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Scottish Presbyterian

History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600

Alexander Petrie (1594-1662) · 790,195 words · 3512 min

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cap. 7. So he goeth away privately; he gathereth an Army, and marcheth to defend his right; and in the mean time he sent unto Gregory, putting him in mind of his League, and entreating him to stay Rodulph from usurping the Empire, or else to proceed against him. Gregory being otherwise minded, replieth, A man cannot be condemned till he be heard. Whereupon followed a bloody battle with uncertain victory; then they both, trusting unto the Pope's favor, send to know, unto whom he would adjudge the Empire. Ere the Messengers were returned, both Armies were refreshed, and had fought again. Then the Pope began to consider, that this manner of dealing might not only turn to the great damage of Germany, but of other Nations also; and thinking to help Rodulph another way, he sent Commissions unto the Bishop of Trevers, to hold a Council in Germany, and there to determine to which of the two the Empire did appertain, by just and public consideration; promising, that what they did determine, he, by the authority of God Omnipotent, and of Saint Peter and Paul, would ratify. The Emperor would not let them assemble in Council, unless Rodulph do renounce the Title of Emperor. The Legates considering that this was contrary to the mind of the Pope, return and show what was required. Then Hildebrand accursed the Emperor again, and sent his excommunicatory Letters unto all the Nations; and deposed Gerebert Bishop of Ravenna, for siding with the Emperor, and sent another into his See. At this time Henry and Rodulph had the third conflict at Elystrum, where several Princes were killed on both sides, and Rodulph's hand was stricken off, and he being deadly wounded was carried unto Mersburg, Crantzius calleth it Herbipolis; there he called before him the Bishops and other friends, and holding up his right hand with groans said, There is the hand by which I did swear fealty unto my Lord Henry, and by your persuasion I have fought so oft against him unfortunately; go ye now and perform your first Oath unto your King, for I go the way of my fathers. So he died An. 1080. Crantz. loc. cit. Naucler. hath more lamentable words. The Saxons stand up for another Emperor, and again for another. Henry was victorious against them both. Then the Saxons make recourse unto Hildebrand, and accuse the Emperor of the most heinous crimes that malice could devise; for they trusted in a well-affected Judge. The Emperor hearing of the calumnies, seeks peace of the Pope, but had no audience. Wherefore, in the same year, he assembleth a Council at Brixia, of many Bishops (saith Platin. and Crantz.) from Lombardy, Italy and Germany, and accuseth the Pope of Necromancy, Perjury and Usurpation; and complained of the Church of Rome, that the Clergy had preferred their Bishop before him; whereas his father had, without their election, advanced several Popes; but now this Pope, contrary unto his Oath and promise, had thrust-in himself, without the knowledge of him who was their Magistrate and King. These objections were heard again, and with one voice they condemned Hildebrand, as one not elected of God, but one who had intruded himself by fraud and money, a subverter of all order in the Church, a disturber of the Christian Empire, a sower of discord where peace was, a most wicked man, calling into question the Catholic faith, a Necromancer, infected with a Pythonical spirit, &c. For which crimes they declare him unworthy of the Roman See, and unless he willingly leave the place, they threaten him with an everlasting curse; and they chose Gerebert (or Wusbert) Bishop of Ravenna to govern the Church, him they call Clemens the III. Otho Frising. and Pet. Mexia. But think you that the Pope would obey? No way. Wherefore the Emperor made all speed with an Army towards Rome. Mathildis hearing of his marching, and fearing his power, gave the Provinces of Liguria and Tuscia unto the Church of Rome. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 9. In the way the Emperor subdued her Lands, and the Lands of the Marquess Esten, and thereafter he came to Rome; where An. 1083. thirty Bishops assembled in Council, and conclude against Gregory, as they had done at Brixia, and did subscribe the Decree. The Romans stood up so long as the Pope abode with them; but when he had brought them into the extremist jeopardy, he fled into Adrian's Tower; and then the Gates of the City were set open, but the Emperor would not enter, until a way was made for his Army thorough the Walls, and Pope Clement was received into Saint Peters. Gregory sent for Robert Guiscard the Norman, Duke of Naples for aid, and unto Mathildis, but all in vain. So he was glad to escape into Salerno, where he died in exile; and (as may be read in Fascic. rer. expetend. and in Matth. Paris. and sundry others) when he was sick, before his Cardinals, he bewailed his fault in his Pastoral charge; and that by instinct of the Devil he had stirred up sedition and wars among men. Benno testifieth, that he sent this his Confession unto the Emperor, and unto all the Church, entreating that they would pray for pardon of his sins. After his death, and the death of them whom the Emperor had left Governors of the City, the Romans set up Pope Urban the II. who insisting in the trace of his Predecessour, did persuade the Emperor's eldest son Conrade (the Father had left him Governor of Italy) to take up Arms against his father; and gave him in marriage Mathildis, then the relict of the Duke of Naples. He put Clemens from his Seat; but when his father came against him, Conrade was out-lawed with consent of all the Princes, and the younger brother was declared heir of the Empire; but first with an Oath given, that during his fathers life, he should not meddle with the Kingly power, without his fathers consent. Fascic. rer. Now many feared intestine Wars between the two brothers; but Conrade died soon thereafter, and Urban was made out of the way, and the fore-named faction set up Paschalis the II. He would be inferior unto the others in nothing, and excommunicated the Emperor, and dealt with his son (though by nature and solemn Oath bound to the contrary) to take the Scepter in his hand, and bear himself as King, rather then both his father and himself be dispossessed, and suffer hazard by another. The young man was enticed, and the Pope caused the Princes to elect Henry the V. Armies were levied by both parties, and some skirmishes follow, but the Father had the better; yet seeing there could be no end of the Wars without ruining the Empire, he consented unto a parley with his son, who was advised to deceive his father by this means; he came to him with feigned repentance, the Father welcomed him as the Prodigal in the Gospel, and dismissed the greatest part of his Army; whereas his enemies gather at Mainz, and appoint Binga for him to keep Christmas. So soon as he was entered the City, himself being the fourth person, the gates were shut, and all others were held out. Then the son spoke fairly unto his father, and promised all duty if the father would reconcile himself unto the Church. The Father referred the whole matter unto the Diet of the Princes, and they went together unto Mainz. There at first the son said unto his Father, Seeing the Bishops would admit no communion with him, he would do well, for peace sake, to retire unto such a house near unto the place of the Diet; and if he had refused, he was able to force him. But the Father doth it willingly, and then the son kept him as in close prison, permitting none to speak with him, but his accustomed servants; and he freely exerced the Imperial power until the year 1106. In that Diet the Bishops of Alba and Constance, the Pope's Legates, spoke much against Henry the IV. for his simony, and contumacy against the sentences of so many Popes; and exhorted them all, as obedient children, to provide for the safety of their mother the Church, by breaking the pride of one, a contumacious person. They all do consent to the deposition of the Emperor, and they sent the Bishops of Mainz, Colein and Worms, to take the Imperial Ornaments from him against his will. They declared unto him the sentence of the Diet. Henry asked, For what cause had the Princes pronounced so severe Sentence against him, before he was heard? They answer, For simony, in bestowing Bishoprics and Abbocies. He saith unto them one by one, you Bishop of Mainz, and you Bishop of Colein, What have I got from you? They answer, Nothing. Then, saith the Emperor, I thank God, that in so far ye are honest men; truly your Bishoprics might have brought much treasure into my Exchequer, if I had sought it; and my Lord of Worms knows, neither is any of you ignorant, whether I did advance you for gain, or of mere favor; wherefore I say unto you, Fathers, continue in loyalty, I am now an old man, and turn not Our glory into shame: I appeal unto the general Court, and if I must yield, I will give the Crown unto my son with my own hands. They refuse, and speak menacingly. Then he went aside, and arrayed himself with the Imperial Robes; and returning saith, These are the badges of my honor; these hath the goodness of the eternal King, and the election of the Princes bestowed on me; and God is able to continue me in them, and to restrain your hands from what you intend; and We did not fear such violence, nor have provided against it; but if duty move you not, stand in awe of God; and if ye do not regard duty, nor fear of God, here We are and unable to resist violence. The Bishops were astonished, yet after a little pause they exhort one another; they take the Crown off his head, then draw him from his seat, and pull off all his Royal Robes. This was a Pastoral work. The Emperor with deep groans saith, The God of revenge look to it, and avenge this iniquity of yours; the like ignominy was never heard before: I confess God is just, and I suffer for the sins of my youth, but ye are not guiltless; and because ye do contrary unto your Oath, ye shall not escape the hand of the just avenger, and your portion shall be with him who betrayed his Master. They stopped their ears, and departed with the Royal Ornaments. Alb. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 5. cap. 20. saith, Some report these circumstances another way. Thereafter they sent him as Prisoner to Ingelheim, where he was advertised that they were talking of cutting off his head; wherefore he made an escape, and went to Leodium, (as appears in Epist. Henrici Regi Celtar. in Fascic. rer. expet. There he was entertained honourably by the Bishop; and therefore the Bishop Otbert, with all his Church, was excommunicated by Pope Paschalis; who writ also unto Robert Earl of Flanders, to pursue Henry with all his followers; assuring him, that he could not offer better sacrifice unto God. Epist. Paschalis tom. 2. Council. Edit. Colon. An. 1551. Otbert was not silent, and in the name of the Church of Leodium published an Apology; wherein he saith, It were Apostolical to follow the Apostle, as it were Prophetical to follow a Prophet; but as our sins deserve, the Apostolical (who should pray for the King, howbeit a sinner, that we may live a quiet and Apostolical life under him) is so contentious, that he will not suffer us to live in peace : Seeing the words both of the Apostle and Prophet do so sound, I the daughter, do humbly ask my mother, the holy Church of Rome, Whence comes this authority unto him who is called Apostolical, that besides the sword of the spirit, he useth another sword of blood against her Subjects? Then he shows how far this Pope hath departed from the steps of Gregory the I. both in life and doctrine. This Apology is loc. cit. Also the Emperor writ unto his son, unto the Bishops, Dukes, and other Potentates of the Empire, that they would cease from pursuing him and his friends against all equity and piety; and at several times he appealed unto the Pope, as is evident by his Letters in Fascic. rer. expetend. But Apologies, Supplications, and Appeals had no place; so that in the end the old Emperor was brought to the necessity of begging a prebendary, from the Bishop of Spira; although he had preferred the Bishop unto that See, and had erected a glorious Monastery of the blessed Virgin there, he could not obtain so much. So he returned privately unto Leodium and died; his body lay unburied in an old deserted Chapel five years, and then was buried at Spira. He had fought 62 battles, and was never foiled; he died An. 1107. Alb. Crantz. writes much to excuse the Son and the Popes, and bitterly against the Father; yet he hath no particular fault against him, but (as he speaks) simony and contumacy. Of the Eastern Emperors it follows in Henry the V.

CHAP. II. Of POPES.

1. SYLVESTER the II. (before called Gerebert) had been a Monk in Orleans, and made a contract with the Devil to advance him unto the Papacy. Thence he went to Hispala in Spain, where becoming a Doctor, he had amongst his hearers Otho the III. Robert King of France, Lotharius a man of noble birth, afterwards Bishop of Senon, and others. Robert gave him the Bishopric of Reims; the Emperor advanced him to Ravenna; lastly, by great ambition, and aid of the Devil, he attained the Papacy, saith Platina and others. The Emperor, for favor of his Master, gave unto Saint Peter eight Counties, Pisa, Senogallia, Favum, Aucona, Fossabrum, &c. Vsser. de stat. Eccles. cap. 3. ex Gerber. Epi. 158. Benno Cardinal of Ostia saith, When the 1000. years were expired, Gerebert coming out of the bottomless pit of God's perdition sat 4. years; and as by the responses of Satan he had deceived many, so by the same responses he was deceived, and in the just judgment of God he was taken away by sudden death. What he saith briefly, Platina declares more fully, thus; Once Sylvester asked the Devil, how long time he might enjoy the Papacy? The answer was ambiguous, If thou go not to Jerusalem, thou shalt never die. After four years and one month, he was saying Mass in Lent, in a corner of the Rood-Church that was called Jerusalem, within Rome; and he asked how that Chapel was called? They said, Jerusalem. Then he knew the time was come when he must die; wherefore he became sad, and confessed his sin before the people, and exhorted them to beware of ambition and craft of the Devil, and to live holily. Then he commanded them to cut his body into pieces, and lay it on a cart, and to bury it wheresoever the horses of their own accord would draw it. The report is (saith Platin.) that by the Providence of God (whereby sinners may learn the hope of forgiveness, if they repent in their life) the horse stood at Lateran, and there he was buried; whereas yet (saith he) by the rattling of his bones, and moistness of his tomb, is portended the death of the Pope. It were a shame to relate these things, if they were not the words of their own Writers. Platina saith he had it from Mar. Polon. Vincentius Belluacensis, Laurent. Schrader. in Monimen. Italiae lib. 2. and Galfrid. And the same is written by Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 5. cap. 8. but he speaks not of the Presage. Naucler. had all in generat. 34. Onuphrius would purge him of this blot; and alledgeth that the knowledge of the Mathematics, in these rude days, was taken for Magic. But the words of the now-named Authors are more clear; it is certain (say they) that he attained to the most secret things of all Sciences, and especially of the Mathematics; but as quick wits can scarcely hold themselves within bounds, he entered into Necromancy; and it is so thought by many Authors, not without great infamy; by which Necromancy he made way unto the Papacy. He was the first Pope who caused to beat the drum unto the Wars in the holy land, (as they spoke) and published an Epistle with this inscription, Wasted Jerusalem unto the Universal Church commanding the Scepters of Kings; Gerebert Epist. 18. but the expedition was not so soon begun. Of all the Popes from Sylvester the II. unto Gregory the VII. inclusive, Benno testifieth that they did exceed Jannes and Jambres in jugleries; although the height of Antichristian pride be referred unto Gregory the VII. and others after him. Io. Naucler. in volum. 2. generat. 31. faith, The Popes of that time had departed from the foot-steps of Peter.....and it is horror to hear what vile things were done by almost 28. Popes immediately succeeding. After the death of Sylvester (saith Benno) was strife among his Necromancing Disciples, each contending to usurp the Papacy.

2. JOHN the XIX. (aliàs XVII.) by the help of the Devil (who then gave the Papal Chair) followed the Sorcerer Sylvester, saith Bale & Blond. He first did exclude the people of Rome from the election of the Pope, and so did restrain it unto the Clergy only: He was wont to say, The people must follow, and not precede. By him (as saith Fascic. tempor.) the Feast of all Souls, next after the Feast of all Saints, was brought into the Church, An. 1004. by the advice of Odilo Abbot of Cluniak, who thought that Purgatory was under the Mount Aetna; and being in Sicily, dreamed that by his Masses he had delivered many souls from thence; and said also, that he heard the voices of Devils lamenting for the loss of the souls, which were taken from them by Masses and Dirges. M. Fox in Acts & mon. citeth Bakenthorp in Prolog. 4. li. senten. qu. 10. John sat 5. months, and was poisoned by his Clergy.

3. JOHN the XX. (aliàs XVIII.) by prodigious Arts attained the See of the Satanical Papacy. Benno. He considered into what difficulties his predecessors had entangled themselves, and willingly took ease to himself; he died, not without suspicion of poison, in the 4. year; Benno saith, within one year. The years of many of them are reckoned variously.

4. SERGIUS the IV. was a man of most holy life, before he was Pope, saith Naucler. and sat 2. years: But Benno reckoneth him in the same category with the others, and saith he sat 3. years; he died An. 1012. when Italy was wasted with famine and pestilence.

5. BENEDICT the VIII. was a Hawk of the same nest; the Cardinals conspired against him, and set up another; he prevailed by the weight of his purse, and had a good friend of the Emperor Henry the II; he sat 11. years. After his death, he appeared unto Odilo riding on a black horse. Odilo had been familiar with him, but then he was afraid; and asked, Art thou Pope Benedict which is dead? He answered, I am that unhappy Benedict. O Father (saith the Abbot) how go all things with thee? He said, I am tormented, but I may be helped; go therefore to my brother John, who now is in my place, and bid him give unto the poor the Treasure which lieth hid in such a place, and he named it. Then he appeared unto Pope John, saying; I have hope to be delivered; but oh! that Odilo of Cluniak would intercede for me! Platin. But Fascic. temp. hath more of their discourses. Behold with what delusions Satan did then deceive the World, that he might establish his Kingdom; and this is a sure ground (forsooth) for the doctrine of Purgatory, and prayer for the dead.

6. JOHN XXI. (aliàs XIX.) was the son of Gregory Bishop of Portuen. and succeeded (as it were) heritably unto his brother; for he was not entered into Church Orders, saith Platin. Baronius saith, That unworthy man entered unworthily, and came into that Seat tyrannically and by evil means; for all things were then done at Rome by Enchanters and Necromancers, Theophylact, Io. Gratian, Laurence, Brazut, &c. Nevertheless (saith he) his life was wondrously approved by the Romans, but he shown not his virtues; possibly he understands the yearly alms, which he enjoined to Princes, and some Masses unto Priests, and fasting on Saturday unto people; and the Canonizing of Saint Romwald, and Saint Martial; and the Feasts of John the Baptist, and Saint Laurence, all these had their beginning from him. Nevertheless Baronius saith, That unworthy man is in the lowest Purgatory; he sat 8. years, and died in the 25 year after his Master Gerbert, saith Benno.

7. BENEDICT the IX. was made Pope, An. 1033. although he was not above 12. years of age; for Albericus Marquess of Tuscia, would not suffer that Chair to be taken from his house; therefore by bribery he thrust in his son, a Tyrant, a Monster and Opprobry of the Church. Baron. ad An. 1033. §. 6. Car. Benno saith, He was given to Necromancy and doctrine of Devils; and he named his Masters. In the woods and mountains he caused women to run after him, whom by Magical Arts he forced unto his wicked lusts. His own books (saith the Cardinal) that were found in his house, after his death, bear witness of his Arts, and it is notoriously known by every boy. Platina saith, He was thought unworthy of his place, and therefore he was deposed. But Benno and others say, that he with Laurence and others his companions, had plotted to deprive Henry the III. and gave unto Peter King of Hungary the Title; as he sent unto him a Crown with this verse, Petra dedit Romani Petro, tibi Papa Coronam. Whereupon followed an open battle between Godefrid Duke of Lorain, General unto Henry the III. and the same Peter. In the first fight Peter was taken, and Henry made hast towards Rome. The Pope was afraid, and sold his Chair unto the above-named Io. Gratian (afterwards Gregory the VI.) for 1500. pounds of gold. As for his death, Platina saith, he was condemned by the judgment of God: Benno saith, he was strangl d by the Devils in the woods. Platina addeth, It is certain his Image appeared very monstrously, he was like to a Boar in body, to an Ass in head and tail; and the man who did see him was an Eremite, and did ask, how he had been so metamorphosed? He answered, Because in my life I lived like a Beast without law and reason, and without God, and now I must wander in this shape, at the will of God and of Saint Peter, whose See I have defiled. Fascic. temp. This is a sure proof to reverence Saint Peter's Chair. This Pope sat 10. years; or 12. years, as Onuphrius; or 13. years, as Fascic. temp.

8. GREGORY the VI. attained the See by money, (as it is said) and not by election; nevertheless Gregory the VII. acknowledged him for Pope, because he did confirm his Acts, and called himself the seventh of that name, and his successors to the number now of fifteen. In his time were three Popes together, for Benedict seeing that the Clergy would not consent unto his bargain, and so it was not like to take effect, did claim his former right; Gregory would not renounce his possession. The Author of Fascic. tempor. saith, Because Benedict was ignorant, he caused the consecration of another Pope to say Mass for him, which did not please many; therefore a third was chosen, who alone might discharge the duties of the two. This was Sylvester the III. who had his Manor at Saint Maria Major, Benedict in the Lateran Palace, and Gregory at Saint Peters. Baronius saith plainly, Rome was at that time a beast with three heads, which came out of Hell. And therefore (saith Platin.) by the prayers of the best sort, the Romans sent for Henry the III. An. 1047. and an Eremite writ these lines, Imperator Henrice, Nupsit tribus maritis: Omnipotentis vice, Dissolve connubium Vnica Sunamitis Et triforme dubium. Vsser. de success. Eccles. cap. 4. ex Gregor. Heimburg. in Confutat. Primatus Papae, par. 3. The Emperor came into Italy, and (as Platin. saith) compelled these three most ugly Monsters to renounce their Papacies; and then was chosen Swidiger Bishop of Bamberg, or Clemens the II. Benedict escaped by flight; Gregory and Hildebrand were sent Prisoners into Germany (where the Pope died, and Hildebrand obtained liberty to return) and because Sylvester was made Pope without ambition, he was permitted to return into his Bishopric. Ph. Morn. in Myster. iniqu. ex Leo Ostien. c. writeth so, that for these things done so happily and so Canonically, the Romans gave unto this Henry the honor of Patriciatus, as of old unto Charles the Great, and with the Diadem of the Empire they ordained such a Chain of Gold. Platina saith, this Gregory was killed in the Church of Saint Peter by the fall of a stone, and was buried there not without opinion of holiness. But how doth this agree with what he and others have said before. Onuphrius in Annotat. in Platin. expressly contradicts him, and saith, he died at Cluniak, whither he was sent by the Emperor. Neither do they agree in the space of his sitting.

9. CLEMENS the II. being confirmed, a Synod was held; and an Act was made, that the Bishop of Rome should not be chosen without the knowledge and confirmation of the Emperor. This constitution was conform to ancient practice, and it was then judged necessary for tranquility in time coming; seeing (as Platina saith) every factious or potent man, yea even some of base degree, by corrupt suffrages attained to so high dignity. Nevertheless the Cardinals would not suffer it to stand but presently did despise it by subtle and open practice. Likewise the Romans did swear, in the same Synod, that they should not intermeddle with the election of the Bishop, but as the assent of the Emperor should concur. Nevertheless the Emperor was no sooner gone, but contrary to their Oath and Act made thereupon, even within nine months, they poisoned the Pope, which some impute unto his next successor, Platin; and some unto Bruzate, who is said to have poisoned six Popes within 31. years. Car. Benno.

10. DAMASUS the II. starteth up neither by consent of the people nor Clergy; for every ambitious man then could climb into Saint Peter's Chair, saith Platin. But others say, when Clemens was poisoned, they did set up Benedict again; and the Emperor caused this Damasus to be set up, who was Bishop of Brixia; hereunto Onuphrius seemed to agree, for in Annotat. in Platin. at Clemens II. he saith expressly, that the four next Popes were chosen by the authority of the Emperor, and proved it by instances. So Fascic. tempor. saith, Henry the III. deposed five Popes, and set up the sixth. Damasus escaped not Brazutus cup 35. days. Now we come (saith Onuphr. loc. cit.) out of most obscure darkness, and all things shall be more clear. Then was great contention at Rome for the Papal Seat; wherefore the Romans, by advice of the Cardinals, sent unto the Emperor, desiring to give them a Bishop; who was Benno Count of Etisheim, and Bishop of Tullensis, or Leo the IX. being verily an Ass, since among the Bishops of Germany none other would come amongst the enchanters of Rome. Crantz. in Saxon. When he was coming in his Pontificals toward Rome, the Abbot of Cluniak met him; and he, with Hildebrand (which then had leave to return with the Pope) began to chide him for taking his authority from the Emperor, and not from the Clergy, as others had done before. The simple man was persuaded to change his habit, whereby he conquered the consent of others, and was elected.

11. LEO the IX. by persuasion of Hildebrand and Theophylact took up Arms, and went in person against the Normans prevailing in Sicily; and by these two, remaining always with him, was betrayed and delivered into the hands of Duke Gisulph, who said unto him, Peter put up thy sword; and so sent him away well accompanied unto Rome. There he could not live peaceably, and so he went into Germany. Whilest he was with the Emperor in Worms on Christmas day, Lambert the sub-Deacon read the Epistle, after their own manner; the Pope sent unto him, and commanded him to read in the Roman manner; Lambert would not change. Wherefore the Pope, with a loud voice, deposed him from his Office, and commanded him to depart. Luithpold Arch Bishop of Mainz, went from the Altar, and would not proceed until the sub-Deacon were restored; because Worms was within his jurisdiction, and the man should not be deposed in his presence without his consent. The Pope restored him again, and so they went on. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 45. commendeth the Pope for equanimity; and the Bishop for maintaining his own jurisdiction. In a Synod at Mainz, was the Pope, the Emperor, and 130. Bishops: It was ordained there, That no Clark should follow Dogs or Hawks in hunting, nor deal in civil business : None should be admitted a Monk till he came to perfect age, and by his free-will. Naucler. generat. 36. And Crantz. li cit. cap. 43. saith more, The Pope was President; Sibico Bishop of Spira was accused of adultery, and was purged by examination of the Sacrifice: And there also the heresy of simony, and of Priests marriage was condemned. He returned unto Rome, and on a day (as Naucler. writes) he saw a Leper at his gate, he commanded to take him in, and to lay him in his own bed; the next day when he sent to visit him, no man was there. Whereby they understood, that Christ was come to visit the Holy Father. With such lying miracles were they wont to deceive the World often; but for the most part I omit such. When he had sat 5. years, he was poisoned by Brazut, An. 1054. Then the Romans, partly reverencing the authority of the Emperor, and partly judging none at Rome worthy of that honor, sent Hildebrand in the name of the Clergy and People unto the Emperor, to give them a Bishop. Ph. Mornay in Myster. ex Sigon. de regn. Ital. lib. 8. but Platina saith only, They did so, lest they might seem to attempt against their Oath. Car. Benno saith, Hildebrand did oft run from Rome unto the Emperor, and back again, without the advice of the Church; and if any other was named Pope with speed, Brazut gave him a cup of poison.

12. VICTOR the II. was sent. In a Synod at Florence he deprived many Priests, for that which they called simony and Nicolaitanism. He sat 2. years, and was poisoned.

13. STEPHEN the IX. was elected by the Clergy and People, not awaiting the Emperor's nomination, for he was young. Now this Pope accused the defunct Emperor Henry the III. of Heresy, that he had diminished the authority of the Church, or (if ye will have it more plainly) had restrained the pride of the Popes. But when he begun to speak of seeking confirmation from the Emperor, the cup of Brazut was prepared for him. Then Hildebrand assembled the Cardinals, and caused them to swear, that they would choose no Pope without common consent. So he took journey to the Bishops of Florence to bring and install him; and the Clergy swore, that they would not proceed in election before his returning. Nevertheless the Count of Tuscany, by gifts and threatenings, did cause the people to choose his brother.

14. BENEDICT the X. a man altogether ignorant of Letters. Peter Damian Bishop of Ostia protested against the election, but they made no account of that. When Hildebrand returned with Gerard Bishop of Florence, he caused the Clergy, according to their Oath, to proceed in a new election, seeing that Benedict was not Canonically called. The Clergy saw the friends of Benedict to have power at Rome, went to Sena, and there do choose Gerard or Nicolaus the II. Benedict considering that the most part of the Clergy were his adversaries, retired to Velitra, and lived privately.

15. NICOLAUS the II. held a Synod at Sutrio, by the aid of Duke Godefrid and Italium Bishops, and annulled the election of Pope Benedict. Then he went to Rome and held another Synod at Lateran, where a Decree was made; That if any by money or favor of men, whether of people or soldiers, without Canonical election of Cardinals, shall enter into the Throne of Saint Peter, he shall not be called Apostolical, but Apostatical; and it shall be lawful for the Cardinals, Clergy and People, calling upon God, to accurse him as a robber, and to thrust him from his seat by any help of man. Gratian. dist. 32. cap. Vnde Nicolaus. Here the election of the Pope is limited, and ascribed unto the Cardinals; but (as Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 4. cap. 10. hath observed) it was to be approved by other Priests, and by the people of Rome; and another might have been chosen who was not of that College. But within a short time both these were abolished; for now (saith he) the Cardinals, without consent of People or Priests, do choose only a Cardinal to be Pope, although there be no law for that. Some write, that Nicolaus gave the Dukedom of Pulia and Calabria unto Robert Guiscard : But Platina saith, Robert defrauded his brothers son, and the Pope was offended for Godefrid's sake; yet suffered him to enjoy it, because he gave a part of the Dukedom unto the Pope, and himself became Tributary unto the Church of Rome. After three years Nicolaus was poisoned. The Lombards had been oppressed by him, and now were desirous to have a Bishop of their Country; therefore they sent unto the Imperial Court for favor in the election; for the nomination of the Pope (said they) appertained unto the Emperor. Then Agnes did send one, who was thought most fit : And so in a Synod at Basil

16. HONORIUS the II. was elected. Hildebrand and the Cardinals at Rome, set up ALEXANDER the II. They gathered Armies, and fought a bloody battle near Rome. Honorius was said to have the worse, and recruits his forces. The Emperor sent an Ambassador Otho, or (as Platina calls him) Anno Bishop of Colein, who sharply expostulated with Alexander in a Synod at Rome, for taking so much upon him without the knowledge of the Emperor; and contrary to his Royal privilege, as it had been acknowledged, for the most part, by his Predecessors. Hildebrand made the Apology for Alexander briefly. Otho taking more part with the Roman Clergy, did procure the cause to be referred to another Synod, to be held at Mantua, where Alexander had friends. He appeared; but Honorius sent word, that the Master should not be judged by his Disciples; and would not come, unless he might be Moderator of the Council. By the way observe this contest, Who should be Moderator in a Synod? Before this, if the Emperor had named a President, there was no opposition; or when the Emperor winked, or was contemned, any Patriarch might moderate within his own Diocy. Otho answered in the name of the Synod, He being but one, should submit himself unto the Holy Oracle and Sentence of so many Fathers. Then Alexander, having no present competitour, was heard; and when he had sworn that he had used no unlawful means for obtaining the Papacy, he was confirmed. Car. Benno writes of him thus, When he understood the intention of Hildebrand, and others the Emperor's enemies, that they had set him up for a private respect of their own, he told them publicly he would sit no longer in that place, (he was at Mass) unless he had consent from the Emperor. Wherefore Hildebrand was in such rage, that he could scarcely hold his hands off him, till the Mass was ended. Then, by force of Soldiers, he threw the Pope into a chamber, knocked him with his fists, and raileth at him that he would seek favor of the Emperor. Then was he thrust into Prison, and stinted to five shillings a day of the money of Luca, where he had been Bishop; and Hildebrand turned all the rest of Saint Peter's revenues to his own use. At this time Sueno, King of Denmark, made his Land Tributary unto the See of Rome; following the example of Casimire, King of Pole, in the days of Benedict the IX. and paid yearly Peter-pence. Alexander died in prison after 12. years.

17. GREGORY the VII. (aliàs Hildebrand) caused himself to be elected, the same day that the other died; contrary to a Decree, which ordained that the election should not be before the third day; to the end, that the Clergy and Cardinals may be the more frequently assembled. After ten weeks he was confirmed by the Emperor, saith Platina; but not till the Emperor sent a Count to challenge the Romans: And then Gregory said, He was chosen indeed, but he had delayed his consecration, until he knew the King's pleasure. And Car. Benno testifieth, that many of the Gardinals would not subscribe unto his election. Because he had been a Disciple of Gregory the VI. in honor of his Master, he took his name, pessimo Magistro pejor Discipulus, saith Benno. Aventin. Annal. lib. 5. reports, that an ancient and famous Writer, living at that time, when he comes to speak of Hildebrand saith, We are come to factions, fraud and wickedness; it is dangerous to write truly, and it is a sin to write falsely. Car. Benno relateth his enchantments and juggleries at large; and saith generally, When Satan could not persecute Christ openly by Pagans, he plotted to turn religion topsie-torvy, by a false Monk, under show of religion; but although Divine Providence suffereth such things, yet the time of retribution is at hand. Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 13. would purge him of these blots, saying; We have no Author of that time, who accuseth Gregory the VII. but one Benno; and he did not write so bitterly against him in truth, but only under the name of Pope Gregory, he would describe a wicked Pope; or Benno is not the Author of that book, but some Lutheran; and he alledgeth ten Authors of that time commending Hildebrand. The whole History confuteth the first excuse, and the other is convinced by the copies of Benno, more ancient then Luther; and by many Authors before Luther, who do cite Benno. Namely, Orthwin Gratius (who was not a Lutheran) in Epist. ad Lector. prefixed to the same book, saith; More credit is to be given unto Benno, then unto Platina or others who favor the Popes too much. And though his own faction commend him, it is no wonder; and they testify of more then ten times ten others, writing against his impieties. It is enough for the Truth, that she wanted not witnesses, and Tyranny had contradiction at the rising; yea and of the same ten, although one excuse of one crime, yet he accuseth him of another. Were they all Lutherans, whom Onuphrius in Annotat. in Platin. ad Grego. VII. reports to have called this Gregory a Necromancer, a simoniack, blood-thirsty, &c.? He was the first kindler of those toilsome wars, Bellum Pontificium, between the Emperors and Popes, as followeth. Before that time there was some order in the Church, and Bishops were subject unto Emperors, as Miltiades and Sylvester unto Constantine; Gregory unto Maurice; Leo unto Charles the Great. Chrysostom on Rom. 13. saith, The Apostle she wing that these things [subjection, &c.] are commanded unto all, both Priests and Monks, and not to Seculars only, saith in the beginning, Let every soul be subject unto superior powers, although he be an Apostle or Evangelist or Prophet, or whoever he be; for this subjection overthrows not piety; and he saith not simply, be obedient, but be subject. Cumin Ventura, a late Popish Writer, in Thesaur. Politic. printed at Frankford, An. 1610. pag. 386. saith, The ancient Emperors received not their beginnings from the Popes: And in the next page, The Popes in time of the old Empire, were subject unto the Emperors, until Lewis the Godly renounced his right, which renounciation was revoked by the Emperor, and renounced by a Synod in the days of Pope Leo the VIII. And Onuphrius in vita Gregor. VII. saith, Although the Bishops of old Rome were reverenced as the Vicars of Christ and Successors of Peter, yet their authority reached not further then the teaching and maintaining of the faith; they were subject unto the Emperors, and were created by them, and in all things were at the beck of the Emperors, and a Pope durst not judge nor discern anything belonging unto them. Bellarm. de Laicis lib. 3. cap. 8. propounds and proves, that Kingdoms are given immediately by God unto wicked men, as Dan. 2. and that these Infidel Kings should be obeyed, unless one will set himself against the Ordinance of God, in 1 Pet. 2. To this purpose he cites the testimony of Augustine. de Civ. Dei lib. 5. cap. 21. & 15. he saith expressly, All Kings and the State of Venice, and such others, have none above them in temporalibus; otherwise they could not be called Heads of their Common-Wealths, but members only. But then Gregory the VII. the first of all Romish Bishops, swelling with pride, and trusting in the strength of the Normans, and to the riches of Mathildis; and seeing dissension amongst the Germans, durst not only excommunicate Caesar, but deprived him of his Kingdom also. A thing not heard in former ages, saith Otho Frising. de gest. Frideri. lib. 1. cap. 1. So speaks Onuphrius loc. cit. and addeth, For I account not the fables concerning Arcadius, Anastasius and Leo Iconomachus. And Gotfrid. Viterb. in Chron. par. 17. saith, We read not that any Emperor, before this, was excommunicated by a Pope of Rome, or deprived of his Empire; unless that be called excommunication, when Philip the first Christian Emperor, was for a short space set amongst the Penitents; or that Theodosius, &c. Aventin. in Annal. lib. 7. writeth, that Everhard Bishop of Salsburg said, Hildebrand under pretext of religion (170. years since) had laid the first foundation of Antichrist; and he first began those wicked wars, which until this time have been continued by his Successors. So Gregory the VII. did glory of himself, that he could bind and loose in Heaven; and he could give and take away Kingdoms, Empires, and whatsoever men possess on earth. He could abide no equal, far less any Superior, derogating from others their due right and honor, and arrogating all unto himself. After him the Emperors could have no interest in the election of the Pope, saith Ventura loc. cit. Likewise he kept Bishops and all Prelates in awe, suspending some, and chopping off the hands of others at his pleasure; he released Oaths of Allegiance; yea whatsoever he did, the Pope must be feared, as one who could do no wrong. In a Synod at Rome, he decreed it to be simony to accept any Bishopric, Abbocy, or Church-living from a Lay-man, were he King or Caesar who gave it, and the receiver as well as the giver should be excommunicated, Platin. By this means he severed Church-men from Princes, and tied them unto the Popes forever; and the former custom of the Church, in all ages, was then condemned; and the Decree of Pope Leo the VIII. was condemned; yea himself might by this Decree be deposed. Henceforth whatsoever ambition any Pope once practiseth, his Successor will make it a rule. But one thing is above all wonders (saith Corn. Agrippa de vanit. scient. cap. 56. They think that they may go up to Heaven by this means, for which Lucifer was cast down. He did forbid the Benedictine Monks to eat any flesh at all; and permitted unto others, as weaker or more imperfect, to eat flesh on some days. In the year 1076. he published some Aphorisms, with the Title Dictatus Papae; these are extracted by Spalaten. de Rep. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 9. and are the Picture of his mind; The Roman Church was founded by the Lord alone; the Roman Bishop is the only Universal Bishop; [Gregory the I. behold thy Antichrist] he only can set up and depose other Bishops; he may depose and excommunicate absents. [This was a warrant for his practice against the Emperor.] If any be excommunicated by the Pope, none may abide in one house with that person: He alone can make new Laws, erect new Congregations, unite or divide Benefices: All the Princes of the earth ought to kiss his feet: His only name should be heard in Churches: No Synod should be without his commandment: No book is Canonical without his authority: All weighty causes, in whatsoever Church, should be brought unto him: He may absolve Subjects from their Allegiance: He may judge all men, but can be judged by no man : And all these, because the Roman Church cannot err; and the Pope, being Canonically elected, is by the merits of Saint Peter undoubtedly sanctified; and there is but one name on earth, to wit, the Pope, &c. Mornay in Myster. hath more of this kind. What more could Hildebrand say, to prove really in his person the fulfilling of these words, 2 Thess. 2. 4.? Only he omits this conclusion, Therefore I Gregory the VII. am the Antichrist. But others did not fail; for many said then (as Aventin. lib. 5. testifieth) Hildebrand is the Antichrist; under the name of Christ, he doth the work of Antichrist; he sits in Babylon, in the Temple of God, and exalts himself as if he were a God; he vaunteth that he cannot err; he destroyed both peace and godliness, &c. He commanded a Fast to be kept, with prayers that God would reveal whose opinion was truer, whether of the Church of Rome, or of Berengarius, in the controversy of the Sacrament; he sought a sign to establish his faith, but none was given. It is a wonder, that neither the Pope could with all his infallability determine the doubt, nor in that lying age some cogging miracle was not devised. Then he sent two Cardinals, Alto and Cuno, unto Suppo Abbot of Saint Anastasia, to keep a Fast of three days with his Monks, and on every day they should sing the whole Psaltery, and the Masses for the same end; but so neither could they find any sign. Gar. Benno. On the second holy day of Easter-week, he, in a Sermon, said, Never accept me for Pope, but pluck me from the Altar, if that false King [all understood that he spoke of the Emperor Henry] shall not die before the Feast of Saint Peter; or else shall be so dejected from his Kingdom, that he shall not be able to command six soldiers. This he spoke before the battle between Henry and Rodulph. But God preserved the Emperor, and the time being expired, (saith Benno) he feared to be contemned according to his own words; and said, that he meaned not of his body, but of his soul. Some said, The Kings soul could not lose all his soldiers to six. But Mattheus Parisie; and Onuphrius in vita Gregor. VII. say, He prophesied truly of the false King, but he failed in the application; it was to be understood of Rodulph. Paul Bernutens. writ the life of this Pope in two books, and there saith of him thus: The Romans usurp Divine honor; they will not render account of their doings, neither can they willingly hear it said unto them, Why doest thou so? They hold that saying, Sic volo, sic jubeo, my will is sufficient reason, Io. Lampad. in Mellif. But his own words decipher him no worse, (as they are rehearsed by Platina.) In the first deposition of the Emperor he said, Peter chief of the Apostles, I pray incline thy ears, and hear me thy servant, whom thou hast brought up from my infancy, and until this day thou hast delivered from the hands of the wicked, which hate me for my faith in thee, and they have persecuted me; thou art a sufficient witness unto me, and the godly mother of Jesus Christ, and thy pious brother Paul, who was partaker of Martyrdom with thee, that I took not the Papacy of my own accord, but against my will; not that I thought it unlawful or rapine to ascend lawfully into thy Chair; but I would rather have passed my life in Pilgrimage, then to have come into thy Throne, which is so high for fame and glory: I confess therefore, that by thy grace, and not by my merits, hath the charge of the people been committed unto me; as also the power of binding and loosing: And so I trusting in this assurance, for the dignity of thy holy Church, in the name of the Almighty God, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, I cast Henry, the son of the deceased Henry the Emperor, from all Imperial and Princely administration, because he hath too boldly and rashly laid hands on thy Church; and I absolve all Christians, subject unto the Empire, from their Oath, whereby they are wont to give their fidelity unto their true Sovereigns; for it is just that he should want all honor, who attempteth to diminish the Majesty of the Church; yea and he hath contemned all my or rather thy commandments belonging unto his salvation, and the salvation of the people; and he hath severed himself from the Church, which he endeavoreth to lay wast with seditions: Therefore I bind him with a curse, the chain of a curse; I, certainly knowing that thou art Peter; and on thy Rock, as a sure foundation, Christ our King hath built his Church. Here many particulars may be observed in these words; and they give just occasion to demand, Whose servant thought this Gregory himself to be? He saith to Peter, Me thy servant, thy seat, thy grace, thy commands? Why did he not derive his authority from Christ, if he was the Vicar of Christ? We read this Title in his words related by Platina; but he began not as yet to conciliate authority unto himself by this Title, neither did any Bishop of Rome use it before him. The Jesuit Azonius Instit. Moral. par. 2. lib. 5. cap. ult. writeth, that this Gregory in a Synod did ordain, that only the Bishops of Rome should be called Papa; although in former times it was common unto other Bishops, as is certain (saith he) out of Cyprian and Ruffin; and we may adjoin the Epistles of Augustine and others. But Bellarm. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 4. cap. 3. saith, Christ prayed in Luk. 22. for him, to whom he said, Confirm thy brethren; but the Church hath no brethren whom she may or should confirm: Who I pray (saith he) can be feigned to be the brethren of the Church Universal? Are not Believers the children of the Church? After the same manner may we argue: Since none can be called the Brother of the Church, far less can they be called the Father or Spouse of the Church. Gregory sat 12. years, and died in exile, as is above related.

18. VICTOR the III. came next, without consent of the Emperor, and shown himself bold enough, until he was poisoned with the wine of the Mass in the 16. month of his Papacy. Platin. Others say he died of a dissentery. Both may be true, the one being the cause of the other. His short life, and the miserable success of his Predecessour, did not teach his Successors wisdom; but as the Kings of Israel followed the steps of Jeroboam, rather then of David; so the most part of the Popes contemn the Imperial authority, and follow the pride of Hildebrand, rather then the good example of Christ or Peter.

19. URBAN the II. was set up by the same faction, Clemens the III. yet living, who was chosen with consent of the Emperor. They did excommunicate and accurse one another. Urban would release none whom Gregory had accursed; therefore fearing insurrection, or (as Platin. saith) fearing the inconstancy of the Romans, he crept out of the City, and dwelt at Amelphis; where he held a Synod, and another at Troy in Pulia, and the third in Placentia; in them all confirming the Decrees of his Master Gregory against the Emperor, and against married Priests, and strengthening the Laws for the Papal authority. At last he was constrained to fly unto Claremount, where he assembled a Council under pretence of consulting for recovery of the Holy Land from the Turks, An. 1094. of which it follows. There he made many constitutions; as, The Church is pure in faith, and free from all Secular power: No Bishop, Abbot or Clark shall accept any Ecclesiastical dignity from the hand of a Prince or any Laic: Whosoever shall lay hands violently on, or apprehend, men of holy Orders, or their servants, shall be accursed: Whosoever shall marry within the seventh degree of kindred, shall be accursed, &c. Matth. Paris. in Wilhel. 2. There also he renewed the excommunication against the Emperor, and against Pope Clement. So one Pope at Rome, and another Pope at Claremont had contrary Synods, cursing one another, burning one another's Acts, and abjuring their Consecrations, Baptisms and Masses. Nations and Cities were divided, and some people, espying the pride and vices of both the Popes, did continue neutral; and learned, by lamentable experience, that a Church can be ruled without a Pope. When Popes and Bishops were taken up with bloody wars, and tyrannical usurpations of Secular power, what could the Sheep learn from such Pastors? Urban did ordain, that these words should be propounded unto all Intrants at their admission, Wittingly and willingly I shall not communicate with them who are excommunicated by the Church of Rome: likewise I shall not be present at the consecrations of them who accept Bishoprics or Abbeys from Laics; so may God help, and these holy Evangelists, as I shall never change from this sentence, Platin. He did confirm the hours and Matins of Saint Mary, saith Hec. Boet. lib. 12. cap. 12. And the Officium to be solemnly read on the Sabbath-day, saith Fascic. tempor. Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 2. saith, As Pelagius the II. ordained the Priests to keep the seven Canonical hours, as a present remedy of men's weakness, who fall seven times a day; so Urban the II. ordained, that so many hours should be kept to the honor of the Virgin. The Arch-Bishop of Toledo covenanted with this Urban, that he should make him Primat of Spain; and therefore the other should endeavor to make all Spain Tributary unto Rome. Before that time the Church of Spain was not subject unto Rome, neither do we read of any Spanish Cardinals at Rome. The Order of Cistersian and Carthusian Monks were about that time devised in Burgundy, and confirmed by Urban. After the Council at Claremont he returned into Rome; but with such authority, that he was glad to lurk in the house of a Citizen Peter Leo, the space of 2. years, and died there in the 13. year of his Papacy, and the year of our Lord 1099. To move the more men unto the expedition against the Turks and Sarazens, he devised the first proclamation of indulgences, or the full remission of all sins, unto all that would go thither, to deliver that holy Land, (as he said) and the Sepulcher of Christ our Savior, from the power of the Mohammedans. His Successors following this his example (as it is easy to add unto things that are once devised) did enlarge these indulgences; to the benefit not only of them who went thither, but unto everyone, which though they went not, yet would contribute for the maintaining of Soldiers in that expedition. Upon this account great sums of money were brought unto the Pope. Thereafter these Indulgences were proclaimed unto all which would contribute unto the Wars, against those which were called enemies of the Roman Church, though they were Christians. Under these colors vast sums were gathered from time to time, although many times the money was employed another way, as followeth; and God (who brings light out of darkness) made the same indulgences to be the occasion of Reformation.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. IN the beginning of this Century were many prodigies, as tokens of evils following, (Platin.) signs in the Heavens above, Earthquakes below, in the Sun darkness, on earth Snakes were seen fighting against other, Fountains were turned into blood, the air was corrupt. Ia. Vsser. hath them at great length, de success. Eccles. cap. 3. & 4. Whereby some were moved to say, Antichrist is come into the world. Tho. Cooper ad An. 1099. In an assembly at Aken, in the year 1016. were convened many both Princes and Bishops : The Emperor Henry spoke of God's wrath hanging over their heads, and advised them to think upon a way how these judgments might be turned off. A Decree was made, that all men should study to escape those judgments by fasting, actions of piety and alms; for (say they) the true doctrine of inward and saving repentance, or of turning unto God, as the consideration of sins that are committed against the ten commands, of faith in Christ, and the true and serious amendment of life, hath been altogether obscured, yea and buried by outward worship and human traditions; therefore, by public authority of this Synod, it is compounded, that Priests attend more upon their Service, all people give themselves unto fasting, and Princes be more liberal in their Alms. Sigebert. & Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 4.

2. The Fathers of the Primitive Church, guessed that after a 1000. years from Christ's birth or passion, or from the destruction of Jerusalem, Antichrist should come; and shortly after his appearing, the world should have an end; as Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, showeth in Rer. Ecclesiast. Theoria, out of Theophilus, Cyril, Chrysostom, &c. And about the thousand years from Christ's nativity, many men looked that it should come so to pass. But when the thousand years were expired after the destruction of Jerusalem, and they saw no such Antichrist as they had imagined, neither did such things come to pass as they had conceived, concerning the end of the World; then, as if they had been delivered from the danger thereof (saith Baronius Annal. tom. 11.) they made fair buildings and Churches throughout the World, especially in Italy and France. Whereunto Ia. Vsser. doth apply that saying of Henry, Beware of Antichrist; it is evil, that the love of Churches hath overtaken you; it is not well, that ye reverence the buildings and walls of Churches; ye conceive amiss of these : is it any doubt that Antichrist shall sit in these? The Mountains, and Lakes, and Woods, are more safe unto me. Likewise some made defection from the Faith, and returned to Paganism, as in the North parts, Luitici Obotriti, Vari, &c. So did Vilgard, a Gramarian, in Ravenna, trusting to the apparitions of foul spirits, in the likeness (as they professed) of Virgil, Horace, and Juvenal; when he began to vaunt foolishly of his knowledge of humanities, they appeared unto him, and gave him thanks for his love to their Books, and promised to make him partner of their glory: Thereafter he began to profess, that the Divinity of the Poets was true; at last he was challenged, and condemned by the Patriarch Peter: But many in Italy, Sardinia, and in Spain, followed the same impiety, and were punished, some with the sword, and some with fire, Rodolp. Histo. l. 2. c. 12.

3. Berno, excellent in all learning, was set over the Augianes, anno 1008. he wrote many Books; in Marc. Evang. sect. 3. he saith, In the holy Scriptures do hang the armor of our salvation, Serm. de concor. offic. c. 5. Our weakness can do nothing without God; as Lazarus could not rise by himself, Serm. de ascend. Dom. Christ is the head of the whole Church, and all the elect are his members; At that time lived Oecumenius, and Olympiodorus, two famous Greek writers. Guthet, Bishop of Prague, was famous for learning, and holiness, and was put to death by the enemies of the faith, Platin. in Benedict. 8. and in Benedict. 9. he saith, Gerard, a Venetian, and Bishop of Hungary, a good and learned man, suffered martyrdom; the Infidels tied him to the wheel of a Cart, and let it run from the top of an high mountain, so that he was all crushed; yet he suffered it with joy.

4. Fulbert, Bishop of Charties, or Carnatum, was a learned man; sundry Sermons, and Treatises, that are among the works of St. Augustine, are said to be his. He wrote an Epistle to Adeodatus, wherein he first reproveth a gross opinion of some men, who held, that Baptism, and the Eucharist, were naked signs; Then he proveth, that these should not be considered as mere and outward signs; but by faith, according to the invisible virtue of mysteries : The mystery of faith it is called, saith he, because it should be esteemed by faith, and not by sight; to be looked on as the spirit and mind, and not as sight of body; seeing only by faith, beholdeth the secret of this powerful mystery; for what seemeth outwardly bread, and wine, now inwardly it is the body, and blood of Christ; we being encouraged by the authority of our true Master, when we communicate of his body, and blood, we confess boldly, that we are transfounded into his body, and that he abideth in us. Taste and see how savoury that meat is; unless I be mistaken, it tasteth like Angels food; not that thou canst discern it with thy mouth, but mayst taste it with thy inward affection; open the mouth of faith, enlarge the hope, and the bowels of love, and receive the bread of life, even the food of the inward man: from faith of the inward man, proceedeth the tasting of the inward food, while certainly, by the infusion, or preception of the gracious Eucharist, Christ floweth into the bowels of the communicating soul; when a godly soul receiveth into her chaste corners, in that form wherewith she beholdeth him present with her, under remembrance of the mystery, and as the Spirit revealeth, to wit, as an infant lying in his mothers bosom, or offered upon the alrar of the cross, or lying in the grave, or verily having trampled death underfoot, and rising again, or carried high in glory above the heavens; according to which forms Christ entereth into the acceptable habitation of the communicant; and refresheth his soul with so many (to speak so) several blisses, as are the ways that the eye of holy meditation can behold him: neither let it seem a vain thing unto thee, that we say, that according to the beholding of a desirous soul, Christ is found within the bowels of the communicant, seeing thou art not ignorant that our fathers sojourned through the wilderness, and were refreshed with Angels food, to whom a fertile rain brought meat of one color, but of divers tastes; and according to the appetite of everyone, it gave sundry delights of taste, that whatsoever their appetit did covet, the secret dispensation of the Giver did furnish the same; to whom their gust gave what their eye could not see, because it was one thing which was seen, and another which was taken; therefore wonder thou no more: What Manna under the law did signify by shadow, the revealed verity of Christ's body layeth open; in which body the divine Majesty condescendeth mercifully unto our weakness, that with what sort of punishment man's body is punished, he should taste the same in his body sensibly; but God performeth this in the breast: as he saith himself, He who cometh of me, shall live by me: Now therefore the scruple, or doubt, is to be removed, seeing he who is the Giver, is a witness of the truth. Then he illustrateth the same, by comparison of a baptized man; who albeit outwardly he be the same he was before, yet inwardly he is another, being made greater then himself, by increase of invisible quantity, that is, of saving grace, &c. here is no word of substancial change of the elements; the bread is still bread: but we find two other changes, to wit, the faithful are transfounded into the body of Christ, and Christ is infounded into the habitation of a faithful soul; yet so, that Christ's body remaineth in the heavens; and, by the revelation of the Spirit, faith beholdeth Christ present, or lying in his mothers bosom, and dying, and rising, and ascending, and he entereth into the gracious habitation of a faithful communicant, and refresheth him so many ways, as is said: Here also we see, that the substance of bread remaineth, as the substance of him who is baptized remaineth, albeit inwardly he be another, Biblioth. part. de le Bigne tom. 3.

5. Berengarius, Deacon of St. Maurice in Angiers, was his disciple, who hearing Math. Parisiensis calleth him Archiepisc. Turonen. a contrary error unto the former, was broached in his days; to wit, that the bread of the Eucharist, was the very body of Christ; and the wine his blood substantially, or properly: Berengarius, I say, hearing this, taught, that the body of Christ is only in the heavens; and these elements, are the Sacraments of his body and blood, as followeth. The occasion of this controversy at that time, is written by Guitmund, in his second book against Berengarius, to wit, when Lanfrank, Abbot of Bec-heloin in Normandy, was a boy, in Italy, it happened, that a priest, (as he saith) saying Mass, found very flesh upon the altar, and very blood upon the chalice, he burned to take them, and immediately declared the matter unto the Bishop, who, assembling with moe Bishops, ordained, that that flesh, and that chalice, with the blood, should be kept in that altar forever, as a most worshipful Relique. From this deceiving Impostor many were moved to believe, that the body and blood of Christ was present in the elements, not only sacramentally, as the Fathers spake, but substantially. Berengarius wrote and preached against this Capernaitis error; and therefore Adelman, Bishop of Brixia, wrote unto him; In the beginning he saluteth him, his holy and beloved Brother, and condisciple under Fulbert, Bishop of Carnatum: Then he showeth, he heard it reported that Berengarius did teach, that the body and blood of Christ, which are offered upon the altar throughout the earth, are not the very body and blood of Christ, but only a figure, or certain similitude; howbeit indeed Berengarius had said nothing so : To the intent Adelman may bring his Brother from this opinion, he entreateth him brotherly not to depart from the doctrine of their master Fulbert, and of the Catholic Church. Then he appealeth to the testimony of Augustine, Ambrose, and Jerome [who never taught any transubstantiation, or impanation] He writeth also, that the very flesh and blood of Christ, was given unto the Apostles at the first institution, and are still given unto faithful communicants; for he who said in the beginning, Let there be light, and the light was made of nothing; why, saying of the bread, This is my body, may he not cause it to be the same? Afterwards he showeth how Christ worketh this by the mystery of man; for when he was made immortal, and going up to heaven, he said, Behold, I am with you unto the end of the world; because he was compersonate of two natures, one circumscribed, another uncircumscribed: by his circumscript nature, he went from place to place; by his uncircumscript nature, he is whole everywhere illocally, and abode with them; yet he did not separate the Son of Man from the Son of God; and when the Son of Man ascended up to heaven, he was there as the Son of God; as he witnesseth himself, No man ascendeth up to heaven, but he who came down from heaven, the Son of Man who is in heaven: If therefore he was there by the unity of person, whether he had not ascended by property of nature; for in the same unity he abode still on earth with men, after he had ascended up to heaven. Therefore, that faith may be exercised in believing, because that vital Sacrament appeareth not under a bodily shape, it is hid profitably, as the soul in the body. Last of all, The water in Baptism, seemeth to be common water; and a baptized man, What seemeth he, but what he was before? he declareth this at great length, that neither sense, nor reason, can reach to comprehend this mystery; where sense judgeth that water to be an humide liquor, cold in substance, and which may be turned into air, or earth: but how by the water, and the Spirit, a soul is regenerate, and forgiveness of sin is given, unto this unsearchable mystery, neither sense nor reason can attain; and nevertheless, we must surely believe, That the unbodily soul, is created by bodily water, &c. Mark here, as Christ's body was not in heaven, when he said, Behold, I am with you; and yet, even then he was in heaven wholly, in respect of his person; so now his body is in heaven, and not on earth, where notwithstanding he is personally. Again mark, We have here an union of the water and the Spirit, to the regeneration of the soul: but whoever thought, that that water is the Spirit? or that the thing signified is corporally, or locally in the water? or who can imagine, that the body is turned into the soul, when the body and soul are united? And yet Adelman writeth, that the union of bread and wine, with the body and blood of Christ, is like to these two unions; to wit, by these comparisons he would show, that though the elements remain still the same, and Christ's body be always in the heavens, till he come again to judge; yet there is a real, and sacramental union twixt the sign and the thing signified; and that the faithful certainly communicate of both together. What answer Berengarius did return to his con-disciple, we cannot find; But he wrote an Epistle to the forenamed Lanfrank, declaring the abuses of the Sacrament, and commending the book of John Scotus on that question: And he wrote expressly, that the body of Christ is not in the Sacrament, but as in a sign, or figure, or mystery. He spake also, in his preachings, against the Romish Church, in the doctrine of Marraiage, and necessity of Baptism. Io. Oecolampad. epist. lib. 3. fol. 154. print. at Basil anno 1536. And Bellarm. in praef. before his Books de Pon. Rom. witnesseth, that Berengarius called the Church of Rome, the Malignant Church, the Council of Vanity, and the Seat of Satan; and he called the Pope, not Pontificem, vel Episcopum, sed Pompificem, & Pulpificem. It happened that Lanfrank was not at home, and the Convent opened the Letter of Berengarius, and sent it with a Clerk of Reims unto Pope Leo IX. The Pope summoned a Synod at Verceles; Berengarius was advised not to go himself, but send some Clerks in his name, to answer for him; The two Clerks were clapt in prison; Scotus was condemned 200. years after his death; and the doctrine of Berengarius was condemned; yet nothing done against his person at that time, because many favored him. Lanfrank was now a pleader for him; but he was commanded by the Pope, to answer him under no less pain, then to be as great an Heretic as he. Lanfrank following the sway of the world (for afterwards he was made Bishop of Canterbury) performed the charge. In that Book he showeth, that Berengarius, in the words of Institution, This is my body, did appoint them this; that is, this bread: and the bread remaineth (saith he) bread, so that it becometh what it was not; to wit, the body of Christ sacramentally. Even as Ambrose said, The Sacrament consisteth of two things, one visible, another invisible; the thing signified, and the sign: which thing signified, if it were before our eyes on earth, it were visible; but since it is lift up to the heavens, and sitting at the right hand of the Father, it cannot be brought, until the time that all things be restored. Again, Lanfrank saith, Thou believest the bread and wine of the Lord's Table, to remain unchangeable, in respect of the substance; that is, to have been bread and wine before the consecration, and to be bread and wine after the consecration; that they are called the flesh and blood of Christ, because they are celebrated in the Church in remembrance of his flesh, which was crucified; and of his blood, which was poured out of his side; to the end we, being admonished thereby, may call to mind the Lord's passion; and when we call it to mind, we should incessantly crucify our own flesh, and the vices and infections thereof. What absurdity could be in these words, worthy of so many curses? and what was against the Scriptures? But Lanfrank, hoping to catch some advantage by these last words, as if Berengarius had said, These signs are naked signs; he did beat the air, and nothing impugned the true doctrine of Berengarius; for this is the special argument of Lanfrank against him, The doctrine of the Apostles ordained to be preached, that the flesh and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ is eaten with the mouth of the body, and with the mouth of the soul; that is, both bodily and spiritually; seeing with the mouth of the body we eat and drink corporally, as oft as we receive the Lord's body from the altar, by the hands of the priest; but it is eaten and drunken spiritually, with the spiritual mouth of the soul; when sweetly and profitably, as Augustine saith, it is called to memory, That the only begotten Son of God, for the salvation of the world, took upon him our flesh, hang on the cross, rose again, appeared, ascended, and will return again to judge. Of the spiritual eating, the Lord said to his disciples, Take, eat. Augustine endeavored to demonstrate the spiritual eating, Tract. 26. in Johan. when he said, Eat the heavenly bread spiritually, bring innocence unto the altar : This then is the bread which cometh down from heaven, that whosoever eateth of it shall not die; but, which belongeth to the virtue of this Sacrament, and not to the visible Sacrament, who eateth inwardly, not outwardly; who eateth with heart, and not who cheweth with teeth. Here if Lanfrank by his bodily eating, or eating with the mouth of the body, will have both the signs, and the signified thing to be taken bodily; his argument against Berengarius is silly : or if he meant it only of the signs, Berengarius saith the same. But Guitmund, Bishop of Aversa, turned further aside, and wrote more bitterly, and less truly against Berengarius; Who can hold laughter, saith he, when he heareth Berengarius expounding the words of our Lord concerning the Sacrament, This is my body, i. e. this bread is my body. O most impudent foolishness! why may not the teeth touch that which the hand toucheth? If the body of the Lord was touched by the hands of Thomas, after his resurrection, and by the holy women, why may it not today be touched more easily, and surely touched? that is, chewed by the teeth of the faithful; He therefore who gave himself to be handled after the resurrection, he will not flee from our teeth for uncleanness, &c. Nevertheless Berengarius abode constant, and was in high estimation, both with Nobility and People; and therefore Pope Victor the II. gave direction to the Bishops of France, to take order with him. They assembled at Towres anno 1056. there was Hildebrand, and the Priests legate; Berengarius eluded the Council, rather then open his mind; for he professed generally, That he followed the sentence of the Catholic Church; that is (said he) as the Scriptures, Fathers, and Primitive Church have taught. And more particularly he said, that the bread and wine became the flesh and blood of Christ; not as in a shadow, but truly. Pope Nicolaus II. hearing that Berengarius was honored of many, summoned him again to a Synod at Rome, anno 1059. and there (as Baron. ad ann. 1059. saith) without any disputation, he condemned his own error. But Vsser. de succes. Eccles. c. 8. hath marked, that (Sigon. de reg. Ital. lib. 9.) when Berengarius, with many arguments, defended, that the Sacrament (to speak properly) was the figure of Christ's body; and Cardinal Albericus (who was nominated to dispute against him) could not by voice resist him; and neither of the two would yield to the other. Albericus sought the space of seven days to answer in writing; as also it is remembered by Leo Ostien. in Chron. Cassin. lib. 3. And at last, when disputation could not prevail against him, it was given him in option, Whether he would recant, or burn? The old man, for fear of death (as Pa. Masson. Annal. Franco. lib. 3. speaketh) made that beastly recantation (a perpetual argument of his dastardly courage, and of the brutish ignorance of that Council) which was penned by Cardinal Humbert, and is registered by Gratian. de consecr. dist. 2. Ego Berengarius. Nevertheless, the words of the recantation are as far from Romish transubstatiation, as white from black. These are the words, (so far as they concern our present purpose) faithfully translated; I Berengarius, do consent unto the Apostolic and Roman See; and with my mouth and heart confess, that the bread and wine, which are laid on the altar, after the consecration, are not only the Sacrament, but also the very body and blood of our Lord Jesus; and sensibly, not only in Sacrament, but in truth, are handled with the hands of the priest; broken, and chewed with the hands and teeth of the faithful, &c. John Semeca, the Glossator of the Decrees, expressly condemneth the words of this recantation, and saith, If thou understand not the words of Berengarius soundly, thou shalt fall into a greater heresy then he did; for we break not Christ's body into pieces, nisi in speciebus. Lombard li. 4. Dist. 12. E. 1. saith, Not in the substance of his body, but in a Sacrament; that is, in specie. And Bellarmine. de Council. lib. 2. c. 1. saith, In signo, & non in se. When they say, understand soundly, they understand clean against the Text; for if by species, and sign, they understand not bread and wine (as the ancient Fathers did certainly mean, and speak) they deceive the world, seeing whiteness, and such other qualities, can never be broken without some substance: neither are these qualities, the sign of Christ's body; wherefore the substance of bread remains after the blessing. And when they condemn the confession of Berengarius, and call it his words, they consider not that they condemn their Pope Nicolaus, and their Council of one hundred and fourteen Bishops prescribing it, and ordaining Berengarius to subscribe it; and which sent that confession unto the Bishops of Italy, Germany, and France, as Catholic. It is certain, that Berengarius, returning home, returned also to his former doctrine, and wrote in defense of it; so that (as Blondus saith) he was summoned again by Pope Gregory the VII. anno 1079. and then subscibed another recantation; and an Act was made, That thenceforth none may dispute, nor teach another, concerning the body and blood of our Lord, except for bringing unto the faith them that are gone astray. It seems, that as yet, Gregory was not resolved of his doubt. Bercold, a Priest of Constance, ad ann. 1083. saith, Albeit Berengarius abjured that heresy in face of Synods, yet he ceased not to return unto his vomit. Some have written, that Berengarius denied the baptism of Infants; but, saith Ja. Usser, In so many Synods held against him, We never find any such thing laid to his charge. And unto the said Usser it appears, that, who in those days were charged to deny the baptism of children, did hold no more but this, Baptism conferreth not grace ex opere operato. So Berengarius died, holding his first doctrine, at Towres, in the Isle of St. Cosina, and was buried in S. Martins, where his Tomb was reared; and Hildebert, Bishop of Caenoman, and then of Towres, made his Epitaph; which is in Guil. Malmesbu. de Gest. Anglo. lib. 3. And this is a part of it;

Quem modo miratur, semper mirabitur Orbis,
Ille Berengarius non obiturus obit.
Quem sacrae fidei vestigia summa tenentem,
Huic jam quinta dies abstulit, ausa nefas.
Illa dies damnosa dies, & perfida mundo,
Quâ dolor & rerum summa ruina fuit,
Quâ status ecclesiae, quâ spes, quâ gloria cleri,
Quâ cultor juris, jure ruente, ruit.
Post obitum secum vivam, procor, ac requiescam,
Nec fiat melior sors mea sort sua.

Platina, in Johan. 15. calleth Berengarius, famous for learning and holiness: He is reported to have been an hearty friend to learning, and did breed many Students of Divinity at his proper charge; and by means of them his doctrine was sowed through all France, and the Countries adjacent; this was matter unto his adversaries, to envy him the more. Albeit he did waver, as Peter did; and albeit his doctrine was so oft condemned by the Popes, yet it could not be rooted out of men; for Math. Paris. in Hist. ad ann. 1087. writeth, that all France was affected with this doctrine. And Math. Westmonast. at the same time, saith, That the doctrine of Berengarius had corrupted all the French, Italian, and English Nations: so that the Berengarians, that is, the Preachers of the true faith (which the Romanists call Heresy) against the rising errors, did not lurk in a corner, And Sigebert Gemblac. in Chron. saith, Much was disputed by many, both for him, and against him, by word, and by writing. Ex edit. Antwerp. anno 1608. where it is to be marked (saith Vsser de eccles. succes. c. 8.) that in the Edition at Paris, anno 1589. the words, For him, are omitted. Also Thuan, in the Epistle Dedicatory of the History of his time, hath marked, That in Germany were many of the same doctrine; and that Bruno, Bishop of Treveres, banished them all out of his Diocese, but sparing their blood. And Io. Tossington, a Franciscan, in his confession, set forth anno 1380. saith thus, The heretical sentence, which is raised of the dreams of Berengarius, affirmeth openly, that all the Fathers of the Church, and doctors of the second thousand years (as they speak) that is, who have been within 380. years, have been after the loosing of Satan; and the doctrine which we (saith he) commonly hold to be the faith of the Church, concerning the blessed Eucharist, they say, It is not right, but an error, and heresy, and the tares of Satan, being let loose. Vsser. c. 3.

6. To defend the words of the former recantation, which was given in the Synod at Lateran unto Berengarius, these flatterers of the Romish Idol have devised a new distinction of oral eating, to wit, oral eating is either visible or invisible; And they called the opinion of eating Christ's flesh visibly, the error of the Capernaites; and they said, the eating of Christ's flesh with the mouth invisibly, was the explication of Christ; so writeth Ivo Bishop of Carnotum, anno 1092. Catalo. test. ver. lib. 12. But the Fathers of higher antiquity condemned all oral eating as Capernaitism; neither were the Capernaites so subtle to make such distinctions: Yea, surely Christ would have made his correction according to their error. Behold what Augustine saith Tract. 27. in Johan. Who abideth not in Christ, and in whom Christ abideth not, without all doubt he neither spiritually eateth Christ's flesh, nor drinketh his blood; albeit carnally, and visibly, he with his teeth do press the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. And Tract. 28. What is it? they are spirit, and life; they are spiritually to be understood : understandest thou them spiritually? they are spirit, and life; understandest thou them carnally? so also they are spirit and life, but not to thee. They, understanding spiritual things carnally, were scandalised. Here Augustine opposeth carnal eating, whether visible, or invisible, unto spiritual eating and understanding: and he saith, that carnally men eat not the flesh of Christ, but the Sacrament of his flesh.

7. Bellarmine writeth in his second Book de Pon. Rom. c. 21. that the great Schism twixt the Greeks and the Latins, began anno 1054. because in that year Michael, the Patriarch of Constantinople, did excommunicate the Pope, and all the Romanists, for adding Filioque unto the Decree of the Ephesin Council, concerning the procession of the holy Spirit. Here we may see who made the Schism; the Greeks kept the Decree, as it was first enacted; but the Latins added Filioque. And when, in the same place, Bellarmine saith, It is uncertain when the Latins added it; but certainly, saith he, not before the 600. year: and the Greeks espied the addition in the days of Pope Nicolaus LAt this time Pope Leo IX. wrote against the Greeks; and Michael the Patriarch, and Nicolas a Monk, wrote against the Latins. Of this difference I will speak (God willing) when I come to the Council at Florence, where they disputed this question. Why was there so great a Schism then? Bellarmine. de Cleri. li. 1. c. 19. saith, The differences were not confined within that one, but there were many others; of which these are rehearsed by Fox, in Act. & Mon. out of an old Register of Hereford. 1. The Church of Constantinople is not subject, but equal unto Rome. 2. The Bishop of Rome hath no greater power then the four Patriarchs; and whatsoever he doeth without their knowledge and concurrence, is of no strength against them. 3. Whatsoever hath been concluded, or done, since the seven general Councils, is not of full authority; because, from that time, they convince the Latins to be in an error, and to be excluded from the holy Church. 4. The Eucharist is not the very body of Christ; also whereas the Romish Church doth use unleavened wafers, they have great loaves of leavened bread. 5. They say, that the Romish Church erreth in the words of Baptism; for the Romanists say, I baptize thee, &c. but the Greeks say, Let this creature of God be baptized in the name, &c. 6. They hold, that the Spirit proceedeth from the Father, and not from the Son [of this in another place.] 7. They hold no Purgatory; nor that the prayers of the Church do help the dead, either to lessen the pain of them in hell, or to increase the glory of them who are ordained for salvation. 8. They hold, the souls of the dead (whether elect, or reprobate) have not their full pain, nor glory; but are reserved to a certain neutral place, till the day of judgment. 9 They condemn the Church of Rome, because Women, as well as Priests, anoint children (when they baptize them) on both shoulders. 10. They call our bread Panagria. 11. They condemn our Church for celebrating Mass on other days then Sundays, and certain Feasts. 12. They have neither cream, nor oil, nor Sacrament of Confirmation. 13. Neither do they use extreme unction; expounding the place of St James of spiritual infirmity, and not of corporal. 14. They enjoin no satisfaction for Penance; only they show themselves to the Priests, who anoint them with oil, in token of the remission of their sins. 15. Only on Maundy Thursday they do consecrate for the sick, and keep it the whole year after; and think it more holy that day, then any other: neither do they fast on any Saturday, save only on Easter-even. 16. They have but five Orders; as Clerks, Deacons, Sub-Deacons, Priests, and Bishops: whereas the Romish Church hath nine Orders, according to the nine Orders of Angels. 17. In their Orders they make no vow of single life; alleging the Canon, J. N. Priest, or Deacon, shall not put away my wife, as it were for honesties sake. 18. Every year, on certain days, they excommunicate the Church of Rome, and all the Latins, as Heretics. 19. They excommunicate him, who striketh a Priest. 20. Their Emperor doth name Patriarchs, Bishops, and others of the Clergy, and deposeth them at his pleasure; also he giveth Benefices to whom he listeth, and retaineth the Fruits of the same Benefices as it pleaseth him. 21. They blame the Latins, because they eat not flesh, eggs, nor cheese on Friday. 22. They hold against the Latins, for celebrating without consecrated Churches, and fasting on the Sabbath days; and for permitting menstruous women to enter into Churches before their purifying; also for suffering dogs, or other beasts, to enter into Churches. 23. They use not to kneel at their devotion; yea, not to the body of Christ, but one day in the year; affirming, that the Latins, like goats, or beasts, prostrate themselves on the ground in their prayers. 24. They permit not the Latins to celebrate on their Altars; and if it chance a Latin Priest celebrate on their Altar, by and by they wash it, in token of abomination, and false sacrifice. 25. They condemn the worship of Images as idolatry. These are the Articles contained in the said Register: But there are many more in the Book of Catholic Traditions, published in the French tongue by Th. A. I. C. and translated into English, and printed at London ann. 1610. out of which I have drawn these Articles. 1. All the Apostles were equally universal Pastors, and no primacy given to Peter, who was never at Rome, but when he was martyred. 2. To say, that the Church is grounded on the stone of Rome, is hard and grievous, and not far from the Jewish baseness, to include the Church within a Town. 3. St. John, ending his life after Peter, had the first place among all Evangelists and Bishops; and he never taught, that Rome, by divine right, ought to be the Lady of other Churches. 4. But after St. John, the Bishop of Rome obtained the first place among the Bishops, within the Roman Empire: for seeing the Citizens of Rome reigned above other Cities, he had been proud and audacious, who would have preferred himself before their Bishop, especially without Ordinance of a Council. 5. The Churches of Italy, and others their neighbors, by lapse of time, gave to the Church of Rome, not only the first place, but also superintendence over the Bishops near them in particular, to give his advice in matters that happened, until a Synod might be held; yet never any presidency, or power was given to the Church of Rome above other Churches. 6. As all the Apostles were equal in Authority, so they left behind them everyone diverse Successors of equal Authority. 7. He who accuseth the Scriptures, accuseth God the Author thereof; but God is void of blame, and the Scriptures contain the whole matter of faith. 8. Those only are Canonical Books, which were contained in the Ark, and written in Hebrew before, or in Greek after the coming of the Lord. 9. They hold, they were the first Nations converted unto Christ, and in that regard they are the men who truly, and purely maintain the Traditions of the Primitive Church, as it was taught them by the Apostles. 10. Faith is an assurance of the love of God; and he who doubteth, cannot approach unto God with confidence. 11. The saying of Paul, It is not in him who runneth, nor in him who willeth, prevents two mischiefs; One, that no man exalt himself : for grant that thou runnest, or endeavorest, yet think not what thou doest well, is thine; for if thou be not inspired from above, all is vain: Another, that no man deem that he shall be crowned without service. 12. Faith is imputed to justification; faith sufficeth for all; faith absolveth, justifieth, and maketh partaker of eternal glory: for God requireth no other thing, but compunction and mourning. 13. When we praise good Works, we mean not to exalt ourselves by them, or to put our trust in them; but we desire men would give themselves thereunto, as to things necessary unto salvation, and which everyone is bound to exercise, according to his power, following the commandment of God. 14 They communicate under Both elements; and they have one fashion for the Communicants in the Church, and another for the Sick: the Priests, with little or no reverence, eat the remanent elements, which are not eaten by the faithful; but for the sick, it is kept all the year, being consecrate the week before Easter. 15. They celebrate the Liturgy in their own Language, that the people may understand. 16. The Bishop of Rome cannot by his Indulgences deliver any from these temporal punishments which God inflicteth; neither ought he to dispense with the fulfilling of all these works of repentance, which are possible, &c. The most part of these last differences, are fallen twixt the east and western Churches since the 11. Century; and in them all we find, that the differences are either calumnies articulated by the Church of Rome, or matters of Discipline, or Ceremony, or then our Reformed Church agreeth with them.

8. The Bishop of Milan had the next place in Italy unto the Bishop of Rome; he had eighteen Suffragan Bishops under him, twenty two Ordinary Cardinals, and divers other Offices of mark: he was always named by the King of Lombardie; neither he nor any of his Clergy trotted at any time to Rome. This was a great moat in the Priests eyes, and therefore the Popes ofttimes sought to bring Milan into subjection unto their See; but the Millanoyes still kept their liberty. At last, ann. 1059. Ariald Clericus Decumanus conspired with Landulfus Cotta praefatus populi against the Arch-Bishop Wido, and made a pretext, that married Priests ought to be exautorate. Wido assembled all his Bishops and Clergy at Fontanetum; with common consent it was denied, that Priests should have liberty of marriage. Then was great strife in the Town; the Nobility defended Wido, and the People were for Landulf; who sent Ariald to Pope Nicolaus II. accusing the Clergy of Milan, and requiring him to send some Judges to try the matter: He was glad of the occasion, and sent Peter Damian, Bishop of Ostia, and Anselm, Bishop of Luca. So soon as Damian began to talk of his Commission against the deposing of married Priests, for that their heresy the people cried, with shouting, The Pope hath no Authority over Milan; neither will we lose our liberty which our Fathers have maintained; nor will we go under the yoke of any foreign Church; With this the Bells rang, the Trumpets sounded, and all the People were in an uproar; so that at this time nothing could be altered, nor in all the days of Landulf. After his death, his Brother Erlembald, coming into his room, stirred the former coal; he went to Pope Alexander II. unto Luca, ann, 1065. and easily obtained a Decree against the Clergy. The Arch-Bishop would have it examined on Easter-day; but Erlembald, and Ariald commoved the People, so that Wido durst not go out at his gate. In the next year Wido, and his followers prepared themselves against their enemies; and Ariald fled for fear: when he was drawn back by force, he was accused as the Author of the tumult, and shamefully put to death : then Erlembald held his peace. But the next year he obtained another Decree, That none should be accounted a lawful Bishop, without the consent of the Pope, notwithstanding the election, and approbation of the People, and Clergy. In the absence of Wido, he compelled the People, and Clergy to subscribe this Decree. The Bishop was astonished when he heard it, and being now old, and desirous of rest, renounced his Bishopric, and sent the badges of his Office to the Emperor Henry IV. who sent Godifrid Castillionaeus into that See, ann. 1068. Pope Alexander threatened him with his curse, that he should not be so rash; and Erlembald by force thrust him out of the City. And when Wido died, the Pope sent Atho, a Priest of Milan, into that See, at the request of Erlembald, who also caused him to be received with great murmuration of the People, that such dignity should depend on the Pope. The Emperor did pursue his right, and therefore a new broil began twixt him and the Pope. The Pope accused the Emperor of Simony, and Heresy. By this means the Church of Milan was brought under the yoke of the See of Rome. Ph. Mornay in Myst. pag. 237. About that time the Saracens had divided Spain into several Dominions, and those Lord's were called Kings; they could not agree among themselves; and the Bishops took usually arms for their several Kings; especially the Bishops of Ausa, Gerumda, and Barcinon, went under the colors of King Zeluma, against Almahad, and were all three killed in battle. Baron. Annal. ad ann. 1011. This division among the Saracens, gave some advantage unto Alfonso V. and Ferdinand; yet for some ages they could not subdue, nor expel those Kings of Castile Infidels.

9. Before this time Priests were forbidden to marry, but could not be restrained from their liberty, and many had their own wife. In the year 1074. Hildebrand, in a Synod at Rome, condemned all married Priests as Nicolaitans; He directed his Bulls (as they called them) to Bishops, Dukes, and other Powers, declaring them all to be no Priests which had a Wife; forbidding People to salute them, or pay them Tithes, or to acknowledge them in any way. This was a new example, and (as many said) inconsiderate judgment, saith Matth. Parisi. in Williel. Conquest. and against the sentence of the Fathers; especially it was against Canon Apostolor. 6. saying, Let not a Bishop, or Presbyter, put away his Wife under pretext of Religion; or if he put her away, let him be excommunicate. It was against their own decrees, Dist. 28. c. Siquis, If any shall teach, That a Priest should for Religion forsake his Wife, let him be anathema; And Dist. 31. c. Siquis, If any do blame Marriage, or shall detest a faithful Woman for lying with her own Husband; or think the Man culpable, as if for that cause he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, let him be anathema. It was contrary to Pope Leo IX. who in epist. ad Nicet. Abba. saith, We always confess, It is not lawful unto a Bishop, or Priest, nor Deacon, to forsake his own Wife for Religion; but that he should give her food and raiment, and not lie with her bodily, as we read the holy Apostles did; even as the blessed Apostle saith, Have we not power to lead about a Wife, a Sister? Pol. Vergil. de inven. rer. li. 5. c. 4. is large in this purpose, and concludes thus; This I may say, That that forced chastity was so far from being better then married chastity, that no crime did bring, imprint, or burn-mark more shame upon the Order, more evil upon Religion, or more sorrow unto good men, then the blot of Priests lusts; therefore it may be thought useful, both unto the Christian Re-public, and to the Order, that at last the liberty of marriage might be restored unto Priests, which they may keep holily without infamy, rather then to defile themselves most filthily with that vice. The Index expurgatorius of the year 1571. hath ordained all these words, and many more of that Chapter, to be blotted out. And what obedience was given unto this Decree of Hildebrand, is clear in Naucle. vol. 2. gener. 36. where he hath this Epistle unto Constance; Gregory, Bishop, the servant of God's servants, unto the Clerks, and Laics, both greater and lesser, in the Diocy of Constance, salutation and blessing; We have sent unto our brother your Bishop Otho exhortatory letters, by which, according to the necessity of our Office, by Apostolical Authority, we have commanded him to exclude Simoniacal heresy altogether out of his Church, and that he shall earnestly preach the chastity of Priests; But your Bishop, neither reverencing the command of blessed Peter, nor taking heed unto his own duty, as it is reported unto us, hath not done what we did fatherly advise; and not only disobediently, but rebelliously hath he, as we have understood, publicly permitted unto his Clerks, altogether contrary unto our command, or rather of blessed Peter, that they which have wives, may keep them; and they which have none, may have them by unlawful temerity: which so soon as we heard, taking it ill, we wrote again unto him, showing how he had provoked our indignation; and also we have summoned him unto our Synod at Rome, to give the reasons, and in the audience of the whole Convent declare the causes of his disobedience, if they be reasonable. These things, most dear children, we make known unto you, that we may provide for your salvation; for if your Bishop will with open hand fight against us, and be contumacious, it is not fit he should rule, &c. Wherefore, as we have said, by Apostolical Authority we command all those, which are obedient unto God, and blessed Peter, if he shall continue hardened, that ye give him no reverence of obedience; nor think that to be any hurt unto your soul; for if he will be contrary unto the Apostolical precepts, we, by the Authority of blessed Peter, do absolve you from all yoke of subjection unto him; so that if any of you were bound unto him by obligation of Sacrament [or Oath] he shall not be subject unto him in giving any fidelity, so long as he continues rebellious against God, and the Apostolical See. Naucler saith moreover, It is worthy the observation what Hersfeldensis reports of the constitutions of Hildebrand: Hildebrand, convening with his Bishops of Italy, had decreed in many Synods, that, according to the Institutions of ancient Canons, Priests may have no Wives; they which have any, should put them away, or be deprived: and that none be entered into the Priesthood, which shall not profess single life forever. This Decree being proclaimed thorough all Italy, he sent many letters unto the Bishops of France, commanding that they in their Churches, should by an everlasting curse, put away all women from the houses of Priests; All the faction of Clerks presently do rage against this Decree, and said, The man was plainly heretical, and of a mad mind; which having forgot the Lord's word, saying, All cannot receive this word; but who may, let him receive it. And the Apostle saith, If any cannot contain, let him marry; it is better to marry, then to burn. Now he by violent compulsion, will compel men to live after the manner of Angels; and while he denieth the accustomed course of nature, he looseth the rains to fornication and uncleanness: But if he will continue to execute this Decree, they will choose to forsake the Priesthood, rather then Marriage; and then let him who despiseth men, see how he will provide Angels to govern the people in the Church of God. Nevertheless the Pope was instant, and by continual missions did accuse all the Bishops as careless. The Bishop of Mainz perceiving that it was not an easy work to root out an old custom, would walk more moderately; and at first gave them the space of an half year to advise, exhorting his Clergy to do willingly what they must do at last; and to remove both from himself, and the Pope, the necessity of dealing more severely. Then in October he assembleth his Synod at Erdsfurt, and urgeth, that without anymore delay, they would now either abjure marriage, or leave their service at the Altar: They brought many reasons to the contrary, to elude the wickedness of his so pressing command. When neither reasons nor supplications could have place against the Authority of the Apostolical See, whereby he did allege, he was forced against his will; the Priests went forth as to advise, and their counsel was, to return no more into the Synod; But some cry, It were better to return into the Synod, and pull him from his Episcopal Chair, before he pronounce his execrable sentence against them; and if he were punished with death, as he deserves, they might leave a notable monument unto posterity, that none of his Successors dare put such a calumny upon the Priestly Order. This was reported unto the Bishop, and he was advised by his friends, to preveen the tumult in time: Then he sent forth, and intreats them to settle themselves, and return unto the Synod; and he promiseth with the first opportunity to persuade his Apostolical Lord, if by any way he can, to surcease from the severity of his Decree: These things were done ann. 1074. The next year the same Bishop held a Synod in October at Mainz, where, with other Bishops, came the Bishop of Curia, the Popes Legate, with letters, and commands unto the Arch-Bishop, with threatenings of his Order, and Place, to compel presently all the Priests within his Diocy, to forsake their wives, or to dimit the service of the Altar forever. Which when he professed to obey, the Clerks which were sitting round about him arose, and did so confute him with words, and rage against him with their hands, and gestures of their bodies, that he was past hope to escape with his life. So being overcome with such difficulty, he resolves to deal no more in this matter, but refer it unto the Pope, to end it when and in what manner he would by himself. So far writes Naucler. The Author of Catalo. test. ver. li. 13. calleth this Bishop of Mainz Sigefrid. Then such a Schism was in the Church, that the people would not send their Priests unto the Bishops, but did elect them among themselves; and put them in Office without the knowledge of the Bishop, whereby the people would prevent the peril of Intrants; seeing the Bishop would admit none, unless they did swear to live a single life. Naucler expresses it thus, Upon this disception followed an horrible pest in the Western Church, so that Laics, in time of this dissention of the Priests, did administer holy things, baptize, anoint with filth, instead of the true and holy Oil. He writes thus, as if he thought, that none can be lawful Presbyters, unless they be ordained by the Bishop, or at his command; And nevertheless neither the Priests, nor the People did think so: But of this point more followeth in the next Chapter. And hence it appears, that both Priests and People did oppose the Popes Decree, and that not only in Germany, but in France also. Yea Gebuiler, a late Papist, testifieth, that in those times Twenty four Bishops in France, and Germany, with their Clergy, did constantly maintain the liberty of marriage. More of this followeth in Clemens 3. The same Pope Gregory commanded all men to abstain from flesh in time of Lent: his Successors have pressed it more and more, as meritorious of eternal life, and satisfactory for sin, and under pain of deadly sin. In former times had been a Lent, or sort of fasting, but with liberty, and much variety. Socrates Hist. li. 5. c. 22. saith, The manner of fasting usually observed before Easter, as all the world knows, hath been diversely observed: The inhabitants of the princely City of Rome, do fast three weeks together before Easter, excepting Saturday, and Sunday. Illyricum, all Greece, and Alexandria, begin their fasting five weeks before Easter, and that space they call forty days fast. Others begin seven weeks before Easter, and in all that while they use abstinence but for fifteen days, pausing before every of them; and these few days they call Lent. So that I cannot but marvel, that howbeit they differ in the number of days, yet all do call their observations, forty days fast. Neither is this difference in the number of days, but there is a greater diversity in the kinds of meat; for some abstain from every living creature; some feed upon fish; others with fish eat fowls of the air, affirming (as Moses writes) that their original is of the waters; others eat neither nuts, nor apples, nor any kind of fruit, nor eggs; some feed only upon dry bread; and some receive not that; some, when they have fasted until nine of the clock, refresh nature with divers sorts of meats: Other nations have other Customs; the manner and cause are infinite, seeing none is able to show a president, or record of it in writing; it is plain, that the Apostles left liberty unto every man, at his own discretion, without fear, compulsion, or constraint, to addict himself unto what seemed good and commendable. We know for certain, that this diversity of fasting is rife throughout the world: so far Socrates. Before him Theodoret on Rom. 14. at the words, Let everyone abound in his own sense, saith, He speaks not generally, but of meat only he gives liberty unto everyone: for this Custom continues unto this day in the Churches, that one abstains, and another eats any meat without scruple; neither doth the one condemn the other, but this law of concord makes them the more famous and laudable. And Eusebius Hist. li. 5. c. 26. repeats the Epistle of Iraenaeus unto Victor Bishop of Rome, saying, Neither is this difference of the day only, but of the manner of fasting; some think they should fast one day, some two, some more, some forty, and telling the hours of the night, and day : neither began this variety in our time, but long before; yet for all this variety they held unity one with another, and as yet we retain it; for this varity of fasting commends the unity of faith. They who before Soter were Bishops of that See, I mean Anicetus, Pius, Higin, Telesphorus, and Xistus, did not observe it themselves, nor did they publish any such president unto posterity: and though they kept not that Custom, they held unity with others who came unto them from other Churches, &c. Indeed Caranza in Summ. Council. hath a Decree as of Telesphorus; to wit, We Decree, that seven full weeks before Easter, all Clerks, that is, who are called into the Lot of the Lord, should fast from flesh; because, as the life of Clerks should be different from the conversation of Lay men, so there should be a difference in their fasting. Observe, the time is here appointed seven full weeks, and it is enjoined unto Clerks only; nor is anything forbidden but flesh. But how can this Decree stand with the words of Irenaeus, or with the practice of Rome in the days of Socrates? In the first Council at Orleans (and that was about the time of the Nicene, and a National) is such an Act concerning Priests; only Augustine in Epist. 86. saith, If you ask my opinion in this, I, resolving it in my mind, do see in the writings of the Evangelists, and Apostles, fasting is commanded; but upon what days we should fast, or not fast, I do not see it defined by precept of our Lord, or his Apostles: so he. Bellarmine De bon. oper. li. 2. c. 15. saith, It seems a wondrous difference was among the Ancients in keeping of Lent; Nevertheless Pope Gregory had a precedent; for Eusebius Hist. li. 5. c. 16. saith, Montanus condemned marriage, and eating of flesh; and also he kept three fasts yearly, whereof one was two weeks before Easter: It is also to be marked, that whatsoever necessity be laid on keeping of Lent, yet a man may have a dispensation from his Priest for a small sum of money, as the Papal Chancelary directeth.

10. Peter Damian, Bishop of Oscia, wrote a Book De Correctione Episcopy & Papae: it is in Catal. test. ver. lib. 12. There he sharply rebukes the arrogance of Bishops which will live as they list, without subjection unto censure; albeit the Prophet David did not spurn at the admonition of the Prophet Nathan; and Samuel (though suffering wrong) did not refuse the censure of the people of Israel; and albeit Peter was endowed with such graces, yet he was subject to the censure of others, Act. 1. and when he was rebuked by Paul, he did not quarrel, but took it in good part, because he well understood, it was not of malice, but in love. But (saith he) now they say, I am a Bishop, I should not be rebuked by my sheep; they must be silent, whatsoever be my carriage, &c. He concludes, Therefore let this pernicious Custom be abolished by Ecclesiastical discipline; away with this deceitful subterfuge, that he who pretends so malepert arrogancy, may not enjoy his sin with immunity. In an Epistle unto Udalrik, Bishop of Firma, he reproves the Popes, that they do contrary unto that which they are commanded to teach; for they should exhort all men unto patience, and toleration of injuries, and forbid vindictive contentions: But now (saith he) what Bishops should exhort others to do, they themselves will not do; Christ commands to forgive thy brother seventy times in a day: the King may use the temporal sword, but a Priest should use only the sword of the Spirit, which is God's Word; If for maintaining the faith, Priests should not carry iron weapons, how then see we armies of them rising against one another for earthly things? But so it is fulfilled what the Apostle writes, When they preach to others, themselves are found to be reprobates.

11. About the year 1072. at Nantes, in low Bretanny, a Letter was presented unto a Clerk, as directed from hell: in it Satan, and all that fry, gave thanks unto all Church-men, because they were not deficient unto his and their pleasures; and by negligence of preaching, they sent so many souls unto hell, as no age preceding had seen so many. Mat. Parisi. ad ann. 1072. Cardinal Benno testifieth, that none of Hildebrand's Cardinals would (at first) subscribe the excommunication of the Emperor Henry; and he hath a large Catalogue of Cardinals, Bishops, and Deacons, who left the Pope, and would never return unto him; so that (as he saith) the Church was divided, the one party pretending the Authority of the Pope, and the other accusing them and their Pope, that he and they taught, and did contraray unto the Scriptures and primitive Church. He adds, that he and his Successor Turban, had presumed to violate the Decrees of Chalcedon, namely, in baptising, and communicating without the Church: But (saith he) as Eusebius alone defending the unity of the Church against Liberius, proved him to be an Heretic; and by his refusing to communicate with him, did bind him with the keys; so & much more is Hildebrand, persevering in this error, condemned unto hell, by the departing of so many Fathers from the Roman Church; and who accurse his Heresies, and abuses of the power of binding and loosing. Then he hath a large description of Hildebrand, and his disciples; saying, Let the Prophets be astonished at the voice of Peter, and his disciples; they are men in face, and scorpions in tail; wolves lurking in sheep-skins, killing bodies, and dedestroying souls: their Religion is nothing but treachery, and covetousness; they haunt widows, and lead women captives who are loaden with sins: by occasion of times they give heed to the spirit of error, and doctrine of devils; which their Master Hildebrand hath received from his Masters Theophylact [or Pope Benedict IV.] Laurence Bishop of Amelphis, John, or Gregory VI.—Because Satan could not openly persecute Christ by Pagans, he craftily intends to subvert the name of Christ by a false Monk, under show of Religion: but albeit God permit such things to be done (our sins so deserving) yet the time of recompense is at hand. Catal. test. ver. li. 13. Many other Books were written against this Hildebrand: there is named one in the German tongue, written by Waltram Bishop of Niembergh, as is thought; the Author bewails the miseries of the Church, and lewdness of Clerks; then he adds, Hence the Catholic faith is defiled; hence that unrighteousness hath waxed so, that instead of truth, false testimonies; and for common faith, perjuries do abound: since Laws are silent, giving place to wars, that saying of Hosea is fulfilled, There is no truth, nor knowledge of God, nor mercy in the land; cursing, and lies, murder, and stealing have overflowed.—Behold, some Bishops have joined unto the faction of Hildebrand, accounting more of him, then of all the Catholic Church; so it comes to pass, that while the enemy so weth in the Lord's field the tares of many scandals, that now in Bishoprics are no Sacraments of Christ and his Church (which should be the work of the Bishops of God) but execrations, which are the works of the Servants of Satan; who (as Cyprian writes) seeing Idols forsaken, and his Temples left by the multitude of Believers, hath devised a new craft; under the name of a Christian, he deceives the unwise; and by Heresies and Schisms, he overthrows the faith, &c. In another place he saith, Now it appears Satan is loosed out of the pit, seeing, as it is written, he is come forth to deceive the Nations. Ia. Vsser. de Eccles. statu. c. 5. hath the same. The above-named Waltram, in another place lamenteth, That then a new sort of Bishops, swelling in pride because of the gifts of Believers, drew all things unto themselves under cloke of Religion; and they were painted walls, and hypocrites.

12. When Gregory, and Victor, the two heads of that pernicious faction, were gone, the Bishops of Germany and France, considering the calamities of the Church by that unhappy Schism, thought good to meet at Garstung, for debating their strife no more with swords, but with reasonings: so the Bishops of both factions convene in January. There Conrad, Bishop of Utrecht, had a long Oration to this purpose; We are assembled, prudent Fathers, to establish peace, which our Savior at his departure did leave: the temerity, violence, and pestiferous errors of those, who are not ashamed to despise that heavenly gift, I wish I could cut in sunder with the two-edged sword, and confute with the testimonies of the two Testaments, according to Christ's command. Who despiseth an Oath, breaks covenant, and keeps not promise, despiseth him by whom he hath sworn; he offends him, whose name the other party hath believed: As I live, saith the Lord, the Oath that he hath despised, and the Covenant that he hath transgressed, shall I bring upon his pate. Shall he who hath transgressed his Covenant escape? You must consider not so much unto whom, as by whom thou hast sworn; and he is more faithful, who did believe thee, swearing by the name of God, then thou art, who hatchest mischief against thy enemy, or rather now thy friend, and that by reason of divine Majesty. We find it commanded concerning Tiberius, and Nero, who were not only most cruel Tyrants, but most vile Monsters, Give to Caesar, what is Caesar's; and, fear God, and honor the King: and not only be obedient unto Princes, who bear not the sword in vain, even though they be evil; but supplicate the most high God for them, that under them we may lead a quiet and peaceable life. All power is of God, and he who resists power, resists the providence of God. Therefore those are ambitious, and presumptuous, who dare with whorish faces misinterpret that saying of our Lord and God, What ye shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven; and what ye bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven; and force it to serve unto their own lust, and endeavor to gull us, as if we were children without all knowledge.—Our heavenly Teacher did open the hearts of his disciples to understand the Scriptures, Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms; and he commanded them to preach in his name unto all the Nations, repentance and forgiveness of sins, and that they should be witnesses of those things. Therefore Hildebrand was carried headlong into ambition, when he usurped the power of the eternal God, whose Messenger he should have been; such are the times now, such are the manners, and such are the men. The most high Majesty had provided but slenderly for the affairs of mortals, if he had so entrusted the sword into the hand of any man. Who could restrain the lust of men? who could rule it? truly the wisest is not sufficient for such a burden. We have not need that any should teach us in what manner Peter, and his Colleagues did use their spiritual power, or (to speak more properly) the dispensation and administration of God's stewardship (for they were but stewards of the divine Oracles.) It is as clear as the light, by the book which the Physician Luke hath written of the Acts of Christ's Messengers, the weapons of our warfare are spiritual, and not iron, nor robberies, murders, killing of men, nor perjuries; and our helmet, breast-plate, girdle, buckler, and sword, are peace, love, righteousness, hope of salvation, truth, the word of God, and faith. These Divine Gifts our most Christian Emperor did often proffer most willingly unto Hildebrand, but he refused to accept them, &c. The Papal party had chosen Gebhard, Bishop of Salisburgh, to speak in their name; but when he heard this Oration, he would not open his mouth to speak in the contrary. Avent. Annal. lib. 5. It was appointed at that time to assemble again in May at Mainz. The Papal party did preveen the time, and assembled at Quintelburgh (now called Quedlinburgh) in April; there they wrested some words of Wezilo, Bishop of Mainz, and condemned him as an Arch-Heretic: they called themselves the true Church, and consented unto the election of Clemens III. The Synod at Mainz was very solemn: there was the Emperor, the Electors, and many Dukes; Peter, Bishop of Portua, and Legate of Clemens; and many Bishops of France, and Germany: by common suffrage the faction of Hildebrand was condemned, as contrary unto Christian piety: and a Decree was published to this purpose; All Christians should shun the company of those accursed persons whom we have named, seeing they have made defection from us, and not we from them: they promised to be present at this Synod, but they will not come; they abuse Christian piety, and leaving the sheep, they run unto the enemies of the Republic; they not only exhort unto fire and sword, but also are ring-leaders, and Captains of the war—What would they have done if they had lived in the days of Domician, Decius, &c. Avenii. lib. cit. who recordeth many other Synods condemning that faction: As also Sigebert, a Monk of Gemblac, who hath continued the Epitome of Jerome, and hath briefly written the History of the Church from the year 381. until 1112 there he noteth many errors of the Popes; namely, That they presume to absolve Subjects from their Allegiance unto their Princes. He saith of them, False Prophets, false Apostles, and false Priests have arisen, who deceive the People with a false Religion; and dare advance themselves above all that is worshipped: while they seek to establish their own power, and dominion, they have put away Christian charity and simplicity.

13. When Bishops and Priests became Monarchs, some Monarchs became Pastors; as Olaus King of Norway, and Steuchilus King of Sweden, taught their Subjects the Word of God. Herman Contractus, Count of Vering, infirm in body, was admired in the knowledge of the Greek, Arabic, and Latin tongues; singular in Philosophy, especially Astronomy, Rhetoric, Poesie, and Divinity. Jo. Lampad▪ in Mellifi. remembereth also that some Germans were then persecuted for denying Purgatory, the bodily presence of Christ in the Eucharist, and the worship of Images. Ecbert, a Monk, wrote against them, and contemptuously called them Cathari, or Puritans: the Emperors also, and the Popes, made Constitutions against them. The People Heneti were compelled to receive Bishops, and Priests, in the days of Otho I. but after his death they killed the Bishops, they threw down the Churches, and returned to Idolatry. Henry III. restoreth the Christian Religion, and erecteth Bishoprics among them. Io. Pap. in Hist. Convers. After the death of Steven King of Hungary, were sturrs there for many years; in the year 1045. the Princes of the Kingdom being vexed by the severity of King Peter, sent for Andrew, Bela, and Leventa, which were of the kin ed of Steven, and banished into Bohem and Poland. The King understanding this Plot, did cause to be hanged Vi ca, Bua, and Buchna, three chief men, and punished others cleaving unto them other ways. For this cause, the Nobles convening at Canad, sent for Andrew, and Leventa again, with solemn promises, and oath, to bring the Kingdom into their obedience. So soon as they came, all the People came unto them at Novum Castrum, demanding first to permit the People to live after the ancient way of their Fathers, in Paganism; to kill the Bishops, and Clergy; to forsake Christianism, and worship their Idols; which was granted. The chief of them, Vacha, began in the Castle Belos; and his Son gathereth Socerers, and Soothsayers, by whose enchantments he purchaseth the Peoples favor. Then the People threw down the Churches, and killed all the Latin and Dutch Priests cruelly; Likewise Andrew, and Leventa levieth an Army against the Christians. And four Bishops, Gerard, Bistrit, Buld, and Beneth, and Zehung Count of Alba, meet together in the Church of God; where Gerard saith, Brethren, fellow Bishops, and other believers here present, we shall today go with the Crown of Martyrdom unto our Lord Jesus Christ: for this night I saw the Lord Jesus Christ communicating unto us the Sacrament of his body and blood. After Mass they went with the King and his Army, and were killed at Pesch; and the King was taken, and brought to Alba, where he died ann. 1047. Then Andrew was crowned; and so soon as he was free from enemies, he enacted a Law, That all Hungarians should renounce Paganism under pain of death: and himself did profess the faith in Christ. Nevertheless the Emperor Henry went down the Danube with a great Army, and besiedgeth the Castle Pesch: some Hungarians in the night-time boareth all the Emperor's Ships under the water, and drowned them, so that the Army was weakened, Naucler. Gener. 35. And in Gener. 36. he shows how the Emperor sought peace, and hardly obtained it; for continuing peace, they did agree that Solomon, King Andrew's Son, should marry Sophia, the Emperor's Daughter. But then Bela, the King's Brother, made a new insurrection, and by help of the Polonians invades the Kingdom; and prevails so, that Andrew was killed, and Solomon fled into Germany; and Bela was crowned at Alba: Immediately he calleth a Parliament, for settling and ordering the Kingdom. Many of the common People, especially the Country men, say unto the King, Grant unto us to live after the manner of our Fathers, in Paganism, to put away Bishops, and Priests; and to retain our Tithes; and to lay waste the Churches. The King was amazed, and craves a delay for three days: On the third day the chief of the multitude come for the answer; At the King's command Soldiers fall upon them, and then invade the multitude; and when some of them were killed, others cry for mercy, and renounce Paganism. By conferring the former part with this, it appears that two things especially did hinder the Reformation of the Heathens at that time; to wit, They had Latin Priests, who did the Service in an unknown language; and they took it ill to be burdened with payment of Tithes: and moreover, Religion was pressed upon them by the sword. In time of the wars twixt the Emperor Henry, and the Saxons, Mistiwoi, a Prince of the Wandals, did so approve himself unto D. Bernard, that he did espouse unto him his Sister: Before the day of marriage, Tiaderik, a Marquess, said unto the Duke, It was a base thing to give such a Lady unto a dog. So soon as this was reported unto Mistiwoi, he said, Are we then dogs? is this the reward of our trouble? if we be dogs, we will let them feel our madness. The Wandals then renounce Christianity, and profess hostility against Christians: at Aldenburgh they made their sport with sixty Priests; they destroy Hamburg, and the Bishop Benno escapes with his life: they expel the Marquess of Brandeburgh out of all his Lands. Duke Bernard levieth an Army against them; and the Emperor sent aid unto him. In this fight Mistiwoi was killed, and the Wandals were brought into payment of their former tribute. But for eighty years they were not sincere in Religion, saith Al. Crantz. in Saxo. li. 4. c. 34. In the days of the Emperor Conrad, Mistiwoi Duke of Poland, did renounce the faith; and raising an Army, made great havoc in Germany, twixt the Rivers Sala, and Albe; destroyed many Churches, and Monasteries, and killed many thousand men. When he heard that the Emperor was preparing against him, he returns with his spoil. Loc. cit. c. 36.

14. About the year 980. Theodor, Bishop of Antioch, besought the Emperor, John Zimisca, to remove the Manichees (who called themselves Cathari, and Pavacimi) into some remote place; because they overspread all, and infected many with their Heresies. The Emperor transports many of them into Philippopolis, in Thracia; where Alexius Commenus (Emperor in the days of Henry IV.) caused dispute with them; and by information, did prevail with many of them. Zona. This heresy spread into Bulgaria, (as afterwards they were called Bulgari) Slavonia, Lombardie, and France; nor could it be restrained by Decrees of Popes, nor power of Arms, saith Sylvius in Europ. c. 16. The Emperor Henry caused to be hanged a number of them ann. 1062. and some of them were burnt in sundry places. Their errors were, They condemned marriage, and eating of flesh; they despise the Old Testament, and some parts of the New; they held that there were two Creators; one good Creator, of things invisible; and another ill, of visible things: they deny baptism, and the resurrection from death. Vsser. de Ecles. statu. c. 8. ex Rad. Arden. Homil. 8. post. Trinit. They were divided into divers Sects, different in some other opinions, and they had their own Bishops.

15. All this time, since the last mention of the Turks, and Saracens, the Turks (as is said) lived under the Saracens, subject unto them and their Religion; and living by pasturage, without any Ruler of their own Nation. In this age they became Princes of Babylon, and Persia, and within a short space they were Lord's of all Asia, unto Pontus, and the Euxine Sea, which is called Turcomannia until this day. When the Saracens were divided among themselves, especially the Sultan of Persia, Hircania, or Sogdiana, and Media, fell at variance with the Calipha of Babylon, he sent for the Turks, by whose hand he prevailed; and when he refused to pay them, they robbed him of his Kingdom; and were advanced more and more in both the Armenios, Cappadocia, Bithymia, &c. In the year 1009. the Turks conquered Jerusalem from the Saracens; not long thereafter the Saracens of Egypt were Masters of it again, and kept it till the coming of Godifrid. About the year 1028. the Calipha of Egypt spoiled the Church of Jerusalem: and after twenty years, the Emperor of Constantinople made a league with Deber Calipha; and by his permission he built the Church again ann. 1051. The Turks compel the Calipha of Babylon to create their Prince Tangrolipex Zadok, King of Asia. Then they made a league with the Calipha of Egypt, and reigned peaceably forty and six years. At that time Peter, an Eremite (who was wont to say his Pater Noster by a role of Beads, and from whom the Romans have their Gades. Pol. Vergil. de inven. rer. li. 5. c. 9.) came into Rome, and reports the miseries of Christians under the Infidels; Whereupon the Popes dealt with the Princes to go unto their aid. And Pope Urban II. persuaded many Princes at Claremont, to recover the Holy Land (as they called it) out of the power of Turks and Saracens. The Princes took the sign of the Cross for their cognizance; and several Nations did vary the color, or situation, or some circumstance of that badge, to the end the Soldiers might know their own Prince, when they had occasion to go into these wars: and hence are so many sundry sorts of Crosses in Europe. In the first interprise Godifrid Duke of Bullion, Prince of Lorain, was their General; he sold his Duchy unto the Bishop of Leodium, that he might amass the more money: with him were his two Brothers, Baldwin, and Eustachius, Bohemund Duke of Apulia, Raymond Earl of Tolouse, Robert Earl of Flanders, Robert Duke of Normandy, and Son to William the Conqueror, Hugh Brother of Philip King of France, &c. Two Armies went before Godifrid; one under the conduct of Peter the Eremite, and the other was commanded by Gotteschalk a Presbyter; they were both spoiled for their plundering, some in Hungaria, and some in Bulgaria; and some arriving into Bethynia, went abroad without order, and were killed by Suleiman ann. 1096. The Princes went by Sea from Venice, and when they did meet with the remnants of the former Companies, they were mustered about six hundred thousand of foot, and one hundred thousand horse. They did first assault Nicomedia, and were repulsed by strong fortifications of the City, and for want of victuals: and the Turks and Saracens joined against the Christians. Alexius, Emperor of the Greeks, sent aid unto the Christians, and then the Turks were forced to yield up Nice ann. 1097. After that was an open fight, wherein forty thousand Infidels were slain; and the Christians with small loss took Iconium, the head City of Lycaonia: then they gained Heraclea, and Tursus; appointing the Government of these Cities unto Baldwin; who thereafter subdued Antiochia, Edessa, Silicia, and Comagena, &c. After all this, Jerusalem was taken on the thirty ninth day of the siege; and Robert Duke of Normandy was chosen King of all the Conquest; and Jerusalem was appointed the chief City of the Kingdom: but Robert hearing that his Brother William, King of England, was dead, would not accept it. Then Godifrid was proclaimed first King of Jerusalem ann. 1099. This expedition was begun with a good intention, that the Land might be purged from Idolatry, and Christians might be freed from grievous tharldom; but it was continued by the craft of Popes, for enlarging their Dominion abroad, and for weakening the Empire, and the hinderers of their usurpation, that themselves might promove their power with the more facility at home; and often that they might gather great sums of money under this plausible pretext; as follows very plainly, and especially after the 1200. year. At the first some did smell the vanity of the Expedition; for Anselm (of whom in the next Chapter) writing unto one William intending thither, said, I admonish, advise, pray, beseech, and command thee, as one whom I love, that thou leave off thy going to Jerusalem, which is not now The vision of peace, but of tribulation; and leave these treasures of Constantinople, and Babylon, unto the robbery of bloody hands; and think upon heavenly Jerusalem, and walk in the way unto it, which truly is the vision of peace. Lib. 2. Epist. 19. Out of these few words appears what was his judgment, and also what was the intention of many in that voyage.

16. By degrees were the Legati à latere brought in Authority among the Nations; and they did enlarge the Popes Phylacteries. At first, because Rome was the chief City of the Empire, from thence, as from a Seminary, were Preachers sent to sundry Nations, to preach, and plant the Gospel, or to confute Heresies, thereafter to provide vacant Benefices, and to supply the Bishop of Rome his absence in Synods; in all which they did no other thing, but as other Bishops might have done, and also did: But when the Bishops of Rome were made Patriarchs, and became ambitious, these Legates did the same offices at sometimes; but therewith they began craftily to enjoin unto Arch-Bishops, and Metropolitans, to execute some things, which by the Word of God they were commanded to do; and they would give them power within their own Diocies, as if Bishops were Vicars of the Roman Patriarch, or his Legate. These Primates did gladly embrace this show of honor, that for reverence of the Roman Church they might be the more respected in their own jurisdiction; and sometimes the more easily advance themselves above their Competitors. Sometimes the Popes sent Legates into other Diocies with such modesty, that they had Authority to attempt nothing without concurrence of the Bishops, or Synod of that Country; Albeit these Legations were partly godly, and at the worst were tolerable, yet they were not potestativae, or imperious, but charitativae, or exhortatory: Nevertheless the Popes brought the Churches, and Bishops, into subjection by such means; for afterwards they were sent only for ambitious usurpation, covetousness, and worldly affairs. The ordinary Legates at Picen, Romandiola, Bononia, Ferraria, Avenion, and if there be any such others, are Provincial Deputies, Praetores, or Vice-Roys; The Nuntio's at the Court of the Emperor, or of any King, or Prince, or State, are Ambassadors, or Spies for secular affairs: The affairs of any Church that are gainful, if they be of less account, are reserved unto the judgment of the Nuntio; yet not definitively, but to be determined at Rome; and things of more weight are reserved for the Court of Rome wholly; In the mean time the power of Metropolitans, and Bishops is neglected. The ancient Bishops of Rome, did severely enjoin their Legates to acknowledge duly the inferior Bishops within their own jurisdiction; but now they pass by the Metropolitans, and draw all actions unto themselves, and the Court of Rome : Also their ambiton and avarice have so provoked some Nations, that they will admit no Legate, as Sicily, and France hath entrenched their office. These particulars are more fully written by Spalatens. de Rep. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 12.

Of BRITANNY.

1. AS I touched in the former Century, England was oppressed by the Danes, so that Swan, a Danish King, did bear the Scepter of England; and when he was a dying, he left England to Harald. Denmark to Canut, and Nor way to Swan, his three Sons. Harald lived not long: After him, and the death of the unfortunate English King Agelred, great contention was in England for the Crown; some were for Edmond ronside, the Son of Agelred, and some for Canut; After many bloody fights, both parties agree to try the quarrel twixt them two only; in sight of both Armies they make the essay, with swords, and sharp strokes; in the end, upon the motion of Canut, they agree, and kiss one another, to the joy of both Armies, ann. 10. 6. and they covenant for parting the Land during their lives, and they lived as br thren. Within a few years a Son of Edrik Duke of Mercia, killed Edmond traitorously; and brought his two Sons unto Canut, and said, God save our only King. Thereafter Canut reigned in England twenty years; and all the Counselors swear unto him; By their advice he sent the two Sons of Edmond unto his Brother Swan, King of Denmark, willing him to put them out of the way; He abhorring such a fact, sent them to Solomon, King of Hungary; where Edwin was married with the King's Daughter, and left her soon a Widow: and the other Brother, Edward, married Agatha, the Daughter of the Emperor Henry III. It is written that Canut established Laws Ecclesiastical, as well as Civil; among which are these: First, All men should holily worship God only throughout all ages; they should most religiously hold fast the one rule of Christian Religion: they should with due loyalty and obedience honor King Canut; We further command, that everyone of each Order, shall diligently, and holily keep the Religion of his own Office, and Function, namely the Servants of God, Bishops, Abbots▪ Monks, Regulars, and Nuns, and square their life according to their prescribed rule; Let them pray oft, and much unto Christ, both night and day, for all Christian People: And all the Ministers of God, especially the Priests, we entreat and command to obey God, and keep dear chastity, that they may escape God's wrath, and hells fire, seeing they know certainly, it is not lawful for them to have fellowship with women for lust; and who shall abstain from them, let him have God's mercy, and on earth the honor due unto a Thane. Let every one pay his Tithes yearly. Each one should prepare thrice a year (at least) to receive the Eucharist, so that he may eat the same to wholesome remedies, and not to damnation. If any woman commit adultery, to the open shame of the world let her nose and ears be cut off, &c. Spelman in Council. Canut died ann. 1039. and his Son Hardiknut reigned four years, and his Brother two years; Then the Danes failed, after they had been Kings of England twenty eight years, and vexed it 255. years.

2. After the death of Grim, King of Scots, Malcolm would not accept the Crown, until the Law which was made in his Father's time, concerning Succession, were confirmed with consent of the Parliament. He was molested by the Danes; and in token of his two victories, two stones were set up in Anguise, in two several places, as yet bearing the name of their Captain Came. At that time Malcolm divided a great part of the patrimony of the Crown among his chief Captains, so that from that time the Kings Revenues were small; and therefore the Nobility gave unto the King the Wards, and Marriages of their Sons (if young.) He which was so careful of Succession, had no Sons. Duncan, King, the Son of his eldest Daughter, was killed by Macbeth, his Cousen-German, and Successor. In a word, while some strove for the ancient Liberty, and others for the privilege of Succession, ten Kings were killed by their Successors, until the year 1103.

3. When England was freed from the Danes, they sent to Normandy, inviting Edward the Confessor, and Brother to King Edmund, to come. He fearing their inconstancy, did refuse, until they sent pledges to abide in Normandy; and then was Crowned ann. 1045. In his time was that Law made, which concerneth the King's Oath at Coronation: A King, because he is the Lieutenant of the most High King, was appointed to this end, that he should regard and govern the earthly Kingdom, and People of God; and above all things his holy Church, and defend her from wrongs, and root out Malefactors from her, yea, scatter and destroy them; which unless he do, he cannot be justly called a King. A King should fear God, and above all things love him, and establish his command throughout his Kingdom; He should also keep, nourish, maintain, and govern the holy Church of his Kingdom, with all integrity, and liberty, according to the Constitutions of his Fathers, and Predecessors, and defend it against enemies; so as God may be honored above all, and ever had in mind: He should establish good Laws, and approved Customs, and abolish evil, and remove them all out of his Realm; He should do right Judgment in his Kingdom, and execute Justice by the Counsel of his Nobles. All these things should the King swear in his own Person, before he be Crowned. Mat. Parisien. describes the manners of the Country, at his coming, thus; The Nobles were given to gluttony, and letchery; they went not to Church in the Christian manner in the morning, but only had a Priest, which made haste with the Matins, and Mass, in their Chambers; and they heard a little with their ears. The Clergy were so ignorant, that if any knew the Grammar, he was admired by them. All men were so given to carousing, that both nights and days were spent in that exercise, &c. This King had no Children, and sent for Edward the outlaw; he came, and died within a year at London, leaving one Son, Edgar, and two Daughters, Margaret, and Christiana. After Edward, Harold, Earl of Oxford, was Crowned; then William, Duke of Normandy, came into England with an Army, pretending a right by covenant with King Edward, and did so prevail ann. 1067. that Harold was slain; and he was called, William the Conqueror. Within a few years he made a great alteration in the Kingdom; the most part of his Knights, and Bishops, were Normans; and many English, with Edgar, fled into Scotland, where King Malcolm had married Margaret, Edgar's Sister; and they incited Malcolm to invade England; and he entered into the North part ann. 1071. At last a peace was concluded, upon condition that a Mark-Stone was set up in Stanmoor, as the mark of both Kingdom, with the portraict of both Kings on the sides of the Stone. Ia. Vsser. de Eccles. statu. c. 6. shows out of sundry Authors, that when the Wars were twixt William and Harold, William sought the Pope's advice, and Harold despised the Pope. So Alexander II. then Pope, sent unto William a Standart, in good luck, or hope of his victory: and when William had obtained the victory, he sent Harold's Standart unto Alexander. Thereafter the Pope writes unto him thus; Thy wisdom knows, that the Kingdom of England, since the Name of Christ was known there, hath been under the power and defense of the Prince of the Apostles; until some, becoming members of that wicked head, and following the pride of their father Satan, have forsaken God's Covenant, and turned away the English People from the way of truth—for as thou knowest well, while the English were faithful, upon account of their pious devotion, they gave a yearly Pension unto the Apostolical See; of which a part was brought unto the Roman high Priest, and a part unto the Church of S. Mary, which is called, The School of the English, for the use of the Brethren, &c. King William confirmeth the gift, and, (as it follows thereafter some pages) until he was established, Hildebrand was so affected toward him, that he was evil reported by the Brethren, grumbling that he had so affected, and helped the committing of so many Homicides; and that William was devoted unto the Apostolical See, above all others of his condition. But when the Pope was not content with the King's Liberality, and sought an Oath of Loyalty, William wrote unto him, saying, Religious Father, Hubert thy Legate admonished me, in your name, that I should give Loyalty unto thee and thy Successors; and that I should be more mindful of the Money, which my Ancestors were wont to send unto the Roman Church: the one I have accepted, and not the other: Loyalty I would not give, nor will I; because, neither have I promised it, nor do I find that my Ancestors have done it unto thy Ancestors. While I was three years in France, the Money was gathered carelessly; but since my returning, by the Divine mercy, what is gathered, is sent by thy foresaid Legate—Pray for me, and for the standing of our Kingdom, &c. Hildebrand was not pleased with this Letter; and therefore in an Epistle unto Hubert, he said, Thou knowest very well what account I make of Money, without Honor. And then, speaking of King William, he saith, The Roman Church may lay many things unto his charge; none of all the Kings, even of the Heathenish, have presumed to attempt against the Apostolic See, what he hath not been ashamed to do; to wit, that any hath been so irreverent, and shameless, as to discharge his Bishops, and Arch-Bishops, from the Churches of the Apostles. Therefore we will that thou, in our name, study to admonish him, that as he would take it ill, if his Subjects give him not due honor; so he would not empair the honor of the holy Roman Church; and by giving due thanks, he may procure the favor of blessed Peter. For we being mindful of our former love toward him, and following the meekness of the Apostle (by God's help) so far as we can, have spared his fault hitherto; but if he will not put an end unto this, and others his faults, that thou knowest, let him surely know, that he will grievously provoke the wrath of blessed Peter, &c. Among his other faults that were offensive unto Hildebrand, William had imprisoned his own Brother Odo, Bishop Baiocen, without regard of his Episcopal Order; as he writes unto the King, saying, One thing toucheth us near, and by touching vexeth us, and among the excellent monuments of thy Royal Virtues, doth violently overcloud the joy of our friendly heart, that in taking a Bishop, thy own Brother, not providing for thy honor (as it became thee) but preferring thy earthly wariness, and reason, unto God's Law, thou hast not taken notice of Priestly dignity. The honor of a Brother, and Episcopal Dignity, are no way to be matched in comparison; if you will compare it to the glory of a King, or to the Crown of Princes, these are more inferior, then if you would compare Lead unto Gold; So Hildebrand. And nevertheless Baronius assureth us, that the King made no account of his Intercession, nor Argument.

4. Before this time were o Diocies, or Bishoprics, in Scotland: and sure it is, by Act of Parliament at Scone, under Constantine the II. all Churchmen were forbidden to meddle with secular business; therefore at that time a Church-man, could not be a Parliamentary Lord. But King Malcolm Cammore brought in new Titles of honor into the Civil Estate, after the manner of other Nations; and so he changed the Government of the Church, and erected six Bishoprics. At that time (as all our Historians write) many strangers from Hungary, and England (which both were tributary unto Rome, and in great troubles) came into this Land with Queen Margaret, and by her and their information, the King was persuaded unto such changes, both in the Civil Estate, and Church. Here then is a change of the Discipline in the Church of this Land, and we see by what means it came, even from Rome, where things were very corrupt at that time. But let us look back into former times, and compare all together. Bishop potswood, in his History, would have the Bishops to have been more ancient; and saith, that Amphibal was the first Bishop of the Scots, who lived in the Isle of Man, where King Cratili th built a stately Church, to the honor (why would he not say; for the service, or worship) of our Savior; and called it Sodorense Fa •• m: and that was the Cathedral of the Bishops of the Isles, till the Scots were dispossessed of that Isle; and from thence the Isle Jonah, or Icolmkil, hath been the seat of the Bishops. Then page 7. he telleth of Ninian, the first Bishop of Galloway, or Candida Casa, and of Palladius, sent by Eclestin Bishop of Rome; and that he ordained Servan Bishop of Orkney, and Terva Bishop of the Northern Picts. Page 11. he telleth of a Bishop about Aldham, but (saith he) the story doth not express his name: For answer, the Histories show that such men were in Scotland; but that they were not Prelates, or Bishops, (in that s nse, as of late the name was used) is very certain. For first, All who have written the History of Scotland, do testify, that the Church was governed without Bishops, and by Teachers, who were called Culdees; that is, The worshippers of God; or who taught the worship of God: and these were called sometimes Monks, for their strictness of life; and Priests, or Presbyters; and sometimes they were called Bishops; either in the sense of the Scripture, or according to the Custom of other Nations; but by that term, declaring them to be lawful Teachers, or Pastors. Boeth. li. 6. c. 5. calleth them by these three names, Culdees, Monks, and Priests: and Laurentius the second, Bishop of Canterbury, calleth them Fratres Episcopos & Abbates. And Bishop Jewel, in defense of the Apolo. page 122. saith, These three names, Bishop, Priest, and Presbyter, were all one. And it is certain, that at Icolmkil was a College of Students; and there was one, who is sometime called Abbas, and sometime Doctor, and sometime Episcopus; as in that Epistle written by the Clergy of Rome, after the death of Pope Severin, which is directed unto the Bishops, Presbyters, Doctors, or Abbots: These Titles are knit with the particle sive. Likewise about the year 600. Columba was the Church-man which was most respected in Scotland; and he was the Doctor of Icolmkil: for as the King Aidan did use his counsel; so when he fought against the Picts, Columba did call his Colleagues together, and exhorted them to turn their supplications into thanksgiving, because the King had got the victory, albeit the place of the battle was distant from Jonah (where Columba lived, and was at that time) 200. miles at least, saith Bishop Spotswood: And the same Bishop calleth Convallan Governor of that Monastery after Columba. And Buchanan li. 6. in the life of King Kenneth III. saith. The ancient Bishops of the Scots, were chosen out of the Monasteries; and these Monasteries were not for Monks, in that sense as they speak afterwards; for in li. 7. Buchanan, speaking of King Malcolm, and the College at Scone, saith, Malcolm turned the College of Priests, that was there, into a Monastery of Monks. Secondly, That the Church of Scotland was not subordinate to Rome; and that they loved not the Discipline, nor Rites of Rome, is most certain, by that Contestation which was in Century VII. Thirdly, That testimony of the Synod at Celicyth, in England, about the year 816. is without all contradiction, that at that time were no Prelates in Scotland; seeing they testify, that the Scots gave no honor to Metropolitans, nor other Bishops; and therefore they forbid the Scots to have any Function in England. But in the contrary, Bishop Spotswood telleth of Wiro, and Plechelm, which were consecrate at Rome Bishop of the Scots, in the year 632. as it is written (saith he) in Baron. Annal. ad ann. 632. and he addeth, But, by the Cardinals leave, our Church had no such Custom before that time; nor will it be shown, that before these two, any did go to Rome, either to be consecrate, or confirmed. And then he addeth, We find him [Wiro] shortly thereafter turn Confessor to King Pipin. But if he was Confessor to King Pipin, he was not Bishop of the Scots: nor was Pipin King of France till the year 750. and so Wiro must have been above 160. years old, ere he was Confessor. I have looked on that place of Baronius, and he shows his Author to be Surius, ad Maij diem 8. and all, both Papists, and others, hold Surius to be a most fabulous writer: as in that particular he writes fabulously; for he saith, Wiro was Confessor unto Duke Pipin; and that Pipin was wont to come unto him with bare feet, when he made his Confession. This (I say) is fabulous; seeing it is marked as an unmeasureable show of humility, that Justinian II. Emperor, made such obedience unto Pope Constantine, in falling down at his feet, and did not cast off his shoes. Nor can it be shown, that any Writer of that Century, hath the word Confessor in that sense; or that such an Office was at that time: In the days of the Emperor Theodosius, some such thing had been in use upon a particular occasion; but upon a vile scandal it was forbidden. Socrat. Hist. l. 5. c. 19. And then Baronius ad ann. 697. calleth Wiro Episcopum Deirorum, when he speaks of the Synod at Utrecht. Now it is clear in the life of Pope Gregory I. (prefixed before his works) that a part of England was at that time called Deira: therefore Wiro was not a Bishop of Scotland; and therein Baronius Plechelm, is called de Candida Massa, or Casa. But Bishop Spotswood, page 4. saith, No Bishop in Scotland had any Diocy before King Malcolm III. and so that phrase, de candida casa, showeth that Plechelm was born at that place, and not that he was Bishop there. Likewise Bishop Spotswood, page 20. speaks of two Bishops, Sedulus, and Pergustus, who having assisted in a Synod at Rome, called by Gregory II. in the year 721. after their return, made great disturbance in the Church for erecting of Images. It is true, in the subscriptions of that Synod, such names are there; and the one, Sedulus, is called Episcopus Scotorum, and the other is called Episcopus Pictorum. And so every Presbyter, who went out of Scotland, was called a Scotch Bishop: but that he was a Prelate of Scotland, it is contrary to that testimony of the Synod at Celicyth, in Century IX. which was near a 100. years after Gregory II. And then see what he did; he pressed the worship of Images; and the Culdees denied it to be lawful, saith Io. Bale Cent. XIV. and therefore many of them were deposed; such was the fruit of their gading to Rome. And Bishop Spotswood, page 26. saith expressly, that Kellach was the first Bishop of this Kingdom who went to Rome to seek confirmation, and that was about the year 904. This instance condemneth what he hath said before, of all those others whom he calleth Scotch Bishops: Neither was this the Custom of Scotland only, to Govern the Church by common consent of Culdees, or Presbyters, which in Scripture are called Bishops; see § 11. but in the primitive times it was the Custom everywhere. For first, They had an Ecclesiastial assembly, which Origen's contra Celsum li. 3. calleth, a Church Senate: for when he compareth the Christian Churches at Corinth, Athens, and Alexandria, with the multitude of other People there: he addeth also, If you compare the Church Senate, unto the Senates of those Cities, you shall find some Senators of the Church worthy to govern any place, any Commonwealth established by God; but these Senators, who now everywhere do govern, have nothing excellent in their manners beyond the common multitude; and in like manner if the Church-Magistrates be compared with the Political Magistrates, &c. And after eight pages, he saith, Christians do so much as they can, first examine the mind of them which desire to be their hearers, ere they receive them into their number; they try them first privately, and when they appear to have made such progress, that they are desirous to live honestly, then they bring them in by distinct degrees—and some are appointed to watch over their lives and manners, that if any of them do things unlawful, they debar them from the Society; and others they embrace heartily, if they by daily progress become better: and how severe is our discipline against them which are faulty, especially who are defiled with uncleanness? our Church casteth them out of our Commonwealth—and again, when they repent, we receive them no other way, then as if they were raised from death; but after a longer trial, then when they were at first received to learn the Religion; but upon this condition, that because they have fallen, they shall thereafter be uncapable of all Dignities, and Church-Magistracy. So far Origen. Hence we see, the primitive Churches had their Judicatories, and their Rulers; and how they did censure the scandalous persons. Secondly, Who were these Rulers? Ambrose teacheth on 1 Tim. 5. saying, Among all Nations, old age is honorable; whence the Synagogue, and then the Church had their Elders, without whose Counsel nothing was done in the Church: which form, by what negligence it hath failed, I know not, unless by the laziness, or rather the pride of Teachers, while they only will seem to be something. Therefore the Rulers of the Church were not only Teachers, but with them were Elders, which were not Teachers; and these were out of use in Italy before the days of Ambrose, about the year 400. But see whether they were in the days of Cyprian, who lived about the year 250. In lib. 3. epist. 10. he directeth it unto the Presbyters and Deacons; in the beginning he lamenteth, that many of the Presbyters were dispersed in time of the persecution: and near the end he saith, I am sorry when I hear that some walk disorderly, and wickedly, and jarring with discord; even the members of Christ, which have openly confessed Christ, to be defiled with unlawful lust; nor can be governed by the Deacons, and Presbyters [or Elders] that by the bad manners of some few, the honest credit of many, and good confessors, is stained: they should fear, lest being condemned by their own testimony and judgment, they be deprived of the Society of the godly; for he is a true and famous confessor, of whom the Church afterwards hath not cause to be ashamed, but to rejoice: As for that particular which our Com-Presbyters Donate, Novate and Curdius have written unto me, I being alone can write nothing, seeing from the beginning of my Episcopacy [I have resolved to do nothing by my private judgment for sentence] without your counsel, and without consent of the people: but when by the grace of God I shall come unto you, then as common honor requires we shall together treat of these things which are done, or are to be done. Hence it is clear that though Cyprian was a renowned Bishop, yet he never did anything in point of government by himself, or without counsel of Elders and Deacons, and without consent of the Church; no, not to give advice in that that they did require of him; and these Elders and Deacons did rule and censure when he was absent; and he was sory that the people did not obey their Sentence. Whatsoever exception may be taken against the word Presbyter, certainly Deacons had place in giving Counsel, and the Bishop had not the sole power of Censure. This is put out of doubt in the life of Augustine; when c. 4. Possidonius (Arch-Bishop at the same time) shows that he was chosen one of the Presbyters for ruling the Church of Hippon; and then c. 5. the Bishop Valerius having experience of Augustine's gifts, gave him power to preach; and (saith Possedo) this was contrary to the use and custom of the African Churches: and therefore other Bishops did revile him, that he had given an Elder leave to preach; but the good man was content that the people were instructed, seeing he could not deliver his mind so freely as Augustine could, because he was a Greek; and he knew that the Eastern Churches had that custom at that time. Behold a Church with one Bishop & no Elders, and the Bishop was the only Preacher; and Augustine was the first Preaching Elder in the African Churches. 3. That the Bishops had not the whole power, it is clear as the light, if we will believe the writings of the Ancients, as is easy to be shown by many testimonies. I will name but a few: Basilius (surnamed the Great, about the year 380) in Moral sum. 71. c. 1. expounds the texts 1. Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. Conjuctly of Bishops and Presbyters as having the same office. Sedulius (when Hen. Oraeus in Nomenclator calleth Presbyter Scotus about the year 440) on Tit. 1. saith, Before that factions by instinct of the Devil were in Religion, and it was said among the people, I am Paul's, and I am Apollo's; the Churches were governed by the common counsel of the Presbyters: then he brings testimonies of Scripture, proving (as he concludes) that among the Ancients was no difference twixt Bishops and Presbyters. To the same purpose writes Jerome. on Tit. 1. At greater length, and concludes thus; let Presbyters know that by custom of the Church they are subject unto him who is their Prelate: and let Bishops know, that by custom rather then by the Lord's appointment, they are greater then Presbyters, & that the Church should be governed in community: & in Epist. ad Evan. 1. he saith; Whereas one was chosen to preside among others, it was done in remedy of Schism, lest each one drawing the Church unto himself, it were rent asunder: for in Alexandria from Mark the Evangelist unto Heraclas & Dionisius Bishops (these were in the days of Jerome) the Presbyters do always choose one of themselves, & call him Bishop when he is set in a higher degree—for except ordination, what doth a Bishop what a Presbyter may not do? Both France and Britannie and Africa, and India, & all the Nations do worship one Christ; and observe one Rule of Truth: If you ask for Authority, the World is bigger then a City &c. And because they had another custom at Rome, Jerome saith there, why speak ye of one City? why stand ye for a few, from whom Arrogance hath risen upon the laws of the Church? Gratian hath these words of the Epistle, in Dec. Dist. 43. and there the Gloss saith, in the Primative Church both the office and name of Bishops and Presbyters were common: but in the second Primitive Church both names & offices began to be distinguished—therefore these names of Bishop, and Presbyter, were altogether of the same signification, and the administration was common; because the Churches were ruled by the Common Counsel of the Priests. This is confirmed by Ambrose Bishop of Milan 1 Tim. 3. saying, After the Bishop, he speaks of the Deacon: why? because the office of the Bishop, and of the Presbyter, is one; for they both are Priests: but the Bishop is first; so that every Bishop is a Priest, and every Priest is not a Bishop; for he is a Bishop who is first of the Priests. And on Eph. 4. he saith, What the Apostle writeth, doth not altogether agree with the present Order of the Church; for these things were written at the ground-laying: for he had created Timothy a Presbyter, and he calleth him a Bishop; for the first Presbyters were called Bishops, that when the first departed, the second might succeed: and as yet in Egypt, the Presbyters do ordain, if a Bishop be not present: But because thereafter the Presbyters began to be unworthy to have the first place, that order was changed; a Council providing, that not by succession, but by merit the Bishop should be created; and he should be appointed by the judgment of many, lest an unworthy man attain the place, and be a scandal unto many. And to the same purpose Chrysostom (though a Patriarch) writeth on 1 Tim. 3. Why doth the Apostle omit the Presbyter? because there is no difference almost twixt a Bishop and a Presbyter, seeing the care of the Church is committed unto the Presbyters also: and what he speaks of the Bishops, doth agree unto the Presbyters also; and they are above them in Ordination only; and they seem to have only this more then the Presbyters. Here it is to be marked, that what Jerome, and Chrysostom speak of that one prerogative, Ordination, is to be understood, not that the Bishop only had power to choose and enter a Presbyter, (for it was otherwise, as follows presently) but that the Presbyter, being chosen, and approved, the Bishop only laid hands on him, and thereby Ordained him: even as at this present in Low Germany, the Classis, or Presbytery, appointeth one of their number to lay on hands in the name of them all; and yet at that time, both Bishop, and all the Presbyters, did lay on their hands in the Churches of Affirica; as it is commanded expressly in that great Council of Carthage. Ge. Cassander in Consultat. art. 14. saith, All men do consent, that in time of the Apostles was no difference between Bishops, and Presbyters; but thereafter for keeping of Order, and eschewing Schism, a Bishop was preferred unto Presbyters; and unto him alone the power of Imposition of hands was reserved. It is also certain, that only Deacons, and Presbyters, are the holy Orders; because, as we do read, the primitive Church had not others, as Pope Urban testifieth, &c. Thus we see the parity of Bishops and preaching Presbyters in the primitive Church, by testimonies; now behold the practice of those ancient times: In a Provincial Council of Numidia, and Mauritania at Carthage, in the time of Cyprian, were about eighty Subscribers, and they are called Bishops; and the ninth Subscriber calls them Coetum Consacerdotum. But certainly at that time, there could not be so many Diocies in these two Provinces; unless by the word Diocy, a Parish (as we speak) be understood. And in another Council, in the same Town, in the days of Augustine, were 214. Bishops, besides some Correspondents from other Nations. The number of Christians, and Parishes, might be increased at that time; but there could not be so many Diocies (as we were wont to speak) in these two Provinces; wherefore these Bishops must be so many Pastors of several Congregations, as it also appears there: for in the Title of Ca. 4. it is said, De Cellula Sacerdotis; and in the Ca. it is said, Episcopus non longe ab Ecclesia Hospitiolum habeat. There a Priest, and a Bishop, is but one; as Cellula, and Hospitiolum: and the like change of these names, is in the next Title, and Chapter. We see the like in Cyprian, lib. 3. Ep. 13. ad Stephan. saying, The copious body of Priests, is conjoined with the glue and bond of mutual unity, that if any of our Society would attempt to spread an Heresy, and divide or waste the flock of Christ, others may contribute their aid, and as profitable and merciful Shepherds, may gather the Lord's sheep into the flock. Here a Council is a copious body of Priests, and howbeit one cannot command another, yet each one is subject unto the Society; as Cyprian speaketh in the beginning of that Council. And in the same Epistle he speaketh of Novatian, that he was condemned by the Council of many Priests. And li. 1. Ep. 4. ad Feli. Presbyt. and others, he useth the words Praepositus, Sacerdos, and Episcopos, as signifying the same Office; saying, The People, obeying the Lord's commands, and fearing God, should separate themselves from a wicked Overseer [Praeposito] nor meddle with the Sacrifices of a sacrilegious Priests, seeing they [ipsa, plebs] especially have the power of choosing worthy Priests, or refusing the unworthy; which we see to flow from divine Authority, that a Priest should be chosen in the presence of the People, before them all, that he who is worthy, and fit, may be approved by public judgment, and testimony—God doth instruct, and show, that Ordination of Priests should not be, but with the knowledge of the People assisting; that the People being present, the faults of the wicked may be discovered, and the worthiness of the good may be proclaimed; and so there may be a just and lawful Ordination, when it is scanned by the judgment and suffrage of them all: as was observed in the Acts of the Apostles, by Divine direction, when Peter spoke unto the People concerning a Bishop to be chosen in the place of Judas—and we observe to have been done, not only in choosing Bishops, and Priests, but of Deacons also—therefore it is to be observed diligently, according to Divine tradition, and the practice of the Apostles; which is also done among us, and almost through all Provinces, that all the neighbor Bishops of the Province do convene, and a Bishop be chosen, the People being present; for they do best know the life of each one: as also we have seen it lately done in the Ordination of our Colleague Sabinus, that by the suffrages of all the Fraternity, and the Bishops meeting together, and by their judgments which sent Letters unto us, the Episcopacy was conferred on him, and hand was laid on him in place of Basilides. So far he. Hence it is clear, that first these above-named titles, are given unto a Pastor of a Congregation. Secondly, Such Pastors meeting together for ordering Church-affairs, are indifferently called a Council, Society, Fraternity, Synod, copious body of Priests, &c. Thirdly, Ordination was done in presence of the People, and specially by their suffrage. Fourthly, A hand was laid on the elected, manus imponeretur; and this was all the Rites that were used at the Ordination of a Bishop, as is clear also elsewhere. But in Scotland, after the division into Diocies (as they spoke) was much business for Ordination, or (as they called it) Consecration, or running to York, or Canterbury; and after the year 1200. they must all go to Rome for Consecration, or else it was not reputed valid; which manner practiced at Rome, or places subject thereunto, yet was nowhere else. And as it was unworthily (and, I may say, superstitiously) done, so it is unworthy to be reported; albeit that kind of men have taken pleasure in practicing, and writing such fooleries, as if none were lawfully called, without these lately devised toys. Now to knit all this purpose together, I add from Bishop Spotswood, Hist. pag. 51. that before the Abbey of St. Andrew's was founded, the Culdees were the only Electors of the Bishop; and thereafter they were excluded by a Bull of Pope Innocent II. and the election was committed to the Prior, and the Canons; whence arose a great strife among them, which by the Authority of good King David, was agreed in those times, that so many of the Culdees as would be Canons, and enter into the Monastery, should have voice with them. But (saith he) to elude this appointment, a Mandate was obtained from the Pope, to admit none into the Convent, without the advice of the Prior, and most part of the Canons: and thus the Culdees were held out, and deprived of all voice in the election. In the year 1298. William Cumine, Provost of the Culdees, supposing to get some advantage in those troublous times (this was after the death of King Alexander III.) did oppose the election of William Lamberton, and the matter by appeal was drawn to the Court of Rome; both parties went thither; Lamberton did prevail, and was consecrate by Pope Boniface VIII. This turned to the disgrace of the Culdees, so that after that time, we have no more of them, saith he. And thus by Authority of Antichrist, the ancient Government of this Church was extinguished, and Episcopacy set up: Is not therefore Episcopacy a branch of Antichristian Hierarchy? As for England, since the Saxons, or Englishes receiving the faith by Augustine, they had always Bishops; for they had their pattern from Rome, as it was then: But if we look up to the ancient Britons in that Land, we shall find it otherways. I have said in Century VII. Chapter IV. that seven Bishops, and one Arch-Bishop, came from the Britons unto Augustine; and there I followed the words of Bishop Jewel, in the defense of the Apology, page 14. Edit. ann. 1570. where he quoteth Beda, Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. and in the same page he repeateth these words, and citeth Galfrid. lib. 8. cap. 8. What I wrote then upon trust, I have afterwards examined; and I find that Beda speaks not so: for in the Edition, in fol. at Cambridge ann. 1643. he saith, Loc. Cit. Augustine called the Bishops, or Doctors, of the nearest Province of the Britons; and in the same page, he, speaking of the same persons, saith, A blind English boy was brought unto the Priests of the Britons; and again, They said they could not depart from the ancient Customs, without the consent and license Suorum. In the margent it is said, in the Saxon Language it is, without the permission and license of their Nation. Then speaking of the second conference, he saith, Then came seven Bishops, (as they said) and more very learned men, especially of that famous Monastery, of which the Governor at that time was Dinooth. In a word, Beda hath not one word of an Arch-Bishop; not in all his History, nameth he a Bishops See, nor any Bishops name: and whom he calleth Bishops of Britain, he calleth them Doctors, or Teachers, and Priests, yea he calleth them oftener Priests; nor calleth he them simply Bishops, as he calleth them simply Priests; but Bishops, as they say, or Bishops, or Teachers. Certainly Beda could distinguish between a Bishop, and a Priest; for lib. 3. cap. 3. speaking of Aidan, and other Scots, who came at the entreating of Oswald, King of Northumberland, he saith, They were especially Monks that came; and Aidan himself was a Monk, for he was sent from the Isle of Hij; the Monastery of which [Isle] was the chief of all the Monasteries of the Northern Scots, and of all the Pichts—and the Doctor of that Isle was not a Bishop, but a Presbyter, and a Monk. Then cap. 4. he saith, Laurence [Arch-Bishop of Canterbury] with the other Bishops, sent unto the Priests of the Britons, to confirm them in the Catholic unity; but how they did prevail, the present times do declare, saith he. He meaneth, the Priests would not yield unto the Bishops, or the Britons continued in their old Custom; What can be concluded out of all those words, but that no Bishop, or Prelate, was among the Britons, other then Priests? As for Galfrid, it is no marvel that he wrote according to the style of his own time; that is, the year 1150. But if we will ascend higher then Beda, none can be had but Gildas, a Britain Presbyter; he lived after the coming of the Saxons, and before the coming of Augustine: and he saith, If his Country-men have written anything at all, it cannot be found; but was either burnt by the enemies, or carried away with the Captives. He shows, that in the days of Tiberius Caesar, the Son of righteousness sent into that Land his beams, that is, his Word: and the Prince did forbid the preaching of it; but the Council would not consent unto him; and so the Gospel was spread there without impediment, until the persecution of Dioclesian: and after that, the Christians gathered again out of their Caves, and lurking-holes, and kept the truth in simplicity, until the pest of Arianism (which infected all the world) came over the Sea into this Island; semper aliquid novi audire gaudenti, & nihil certi firmiter retinenti. Beda lib. 1. cap. 8. repeateth the same words. Then Gildas rebuketh the vices of the several degrees of men; first of the Princes, and Civil Estate, in his Book De excidio Britannico; and then of the Church-men, in the Book Castigatio in Ecclesiasticum Ordinem: he distinguisheth Church-men into Bishops, or Priests, (as he speaketh) and the Clerks: of the first sort, he expoundeth the first part of the third Chapter of 1 Tim. and he expoundeth the second part of the Clerks; and from that Chapter he convinceth them both. He nameth no other degree of Church-men; but certainly he had named them, if any other had been among them, because he speaketh so distinctly of the several ranks of men, both in State and Church. He calleth the first sort oftest Sacerdotes simply; but never Episcopos, unless he add sive Sacerdotes. The book is in Bibliotheca Patrum de la Bigne. We may conclude then, the ancient Britons had no Church-men above the degree of Priest-hood. Now if that were added, which followeth in this Chapter, concerning Ireland, we have found four National Churches that have been governed without Prelates, to wit, the African, ancient Britain, the Scots, and Irish, some for the space of 500. years; yea, until the Britons were subdued by the English: and some for the space of 1000. or 1100. years. And we have found, that there was a Church-Council, consisting partly of Rulers, who were not Teachers; besides that, Ambrose, and others testify, that such were everywhere. Yea, and in Rome it is most probable, that the first Teachers were of equal Authority; I say, probable; because Histories are not clear in this point. Epiphanius Haeres. 27. saith, Peter, and Paul, were the first Bishops there; but whether Linus, and Cletus, were Bishops there while the Apostles were alive, I cannot well say: It may be (saith he) because the Apostles went into other Nations to preach, and Rome could not be without a Bishop; for Paul went into Spain, and Peter did oft visit Pontus, and Bithynia: and possibly when Clemens had refused (I cannot say it certainly) and Linus, and Cletus were dead, he was compelled to take the Bishopric. So conjunctuarily writeth Epiphanius. Jerome in Catalog. Scriptor. saith, Clemens was the fourth Bishop; and he nameth Peter, [but not Paul] Linus, and Cletus; but (saith he) many Latins say, Clemens was next unto Peter. Theodoret on 1 Tim. 4. saith, They say Linus did succeed unto great Peter. Io. Naucler in vol. 2. Generat. 3. saith, In the year of our Lord 70. Linus succeeded unto blessed Peter, although blessed Peter had ordained that Clemens should succeed; but Clemens considering that it was an ill example, that one should succeed his Successor, he renounced the Papacy, and Linus was chosen, then Cletus, and fourthly Clemens. Rufinus in praefa. before Clemen. Rocognit. saith, Some do ask, seeing Linus, and Cletus, were Bishops of Rome before Clemens, how could Clemens, writing unto James, say, that Peter had given unto him the Chair of Teaching? we have this reason of it, Linus, and Cletus, were Bishops of Rome before Clemens; but while Peter was alive, they had the charge of the Bishopric, and Peter fulfilled the Office of Apostleship. Dion. Petavius, a Jesuit, in Rationa. par. 1. lib. 5. cap. 5. saith, When Peter was killed by Nero, Linus governed the Church of Rome, as ancient writers affirm—and they assign unto him eleven years, two months, and some days; so that he died in the year 78. Unto him succeeded Cletus, whom Irenaeus calleth Anacletus; and he sat twelve years, and seven months; and suffered martyrdom ann. 91. and Clemens was his Successor. The Jesuit Io. Hart in Collog. cum Io. Reynold, c. 6. se. 4. affirmeth, That Peter, before his death, ordained only Clemens to be his Successor. Others have other opinions; as it is in Collog. ca. cit. se. 3. therefore I said, Histories are uncertain in this point, albeit a great part of the Romish faith is grounded upon it; but it is most probable, that Clemens, Linus, Cletus, and Anacletus, were Sympresbyters: and the writers in following Ages, speaking conformable to their own practice, do name, someone, and some another; But it is more certain, that others were the first preachers of equal Authority at Rome, then that any of these four were the first preachers there. That Peter, or Paul were Bishops of Rome, it is not probable, because they were Apostles, and did the work of their Apostleship; and the Scripture showeth their diligence from time to time: and it is certain, that in the mean while other preachers were at Rome, whom Paul saluteth, Rom. 16. Aquila, Epenaetus, Andronicus, Junias, &c. these he calleth of note among the Apostles, and his fellow-laborers in the Lord. Sedulius saith, Whom he calleth fellow-laborers, he meaneth, in the work of teaching; and it is not without reason thought, that the Romans believed by their teaching. Ambrose (or whoever was the Author of the Commentaries) saith, Those were not idle at Rome; for they were zealous in devotion: And it is understood, that all those whom Paul saluteth, came for confirmation of the Romans: for which cause he saith, that not only he, but all the Churches of the Gentiles give them thanks; and he admonisheth the Romans to obey them. In 2 Tim. 4. Paul mentioneth Linus to have been at Rome at that time; and in the same verse he nameth others before him, to wit, Eubulus, and Pudens, which he would not have done, if Linus had been their Prelate. Wherefore there was a Church at Rome before Peter, or Paul, came thither; as Paul writeth unto them as a constituted Church, and testifieth, that their faith was spoken of throughout the world, c. 1. 8. and their obedience was come abroad unto all men. It is certain also, that they had many Preachers, and other Officers, to whom he directeth chap. 12, 6, 7, 8. nor can any man prove, that those Preachers had superiority one over another: therefore it deserveth consideration, Whether the Roman Church was not once constituted with purity of Teachers? and, Whether the Church of Antioch was not of the like constitution? See and consider Acts 13. 1. and many Elders, or Bishops, were at Ephesus, Acts. 20. 17, 28. and so at Thessalonica, 1 Thess. 5. 12. The word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Revel. 2. will not prove any imparity, seeing it is attributed unto all Priests generally, Mat. 2. 7. and the the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is too weak a foundation for such a building; seeing it implieth not always a singularity, but often an indefinite thing; and answereth unto our particle a, or, an, oftener then unto the particle the; and so it may well be translated there, To an Angel, seeing many Bishops were at Ephesus. And this putteth the question out of all doubt to me, that as the Scripture is the first and main foundation, commanding to Ordain Elders, or Bishops (these are one in Scripture-language) in every Church, Acts 14. 23. or in every Town, Tit. 1. 5. Or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , saith Clemens Bishop of Rome, in his Epistle ad Corinth. So for Practice, and History, it cannot be shown, that when the constant Moderators were appointed, under the name of a Bishop, that any Bishop (so called) had any Jurisdiction without, or larger then one Town, within the space of the first 300. years. Rhegium, a little Town, had a Bishop of as great power, within his Town, as the Bishop of Rome had within his Town; as witnesseth Jerome ad Evangr. and neither of them had power in the others Town. And therefore if men will leave the direction of Scripture, and follow the first declination of Antiquity, every Town should have its own Bishop. We have read of more Bishops in one Town; but for the first 300. years, two Towns were not under one Bishop. Or who will show it, Erit mihi magnus Apollo? Object not a Canon of Nice; I crave a testimony within the first 300. years: and if the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in that Canon, be taken in the Apostles sense Acts 15. 7. for a good while ago; certainly it carrieth not a long space of time. In sum, every Town should have their own Church-Council, whether the Praeses be per vices monthly, or quarterly, or yearly, or ad vitam, or ad culpam; and so, that the Church-Council may act without the Praeses, being necessarily, or willfully absent; but not he without his Colleagues: as Cyprian testifieth of himself, in Epist. 10. ad Presbyt. & Diacon. edit. Basil. ann. 1521. Let this be understood without the prejudice of larger Synods, which Antiquity did ever acknowledge. Now, because I would join all this purpose together; for the more clearing of it, I add three particulars; First, Of the ground and platform of Bishops. Secondly, Of the Election, and Consecration of them. Thirdly, Of the rise and growth of their Jurisdiction. Concerning the first, Lombard li. 4. Di. 24. §. 9. teacheth thus, The Canons judge excellently, that only two Orders are holy, Deacons, and Priests: for the primitive Church had only these, so far as we read; and we have the commandment of the Apostle concerning them only: for the Apostles ordained Bishops, and Elders, in every City: we read also, that the Apostles ordained Levites, of whom the chief was Steven; but afterward the Church ordained Sub-Deacons, and aco luthi. And in se. 11. he saith, The Order of Bishops is four-fold, to wit, Patriarchs, Arch-Bishops, Metropolitans, and Bishops—This distinction seemeth to have been brought from the Heathens, who called their Priests, some Flamines simply, others Archy-Flamines, and others Proto-Flamines: for the Heathens called their Priests Flamines; &c. Lombard was a Bishop, and knew Antiquity; if he could have said more for the credit of his Order, he would not have been deficient. For the second, Pope Vergil. de inven. rer. li. 4. cap. 6. saith, Of old, in Consecration of a Bishop, was no other Ceremony but the people, which for that end (as Cyprian witnesseth, not in one place only, especially in Epist. 4. ad Felic. Presby.) were always present at the Election of Bishops, did pray, and the Presbyters laid on their hands; this was the Consecration used at first by the Apostles, and Fathers—Lest any be mistaken, the priestly Order can no way be said, to proceed from the Bishop of Rome, unless it be understood among the Italians only, &c. In c. 10. he saith, The power of choosing Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, from the beginning; did belong unto the Apostles, and then unto the Priests of the Cities; yet not without the suffrage of the people, and the judgment of neghboring Bishops. Cyprian witnesseth, not in one place only, especially in Epist. 4. ad Felic. that this Custom continued a long time; and there he discourseth of this clearly: but seeing that Law is long since out of date, it is to no purpose to repeat his words. When a Bishop was chosen so, the other Bishops did initiate him; and this was done by a Decree of the Synod at Nice; where it was ordained, that a Bishop should be entered, if possible, by all the Bishops of the Province; but if that could hardly be, at least by three, and not without the Authority of the Metropolitan: But now both those belong unto the Roman High Priest; for he createth a Bishop, and initiateth him; or according to the Nicene Order, he commandeth him to be initiated, that is, consecrated. But afterwards the creation of Bishops was turned into another form by Boniface the Third, He ordained that they should be chosen by the people, and Society of Priests, the Prince of the place not gain-saying, and the Roman High Priest consenting, with these words, Volumus & jubemus. But this Decree, as too good, went soon out of use, all things falling into worse: then they began to advise with the Emperor; but Louis, Son of Charles the Great, renounced unto the High Priest Paschalis the right, which Hadrian had given unto the Father Charles: but now many Princes gripe fast to this; yea, not only declare, and call Bishops, as they please, without the suffrage of Priests, and people; but, by their only Seals, give inferior Benefices; which Simplicius, and Gregory, did altogether forbid. So far he. In these days some plead much for Antiquity in Government of the Church; and yet their pretences go not higher then the corrupt times: It may be truly thought, if some questions (much stood upon now) had been asked of Cyprian, he had answered, I know not; as, What difference between the Ordination of a Minister, and the Consecration of a Bishop? what is a Presentation? what is a Patent? what difference between Ordination, Institution, and Collation? what is a Chapel, where Ministers are Ordained, and not one of his flock present? and many such others. As to the rise and growth of Episcopal Jurisdiction, Pe. Soave in Hist. Council. Triden. li. 4. showeth it fully, saying, This place requireth (saith he) to show the original of this Jurisdiction, that it may appear by what degrees it hath come unto this power, which is envied by Princes, and feared by all Nations: When Christ did commit unto the Apostles the preaching of the Gospel, and administration of the Sacraments, he gave unto them, in the person of all Believers, a great commandment, that they should love one another, and forgive wrongs mutually; commanding each one, to mediate twixt dissenting brethren, and to compose jars: and as the last and highest remedy, commending that charge unto the body of the Church, with this promise, that it should be bound, or loosed in heaven, what they should bind, or loose on earth; and the Father will give, what they with mutual consent do crave: to wit, this pious duty of Charity, in procuring satisfaction unto the injured party, and pardon unto the offender, was the continual work and exercise of the primitive Church. And according to this commandment, Saint Paul exhorteth, that when Civil questions arise twixt brethren, they should not go to the Benches of Infidels, but suffer their controversies to be judged by wise men, chosen among themselves. This had a form of Civil Judicatory, as the other was like a Criminal Court; both which were different from worldly Courts, in that the one had execution by the Authority of a Judge, forcing men unto obedience; and the other by the only willingness of submitting parties: which if they refuse to obey, the Ecclesiastical Judge could do no more, but commit the cause unto the judgment of God; which, as it pleaseth God, shall be executed in this life, or that to come. And upon good ground was the name of Charity given unto the Ecclesiastical Judicatory, because by it only was the defender moved to submit unto the Church, and the Church to judge, with so great sincerity of the Judge, and obedience of the offender, that there was no place left unto corrupt affection in the one, nor of repining in the other: and this great love, made the punishment of chastising seem the more grievous, even unto the chastiser; so that in the Church was never any censure inflicted, without great mourning of the people, and greater of the Rulers: and hence it came to pass, that at that time the word mourning, was used for chastising. So St. Paul, rebuking the Corinthians, that they had not censured the incestuous man, said, And ye have not mourned, that he that hath done this deed might be taken away. And in the other Epistle, I fear, lest when I come, I shall not find you such as I would—and lest I shall be wail many which have sinned already. Now it seemeth, the judgment of the Church (as is usual in all Societies) was ordered by someone which was President, and propounded things, and after deliberation gathered the suffrages; which part, seeing it is most convenient unto the most able and fit man, without doubt was conferred on the Bishop; But when the Churches were multiplied, the propositions, and deliberations, were done by the Bishop, first in the College of Presbyters, and Deacons, which were called the Presbytery; and there purposes were brought to ripeness, that they might have the last stroke in the public meeting of the Church. This was yet the Custom about the year 250. as is clear in the Epistles of Cyprian, who writing of them who had sacrificed unto Idols, unto the Presbytery, saith, It is not his manner to do anything without their advice, nor without consent of the people: and he writeth unto the people, that when he shall return, he will in their presence, and according to their judgment examine the causes, and merits: and unto the Priests, which by themselves had received some delinquents, he writeth, that they give account unto the people. Because of the ingenuity, and charity of the Bishops at that time, it came to pass, that all men almost did rest on their opinion; and the Church, when charity became cold, and the charge that Christ had laid on them was carelessly performed, left all unto the Bishop; and ambition (which is a sly affection, and ready to creep into the heart with the shadow, and show of virtue) did persuade the Bishops to accept it gladly. But that alteration came not to the height, till the persecutions were ceased; for then the Bishops did as it were set up a throne unto themselves, which became most frequent, by the multitude of pleas, with the accession of temporary riches: And this form of Judicatory, albeit differing from the former, wherein all things were carried with consent of the Church, did yet continue in the same sincerity. And therefore the Emperor Constantine, having tried the fruit of this Court in deciding controversies, and how the virtue of Religion was able to discern many tricks, and guiles, which the Judges had not perceived, made a Law, that there should be no appealing from the Bishops sentence, and the Judges should put them in execution. Yea, and when a cause was begun before the Secular Judge, whatsoever was the state of it, if either of the parties, howbeit the other were unwilling, did appeal unto the Bishop, the cause, without delay, should be referred unto his consideration: And then the judgment of the Bishop began to be Courtly, and when he had the Magistrate to be the executioner of his Decree, he taketh unto him the names of Episcopal Jurisdiction, Episcopal Audience, and such Titles. Likewise the Emperor Valens, thought good in the year 365. to enlarge this Court, by giving unto them the inspection of the prices of things set forth to be sold; which business was not acceptable unto the good and moderate Bishops: for Possidonius reporteth, that when Augustine had been taken up with such work until noon, and sometimes till night, he called it Angaria, a forced toil, whereby his mind was distracted from things more properly belonging unto him; and for these rusling broils, he left more useful things undone: as neither did Paul go about these things, which were not suitable to a Preacher, but left them unto others. Nevertheless, when not a few of the Bishops did abuse that Authority, that was granted unto them by Constantine's Law, the same Law, after 70. years, was recalled by Arcadius, and Honorius, and it was ordained, that Bishops should judge in causes of Religion only, and in Civil no other way, but with consent of parties: and also it was declared, that they had no Court of Judgment. This Law was little regarded in Rome, because of the great power of the Bishop: therefore in the year 452. Valentinian, living in the City, did renew that Law, and caused it to be put in execution. But the succeeding Princes did ratify unto them again that power, as Justinian did establish the Bishops Court, and Audience, and assigned unto them, not only the affairs of Religion, but the Ecclesiastical faults of the Clergy, and several powers over the Laics. By these degrees, Correction, which was appointed by Christ upon the account of Charity, was turned to Dominion, and was the occasion of losing the ancient reverence, and obedience, wherewith Christians were wont to regard their Bishops. I know well, that in words they will deny their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to be Dominion, like the Secular; but I cannot see what real difference they can show: Certainly St. Paul, writing to Timothy, and Titus, showeth a clear difference, Let not a Bishop be given to lucre, not a striker: But now it is most usual to pay unto the Bishop the expenses of Law, and at his command to put into prison, even as in Secular Courts. But when the Provinces in the West were divided, and the Empire was made up of Italy, France, and Germany, and Spain became a Kingdom, in these four Countries the Princes made choice of Bishops to be their Counselors; and then by the confusion of spiritual, and temporal power, oh how the Authority of the Bishops Court augmented! within 200. years they drew unto them all criminal and Civil power over the Clergy, yea, and over the Laics in many particulars, pretending that the cause is Ecclesiastical. They they forge a mixed Judicatory, wherein either a Bishop, or a Magistrate, which of the two, shall first intend the Action against a Laic; and on the account of this Court, they are most attentive unto their own gain: and, leaving nothing unto the Seculars, they usurp upon all men, as under their reach: Or if any escape this snare, there remaineth one jin to catch them, to wit, a general Rule for the foundation of faith, Every Action belongeth unto the Ecclesiastical Court, if the Magistrate will not do right, or if he delay to do it. And if the pretensions of the Clergy had held within these bounds, the condition of the Christian Republic had not yet been undone; for it had been in the power of Nations, and Princes, when they tolerably exceeded the bounds of equity, to have reduced them by Laws into some tolerable measure, as in time of extreme necessity it had been done. But he who hath laid the yoke upon Christians, even he hath taken away all way of shaking off the yoke; for after the year 1050. when all the Actions of the Clergy are made proper unto the Bishops Court; and so many Actions of Laics, under the pretence of spirituality, and almost all others, upon the account of the mixed Court, do some way belong unto that Court: and lastly, They have made Secular Power subject unto them, under color of delayed right. At last they are come so far, as to affirm, That the Bishop hath so large, and wide power of judging, neither by connivance, nor grant of Princes, nor by the will of the people, nor by ancient custom, but it is the very property of Episcopal Dignity, and essential unto it, and gifted by Christ himself. And albeit there be extant many Laws of the Emperors, in the Books of Theodosius, and Justinian, and in the Books of Charles the Great, and Louis the Godly, and other Princes after them, both in the East, and West, whereby it is clear, after what manner, at what time, and by whom that power was granted: and all Histories, both Ecclesiastical, and Civil, do agree in the report of these Grants, and Customs, and in their causes, and reasons; nevertheless, this so manifest a truth, could not hitherto have place, and is fallen before a naked, contrary, and groundless assertion; even so far, that the Doctors of the Canon-Law, have openly declared them Heretics, who will not suffer themselves, as blind men, to be led into the ditch: Nor do they contain themselves within these limits, but they do also add, That no Magistrate, not the Prince himself, may meddle with any of these Actions, which are proper unto the Clergy, seeing they be spiritual, whereof Laics are altogether incapable. And nevertheless, the truth was not so unknown, but that even at the beginning of this error, the learned and godly did oppose it, and did convince both the parts of this assertion, of manifest falsehood. First, They maintain, that the major Laics are incapable of spiritual things, is absurd, and impious; seeing they are adopted by the heavenly Father, called the children of God, the brethren of Christ; made partakers of the Kingdom of Heaven, and worthy of divine Grace, of Baptism, and communion of the flesh of Christ; for what be spiritual things, if these be not? And if there may be any other, should there be any question concerning him which is partaker of these highest, and most excellent things, as if he were uncapable of spiritual things? And they said, The minor is as false, The proper causes of the Bishops Court, are merely spiritual, seeing faults, and contracts, which belong unto this Jurisdiction, if we consider these qualities, that the Scripture attributeth unto spiritual things, are as far distant from them, as heaven is from the earth: But the opposition of the better part, could not hinder the greater. And after the same manner concerning the spiritual power of binding and loosing, which Christ gave unto the Church; and concerning the exhortation of St. Paul, for composing differences among Christians, and not appearing before Infidel-Judges; by progress of time a temporal throne was set up, by many degrees more gloriously then any now, or that hath been at any time; and in the midst of every Civil Government is another set up, no way depending thereon; so that they which at first did prescribe the forms of that administration, could not possibly imagine such an Idea of a Republic: neither is it my purpose to report, how they are not content to have attained their aim in building a Court independent any way from the Civil Government; and have likewise attained another end unexpectedly, and have made up an Empire, by a new, and strange opinion, which in a moment of time hath made wondrous progress; now they ascribe unto the Roman Pope alone, which so many Bishops in the space of 1300. years, had been purchasing for themselves, by so many admired wiles: and they made the foundation of his Jurisdiction to be (not as before) in the power of binding, and loosing, but a power of feeding, and by virtue thereof, they hold, that all Jurisdiction was given by Christ, in the person of Peter, unto the Pope alone, in these words, Feed my sheep; I say, I have not purpose to speak more of this, &c. So far in the History of that Synod at Trent. Here I add, how the Canons began, and how they were distinguished into several sorts: Ge. Cassander showeth this in Consultat. Artic. de Canonicis, saying, In ancient time a Monastical life was private, and distinct from all Ministry of the Church, so that at first they had need of a Presbyter from some other place, to administer the Sacrament; and thereafter it was granted, that one of their Order should be ordained a Presbyter, by whose Ministry they did receive the Sacraments: And so the Orders of Monks, and Clerks, were altogether distinct; for Monkery (as Jerome saith) was the office not of a Teacher, but of a Mourner. But then Religious men, in imitation of the Monastical life, did also appoint Colleges of Presbyters, and Canons, where Clerks, that were aiming, or appointed unto the Ministry, and Priests, that were already placed in the Ministry, should live according to a prescribed Rule; which, albeit it was a little more free then the Monkish, yet was tied to certain Canons; hence that life was called Canonical; and they who professed it, were called Canons; and the Society, or College, was called a Monastery: which name continueth in some most famous Colleges. And so in some ancient Councils, is mention of the Monasteries of Monks, and of Clerks; a Bishop was Governor of the one, and an Abbot of the other. Blessed Augustine is said to have been the chief Author of this Institution, who when he had gathered a Society of godly men, to live without a Town, and apart from the multitude of men, thereafter was made a Bishop, and he would have within his Bishopric, a Monastery of Clerks, and Presbyters, with whom he might live in a community. Some say Urban I. was the beginner of this Canonical life, because it is written, that he did appoint, that all Bishops should furnish all things necessary unto all that would live in community, out of the Revenues, and Goods, that were given unto the Mother Churches. When this Canonical life became loose by degrees, the Canons were in the Council of Mainz, under Charles, reduced to observe their Rules: in Chap. IX. of that Council, the Laws of a Canonical life, are comprised briefly; That they should observe the Divine Scripture, and the Doctrine of the holy Fathers; they should not presume to do anything, without the knowledge of their Bishop, and Master; they should eat, and sleep together; they should abide within their Cloister, &c. And because this constitution was not observed, in the Council at Aken, under Louis, the whole way of a Canonical life was prescribed more exactly, and fully, out of the Books of the holy Fathers; and it was enjoined unto them that did profess that life. But when their wealth did increase, and piety did decrease, they did shake off all yoke almost, and broke all ties of ancient constitutions, so that now is scarcely any hope to reduce them into the bounds of a little more strict life, as their Regular Order did prescribe; albeit we do read, that about 300. years since, a certain Legate of the Romish Pope, willing to draw away the Clerks, and Canons of Luik, from the company of their Concubines, which were called their Cooks, did command them, that they should dwell together, eat together in their parlors, sleep in their dortures, and keep their turns in the Churches both day and night: this was in the year 1203. but how these things did succeed, the present age declareth. Nevertheless, some foot-steps of that common, and Canonical life may be seen as yet, but in the houses, and names only; for as yet many Colleges have the name, and show of a Cloister, that is, of a retired place; and in them are places for eating, sleeping, and little rooms that were allowed unto everyone. Therefore when their life was far changed from their Rule, another sort of Canons began, who, because they came nearer to the prescribed Rule, were called Regular Canons; and for distinction, they who had forsaken the Rules, were by an absurd and monstrous name called Secular Canons, that is, Regular Irregulars. Therefore not without cause did Albert Crantz call a Secular Canon, a Monster without example, a Regular without a Rule, and a Canon without a Canon. But when such Colleges were appointed in famous places, where Bishops did govern, and learned men did live there, the ancient custom of the Church, whereby in the more famous Churches, as in Alexandria, and Antiochia, were Schools of Liberal Sciences, and of Divinity, was maintained in these Colleges; for, for a long time such Colleges were public Seminaries of Learning, wherein the most eminent Men, for Godliness, and Learning, were employed, until at last, this so useful, and godly work, was also neglected; and then godly Princes, and Magistrates, for supply of this want, were moved to bestow maintenance, and erect public Universities; of which (as Albert Crantz witnesseth, and is certainly known) none was in Germany before an hundred years: And so, although there is no hope now to restore that ancient institution of a Canonical life, yet, seeing as yet, even unto this day, many famous, both in Nobility and Learning, are of that profession, it should not be altogether despised, nor forsaken, but rather some remedy is to be used, as the time will permit: Yea, and it seemeth, Luther hath not written absurdly of it, when he said, That Bishoprics were Schools at the first; as these ancient words do testify, Praepositus, Decanus, Scholasticus, Cautor, Canonici, Vicarii, Custos: I wish they would do such things, continue their ancient worthiness, and dignities; abide in their possessions; were eminent and great Lord's; at least they would restore some teaching, and compel the Canons, Vicars, and Choristers, to hear one Lesson at least every day, and in these Lessons the holy Scripture were expounded: so Bishoprics were in some measure like unto Schools; and as occasion shall require, Pastors and Bishops might be more readily had. And the advice of William Duranti, Bishop of Mimata, is not much different, who thought it an expedient remedy against the sloth of the Clergy, that according to the appointment of the universal Council at Lateran, the Church, which as a pious Mother, should provide, that some of the poorer sort, being unable through poverty of their parents, should not want opportunity of instruction, would appoint Masters in every Cathedral Church, and other Collegiate, and honorable places, and these Masters might teach the Clerks, and secular poor ones of the City, or Diocy, and accept nothing for their teaching; but should have Ecclesiastical Benefices, or stipends, from the Bishops, or Chapters, or Collegiates, or other Prelates. So far Cassander.

5. After the death of Malcolm Cammore, the Scots receive a Reformation (I would say, Deformation) according to the Rites of Rome; and that by procurement of Queen Margaret, saith Automn. par. 2. Hist. cit. 16. c. 8. & John. Bale Cent. 2. c. 58. in appen. The Bishop understandeth the Romish Mass, and other superstions, which were brought hither at the first rise of the Bishops. Likewise the same Margaret did agree with Pope Urban, that the Kings of Scotland should be anointed with oil: and her Son Edgar, was the first anointed King of Scotland. Boet. l. 12. c. 13. But he, and his Successors, by that oil, had no accession to his power; howbeit, Popish writers have more esteem of anointed Kings, as being more their own, or bearing the mark of the Beast.

6. As in the days of the Emperors Maurice, and Phocas, the Patriarchs strove for primacy, (for preferment was their aim, more then the teaching of souls, or Christ's flock) so in this Century we read of debates among the Bishops of England, Spain, and France, and other Nations, which of them should have the precedency; as in England twixt the Bishops of Canterbury and York.

7. About the year 1059. Aldred being presented unto the See of Worcester, went to Rome for his Palle, (as the custom was) but could not obtain it, for some misdemeanor in his words, as they did allege: wherefore he did turn home; and by the way he was robbed; he went back, and made his complaint unto Pope Nicolaus, but all in vain: Then Tostius Earl of Northumberland, (which had gone with the Bishop) told the Pope to his face, that his person was not to be respected in far Countries, seeing (as he saw) his neighbors, even vile vagabonds, despised him at home; and he requireth the Pope to restore Aldred his lost goods, or else he would make the truth known, that by his means and craft, it was taken away: and more, it will come to pass, that the King of England hearing this, will refuse to send St. Peter's Tribute, and understand it as an indignity unto himself, and his Realm. The Pope was moved with the argument of his purse, and restored the Bishop to his own, and gave him a Palle. Such was the custom in those days, and until this present time in Germany, France, and Spain, that albeit the Prince do principally name the Bishops, yet they cannot be admitted, unless they go to Rome for their Palle; which custom is a burden to the Nations, and bingeth no small gain to Rome. Cumi. Ventura in Thes. Polit. Discepta. de Vrbe Rom.

8. In this Century (as reckoneth Sir Hen. Spelman in Council.) were compiled the Ecclesiastical Laws, which go under the name of Aelfrick, unto Wulfin Bishop, among which are these; I say unto you Priests, I will not suffer your negligence in your Ministry, but in truth I tell you what is ordained for Priests; Christ himself hath given an example of Christian institution, and purity of life, or chastity; therefore all who will walk with him, in his way, have forsaken all earthly things, not looking unto their wives: wherefore he saith in his Gospel, Who hateth not his wife, is not worthy to be my disciple. C. II. After the ascension of Christ, & the departure of his Venerable Apostles, so great a persecution was raised on earth, that the Ministers of God could not meet in a Synod, because the heathens lay in wait for them, until Constantine, having the Government of the earth: became a Christian. In many words, there is condemned the marriage of Bishops, and Priests, and also second marriage: and then C. X. it is said, There be seven degrees in the Church, Ostiarius, Lector, Exorcista, Acoluthus, Sub-Diaconus, Diaconus, Presbyter. C. XVII. Presbyter is the Missal Priest, or Elder; not for his age, but ancient wisdom, it is his office to consecrate the body of the Lord in the Sacrament, even as our Savior hath ordained; he should lead the people into the faith, both by preaching, and exercising the holy Ministry chastely; being a pattern unto Christians, and not living after the manner of Laics. There is no difference twixt a Bishop, and a Priest, but that a Bishop is appointed to give ordination, and to visit, or have care of things belonging unto God, which may not be permitted unto the multitude; they have both the same Order, albeit in this respect the Bishop is more worthy. C. XVIII. There is no other Order in the Ministry of the Church, but these seven; Monks, and Abbots, are of another sort, and not to be reckoned with them, nor have they the name of any order: and nevertheless they are called holy Orders, and they lead the souls of their Priests unto blessedness, if they abide holy. C. XXIII. A Presbyter, or Mass-Priest, should on Sundays, and Mass-days, teach the People in English, the understanding of the Gospel, and the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed; and that they learn the Creed, or Christian Confession, by heart; as the Lord commandeth by the Prophet, saying, They are dumb dogs, that cannot bark; they must therefore bark, and exhort the People, lest we destroy them for want of teaching. C. XXVII. A Presbyter should not sell his Ministry. C. XXVIII. Nor pass from one Church to another for gain. C. XXIX. Nor be a drunkard. C. XXX. Nor a Merchant, nor a Lawyer, nor bear weapons. The same Author hath a Letter of Pope Nicolaus unto King Edward (called the Confessor) where it is said, It is clear, that the Kings of England, for their reverence and devotion which they have given to blessed Peter, have flourished in glory and honor, and by his defense, they have obtained glorious triumphs; by the merits of which blessed Apostle, the Almighty God may bring to pass your desire, and confirm unto you the Empire of your Fathers Kingdom—We commit unto you, and the Kings your Successors, the advocation, and maintaining of that place [speaking of the Abbey of Westminster, that Edward had re-built, and enlarged] and of all the Churches in all England, that, in our place, [Vice Nostra; Note here, He would have the King to be his Vicar, and not alone, but] Ye, with the advice of Bishops, and Abbots, may ordain everywhere things that are just, knowing that for these things, you shall receive reward from Him, whose Kingdom and Empire shall have no end. The same Author page 571. saith, The Ecclesiastical Laws of Maccabaeus, King of Scots, [Note here an error in the name Maccabaeus, for Macbeth; of whom Buchanan saith, lib. 7. In the beginning he made good Laws, both many, and useful, which now are not known, or are neglected] taken out of his Register, are these; One who is entered into Orders, call thou not before a profane Judge; if he be summoned, and appear, do not thou judge him, but remit him unto the holy Rulers. Give willingly the tenth part of all the fruits of the ground, unto the Pastors of the Churches; and worship God continually, with vows and oblations. Who, being accursed, shall contemn the Authority of the Church for a whole year, and shall not reconcile himself, let him be accounted an enemy of the Realm; and if he continue two years in that contumacy, let him be forfaulted of all his goods. If any shall accompany (as a servant) another man, by whose charges he is not daily sustained, either unto the Church, or public Convention, or a Market, let him want the head. Boet. Hist. li. 12. hath these, and others of his Civil Laws.

9. Anselm, an Italian, was transported against his will (as saith M. Fox. in Act.) from the Abbey Becheloin in Normandy, unto the See of Canterbury: This is he, who said, He had rather be in hell without sin, then in heaven with sin: A man of special note in his time; for as Gul. Malmesbu. de gest. Anglo. pontif. li. 1. reporteth, when the Greeks disputed at Barri against Pope Urban, concerning the procession of the holy Ghost, the Pope cried aloud, Father, and Master Anselm, where are you? come now and defend your Mother the Church: And when they brought him into presence, Urban said, Let us take him into our world, as the Pope of the other world. He wrote many books, which to this day are commonly in hands, and declare the doctrine of the faith, as it was then professed. In the general is a remarkable passage in lib. 1. epist. 68. (according to the Edition of the Jesuit The. Raynaud.) directed unto Lanfranc, saying, Concerning those things which are said in that little book, you do by a wise and wholesome advice, admonish to consider more exactly in the balance of the mind, and to confer with the Learned in their holy books; and where reason faileth, to confirm them by divine Authority: I have done so, both before, and since I have received your fatherly, and loving admonition, so far as I could; for that was my intention, through all that disputation, to assert nothing at all, but what I saw undoubtingly might be defended by the Canonical Scriptures, and the sayings of blessed Augustine. Observe here, he whom the Pope calleth his Father, and Master, dependeth upon the Canonical Scriptures, and upon Augustine, and not upon the Pope; nor thinketh upon that which now they call, The casket of the Pope's breast. I have also observed in his Epistles written unto the Popes, Urban, and Paschalis, that he calleth them, the Reverend high Priest of the Catholic Church; and he saith, your Highness, your Majesty; but he never saith, your Holiness; he calleth them the Vicar of St. Peter, but never the Vicar of Christ: nor in any place can I find, that he speaketh of any privilege of Peter, above the other Apostles: and in the contrary in Comment. on Mat. 16. he saith, It is to be noted, that this power was not given to Peter alone, but as Peter answered, one for all; so in Peter, he gave this power unto them all. On Rom. 9. Seeing by the free-will of the first man, all men fell into condemnation, certainly it is not to be ascribed unto man's righteousness, which is not before grace, but unto the only mercy of God, that any of them are made vessels of honor; but that any of them are vessels of wrath, it should not be imputed unto the iniquity of God, which is not, but unto his justice; He is Potter, which of the same lump, (altogether corrupt in Adam) maketh at his own pleasure, some vessels unto honor in his mercy, and others unto shame in his justice. On 1 Cor. 1. The grace of God is given unto us, through our Lord Jesus Christ, and not through Peter, or Paul: grace is given by Jesus Christ; because it is so appointed by God, that whosoever believeth in Jesus Christ, shall be saved, not by works, but by faith only, and freely receive the forgiveness of his sins. On Rom. 10. Seeing hearing is of grace, another grace is also necessary, which may move the heart, because the word of the Teacher outwardly availeth nothing, if God do not inwardly touch the hearers heart. On Chap. 14. He shall stand, because God is able to make him stand; for not he himself, but God is able to make him stand: for he who falleth, falleth by his own will; but by the will of God he standeth, who standeth; and riseth, who riseth. On 1 Cor. 4. Who hath discerned thee? he saith this, because of the mass of corruption, which was by Adam; none but God discerneth man that he is made a vessel unto honor: But a man who is carnal, and vainly puffed up, when he heareth, Who hath discerned thee? might answer by voice, or thought, and say, My faith, or my prayer, or my righteousness hath discerned me: The Apostle preveeneth such thoughts, and saith, What hast thou, that thou hast not received?—God was the cause why thou wast, and art thou the cause why thou art good? Away! for if God hath been the cause why thou wast, and another hath been the cause why thou art good, he is better which hath made thee good, then he who made thee: But none is better then God; therefore thou hast received from God, both that thou art, and that thou art good. On Hebr. 10. This true Priest—did not offer often, or many sacrifices, but one offering, which alone is sufficient for the sins of all believers; after that he had fulfilled the obedience of his suffering, sitteth—his sacrifice was of such perfection, and efficacy, that it is needless to be offered again for the sins of any; and albeit we offer it daily, that is but the remembrance of his suffering. The Jesuit Raynaud denieth these Commentaries to be Anselm's, albeit he cannot deny, that in many Editions they go under his name; nor can he bring any argument out of the Commentaries, to prove what he saith: and once he alledgeth, that the Commentary on Matthew is Anselm's Bishop of Laudun; and again he guesseth it to be Willielm. Parisiens. but this is an easy way to reject any Book. But these testimonies agree with his other works, which the Jesuit acknowledgeth, and hath published; That on Matth. 16. I find not in them: yet whereas he hath said in li. 1. ep. 68. that he accordeth with the Canonical Books, and with Augustine; see then what Augustine saith on John. Tract. 124. As for Peter himself properly, he was but one man by nature, one Christian by grace, one and the first Apostle by more abounding grace; but when it was said, I will give unto thee the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind on— he did signify the whole Church—which is founded upon the rock, from which Peter had his name; for the rock was not named from Peter, but Peter from the rock; as Christ was not named from a Christian, but a Christian from Christ—therefore the Church, which is founded on Christ, received from him the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, that is, the power of binding and loosing sins; for what the Church is in Christ by propriety, Peter is in the rock by signification. And ibi. Tract. 7. In the name of Peter the Church was signified. In many other places doth Augustine speak in that manner, denying that power to have been given to Peter, but as a member of the Church; and at that time speaking in the name of all the Apostles, or Church, as that Commentary saith. Concerning free-will, and grace, Anselm speaketh often and copiously; I shall name but one in Tractat. de Concordia. grat. & lib. arbi. c. 13. Without doubt the will willeth not rightly, unless it be right; for as the sight is not quick, or sharp, because it seeth sharply; but therefore it seeth sharply, because it is sharp: so the will is not right, because it willeth rightly; but it willeth rightly, because it is right: Now when it willeth righteousness, certainly it willeth rightly; Therefore it willeth not righteousness, but because it is right. I deny not that a right will willeth righteousness; which it hath not, when it willeth more then it hath; but this I say, it cannot will that righteousness, if it have not righteousness by which it may will it. Let us now consider, whether any, not having this righteousness, can in any way have it of himself? Certainly he cannot have it of himself, but either by willing, or not willing; but by willing, no man is able to attain it of himself, because he cannot will it, unless he have it; and that any, not having the righteousness of will, can by himself attain it by not willing, no man's mind can conceive: therefore a creature can by no means have it of itself; but neither can a creature have it from another creature; for as a creature cannot save another creature, so it cannot give that by which it may save it: It followeth then, that no creature hath that righteousness of will, but by the grace of God. But I have proved before, that this righteousness may be kept by free-will; therefore by the gift of God, we have seen that his grace to save a man, agreeth with free-will; so that grace alone can save a man, though his free-will can do nothing; as in Infants, and in them which have not understanding; for grace doth continually help natural free-will (which without grace, can do nothing unto salvation) by giving unto the will righteousness, which it may keep by free-will: and albeit he give it not unto all men, because he showeth mercy on whom he willeth, and whom he willeth, he hardeneth; yet he giveth it unto none for any preceeding merit, because, who hath given unto God, and it shall be repaid unto him? But if the will keep by free-will what it hath received, it attaineth either increase of received righteousness, or power according to good will, or some reward: All these things are the fruit of the first grace, even grace for grace; and therefore it is all to be imputed unto grace, because it is neither of him which willeth, that he willeth; nor of him which runneth, that he runneth; but of God which showeth mercy; And therefore, except God only, it is said unto all others, What hast thou, that thou hast not received? why gloriest thou, as if thou hadst not received? So I have translated that Chapter word by word; one may quarrel that I have translated attaineth, for meretur; but I have done so according to the use of the word, as I have marked in other places; and because it so agreeth with the words following, All these things are the fruits of grace, even grace for grace. In the next Chapter Anselm saith, As none hath righteousness but by preveening grace, so none keepeth it but by following grace; for howbeit it be kept by free-will; yet it is not so much to be imputed unto free-will, as unto grace, when righteousness is kept, because free-will hath, and keepeth it not, but by grace preveening, and following—Lastly, seeing all things are according as God disposeth, whatsoever a man hath that helpeth free-will to accept, or keep his righteousness, whereof I speak, it is to be imputed unto his grace. In these particulars then, the former testimonies are according to the mind of Anselm: As for that testimony concerning the sacrifice of Christ, he hath a Treatise De Sacramento altaris, wherein he speaketh much of the change of the bread, and seemeth to be puzzled in reconciling the sentence of Pope Nicolaus II. with the ancient Fathers: but in c. 12. he speaketh of the manner how the things of the Sacrament are to be judged; thus, seeing the things of the Sacrament are so, we should think of the things, as they are spiritual things, in a spiritual manner; and when we receive the flesh of Jesus from the altar, we should be solicitous, that in our thoughts we rest not on the flesh, and be not quickened by the Spirit; for if we be not quickened by the Spirit, the flesh profiteth nothing; for if in our thought we rest on the flesh of our Savior, we not only shall not be quickened by the Spirit, but neither can we understand, how the flesh of Christ, a man, can be eaten by man; but as those which were hard in heart, understood it, unto whom the speech of Christ seemed hard, and they went back; for they understood it carnally; for they thought he would cut off pieces of his flesh, and give them to eat: therefore we should think of that body of the Lord spiritually, and in a divine manner, and discern it humbly; that is, we should think it diverse from all other food, and eat the spiritual flesh of Christ, in a spiritual manner; that is, it is received in a Sacrament of his true flesh on the altar: And again, we should think, that the very flesh which was crucified, and buried, is not also torn in the Sacrament, nor broken, nor devoured after the manner of common flesh, but under the similitude of bread to be broken, and offered, and never consumed; for it is not after a wicked manner killed by us, but holily sacrificed; and thus do we set forth Christ's death till he come again: For we do now this humbly upon earth, what he, as the Son, doth for us in heaven, where he, as our Advocate, intercedeth with the Father for us: To intercede for us, is to present for us, in some manner, before God the Father, the flesh which he took for us, and of us: Therefore we do sacrifice the body of Christ, when by certain piety of faith, we believe it to be certain, and do sanctify it; and we do hold fast this faith unto his honor, by whom he who sanctifieth, and they who are sanctified, are all one. For the death of Christ needeth not to be done again, because when it is once done, it is sufficient to everlasting salvation. Ambrose saith, Christ hath died once, and was made an oblation for our sins; what do we then? do we not offer every day? yes, we do offer, but in remembrance of his death; and there is but one sacrifice, and not many; How one, and not many? because Christ was offered but once, and this sacrifice is the example thereof; it is the same, and the same continually; therefore it is but one sacrifice; else because he is offered in many places, there be many Christ's; no, no, but one Christ everywhere; here he is full, and there he is full; for as what is offered everywhere, is one body, and not many bodies, so it is but one sacrifice; but the Priest is he who offered the sacrifice which cleanseth us, and we now offer the same sacrifice, which being offered then, cannot be consumed: What we do now, is done in remembrance of that which was done; as he saith, Do this in remembrance of me; we offer not another sacrifice, but the same continually; or rather we do this in remembrance of that sacrifice, and unto him we do vow, and render ourselves, and his gifts in us; and on the solemn feasts, and on certain days, we do dedicate, and consecrate the remembrance of his benefices, lest time bring upon us ungrate oblivion thereof. What was Anselm's judgment in the doctrine of justification, appeareth by an Admonition pro moribundo, where he ordereth the Priest to ask the dying man, Brother, art thou glad to die in the faith of Christ? Ans. Yea, Brother. Hast thou a purpose to amend thy life, if God will give thee space to live? Ans. Yea, Brother. Believest thou that thou canst not be saved by thy own merits, or any other way, but by the death of Christ? Yea. Givest thou him thanks for the same with all thy heart? Yea. Then go on, and so long as thou livest give him thanks, and hide thyself in his death; role thyself on it, and put thy trust in no other thing: and if the Lord would judge thee, say, O Lord, I put the death of Jesus Christ betwixt thee and me, and otherwise I will not contend with-thee. If he say, Thou hast deserved condemnation; say thou, I lay the death of my Lord Jesus Christ betwixt thee and my wicked merits; and I offer the merit of his most worthy passion, for the merit that I should have had, and alas, I have it not. Say again, O Lord, I lay the death of my Lord Jesus Christ betwixt thy wrath and me. Then let him say thrice, Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit. Ia. Vsser. de succes. Eccles. c. 7. showeth from Cas. Vlenberg. lib. causar. caus. 14. that all Christendom received this form of questioning the sick, from this Anselm: but it hath been changed from time to time. In the Book, Institutio baptizandi, aliaque Sacramenta—administrandi, ex decreto concilii Tridenti. restituta, printed at Lions, ann. 1598. at that part de recommendatione anima, are the same questions and answers; but there are set first these, Believest thou, dear brother, all the Articles of the Faith, and all the holy Scripture, according to the exposition of the holy and Catholic Doctors? Ans. I believe. Doest thou detest, and refuse all Heresies, and Superstitions, which are damned, and disallowed by the holy Mother, the Catholic Church? Ans. I do disallow. Instead of these two questions, the above-named Jesuit reporteth, ex Bibliotheca Vaticana, thus; If he be a secular man, he should be demanded so, Believest thou these things that belong unto Christian faith, in so far as they be determined by the Church? Ans. I believe. And in the end he saith, These things being finished, Anselm saith, Without doubt the sick man shall be saved. Observe, Here is no word of Purgatory, nor of saying Masses for him after death. But the most remarkable difference is in Index Expurgat. set forth by Cardinal Quiroga; there it is ordered to blot away, or leave out these questions; Believest thou that our Lord Jesus Christ died for our salvation? and that none can be saved by his own merits, or any other way, but by the merit of his passion? And where it was said in Or do baptizandi, printed at Venice ann. 1575. at the end of these questions, We need not dispair of his salvation, which with his heart believeth, and with his mouth confesseth these questions; that Index ordereth to leave out these words also. By this form, and the changes of it, we may see how the Papists have changed their faith, especially in this main cordial for a sick soul. The same Anselm wrote two Books, etituled Cur Deus homo, against some whom he calleth Infidels: And it appeareth (certainly unto me) these have been the Fore-fathers of the Socinians; and that Socinus have gathered the most part of their quirks out of these Books: but as the man hath been wickedly minded, he hath not taken to heart what Anselm hath answered unto these Infidels; I studying brevity, will only repeat some of the answers, except only the first objection. Lib. 1. c. 2. The Objector saith, As right order requireth, that we should believe the profound things of Christian faith, before we presume to search them by reason; so it seemeth to be negligence, if after we be confirmed in the faith, we endeavor not to know what we do believe; wherefore, as by the preveening grace of God, I think that I know the faith of our redemption, so that albeit I cannot comprehend by reason what I do believe, yet nothing shall be able to pull me away from the certainty thereof: I crave, that thou wouldest declare unto me (which many others do crave, as thou knowest) upon what necessity, and reason, hath God (seeing he is Almighty) assumed the baseness, and weakness of human nature for the restoring of us? This is the main objection, and the preamble of it condemneth implicit faith. Anselm answereth cap. 3. We do neither wrong, nor reproach to God, but giving thanks with all our heart, we do praise and set forth the unspeakable altitude of his mercy, that how much the more wonderously, and above all imagination, he hath restored us from so great, and so deserved wickedness, wherein we were, unto so great, and so undeserved benefits, which we had lost, he hath set forth the greater love, and pity toward us: for if they would diligently consider, how conveniently the restauration of man is procured after this manner, they would not jeer at our simplicity, but with us they would commend the wise bountifulness of God; for it was necessary, that as by the disobedience of a man, death entered into mankind; so by the obedience of a man, life should be restored: and as sin, which was the cause of our damnation, had its beginning from a woman, so the Author of our righteousness, and salvation, should be born of a woman: and as the devil overcame man (whom he persuaded) by eating of a tree, so a man should overcome him by suffering (whereof he was the author) on a tree. Cap. 4. Is not this a necessary reason, why God should do these things, seeing his so precious a work (mankind) was altogether lost; nor was it fitting, that what God hath propounded concerning man, should be altogether annulled; nor could his purpose be brought to pass, unless mankind had been delivered by the Creator himself. Cap. 5. Whatsoever other person had delivered man from everlasting death, man might be judged to be a servant unto that person; and if it were so, man had not at all been restored unto that dignity which he had had, if he had not sinned; seeing he which should have been the servant of God only, and equal unto the good Angels in every respect, should have been a servant unto one which is not God, and whose servants the Angels are not. C. 8. The will of God, when he hath done a thing, should be a sufficient reason unto us, albeit we see not why he hath done so: nor should any think it contrary to reason, when we confess that God hath done these things which we believe of the Incarnation: And they understand not what we believe; for we affirm, without any doubt, that the divine nature cannot suffer, nor in any respect can be brought from his Celsitude, nor hath any difficulty in whatsoever he will do. But we say, that our Lord Jesus Christ, is very God, and very man; one person in both natures, and two natures in one person: wherefore when we say, that God was humbled, and suffered weakness, we understand it not according to his imsuffering nature, but according to the infirmity of human nature, which he had assumed; and so it is clear, no reason is against our faith: for thus we do not understand any humiliation of the divine substance, but we declare that there is but one person of God and man: nor did God the Father deal with that man so as you seem to understand, or give an innocent unto death for the guilty; for he did not force him unto death against his will, nor suffered him to be killed; but he himself did willingly suffer death, to the end he might save us from death. Cap. 9. And it seemeth, thou distinguishest not betwixt that he did in obedience, and that which was done unto him; because he would still be obedient, and he did suffer, howbeit obedience did not require it: God requireth obedience of all reasonable creatures, and the creature oweth obedience unto him; so that man did owe obedience unto God the Father, and the Father did require it of him: Thus for his obedience; and if man had not sinned, he should not have suffered death; nor would God have required it of him, seeing he was made reasonable and holy, and to the end he might be blessed in the fruition of God: Now thou wilt not think it fit, that the creature which he made holy unto blessedness, he should force it to be miserable without a fault; for it is a miserable thing, that man should die against his will: and so God compelled not Christ to die, in whom was no fault; but he willingly suffered death, not by his obedience of forsaking life, but for his obedience of keeping righteousness, wherein he continued so stoutly, that therefore he suffered death. Likewise it may be said, that the Father commanded him to die, seeing he commanded him to do that for which he suffered death; and therefore as the Father gave him command, so did he, and he drunk the cup which the Father gave him, and he became obedient unto the Father, even to the death, and so he learned obedience by what he suffered, that is, how far obedience should be kept. But the word he learned, may be understood two ways; either for that he made others to learn; or because what he was not ignorant of, in respect of knowledge, he learned by experience: But what the Apostle, when he had said, he humbled himself, and became obedient, even unto the death of the cross; subjoineth, therefore God exalted him, and gave him a name— whereunto it is like what David saith, He shall drink of the brook in the way, and therefore he hath lift up his head. It is not so meant, as if he could not have come unto exaltation, but by this obedience of death, and this exaltation was not conferred on him, but in payment of his obedience; for before he did suffer, he said, All things are delivered unto me by the Father; and, All that the Father hath, is mine.