume to preach publicly, because of prevailing darkness; not that they will leave to encourage and exhort the faithful privately, but because they will not dare to preach publicly, Vsser. de Eccles. statu. cap. 6. ex Roge. Honen. annal. in Rich. II.
7. Conradus, a Lichtenal, was made abbas Vrspergensis An. 1215. In the History of Henry the V. Emperor, he showeth, that many at that time did reprove peregrinations and indulgences; and in that place he calleth them a novelty. He writeth many things in favor of Popes, yet the force of truth sometimes prevaileth with them: he condemneth Pope Gregory the IX. for excommunicating the Emperor without just causes, and without all order; he condemneth the Pope for taking Lands from the Emperor in his absence, whereas he had forced him to go away; and for killing some who were signed with the Cross, because they were going to aid the Emperor against the Turks; which, saith he, is most abominable to speak. He made this rhime of the avarice of Rome. Epephonema ex vita Phil. Imp.
Ex Catalog. test. ver. lib 16. This is expounded of the frequent gadding to Rome in the days of Pope Innocentius the III. See pag. 317. 8. Thore.
8. There is extant a constitution of Louis, surnamed the blessed, King of France, bearing the date An. 1228. sub tit. de Taliis, wherein he regrateth the avarice of Popes, saying, The exactions and grievous burdens of moneys that are laid on the Churches of our Kingdom by the Court of Rome, and whereby the Kingdom is miserably exhausted, and more yet may be by burdens which are said to be lately imposed, We will that these be levied upon no condition, nor gathered, except only for a reasonable, pious and most urgent, or inevitable necessity; and by our express and willing consent, and with the consent of the Church itself of our Kingdom. At that time the Senate of Paris did present unto John Santroman, the King's Advocate, the Pope's Bull to be read and answered. He replied, saying, The greatest confusion of all things would arise upon the accepting and comprobation of that Bull; for by Authority of such in former times, the people of the Kingdom had in great number gone out of the Kingdom unto Rome; of whom some became slaves or clients to the Cardinals; and some living more liberally, had wasted their patrimony idly; and others in the City or by the way, had perished with the inconvenience of the air and frequent pestilence; and so France was exhausted of subjects, especially of the learned men. He showeth also, how vast sums of money were carried away for vacancies and avowsancies of Bishoprics and Abbeys, and other titles in the Church, so that sometimes ten or twelve Bulls were sold for one Priesthood; and if this custom shall continue, (said he) it shall come to pass, that who hath any store of moneys, will send to Rome and buy a Priesthood unto his Son or Cousin. The Rector of the University of Paris spake to the same purpose; and having protested at length against the Bull, he appealeth from the iniquity thereof unto the next Council. Brut. Fulmen. ex Chronic. Britain. Armoric. lib. 4.
9. And because we have heard a little of the exactions which the Court laid upon the Nations, to make this more clear, I will add from the same Brut. Fulmen. pag. 66, & 67. an example of France; there the Author saith, It is most certain, two sorts of simoniacal merchandise, of those things that are called spiritual, are exercised at Rome by the Pope; one whereby Priesthoods are sold openly without dissimulation, and that is very gainful; another not so lucrative, but no less abominable, which is called Taxa poenitentiariae Apostolicae. The names and titles of the former are innumerable; but of such a multitude, the principal are reckoned, The tribute of Annates or vacancies; by this word is understood a years revenue, which is paid unto the holy treasury of the Pope; and these are often doubled or tribled. Item the tribute by premunitions, resignations in favors, commenda's, dispensations of age, of order, irregularity, and bodily faults. Item the tribute for the favor of expectations, from devolutions, from Benefices ere they be vacant, for privileges and exemptions of not visiting, agreements of reconciled persons, transactions that are made with the Pope's good pleasure, for exchange of Benefices with dispensation, Episcopal mandats, expeditions in forma vel ration congrui, for creating Prothonotaries and Notaries Apostolical, for letters of colleagues or fellow-helpers, for letters of lesser or higher justice, for Dignities Secular and Ecclesiastical, for new foundations or change of the ancients, for reduction of Regular Monasteries into the condition of Secular, for restitution in integrum, for the fruit to be had in time of absence, for legitimations, for porcative altars, for non obstantiis, for dispensations to Secular Canons, for revocations and ranversings, for tolerations of concubines, usually termed Toleramus, for rescriptions unto pleas, &c. Of this merchandise is a Papal book, with this inscription, Taxa Cancellariae Apostolicae cum Notabilibus juxta stylum hodicrnum Curiae Romanae. In this book is a sentence expressed in these words; And note diligently, that these favors and dispensations are not granted unto poor folks. And what gain is amassed of these particulars, take an example from the grievances of the Parliament of Paris, which they did present unto King Louis the XI. and which was translated into Latin, and printed three several times cum privilegto Regis. Art. 72. And that we may demonstrate particularly how much the Realm hath been exhausted of moneys within these three years, it is observed, that in the time of Pope Pius, twenty and more Arch-Bishoprics and Bishoprics were vacant within the Realm, and without doubt partly for the annual tribute (which they call Annata) and partly for the accessory and extraordinary charges, from every City 6000. crowns were paid; in sum 120000. crown. Art. 68. More then sixty Abbeys did vake, whereof each one hath paid 2000. crowns at least; in sum 120000. Art. 74. At the same time Priories, Deanries, Provestries, Preceptories, and such other Dignities which are not honored with the Crosier, were vacant no fewer then two hundred; and for each of these Benefices were paid five hundred crowns; in sum 100000. crowns. Art. 75. It is certain, that in the Realm are at least 100000. Parishes, and there is none of them in which some man hath not obtained some grace or favor expective; and for each one of these were paid 25. crowns; partly for the expenses of the way or journey, partly for writing the Bulls, for the non obstantiis, prerogatives, annullations, and other special causes which depend upon these expectative graces; as also for the executorial process that were made upon the same graces; in sum 2500000. crowns. So far the Parliament of Paris. Summa summarum is 2840000. crowns. This was paid in three years. As also it is found, that the tax of vacancies, accounted in the books of the Camera, from Cathedral Churches and Abbeys in France, do every sixth year amount to the sum of 697750. lievers, besides Prelacies, which are not taxed, and other Benefices, the exactions of which do almost amount unto the same sum —Pag. 77. There was a book printed at Paris An. 1520. with the privilege of the Parliament of Paris, on June 6. of the same year, with this title, Taxa Cancellariae Apostolicae, & taxa sacra poenitentiariae item Apostolicae, where fol. 36. may be seen the prices and merchandise Apostolical of absolutions. Absolution for a Monk wearing pointed shoes, and a coat tied up, 7. s. Absolutions for a Priest that hath confirmed in marriage persons within degrees forbidden, 7. s. For him that hath known a woman within the Church, and hath committed other villainies, 6. s. For a Priest that hath married persons privily, and hath been present at their clandestin weddings, 7. s. For a Laic who hath stolen holy things out of a holy place, 7. s. For him which hath carnally known his mother, sister, or his kinswomen by blood or marriage, or his godmother, 5. s. For him which hath deflowered a virgin, 6. s. For perjury, 6. s. For a Laic which hath killed an Abbot, or any Priest inferior unto a Bishop, or a Monk, or Clerk, 7, 8, or 9. s. Absolution for the murder of a Laic by a Laic, 5. s. For a Priest, Dean or Clerk, when his supplication is signed with Fiat, 18, or 16. s. For him which hath killed his father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or any kinsman (being a Laic, because if any of them were a Clerk, the murderer is bound to visit the Apostolical See) 5, or 7. s. For a man that hath smitten his wife, so that thereupon she hath a mischance, or hath brought forth before the time, 6. s. For a woman which hath taken any drink, or done any other thing to destroy her birth after it was quickened in her belly, 5. s. Is not the condition of Christians miserable, and hath need to be bewailed?—So that Fla. Blondus lib. 3. Romae instauratae, hath written truly; Now the Princes of the world do adore and worship the perpetual Dictator—the high Priest—and all Europe almost sendeth unto Rome now greater tribute, or certainly equal unto ancient times, in so far but as every City do receive Priestly benefits from the Bishop of Rome. So far Blondus. And that this may be understood, I shall adjoin the words of Suetonius, in the life of Julius Caesar, where writing of France, he saith, He brought all France into the form of a Province, and laid on them to pay yearly, in name of tribute, four hundred Sestertium; and Eutropius, lib. 6. saith the same; which sum, according to the supputation of Budaeus de Ass, is 1000000. crowns, or a Million. So far ex Bru. Fulm.
10. When the Latins did reign in Constantinople, the Greek Church was in some manner made subject unto Rome, until the year 1230. at this time the seam-ripped coat was rent in sunder, upon this occasion; A certain Bishop was elected unto an Arch-Bishopric in Greece, and came to Rome to be confirmed, but could not obtain confirmation, unless he would pay a great sum of money unto Pope Gregory the IX. The Bishop detesting simony refuseth; and returning without confirmation, declareth unto the Nobility of the Land the matter as it was; others which had been with him, did testify the same: Wherefore all the Greeks made a general separation from the Church of Rome. After seven years, Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote unto the same Gregory, humbly entreating to advise upon some means of unity, that the truth on both sides being debated by Scriptures, the erring party might be reduced, the slander be removed, and unity be restored; offering also, that notwithstanding his old and feeble age, he would meet him in the middle way. The Pope replieth, Christ said to Peter, Thou art Cephas; & the power of judging the Articles of faith, belongeth unto the Pope lineally. In a word, he refuseth to call the matter into question. Immediately he excommunicateth all the Greek Church; and he chargeth all Christians to take the sign of the Cross, and fight against the Greeks as Turks. Then Germanus wrote again unto the Pope, showing the incommodities of discord, the naughtiness of his excommunication, and his opposition rather then succession unto Peter; for Peter did instruct all Pastors to feed the flock of God, and to care for it; not by constraint, but of a willing mind; not for filthy lucre, but of readiness; not as they were Lord's—As for himself, that did appertain unto him (said he) which is written in chap. 1. of the same Epistle, We rejoice, though we be in heaviness through manifold temptations. Briefly, he entreateth the Pope to look into Christ's Gospel, and the Epistles of the Apostles, and the Divinity books of ancient writers, that whosoever hath gone astray may be reformed, seeing they both pretend sincerity of faith and doctrine. He wrote also another Letter unto the Cardinals of the Latin Church, showing the utility of Council, (seeing God giveth not all wisdom unto one man) that men may be united by mutual communication; then exhorting unto unity, as they had been formerly: If we have fallen (saith he) raise ye us up; I mean not a bodily, but a spiritual rising, [at that time they were subject unto the Latins, and he waveth to speak of that liberty] and we shall confess ourselves debtors unto you; but if the scandal hath begun at old Rome, read what Paul writeth unto the Galatians, When Peter came. into Antiochia, I withstood him to his face, for he was worthy of rebuke; and nevertheless we may holily judge, that that resistance was not a cause of discord, but of searching the truth, and of deeper disputation; for they continued firm in the bond of love, conformable in faith and doctrine, and no way divided with ambition nor avarice; Oh, if we were like them! Thirdly, He showeth that the Schism of the Church proceedeth only from the oppression, tyranny and exactions of the Roman Church; which of a mother, is become a step-dame, and wholly coveteth to make Nations tributary unto her, and to make Kings her vassals; and gapeth after gold and silver, contrary unto St. Peter, who said, Gold and silver have I none. Fourthly, He showeth what Churches keep the Orthodox faith with the Greek Church; to wit, the Ethiopians, inhabiting the greatest part of the South, Syrians, Iberi, Alani, Gothi, Charari, innumerable people of Russia, and the Kingdom of Bulgaria; all which acknowledge the Greek Church as their mother. He closeth, praying that Christ, who for our sins became man, and is the only head of the Church, would unite the Greek Church with her sister the Latin Church of old Rome, in wholesome doctrine and brotherly love. When the Pope had read those Letters, he sent an Army unto Constantinople, under the sign of the Cross, to fight against the Greeks, Mat. Paris. ad An. 1237. Then Germanus and the Patriarch of Antiochia, did excommunicate the Pope in their several Synods: Among other Articles, contrary unto the Bishop of Rome, they did consent, that Antioch should be preferred unto Rome; because Peter sat there, and was but crucified at Rome. Idem ad An. 1238. Is it any doubt then, which of the two Churches can with good reason be called Orthodox, seeing the one sought to be tried by the Scriptures, and the other would not?
11. In the last Diet of Germany, gathered at Regensburgh, against Pope Gregory the IX. and his Legate Albert, Eberhard Bishop of Salzburgh, had a Sermon, which is in Aventin. Annal. lib. 6. and is repeated by many; the sum is: After the preface, concerning love as the badge of Christians, whereby they should be distinguished from the Soldiers of the infernal Jupiter, he saith, Christ our Savior, Lord and God, hath often forewarned us to take heed of false Christ's and false Prophets, who being covered with a sheep's skin, that is, a Christian name, and title of high Priest, seek to domineer over us, and to deceive us; he hath taught us to know them by their thorns and works of avarice, luxury, contention, hatred, envy, wars, miseries of discord and ambition: by such words, what hath the heavenly Emperor more clearly pointed at, then the Pharisees and Scribes of Babylon? unless we be blind, we may see a most cruel wolf under a sheep's skin, the title of the high Priest; the Romish Priests [Flamines] take Arms against all Christians; by daring and deceiving, and raising wars after wars, they are become great; they kill and massacre the sheep; they thrust peace and concord from the earth—they bring all men low, that they may devour all men, and bring all men into slavery; they provide not for the good of the flock as a shepherd should do—righteousness faileth, but impiety, covetousness, ambition, and lust waxeth; the weak and good men are a prey unto the wicked, and only bad men are wealthy. Christ forbad to hate our enemies, and commanded to love them, & by doing them good to engage them; but contrarily, the Romanists do violate holythings; when they have sworn into a covenant, they abuse the name of God, and deceive men; they are ingrateful unto their benefactors, and recompense good with evil deeds; and with great show of piety they deceive, betray, strive and fight: they will have us to resist divine Majesty, heavenly providence, nature, and the supreme power which God hath ordained. A hundred and seventy years since Hildebrand did first, under show of Religion, lay the ground of Antichrists Kingdom, he first began this unhappy war, which hitherto hath been continued by his Successors; first they did exclude the Emperor from their Pontificial Assemblies, and transferred them unto the people and Priests; then they deluded the people, and excluded them also; now they would make us slaves, that they may reign alone; and when they have tasted of Imperial dignity, and know both their own and their adversaries power, they will pretend the specious show of erecting the liberty of the Church, to domineer and oppress Christian liberty. Believe what ye see, they will not cease until the Emperor be brought under, the honor of the Roman Empire be destroyed, true shepherds who would feed the flock be oppressed, the dogs who can bark, be out of the way, and then they will turn all things topsie turvy, and domineer over us whether we will or not—The supreme Majesty took on him the form of a servant, and did serve his disciples when he washed their feet; but those Flamines of Babylon will nothing but reign, and cannot endure an equal; they will not cease until they have trod all under their feet, and sit in the Temple of God, and be exalted above all that is worshipped; their hunger of riches, and thirst of honors, is insatiable: the more ye give unto the avaricious, he coveteth the more—license maketh us all the worse; he who is the servant of servants, will be Lord of Lord's, as if he were a God; he despiseth the holy assemblies and counsels of his Brethren, yea, of his Lord's; he feareth that he be called to account for what he doth daily against laws and good order; he speaketh great things, as if he were God; he hath new purposes in his head, to set up an Empire unto himself; that wicked man (whom they usually now call Antichrist) in whose forehead is written the name of blasphemy, I am God, I cannot err, changeth laws, establisheth his own, spoileth, defraudeth, killeth, and sitteth in the Temple of God, domineering far and wide—As in the days of the ancient Sibylla, Hydaspes, that most ancient King, hath under the name of a prophesying child, told the prosperity, and named the Romans long before Troy was; and Prophets have foretold in dark words, that everyone cannot understand: The majesty of the Roman people, by whom the world was governed, is now away, and the power hath returned into Asia; the East shall rule again, and the West shall be a servant; Kingdoms are multiplied; the highest power is, I will not say torn, but dissolved and broken into many—the Emperor is but a title, and only a shadow; now there be ten Kings together, who have taken their part of the ancient Roman Empire, not to rule it, but to destroy it. Those ten horns (which St. Augustine could not understand) the Turks, Greeks, Egyptians, Africans, Spaniards, French, English, Germans, Italians, and Sicilians, do possess the Roman Provinces; and a little horn is grown up among them, which hath eyes, and a mouth speaking great things; especially it compelleth three of these Kingdoms, to wit, of Sicily, Italy, and Germany, to serve it—What is more clear then this prophesy? &c.
12. Petrus de Vineis, Chancellor of the Emperor Frederick the II. wrote six books of Epistles, which were printed in the year 1566. some of them are inserted in Catalog. test. verit. lib. 16. He wrote many in name of the Emperor, unto several Princes: The second Epistle of the first book he directed unto the Kings and Princes generally, exhorting them, that they obey not the Pope and his Cardinals, who feed upon the alms of the poor, and oppress the children of the Church: The following ages (saith he) may be wise, when they know what hath been before them; and as the wax receiveth impression from the signature, so mortal men are framed by example. O that I had tasted of such happiness, that Christian Princes had left unto us such timely warning, as we from the experience of our wounded Majesty do leave unto you; the Clergy, who are made fat by the alms of the poor, do oppress the children; when they are ordained Apostolical Fathers, though they be the children of our subjects, yet forgetting their fatherly duty, will not vouchsafe to reverence Emperor nor King. What is spoken in borrowed words, is clear by the presumption of Pope Innocent the IV. for in a general Council (as he calleth it) he durst pronounce a sentence of deposition (which he cannot maintain without a strange prejudice of all Kings) albeit I was neither summoned, nor convicted of any fraud or offense. What cause have ye all, and every King of every Country, to fear from the wrath of such a Prince of Priests? It is not enough that he attempteth to dethrown us, albeit we, by the power of God, were crowned after the election of the Princes, and approbation of the whole Church and people, living in the Religion of Christian faith; and albeit in respect of the Imperial Diadem, no rigor can be exercised against us, even though lawful causes were proved against us; but the abuse of that Priestly power would so overthrow us, that we should be neither first nor last. And this indeed ye do, when ye obey them who counterfeit holiness, and their ambition hopeth to swallow you all. O that your simple credulity would beware (as Christ hath warned) of that leaven of the Scribes and Pharisees! how many filthiness of that Court might ye abhor, which shame and dishonesty will not suffer me to name? truly the wealthy revenues, wherewith they are enriched, to the impoverishing of many Kingdoms, have made them mad; among us Christians are become beggars, that the Patarens may be fed among them; ye bring down your own houses, that ye may build up your adversaries houses there—It hath been our care that those things should be written for you, albeit not declaring sufficiently what I wish; but other things I will acquaint you with in a more private way, to wit, to what uses your prodigality may employ the riches of the poor. What can be done in choosing an Emperor, unless peace, which we intend by able mediators to establish, be at least superficially restored betwixt us and the Church? what may we intend concerning the common and particular affairs of all Kings? &c. In