History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600

CHAP II. Of EMPEROVRS.

CHARLES V. the nephew of Maximilian, and King of Spain, &c. was chosen King of the Romans: he had the largest Dominions of any Emperor for many hundred years: he was crowned at Aken An. 1520. and held a Diet at Worms An. 1521. where unto Luther was summoned: there it was ordained, that Luther's books should be burnt, and himself be bannished out of the Empire: but of his Acts concerning Religion we will (God willing) speak more hereafter. The Pope had been his Tutor, and the King of France was prevailing in Lombardy: wherefore the Pope and the Emperor made a League against France, and they drew in Henry VIII. King of England with them. Charles began his warrsin Lombardy, but was not there personally: at the battle of Pavy Francis was taken prisoner, and carried to Madrid: afterwards he was dismissed, and gave his two sons in hostage, and married Leonor the Emperors Sister, But Francis got from Pope Clement, a dispensation of his oath which he had given to Charles, for the performing of certain conditions after his liberty, and the rather, because that Charles did aim with insatiable lust at the Empire, not of Italy only (saith Onuphr. in Clement VII.) but of whole Europe. When Charles heard of a League made against him by the Pope and the Princes of Italy and King Francis, he was not a little offended, and making the more hast, sent Charles Duke of Burbone General of his Army, into Italy, who did so prevail, as is hinted before. Then in his Letters he challengeth Francis of the breach of his oath, as he often spoke thereof unto the French Ambassadors. The King sent his Letters (by an Herald) dated at Paris March 28. An. 1528. saying, By the talk, which thou hadst with some of mine, I understand that thou braggest of certain things sounding to my dishonor, as if I had escaped thy hands against my fidelity: now; albeit he who after the compact hath left pledges, is him self quitt from bond, so that I am thereby sufficiently excused; nevertheless in defense of my honor, I have written thus briefly unto thee: therefore if thou doest blame this my fact and departing, or sayst that I have at any time done contrary unto the duty of a Noble Prince, I tell thee plainly, Thou liest: for I have determined to preserve my honor, while I have a day to live: therefore we need not many words: if thou hast ought against me, thou shalt not need hereafter to write more, but appoint the place and time, where we may fight hand to hand: If this thou darest not do, and in the mean time revilest me, I protest, that all the shame thereof belongs unto thee. The Emperor receiveth the Letters, and sent another Herald appointing the place. Francis would not accept the Letters, but considering the danger of his children and his former misfortune, sought peace: it was concluded in August. An. 1529. At the same time Suleiman was besieging Vienna in Austria with 25000 Turks: he assaulted it 20. times: it was defended so viliantly by the Germans under the conduct of the Palsgrave, that the seege was raised after a month, and Suleiman returned, many Turks being killed or taken. Then Charles had peace everywhere, and went to be crowned in Italy: ere he came to Bononia (where the Pope lay) three Cardinals were sent to demand, and take his oath of fidelity, that he would never prejudge the liberties of the Church. He answered, He would not refuse that, so far as it should not be prejudicial unto his own right; Meaning to recover Parma & Placentia, which the Church did then possess, but was a part of the Duchy of Millane. The Pope and Cardinals loved not such conditions, but they durst not resist. So on Febr. 22. he was declared King of Lombardy, and Febr. 24. he was crowned Emperor An. 1530. He restored the Duchy of Milan to Francis Sfortia: he created Frederik Gonzaga Duke of Mantua, and by means of the Prince of Orange he conquered Florence, and gave it to Alex. Medices. Then he wentunto Germany: in the Diet at Ausburg he caused his brother Ferdinand to be declared King of the Romans, not without opposition of the Duke of Bavier & of the Protestants. An. 1532. Suleiman returned into Styria: Charles waits him at Vienna: yet sent some horse men against Cason a Turkish Captain with 15000. men plundering the Country. Cason was taken, and many soldiers were slain: wherefore Suleiman returned now the second time with shame. Charles then goeth into Italy to talk with the Pope concerning the General Council: thence he sailed into Spain An. 1533. After two years he relieved 22000. Christian captives, and won the Kingdom of Tunis from the Turks, and rendered it to King Alzaten Muleasses, who had been expelled by treason of his own sons. He returns into Italy, and again talks with Pope Paul concerning the Council: and went into Spain: thence he returns into Germany An. 1541. When he was at the Diet in Regensburgh, he heard of the loss of Tunis again, and went thither, and lost a great part of his army to his discomfort, and returned into Spain in November. Of his business with France, and with the Protestants in Germany, it follows in the next Chapter. His victory at Smalcald was his ruin: for upon no condition would he grant liberty unto John-Frederick Electour of Saxony, and the Landgrave: therefore Maurice son of Henry successor of the Popish George Duke of Saxony, and son-in-law to the Landgrave, though a Protestant, yet had followed the Emperor in and after these wars; and therefore was honored with the title of Electour) now seeing that the Emperor aimed not (as he had oft professed) at wonted and civil obedience only; did entreat for liberty unto his father-in-law. Charles dreameth of security, as if Germany could not stir anymore, and would not remitt any part of his will. Wherefore Maurice by the advice and with the aid of Albert Duke of Brandeburg raiseth an army quietly, and approacheth to Ispruc: when Charles was informed of it, he sets the Electour at liberty, lest Duke should Maurice have the honor of his delivery, and himself fleeth with his Court by night into Italy: he climbeth the Alps with torch-light. After all his travels he had not a foot of ground in Germany, but the Nederlands. After his departure within few hours Maurice took Ispruc, and was Master of all the baggage belonging to the Emperor and his court An. 1552. but touched nothing appertaining unto the burgesses. It came to pass, that King Ferdinand & Duke Maurice concluded a peace at Passaw, and ordained a Diet to be held at Ausburg. It was delayed two years: and albeit Maurice was killed by the before-named Albert, yet all discords for religion were commodiously composed in September. An. 1555. liberty was granted unto the Protestants; the Landgrave was restored; but liberty was not permitted unto bb. and clerks, to retain their Benefices, if they left Popery Pe. Soave histo. Conc. Trid. Charles would always hold up the Council: but when he saw, that his fortune was changed, and his hope of a new Monarchy was gone; nor would his brother Ferdinand, nor the Electors condescend to the succession of his son Philip in the Empire; he layeth aside all care of the world, he resigns his inheritance unto his son (reserving 100000 crowns to himself and family) and quiteth Austria and the title of Emperor unto his brother Ferdinand (to use his own words, as Pe. Mexia recordeth) as if himself were dead, he tetiereth into Spain, lived in the monastery of S. Just two years, and died as humbly, as he had lived gloriously. All that space he read diligently the Books of Bernard, and with confidence would argue thus, I am unworthy to attain the Kingdom of heaven by my merits, but the Lord my God (which hath a twofold right unto it, by inheritance, and by meritt of his suffering) hath reserved the one title unto himself, and hath given me the other: by this gift I will claim it, and in this confidence I will never be ashamed: for the oil of mercy is not kept without the vessel of assurance: this is the confidence of man, to mistrust himself, and rely upon God: to trust in our own works is not faith, but unbelieff: sins are remitted by the mercy of God, and we should believe, that sin cannot be forgiven but by him against whom we have sinned, and who cannot sin, and by whom only all sins are pardoned. In the end when unto his lingering sickness was added an hot fever, he held the cross in his arms, saying, Abide in me, ô sweet Savior, that I may abide in thee. He took the sacrament in both kinds, and repeating the same words, he rendered his most glorious soul unto God, who gave it. So Ja. Thuan. hist. Lib 21. and Pe Soave hist. conc. Tri. lib. 5. saith, After his death, Constantius Pontius was committed to prison for suspicion of heresy, who was Confessor of Charles the Emperor in time of his solitariness. and in whose arms he died. This Pontius died in prison, and Philip caused one to burn him in effigie, and used such cruelty against his dead body: that many were amazed, and looked for no mercy from him, who had been so merciless to that man, whose infamy was not without the aspersion of his dear father.

II. FERDINAND II. assembled the Electors at Frankford, and shown the renunciation of Charles: this was accepted, and he was received by them. He sent for confirmation of the Roman Court: Ere the Ambassador was heard, the Cardinals object, The Imperial seat cannot vaike but by death, or deprivation or eiuration: and the last two belong unto the Pope only: for as the Pope only can depose, so eieration can be made before him only: as for anything that had passed in Germany, it was done by heretics, which have lost their power: and therefore Ferdinand should purge himself in judgment, and do penance, and send his Proctor with full power to renounce all that was done, and he should submit all unto the pleasure of the Pope only. When the Ambassador craved to be heard, the Pope said, Charles could not renounce but in his presence only, nor can Ferdinand accept without his consent: therefore he must satisfy within three months for such things as the Cardinals have to lay unto his charge. So his Ambassador was not heard. Grisman advertiseth the Emperor: who willed him to show, that if he were not admitted within three days, he should make protestation, that seeing he had waited so long, and could not be heard, to the dishonor of his Master, he will return, that the Emperor may advise with the Electors, what shall be most expedient unto the Imperial dignity. Briefly Ferdinand could not be confirmed at Rome until Pope Pius 4. Thuan. hist Lib. 21. An. 1559. Ferdinand held a Diete at Ausburgh, where the Orators of sundry Nations vere present; and the Protestants did present their grievances, to wit, that albeit peace of religion was concluded & confirmed by subscriptions & seals, yet the judges of the Chamber had enacted strict laws in mixed causes against them; and seeing controversies do depend on religion, they should be suspended conform to the Articles of peace; nor would the Popish Princes and Magistrates suffer their subjects freely to profess the Augustan Confession, nor suffer them to sell their lands (as the Articles do permit) that they may dwell in other territories, but they imprisoned them, or sent them away empty. The other party wanted not replies. The Emperor appoints another meeting, when his Deputies shall hear both parties more fully. The Protestants were content, if a like number of Judges were chosen of both parties. At that time they petitioned, that liberty might be granted unto bb. and clergy: but it was not granted. Ferdinand was addicted to Popery, yet was not an enemy to Protestants. Ere he was Emperor he was continually for wars, but afterwards he was desirous of peace. He caused his son Maximilian to be chosen King of the Romans An. 1561. and died An. 1564.

CHAP III. Of diverse COVNTRIES.

IN the year 1516. Pope Leo X. under pretext to collect money for wars against the Turk, sent indulgences through all Christendom, granting pardon of sins both for guilt and punishment, unto all which would give money; and extending this grace unto the dead, if any would buy for them: for his will was, that for whomsoever the disbursment was made, albeit they were in purgatory, they should be free from their pain; granting also liberty to eat eggs and milk on fast days, and to choose a Confessor unto themselves &c. He began to distribute this harvest, ere it was well sown, giving unto certain persons the benefit to be reaped out of certain Provinces, and reserving what pleased him for his own treasury. Especially he gave the gain of Saxony and other parts of Germany about the seacost, unto his Sister Magdalene and her husband Francis Cibo the base son of Pope Innocent VIII. for recompense (as he pretended) of the charges, the house of Cibo had sustained in the days of Alexander VI. who was an enemy to the house of Medices, and had chased Leo and others of that family out of Rome. Magdalene (living then at Genua) agrieth with the B. Angelus Arembold, and he proclaimed to give that power of selling these indulgences in Germany unto any which would engage to bring up most money, even so sordidly, that none of credit would contract with him: yet he wanted not merchants, Pe. Soave in Hist. Conc. Trident. and he went into Denmark and Sweden. Among these merchants was John Tecelius a Dominican, who was once condemned by the Emperor Maximilian, for adultery to bedrowned in the River at Ispruck, but by intercession of Duke Frederik had escaped. At this time returning into Germany, he began to teach how great power he had from the Pope, that albeit a man had defiled the Virgin Mary, and had got her with child, he had power to forgive that sin for money; and he had power to forgive not only sins already committed, but whatsoever in one shall commit afterwards. Shortly comes forth a little book under the name of Albert Bishop of Mainz, commanding the pardoners to set forth these indulgences most diligently. Joann. Sleidan. Commentar. Libr. 13. It was the custom of Saxony, that the Augustinians were employed in the selling of Indulgences: but Tecelius would rather employ the Dominicanes: and they spent prodigally in taverns, what others did spare from their necessaries to buy the pardons. So the luxury of the pardon-mongers, and the preaching of the Dominicans were scandalous to very many of all estates, and the Augustinians took it ill, that they were deprived of their privilege. Pe. Soave. Iby.

II. MARTIN LVTHER. was borne in Islebia a town of Mansfield An. 1483. in the 22 year of his age he had finished his course of Philosophy in Erford, and there entered into the monastery of the Augustinians. After three years he was invited to be professor of Philosophy in Witembergh, and there he was graduat Doctor of Divinity by Andr. Catolstadius An. 1512. In Erford he had learned of an old Augustinian, that it is not sufficient to believe generally the remission of sin, or that it belongs unto them only, whose names are registered in Scriptures, but every true penitent may believe, that his own sins are forgiven him freely in Christ: and accordingly is that to be understood, We are justified by faith freely. Afterwards he read the works of Augustine, and despised not the Sententiaries, namely, Thomas, Biel, Occam &c. In the year 1516. he had a public disputation of Free-will against the common doctrine of the School-men, as Lu. Osiander. in Epit. hist. cent. 16. li. 1. c. 19. rehearseth. His Question was; Whether man being created after the image of God, can by his natural power keep the commands of God the creator, or do or think any good, and by grace deserve, and know his merits? He answereth in three Conclusions, and so many Corollaries unto each of them. Conclu. I Man in respect of his soul made to the image of God, and so fitted for the grace of God, doth by his natural strength only, make every creature which he useth, subject to vanity, and seeketh himself, and things according to the flesh. Corollar. 1. The old man is vanity of vanities, altogether vanity, and makes all creatures, even which are good, to be vain. Coroll. II. The old man is called flesh, not only because he is led with sensual concupiscence, but (albeit he be chaste, wise, just) because he is not renewed of God by the Spirit. Corol. 3. Albeit all unbelievers be vain, and do no good, yet they shall not all suffer alike punishment. Conclus. 2. A man, without God's grace, can no way keep his commandments, nor prepare himself unto grace, vel de congruo. vel de condigno, but necessarily abides under sin. Goroll. 1. The will of man without grace is not free, but serveth, albeit not unwillingly. Cor. 2. When a man doeth what is in himself, he sinneth; seeing of himself he can neither will, nor think [well.] Cor: 3. Seeing the righteousness of believers is hid in God, and their sin is manifest in themselves, it is true that only the un just are damned and sinners & whores are saved. Conclus. III. Grace or charity, which helpeth not (but in extreme necessity) is very dull, or rather no charity; unless by extreme necessity be understood, not the peril of death, but everyone's want. Coroll. 1. Christ Jesus, our strength, our righteousness, the searcher of the hearts and reins, is the only searcher and judge of our merits. Cor. 2. Seeing unto a believer all things, by the power of Christ, are possible; it is superstitious to depute other helps unto man's will, or of other Saints. Cor. 3. According to the premisses is the answer unto the Question. He wrote unto an Eremite thus; I desire to know, what thy soul doeth; whether now in the end it be weary of it's righteousness, and learneth to be refreshed with, and trust in the righteousness of Christ: for in our time the temptation of presumption is strong in many, and chiefly in those, who study to be just and good by their own strength, and being ignorant of the righteousness of God, which is in Christ abundantly, and is given freely, seek by themselves to do well so long, until they have confidence to stand before God, as it were adorned by their own strength and merits; which is impossible: Thou wast some time in this opinion, or error; and so was I: but now I fight against this error, but as yet have not overcome: therefore, dear brother, learn Christ, and him crucified: learn to sing unto Him, and despairing of thyself, to say unto him, Thou, Lord Jesus, art my righteousness, but I am thy sin: thou hast taken mine, and hast given me thine: thou hast taken what thou wast not, and hast given me what I was not. Take heed lest at any time thou aspire unto so great purity, that thou wouldst not seem to thyself a sinner, yea, or not to be a sinner: for Christ dwelleth not but in sinners: for therefore came he down from heaven, where he dwelt among the righteous, that he might dwell in sinners. Think upon that his love, and thou shalt see his most sweet consolation: For if we must come by our labors and afflictions to the peace of conscience, why hath he died? therefore thou canst not find peace, but by him, and by fiducial despairing of thyself and thy works: and further thou shalt learn thereby, that as he hath taken thee, and made thy sins his, so hath he made his righteousness thine. Howbeit Luther had so disputed and written, yet none did oppose him: but rather he purchased love and estimation.

3. When the Indulgences were proclaimed and preached in the manner named before, his zeal could not endure the vanity of them, and the blasphemies, wherewith they were commended. At the first, he spoke not against the use of indulgences, but against the abuses of them, and against the blasphemous commending of them: and (as he shows in his Apology, which is in Sleidan. lib. 13) he wrote unto the Bishop of Mainz, exhorting him humbly to inhibit or restrain these Friers: but the Bishop returned him no answer: yet the Bishop of Brandenburgh hearing of that epistle, did admonish Luther, to take heed, lest he brought himself into danger. Likewise Alb. Crantzius the historian said unto him, Brother, you speak truth: but you cannot help it: go into your cell, and pray, Lord have mercy upon us. And the Prior and subprior of Wittembergh did entreat him, that for respect unto their Order, he would be silent, and not bring it into contempt; and the rather, that the Franciscans were beginning to rejoice, that the Augustinians were falling into contempt even as they. Luther answereth. All this will fall, if it be not begun in the name of the Lord: but if it be, let us trust to God, that he will carry it on. Schultet. Annal. ad An. 1517. John Bishop of Misna at that time said, he had lately read the holy Scriptures, and therein had found a religion very unlike unto that, that was presently professed. And a little before his death, he heard of Tecelius, and said, This will be the last seller of such wares: for intolerable is his impudence Ibid. A rich woman of Magdeburgh after confession could not have a pardon from a Dominican, unless she would give a hundred florenes: she adviseth with a Franciscan her former Confessor, and he said unto her, God forgives sin freely, and selleth not as a merchant. And he besought her, that she would not tell Tecelins, who had informed her so. But when Tecelius knew, that for this cause she would not give the money, he said, that he shall be either burnt or banished, who hath given such advice. Ibid. After this Luther was the more diligent in searching the original of the doctrine of indulgences; and then he publisheth 59. conclusions to be disputed in Wittembergh, October 31. An. 1517. within few days they were carried through all Germany, and were joyfully read by many: for all men almost were complaining of the pardons, especially as they were preached and sold by Tecelius. None came to set face against these Propositions, and the name of Luther became famous, for that at last one was found to oppose the corruptions of the Church. Then Conrad Wimpina a Doctor in Frankford upon Mene publisheth contrary propositions, in defense of the Indulgences. Luther writes in defense of his own propositions; and John Eckius opposeth them. When Luther's propositions and book were carried to Rome, a third Dominican Silvester Prierias wrote against him. Thus the contestation waxeth hot, and is more known abroad. Upon this occasion. Pe. Soave in hist. Conc. Trid. shows the original and progress of indulgences.

Whereas (saith he) the matter of indulgences was not much scanned in former ages, nor was it weighed by the Divines, by what arguments they could be mantained, or weakened, their causes and essence was not thoroughly known: for some thought, that indulgence was nothing else, but an absolution by authority of a prelate, from that penance, which according to that manner of discipline the Church in these times, did enjoin unto a penitent, (in following ages the Bishop took unto himself alone the prescribing of that punishment; afterwards he did concredite it unto the poenitentiary priest, and at last unto the discretion of the Confessary) yet so that he was not free from the punishment due by Divine justice: When this was thought to turn more to the hurt, then benefit of Christians, because when a dispensation of canonical punishment was given them, they became careless to seek the favor of God by voluntary punishment, they did conceive that indulgence was a freedom from both punishments. And again they were divided: for some thought, this freedom was absolute without any satisfaction: but others on the contrary said, So long as communion by charity continues in the Church, the repentance of one believer is communicable unto another so farra, that he is freed upon the account of the other. But because that was thought to be more proper unto them that were of a blameless life, and exercised with strict discipline, then unto the authority of a bishop; a third opinion was taken up, that the essence of indulgences consists partly in the authority of the prelate, and partly in compensation. And because the conversation of the Bishops is not so blameless and free from sin, that he by his merits can help others, they devise the treasure of the Church, into which are laid the merits of all, which had more plenty, then which was sufficient unto themselves; and the dispensation of these merits belongeth unto the Bishop of Rome, so that it is in his power to give indulgences, and recompense the debt of a sinner, by the merits of the same value, out of the common treasury of the Church. And where as neither this treasure could satisfy for all sinners, seeing the merits of the Saints have certainly an end and bounds; and so it may fail; they thought good; to adjoin the infinite merits of Christ unto the finite merits of the Saints, that so the treasure might be perpetual. And here again arose another scruple; what need is there of the drop of man's merits, seeing the infinite ocean of Christ's merits floweth forever. And truly this gave occasion unto many, to put all their confidence of indulgence, into the only treasury of our Savior, which never can be emptied. All these things were so uncertain, and had no surer ground, but the Bull of Pope Clement VI. which was proclaimed for the Jubilee, An. 1350. that they were thought not sufficient to convince Martin Luther, or to confute his reasons: therefore Tecelius, Eccius and Prierias perceiving the weakness of their cause in the places proper unto that matter, took their refuge unto Common places; and lay their ground upon the authority of the Pope, and consent of the School-men; to wit, Seeing the Pope cannot err in matter of faith, and had confirmed the Scholastic doctrine of indulgences, and by his Bull hath bestowed them on believers, the doctrine concerning these is an article of faith, to be believed necessarily. Hence Martin takes occasion to digress from indulgences, and to sift the power of the Pope. Albeit others had commended this power as the highest, and subject unto none other, yet he made not such account of it, but held it to be subject to a General Council lawfully assembled; which he affirmed to be very necessary at that time, in respect of the condition of the Church. And howbeit in this fire of contestation Luther did overthrow the power of the Pope, and ever the more, that the others did advance it, yet he did always speak nothing but modestly of the person of Pope Leo; yea and for a time he declined not his judgment. Nevertheless they fell upon other particulars, and the dispute concerning remission of sin, repentance and Purgatory, by which the Chapmen of the Roman court did confirm their indulgences. But among them all, James Hoghstrate a Dominican and Inquisitor of the faith wrote against Luther most properly: for he left other reasons and purposes, and adviseth the Pope to beat down the man's pertinency with fire and sword. So writes P. Soave summarily.

VI. On Christ-mass-eeven Frederik Electour of Saxony, and his Brother John went to Church in Wineberg, An. 1517. with their train; and the air being clear, he seeth above his house clearly a fiery cross: they stand beholding it, and were amazed: then Frederik saith unto his Brother, That is a sign, that there will be strife for Religion, and the house of Saxony will be in danger. Abr. Schultet. Annal. At that time Andr. Carolosladius the prime Divine had published a book in defense of Luther; the young Students at Wittembergh burned the propositions of Tecelius in the market place, and the Duke Frederik (not being required) undertakes the patrociny of Luther and Carolstad. When Luther saw the Book of Sylvester, he called it a wild one & devilish, and (saith he) if Rome do so judge, as this book speaks, it is the very seat of Antichrist. He is summoned by the General of the Augustinians to answer at Heidelbergh: many did dissuade him: but he would yield obedience: by the way the Bishop of Wortsburg entertaineth him friendly; and the Palsgrave receives him graciously at Heidlebergh: In the Monastery of Augustinians (which afterwards was called Collegium Sapientiae) he disputeth 28. propositions concerning justification by faith, chiefly these two, Free-will (after sin) is but a title: He is not just, who worketh much, but who believeth much in Christ. Martin Bucer, wrote Luther's words so quickly as he could, and sent a copy thereof unto Beat Rhenan, with these words in the end, Luther in the solemnized Synod of his Brethren here was president of a learned dispute in a solemn manner, and hath disputed some paradoxes, which not only were above the opinion of us all, but even seemed heretical for the most part: marvelous was his Sweetness in answering, incomparable was his patience in hearing, and in dissolving knots ye might have seen the wit of Paul, and not of Scotus, he did so easily bring them all into admiration of him with his short answers, that were taken out of the treasury of Divine Scriptures: he agreeth in everything with Erasmus; in one thing he goeth beyond him, that what the one doeth convey closely, the other teaches plainly. When Luther had returned, he publisheth a Declaration of his propositions concerning indulgences, and dedicates it unto Pope Leo; in his epistle, and in another unto the Bishop of Brandenburgh he shows the motives of that his divulged declaration, 1. To calm his adversaries. 2. To satisfy the desires of many; that he suffer them not to be deceived, who think that he asserts all these, seeing he doubteth of many of them, and in some he is ignorant; some he denieth, and he asserts none of them pertinaciously. And he entreates the Bishop of Brandenburgh to take his pen, and blot out as he pleaseth, or burn all in a fire; seeing he doth only dispute, but determines nothing. Likewise unto the Pope saith he, I do present myself prostrate at the feet of your blessedness with all that I have, or am: refresh, kill, call, revoke, approve, disproove: I will acknowledge your voice to be the voice of Christ presiding and speaking in you, Schultet. ibid. Luther had written many of his first propositions according to the current of the time, which afterwards he did recall and refute. The Emperor wrote unto the Pope, advising him to put an end unto these disputations in time: and the Pope sent word unto Jerome Auditor camerae then in Germany, to summon Luther unto Rome. Luther craveth to be examined in Germany in a place and before judges convenient. Duke Frederik writes unto Thomas de Vio Card. Cajetan the Legate, that Luther may be heard in Ausburgh. Then the Duke of Brunswyke amongst other invectives wrote, that Luther had raised this tragedy by motion of Frederik Duke of Saxony, for envy of Albert Bishop of Mainz, because he keeps still the Bishoprik of Madenburgh. Others said, Luther was provoked for the loss of gain to his sect. Concerning the first, Luther wrote the contrary, as is to be seen in his above named Apology, in Sleida. comment. lib. 13; as also histories show, that Frederik was a prudent and peaceable Prince, and the choice of Germany after the death of Maxilian, but having understanding, and following the Rule of God's Word, he preferreth the clearing of the truth in such a matter unto everything: and so when Maximilian and Leo commanded him in August An. 1518. to remove Luther from preaching; the Duke considering the matter of Luther's doctrine, and searching the sentences of Scripture quoted by him, he would not withstand the truth, when it was made clear unto him. Nor did he so, trusting to his own judgment only, but was inquisitive to know the judgment of others more learned and ancient; especially he wrote unto Erasmus (who was then about 58 years of age, and famous for learning) protesting, that he would that the earth did open and swallow him rather than he would mantain any opinion against his knowledge and conscience; but he could not permit an innocent man to be oppressed by these, who were seeking their own interests, and not the glory of Jesus Christ; and therefore he be sought him to declare his judgment freely in these controversies. So writes Erasmus in Epist. Roffens. Episc. dated. prid. Luc. Ann. 1519. Erasmus answereth at first darkly, that in Luther were two faults; he smote both at the head and belly of the Church [that is, the Pope and the monks] which two should not be meddled with. Then the Duke was instant with him, to show his mind more clearly: and Erasmus answereth, Luther doth well in discovering errors; and Reformation of the Church is very necessary: the substance of his doctrine is true, but his style would be more moderate both in writing and speaking against men's persons. Whereupon the Duke wrote unto Luther, that he should temper the vehemency of his invectives. As for the aim of Luther, Paul Langius, a disciple of Tritemius, and at that time a Monk Citicensis, writes in Chronic. saying, Martin a very perfect Divine, profound, incomparable, endeavors to bring sacred Theology unto its original dignity, and primitive purity, as also unto the Evangelical, sincere and simple innocence, all seculare Philosophy being put clean away.....he follows Simon de Cassia a most Christian Divine in former times, despising all Philosophy, teaches the Holy Scripture most purely, declaring continually the most reverend and almost not-heard mysteries of God's Word: he became most famous through the world, albeit like another Jerome he wanted not the envy of enemies, and persecution of the Scholastical Divines. And the same Langius speaking of Carolstadius, Luther and Melanchthon, saith, They most purely do treat of Divinity, the wheat of God's Word without all chaff, that is, without all Philosophy and mixture of Syllogisms: they have the Sacred Scriptures, and especially the Gospel of Christ and epistles of Paul, for their principles and foundation; with the study of learning they pour into the breasts of their disciples the fear of God and seeds of all virtues by their word, example and pen. And lest any should say, that he speaks of them before their separation, he addeth about the year 1520. He by his doctrine, and admired preaching, brought indulgences to nothing, and called them altogether into doubt, and diverted the people from buying; affirming that they were not necessary unto salvation, nor were available unto forgiveness of sin, but were a neglecting of repentance, and a casting loose and an impediment of all works of piety; nor was such a treasure of the merits of Saints known in the primitive Church for the space of 1000 years and more....affirming also that the Church of Rome is not the first and head of all Churches de Jure Divino: and therefore unto this present time they persecute him like another Athanasius.....and he hath taught other rare and sublime things, which not only some Romanists, but many of the most learned, especially the Thomists cease not to maintain; Nevertheless Martin a most learned and wise Divine in our age, confirming and proving his doctrine by testimony of the Gospel and of the ancient Orthodox Fathers hath remained invincible hitherto. This and much more is written by that Monk not affirmatively, but by admiration, and doubting after the manner of many, as he speaks, until it be decreed by a General Council. To this purpose writes Laur. Surius a Carthusian Monk of Colein, and enemy of Luther, saying, Because not small abuses were mixed with these proclaimed indulgences, Luther took occasion to inveigh bitterly against some immoderate and filthy preachers of them, and sent Letters unto the Bishop of Mainz, writing far otherwise of matters of religion, than he did afterwards in his book de captivitate Babylonica and other books: also he set forth 95. propositions against the indulgences, and Tecelius set forth 105. contrary propositions: out of this contention arose that fire, where with all Europe was almost enflammed: in the very beginning of this tragedy many grave & learned men did judge, that Luther was moved, not with a very bad zeal, and that he looked upon no other thing but the Reformation of the Church, in which every good man was grieved at many abuses &c. And in the year 1519. Novemb. 1. Erasmus wrote from Lovan unto Albert Bishop of Mainz, saying, Many things are in the Books of Luther, condemned as heresies, by Monks and Friers, which in the books of Augustine & Bernard are found as sound & godly: the life or conversation of Luther is universally approved of all men; And the world is burdened with men's ordinances, with School-doctrines and opinions, and with the tyranny of begging Friers, who so far as the Pope makes for them, they make him more than a god; but if he make anything against their purpose or advantage, they account no more of his authority then of a dream: they have left off to speak of Christ, and teach nothing but their own new conceits, which even idiots cannot endure, and good men groan, when they see such things: These things (as I suspect) have moved Luther's mind that he durst oppose himself against the intolerable impudency of some: for what other thing can I suspect of a man, who is neither ambitious of honor, nor covetous of money? And in his epistle to Cardinal Campegius dated Lovan. Natal. Nicol. 1520. he saith, I have heard very worthy men of approved life and doctrine rejoice, that they had found some of Luther's books: and I have seen, that whosoever was of most innocent life, and nearest to the purity of the Gospel, was least offended at him: further his life is commended even by them, who hate his doctrine: God only can judge of the mind.....the world now being wearied with this doctrine of human traditions & constitutions, seemeth to thirst for the pure water of the Evangelical fountains: and it seems unto me, that this man is framed by nature unto this purpose, as he is kindled in desire.

V. The Pope was persuaded by some, that Luther's cause should be first examined in Germany: and so he committeth it unto Cardinal Cajetan, ordering him, that if he find any appearance of amendment, to accept him, and restore him unto the Church, and not only forgive him what was passed, but give him hope of preferment and rewards: but if the man be obstinate, he should deal with the Emperor and Princes, to restrain him with bodily punishments, Upon citation Luther goeth to Ausburgh, and hearing that the Cardinal had gained upon the Emperor and some Princes to hate him, he writes unto George Spalatinus, For all these I fear not: though they prevail by flattery or credit, to make me odious unto all men; yet I am sure in my conscience, that whatsoever I have, and whatsoever they impugn, I acknowledge and confess that I have it from God: and these things I do refer and offer unto Him: if he take them, let them go: if he maintain them, they are safe; and blessed be his holy name forever. He came to Ausburgh in the beginning of October, but did not present himself, until he had received a safe-conduct from the Emperor and then he appeareth before the Legate October 12. he was accepted courteously, and the Legate spoke of some controverted points: but when he perceived (saith Pe. Soave) that he was not like to yield, no not for the great weight of School-divinity, in which profession he was very well acquainted; and he was prompt with the texts of Scripture, where in the School-men had little confidence: therefore he professed openly that he would not deal with him in way of disputation: only he did exhort him, to recall what he had divulged, or at least to submit his books and doctrine unto the Popes judgment, and the rather he should not refuse, because of the present danger, if he repent not, and of Leo's favor, if he despise it not; when it is tendered. Luther pauseth a little, without any answer: the Legate thought he would not press him instantly, but gives him leave for some days, that the menaces and promises may take the more upon him: and he sent Jo. Staputius Vicar general of the Augustinians to deal with him in the same manner. Another day the Legate professed, that he would deal with him, not as a disputant, but as his Judge, and to incline him to reconciliation, he adviseth him that he let not the fair opportunity of favor slip. Luther answereth with his accustomed freedom, I will not prejudge the truth for any paction; nor have I offended any man by word or deed, that I should hunt after any man's favor; nor do I fear the menaces of any adversary: and if they will attempt anything against me illegally, I am resolved to appeall unto a general Council. The Cardinal had heard, that he was encouraged by some Princes who intended by him to restrain the Popes power, and he suspected that their persuasion had made him so confident: therefore he was full of wrath, and chideth him bitterly, revileth him, admonishes him, that Princes have long hands, and commandeth him to pack him out of his sight. He going away, calleth to mind, what they had done to John Huss: he intendeth to depart quietly: but after another advisement he sent Letters unto the Cardinal, where in he acknowledgeth, that he had spoken hastily, as the importunity of his adversaries and these bankers had provoked him; he promiseth to use more modesty, yea he will satiffy the Pope, and shall speak no more of Indulgences, if his adversaries shall be likewise tied. But (saith the same author) while neither party will be silent, but rather provoke one another, the fire was the more kindled. The Court of Rome was offended with the Cardinal, that he had dealt too peremptorily and contum cliously, nor had allured him with hope of a miter or red hatt. Others relate that conference in other words, yet not contrary, that when Luther was commanded to recant, he desired to be informed, where in he had erred? The Legate alledgeth the Extravagant of Pope Clemens. Then Luther protested, that he did reverence the Church of Rome, so far as they are not contrary unto the written word of God; as for anything that he had written or said, he protested, that he thought it Catholic, and was ready either presently, or at any time shall be appointed, to give reasons of this his assertion, out of the written word, and to answer any objection. But the Legate would not hear of Scripture. When Luther was gone, the Legate wrote a sharp letter unto Frederik, requiring him as he tendered his own honor & savety, or respected the favor of the great high priest, to send Luther unto Rome, or expel him out of his Dominion. The Duke replieth, excusing himself, that he could not do that with his honor nor with a safe conscience, unless he knew a justcause; and if the Legate will show that, nothing shall be lacking on his part. Nevertheless the Duke began to be timorous, un till he sought information from Erasmus, and the University of Witembergh: they did encourage him unto constancy in God's cause. J. Fox in Act. & mon.

VI. Leo feareth an innovation in Germany, not only by loosing the benefit of Indulgences, but by contempt of his authority: and for remedy of both he confirmeth the Indulgences by a new Bull, dated Novemb. 9. Ann. 1518. and therein declares, that unto him as the successor of Peter, and Vicar of Christ, belongs the power to bestow so great a benefit both on the living and the dead; and the Church of Rome is the mother and Lady of all Christians; and all men must obey her, who will not be separate from the communion of the Church. This was sent unto Cajetan, and he directed several copies thereof unto the Bishops throughout Germany; adding threats against all who shall think otherwise. Then Luther, saw that nothing was to be expected from Rome unto him▪ but condemnation: therefore he published an appeal, wherein he professeth, that he would not decline the authority of the Pope in so far as he followeth truth, but he is not so free from the common condition of men, that he cannot err, seeing even the example of Peter (who was rebuked by Paul) testifieth the contrary: indeed it is easy for the Pope by his wealth and power to oppress any man dissenting from him; and they who are oppressed, must have their refuge to a general Council, which every way is to be preferred before the Pope. By this appeall (after it was spread, and many did judge it reasonable) it did quickly appear, how weak the Popes Bull was to quench the fire of Germany. Pe. Soave in Histor. In the end of this year Luther wrote unto Wenceslaus Linckius, saying, I send unto thee my proceedings more exactly written than the Lord Legate thinks: but my pen is a breeding for higher things: I know not whence these meditations do come: in my judgment this business is not yet begun; so far is it from that the Peers of Rome can hope for an end: I send thee my trifles that thou mayst see whither I guess rightly, that the very Antichrist (as Paul speaks) be reigning in the Court of Rome: I think, I can demonstrate that he now is worse than the Turks. Schultet. Annal.

VII. After the publishing of the foresaid Bull, the minds of the Roman Court were lifted up again, (and ere they heard of Luther's appeall) as if all were then well: presently they fly unto their harvest, and send Samson a Franciscan of Milan into Helvetia, to sell Indulgences: in some places he reapeth abundantly: he comes to Zurich, where Hulderik or Ulrick Zwingli opposeth him, and preacheth not only against the abuses of the indulgences, but confuteth the use of them and the power of the Pope sending them: and many did hear him gladly, and commended him mightily, saith Pe. Soave. Here it is to be remembered, that albeit Luther was the first who entered into debate with the corrupt Court of Rome, yet not he alone. Wolfgang Fabritius Capito was born in Haganoa of Alsatia An. 1478. his father abhorring the wicked life of priests, took him from the study of Divinity, and applied him unto Medicine: but after his fathers death he returned unto the subtleties of Scotus, in Friburgh of Brisgoia, and wearying there, he became preacher in Brusella by Spira: thence he was called unto Basil An. 1508. where by preaching and disputing he sowed the first seed of the Gospel. Likewise John housschine or Oecolamp. made such progress in his studies at Heilborn & Heidlbergh that Philip the Palsgrave made choice of him to be Tutor of his children: about the year 1514. his native town Winsbergh calleth him to be their preacher, where he was the admiration of all learned men: and in the year 1516. he was called unto Basil, and there did concur with Erasmus in translating the New Testament, and the same year was graduat Doctor of Divinity by Capito. Also at Strawsburgh Doctor Keisersberger and John Creutser another Doctor of Divinity, howbeit they did use the usual rites, yet they preached no other doctrine then afterwards was declared in their Confession An. 1530. so that Strawsburgh was the first town of Germany professing the truth of the Gospel, saith Abr. Scultet. in Annal. As for Zwingli; his father was wealthy and old; and his son very young: he thought, the fittest way to preserve his riches unto his son, was to build a Church in Glarona, and addote all his riches unto the priest there of, upon condition; that his son be the first priest: when the boy came to 16 years of age, he was sensible of his unworthiness to have the charge of souls: therefore he went to the schools in Basil An. 1505. where he heard Thomas Wittenbach teach, that the death of Christ is the only price of our redemption, and indulgences are but a device of the Pope. Then he read the Scriptures diligently, especially the New Testament in Greek: and finding in the epistle of Peter, that the Scripture is not of private interpretation, he made it a part of his prayer daily, that God would give him his Spirit, to attain the knowledge of the hid mysteries. And lest he should be deceived with a fond conceit of his own imaginations, he compared the Scriptures, and by collationing one passage with another, he searches the meaning of the darker places: and he read the writings of the ancients, yet so that he judged, they should be examined by the touchstone of God's word. Thus he attained to the knowledge of many things, which were not spoken of in these days. He was called by Francis à Sickengen a Germane Knight, to be his preacher, ansd there he read the gospel and the epistle and the Litany in the Germane language; not intending any Reformation, but that they under his charge might the better understand what they heard. Then came unto his hands the Resolution of the questions, which Picus of Mirandula had propounded at Rome: these he did approve; and therefore was suspected and hated by some: nevertheless with boldness he spoke against the pardons, and openly disputed with Cardinal Matthew Bishop of Sedune, before there was any word of Luther's propositions: and he preached against the superstitious running of the people unto the Eremites. In the year 1517. he was called to be preacher of Zurich, and at his admission he protested, that he would declare the History of Christ out of the Gospel, not according to the expositions of men, for he would be tied to none, but to the mind of the Spirit, which he trusted to attain by prayer and meditation of the Scriptures. Many rejoiced at this protestation, and others were offended. Ex vita Zuinglii prefixed unto his Epistles. When the books of Luther came into Helvetia, he had heard of them, but he professed publicly, that he would not read them, yet exhorted the people to read them diligently. Behold his intent! he would, that the people hearing him, and reading the other, and knowing that he did not read them, might the better see the unity of the Spirit flowing in them both out of Divine Scriptures, and so the more willingly believe the Truth. And by God's blessing there followed a wondrous success; as here after we shall hear.

VIII. In January 1519. comes from Pope Leo, Carol. Miltitius with a present of a golden rose and consecrated, unto Duke Frederik, and with Letters unto his Counselor Degenhart Pfessinger, entreating him to assist Miltitius for bannishing Luther that child of Satan. In the mean time word is brought, that the Emperor is dead Januar. 12: then the eyes of all men were toward Frederik as successor: whereby Luther had rest for a time, and the fury of his adversaries was abated. He spoke with Miltitius at Altenburgh, and promised silence, if the same were enjoined unto his adversaries; and to recant, whensoever he shall be covinced of an error. To the same purpose he wrote unto Leo March III. adding, he could not recant simply; because it would be an imputation unto the Apostolical See, seeing many learned and judicious men in Germany understand all the controversy. On the first of May Erasmus writes unto the Duke of Saxony, that so long as he is President of justice, an innocent man should not be given into the hands of ungodly men, under pretense of piety; all do commend the innocence of Luther; nor is he to be thought an heretic, who displeaseth this or that man: his accusers do but seek their own interests; nor should he be rashly condemned of heresy, who leadeth a godly life as becometh a Christian. In the end of Juny and some days of July there was a disputation at Leipsich betwixt Eccius and Carolstad: there was also Luther and Melanchthon, all under the protection of George uncle of the Duke Frederik. When Tecelius heard of this appointment, he said, So would the Devil: and he died in the mean time. This disputation is written by many. Agrippa telleth the substance of it in few words, thus, Hoghstrat and Eccius gained nothing but scorn. They dispute most of the power of the Pope. After the dispute, the Duke George touches Eccius and Luther with his hand, & saith, Whither Jure Divino or Jure humano, yet the Pope of Rome is the great highpriest. This disputation brought forth many books, especially from Carolstad and Eccius, whereby both their names were much impaired. Then Luther publisheth his Sermons of a twofold righteousness; of the saving meditation of Christ's passion; of baptism; of preparation unto death: Also a declaration of the propositions disputed at Leipsich concerning the power of the Pope; A confutation of the Antidotes falsely imputed unto him by the Monks of Jutrebok: And a Commentary on the epistle to the Galatians. In October the Bohemians write from Prague unto Luther, exhorting him unto constancy and patience, and affirming his doctrine to be pure Divinity. Likewise Wolfgang Capito wrote from Basil unto him, that Helvetia and the country about Rhine even unto the sea did love him; yea and the Cardinal Bishop of Sedun a learned and very faithful man, and many other chief men, when they heard he was in danger, were willing to have bestowed on him not only for his sustentation, but a safe refuge, where he might either lurk or live openly: but when they had seen the coppy of the letter, which the Duke had sent unto the Legate, they perceived that he had no need of their aid: and that they had caused his books to beprinted, and spread them in Italy, Spain, France and England, herein regarding their common cause. The same Capito wrote also then unto Erasmus, exhorting him, that he would not oppose Luther, albeit (saith he) I do miss (or wish that he would write otherwise] many things; yet it is expedient that he be encouraged, that young men may be the more heartened for the liberty of the Church: I know that the adversaries wish nothing more, than to have you provoked against him: but it is better to have all the other Divines against You, then to have his abettors your enemies: many Princes, Cardinals, Bishops, and the best of the clergy do affect his business. Schultet. Annal. This summer the Monks made it the principal matter of their preaching, to inveigh against Luther; and so they spread among the people what was before packed up in Latin within the walls of the Schools: and Luther for this cause spread his books in the vulgare language. In August the University of Colen, and in November the University of Lovan came forth with their bare articles and Sentences of damnation or (as Erasmus then spoke) prejudged opinions, thinking with the fire of words to quench a stronger fire of reason: but they made the books of Luther the more vendible. The University of Paris had been held most famous for many years: their judgment was also expected, but they would not write. Erasmus in Epistol. ad Cardinal. Campeg. dated Lovan. Natal. Nicol. Anno 1520.

IX. In January 1520. a new broile ariseth upon a Sermon of the Eucharist, that Luther publishes: in it he saith, It seems good unto me, that both the Species of the Supper were given unto the communicants. Therefore George Duke of Sayony, writes unto Duke Frederik, accusing Luther of the Bohemian heresy. And the Bishop of Misna by a published mandate condemneth that Sermon. The Elector answered his uncle, that Luther's cause was not legally decerned. Unto the Bishops mandate Luther writes; he did judge as he had written, if it were permitted by authority of a general Council; and in the mean time the Acts of the last Council should be obeyed; and he thinks that Christ is not partially, but wholly under both the bread & the wine. Januar. 15. Luther writes unto Charles V. and afterwards unto Albert Bishop of Mainz, and unto the Bishop of Mersburg, humbly beseeching, that they would not condemn until they hear him. These two bb. admonish him, to temper his pen for the love of Christ, and to write of other things more useful for advancing piety, than to medle with the Popes power: as for themselves, they had not leisure to read his books; only they hear that he had written of free-will and such other idle questions & trifles, and of the Sacrament and such other things that are determined by the general Councils Osiander. in Epit. Lib. 1. Cap. 27. In March Luther publishes his answer unto the Censure of Colen and Lovan. These writings are reported at Rome, and some do charge the Pope of negligence, that he provideth not timely against so great evils; especially the Monks do grumble, that he takes more pleasure in hunting, gaming and music, and is careless of weightier things: they tell him, how arianisme might have been prevented, if Arius had been ath is first appearing put out of the way, as they did at Constance with Huss and Jerome. On the other side (saith Pe. Soave) Leo began to repent that he had meddled at all with the business: for he thought, it had been better for him, to have permitted the Monks to fight together, so long as they both professed obedience unto him, and not to have sided with either party, to the offense of the other; yea if he had not meddled with it, it might have evanished in a short time. Nevertheless upon the continual solicitation of some bb. of Germany and the two Universities, and especially of the Friers, Leo was moved to yield. So the Cardd. Prelates, Divines and Canonists were assembled, and Leo commits the cause unto them. They unanimously agree that so great impiety must be blasted with the thunder of a curse: but the Divines and Canonists do vary in the manner. Some said, the curse must be given peremptorily: others say, A citation must precede. The Divines say, The case is notorious by his books and public Sermons. The Canonists say, Notoriousnes takes not away just defense, neither by the law of God, nor of nature; and they had given a precedent in summoning him before Cardinal Cajetan. Again the Divines say, This cause doth concern them only, seeing it is of faith & Religion. The Canonists say, It concerneth them also, seeing it is a case to be judged. After much jangling they fall upon a course to please both parties, and distinguish between the doctrine, person & books: let his doctrine be presently condemned; a certain day be named wherein he may appear; and that may serve for a citation: but for the books, there was another variance: some would have them go with his doctrine, and some with his person. And when neither party would yield unto the other, a mid way was devised to please them both, to wit, the Books shall be condemned with the doctrine, and be burnt when he is accursed. And accordingly one decree is made for all: therein he is not warned to appear, but that he and all adhering unto him shall abstain from these errors, and burn the books within 60 days, or else they are presently declared notorious and obstinate heretics; and also all men are charged, that they keep not, nor receive any of his books, howbeit they contain not the condemned errors, but flee from him and all his favorits, or take his person, and bring him up, or chase him out of their dominions: yea and whosoever shall receive him, their lands also are made subject unto the curse of the Church. The forenamed author shows what were the censures of this Bull; men of understanding (saith he) did admire it; first in the form, that whereas it should have been handled in the language of Scripture, yet it was set forth in the style of a Court; and that in such intricate & prolixe sentences, that it was hard to find out the meaning of it, and as if it were a decree in case of a fee-farm; namely in that clause, Forbidding all men, that they presume not to assert these errors, was such polixity, that between forbidding and preserve were 400. words at the least. Others did mark, that unto 41. positions, that were condemned as heretical, scandalous, false, offensive unto the godly, and seductive of the simple, it was not shown, which were Heretical, which scandalous, which false. but by adding a word respective, all was made uncertain, seeing that General word determineth not the particulars: and therefore some prudence or other authority is necessary to define these controversies. And some did admire with what face it could be said, that among these 41, propos • tions some were the errors of the Greeks condemned long ago. Others thought it strange, that so many positions of several heads of the faith were condemned at Rome by the sole pleasure of the Cardinals and other Courtiers, without the knowledge and suffrages of bb. Universities and other learned men through Europe. Now hear from Abr. Schultet. how it was accepted in Germany. Eccius brought it to Lipsia; Marinus Caracciola & Hier. Aleander to Colen: Eccius is flowted in Lipsia? the Bull was not received in Bambergh, because, as they said, it was not legally intimated: the Rector of Erford by a public program exhorts the Students, if they see that Bull set up in any place, to tear it in pieces, and oppose themselves unto the enemies of Luther. So when Eccius came to Erford, the Students went against him in arms, and they threw the Bull (being torn into pieces) into the water. Ulrik Hutten a noble man of Franconia did publish the Bull with interlineary and marginal glosses, not without great reproach to the Popes honor. Luther, before he saw it, had set forth his book De captivitate Babylonica, wherein he professeth that daily he saw more and more, and he wishes that all his books concerning Indulgences were burnt, and in place of them all he sets this one position, Indulgences are the wickednesses of Roman flatterers: And he wishes that his books were burnt, in which he had denied, that Papacy is of divine right; and had granted, that it is of human right; and for them he sets this Thesis, Papacy is the mighty hunting of the Roman Bishop. Then he teaches that the captivity of the sacrament of the altar is first, that one of the elements is denied unto the people. 2. that transubstantiation is believed. 3. that the mass is made a sacrifice. And he acknowledgeth but two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's Supper. and he willeth that this book be accounted a part of his recantation. When he had read the Bull, he said, At last the Bull of Rome is come, of which some write many things unto the Prince: but I despise it, and will set myself against it as impious and altogether Eccian: ye see Christ is condemned in it: there is no reason named: I am called, not unto audience, but to a recantation: ye may see, they are furious, blind and mad.....O that Charles were a man, and would for Christ's sake set himself against these devils! Then he wrote against the Bull, calling it execrable, excommunicates the authors of it; maintains all the condemned articles, calleth the Pope the Antichrist, and appealeth from him unto a Council. When he heard, that his books were burnt at Colen, Lovan and Luik, he assembleth the Professors of Wittembergh Decemb. 10. and in a solemn manner he causeth publicly to be burnt the last Bull of Leo the X. the Decrees of Gratian, Decretals, Extravagants, Summa Angelica, and some books of Eccius: and then he publisheth unto the World the reasons why he had done so. By this provocation of Luther (saith P. Soave) and for other just causes all men of sound judgment said, A Council is necessary, not only to compose controversies, but to provide against the abuses that have been for such à long time in the Church.: and the necessity was the more apparent, because their mutual writings did but kindle the strife more, seeing Martin (saith he) failed not to confirm his doctrine with much writing; and the more earnest he was in the cause, he advanceth the more; he is the more enlightened, and findeth the more matter of disputation, and discovers more errors, even beyond his own intention: for howbeit he professeth to do all through the zeal of God's house, yet everyone may perceive, that he is driven thereunto by necessity. When Duke Frederik was going to the Emperors coronation, he meeteth with Erasmus at Colen, and asks him, What he thought of Luther? Erasmus saith, It is true what he teaches, but I wish, he were moderate. Why (saith the Prince) doth the clergy hate him so? Erasmus saith, He hath committed two great faults, he touches the Popes crown, and the Monks bellies: and therefore it is no marvel, that all the Papal Kingdom be bitter against him. The next day Erasmus writes unto Conrad Peutinger, one of the Emperors Counsellers, and adviseth to cause Luther's business to be examined by learned and indifferent men in the following Diet at Worms. Luther was advised by many to teach and write more moderately: and he excuseth himself in some Letters; in one unto Spalatin he saith, If I must continue in teaching, I understand not your and others counsel, to wit, that Holy Divinity can be tought without offense: the Scripture doth especially pursue the errors of Religion: this the Pope cannot endure. I have given up myself unto God: his will be done. Who did entreat Him to make me a Teacher? Seeing he hath made me, let him have me; or if he repent that he hath made me, let Him undo me again. I am so far from being afraid for trouble, that it filleth the sails of my heart with an incredible gaile; that now I understand why the Scripture compareth Devils unto the wind: for while they blow forth in rage, they carry others unto patience. This is only my care, that the Lord be my friend in these causes, which are not so much mine, as his: and be you pleased to help here, as you may. And in another Letter dated unto the same Spalatin Febr. 15. he saith, There will be a new & great fire: but who can resist the Counsel of God? I entreat you, let the business pass-on with it's own motions: it is God's cause only: so far as I can see, we are driven and moved rather than do move▪ Abra. Schultet. Annal.

X. The same year Christiern King of Denmarck sent unto the Elector of Saxony for a Preacher of the truth: and one M. Martin was sent; he in Coppenhagen did preach upon the festival days in the after-noon with great applause of the people: the Canons did not medle with his doctrine, but they did deride his manner of delivery. John Thurzo Bishop of Vratislavia was the first Bishop, who hearkened unto these new preachers, and maintained them, and died August. 2. Caspar Hedio being a Doctor of Divinity in Basil, was called to be preacher in the chief Church of Mainz; and by advise of Vlrick Hutten, Albert Bishop there sent for Wolfgang Capito to be his preacher and Counselor: Capito embraces the call, to the end, he might have the fairer occasion to sow the seed of the Gospel there. The Senate of Zürich gave command unto all the Preachers within their jurisdiction to lay aside all the devices of men, and freely to preach what they could confirm by the writings of the Prophets and Apostles: and in time of Lent they despised the old ordinances for abstaining from flesh. Hugh Bishop of Constance commandeth all men by his edict, to continue in the faith of the Roman Church, until a General Council be convened: and for the same purpose he sent his Commissioners unto Zürich. Zwingli maintaineth before the Commissioners, what he had taught; and the Senate entreates the Bishop to call a Synod, and there let the learned examine and declare what the people should believe. Then Zwingli wrote of himself unto Myconius, saying, I have given up myself unto God, and do wait all evil both from Church-men and laity, praying for this one thing from Christ, that he will enable me to suffer with a courageous heart, and as he pleaseth, either break me, or preserve me, who am a pot in his hand. If they shall excommunicate me, I will think on the very learned and godly Hilarius, that was exiled from France into Africa, and on Lucius, who being beaten from Rome was brought again with great glory; not that I compare myself unto them, but I will comfort myself by their example, which were better, and suffered worse: and if it were expedient to rejoice in anything, I would rejoice to suffer reproach for the name of Christ. Abr. Schultet. The same author saith, The first Nation, that was enlightened by the Gospel, was East Friseland, where the Prince Edsard reading diligently Luther's books, and thereby receiving the light of knowledge, did forsake the rites of superstition, and permittes these books to be sold & read; yea by his example and exhortation did encourage the Nobility of the Land to read them, and others also who could understand. The first preachers there, were Henry Brune unto the Auriaci; Lubbert Cant at Leer, Jo. Steven at Norda; Jo. Sculto at Wenera, albeit afterwards he fell away; but the most eminent was George Aportan at Embden. He had been a Monk at Zwoll, and the Prince made choice of him to be Tutor unto his children: then giving himself to search the truth, he was ready to communicate unto others what God gave him to understand, and at last became Preacher of Embden: the priests oppose him, but by permission of the Prince, he preached in the open fields; and afterwards he was brought by the people into the Church; Bernard Campius maintaining him with a guard lest the priests or their followers should have made any disturbance. Herman Henriks, one of the Priests forsook the idolatry, and became his Colleague: the other priests were by degrees put from the altars; some went to other places; and they who stayed, had liberty to exercise their blind devotion within the Cloister of the Franciscans. The Prince did press none; but he did most aide those who were for the Reformation: and the superstition had place within private walls and the cloister.

II. In Aprile An. 1521. Charles V. calleth a Dyet at Worms: thither was Luther summoned, and a safe conduct was sent unto him. Some would have dissuaded him; because his doctrine was condemned at Rome, and his person was accursed there on maundy-thurseday, he might be sure, that the proceedings of that Court were to be confirmed in this, if worse were not done unto himself, as was done to John Huss. Luther answered, I will go thither, albeit there were there, as many devils as there be tyles in the houses. He appears before the Estates Aprile 17. and was demanded. Whether he acknowledges the books that were abroad in his name? and when they were named, he did acknowledge them. Then, Whether he would maintain what was written in them, or recall any part of them? he answered, That question is of great importance; I humbly crave some space to advise. They grant him one day: and then he said, these books are not all of one nature: some contain the doctrine of faith and piety; some were against the errors of the Romanists, and some were written contentiously against the maintainers of these errors: to recall the first sort, was not the duty of a good man, because albeit the Bull of Leo had condemned them, yet he had not judged them as impious. As for the second sort, it is too well known, that all the Christian World and especially Germany being miserably vexed, doeth groan under a heavy yoke; and so to abjure these books, were a confirmation of that tyranny. He confesseth, that in the third sort he had written a little tartely, but he is now called to give account of his doctrine, and not of his manners: and if any will convince him by reason, of all men he will be least obstinate, nor will he refuse to burn his books, if he shall be convinced of any error in them, by testimonies of sacred Scripture: the acknowledgement of manifested truth is an excellent gift of God; and the rejecting of it, or defiling of it with lies, hath brought from heaven many thousand calamities. Then he was commanded to give his answer in few words. He answered, I cannot recall what I have tought or written, unless I be convinced by testimonies of Scripture or manifest reason. The Emperor hearing of this answer (for he was not present, nor was confirmed by the Pope) sent them word, that he would defend the Church of Rome, and use all remedies to extinguish that fire; but he will not pronounce sentence against that man, until he be safe at home according to his promise. Some there, would have followed the example of Constance, and said, Promises should not be kept unto heretics. Louis the Palsgrave Elector did oppose, saying, It were a perpetual dishonor unto the Germane Nation; nor is it tolerable, that for favor of priests the public faith should lie under that infamy. Some also said, They should not proceed so rashly in a matter of so great importance, nor do all men as yet perceive what may follow. After some days the Bishop of Trevers, the Marques of Brandeburgh and some others were named to deal with him; and they exhorted him to submit the whole matter unto Caesar and the Princes. Luther said, The Prophet saith, put not your trust in men, nor in Princes; but especially the word of God is not subject unto men: if they will convince me by that Word, I will willingly submit. Then they ask, Whether he will submit unto a General Council? Yes, saith he, if they rule themselves by the holy Scripture. What remedy, say they, think you, may there be in such a deplored case? He answered, I know no better than that of Gamaliel; If this Counsel or work be of men, it will turn to naught: but if it be of God, ye cannot destroy it, lest ye be found to fight against God: and I wish, the Pope would follow this advice: for certainly his purpose, if it be not of God, will shortly he brought to nothing. The Bishop of Trevers dealt with him privately: but he continued in that assertion, that this cause can be ruled no other way but by the Scripture. Then he was commanded to be at home within 21 days, and in his way he should not provoke the people by teaching nor writing. He gave thanks unto Caesar and the Princes, and went away Aprile 26. On May 8. a Decree was published in the name of the Emperor, wherein was declared what was done with Luther both ar Rome and Worms, and that he continueth obstinate in damned heresies; and therefore all men should take him for such a one, and after 21 days none defend nor lodge him, but rather take and imprison him, and take all the movables and immovables of all his favorers and abettors; and none shall read, nor have, nor print, any of his books, but burn them &c. This decree did more good unto the Emperor then harm unto the cause: for soon after the Pope breaketh his league with France; and receives Charles into his bosom. As for the judgment of others, it appears by an epistle of Erasmus dated, Basil. 3 non. September. An. 1522. saying, I was ever of this mind; this tragedy cannot be calmed any better way than by silence: and this is the judgment of the most prudent among the Cardinals and Princes. A most cruel Bull came from the Pope, and it did nothing but stir up the fire. Another more cruel Edict comes from Caesar, who is altogether prone that way: and that restrains the tongues and penns of some, but changes not their minds. Some commend his pious mind; but they say, his judgment follows such, as the learned men do not much value. So far he. It is true, Luther was forced to hide himself for a time; but was not idle, and after this Diet many did contrary unto the Edict. Even in Worms, aftet they had seen the constancy of Luther and his warrant, they receive the preachers of the Gospel: and because they could not have the liberty of the Churches, they set up a portable pulpite, and heard the preachers in many places of the town, until the year 1525. when all the priests run away for fearin time of the rural tumults, and then the religion was set up in all the Churches. In Erford began to preach, John Lang, George Forchem, John Culschamer, Peter Geldner, Melchior Wedman and Justus Menius, who had been priests: the number of believers was so multiplied, that in the year 1523. eight Churches could not contain them, Briefly the like was done in Goslaria an Imperial city of Saxony; at Halberstad, Hamburg; in Pomerland, Liveland, &c. as Schultet in Annal. shows particularly: and in many of these places the preachers were killed by poison or open violence by the priests and their abettors, but to their greater woe. In Low-Germany alone in the time of this Emperor more then fifty thousand persons were beheaded, or drowned, hanged, buried alive, or other ways put to death for the cause of religion. John oecolampade in the year preceeding was retired into a Monastery for fear of trouble: but when he heard of the public edict, he set forth some Sermons and a book of Confession: for which, Glapio the Emperors Chapelan did threaten him mischief: but he with consent of the Friers went away in safety. Martin Bucer had been a Dominican 15 years: at that time he left that Order, and was Chaplain unto Fredederik Prince Palatin and President of the Imperial Council: the next year he was called to be Preacher at Landstall. When Luther was lurking, the Augustinians of Wittembergh, put away the private Mass, because it was an execrable abuse of the Lord's supper, and turned into a propitiatory sacrifice, &c. The Electour requires the judgment of the University: then Justus Jonas, Jo. Dolcius, Andr. Carolstad, Jerome Schurff, Nic. Amsdorff, and Phil. Melanchthon approve the reasons of the Augustinians, the Elector ratifieth their Act, and not only dischargeth private Masses in the Cloister, but in the open Church, and then in the Church of the Castle. Then and there also images were broken down, auricular confession was forbidden; both elements were delivered unto the people; and Andr. Carolstad teaches that Civil courts should be ordered not by the law of man, but of Moses: he set forth a book of the lawfulness of Priests-marriage, and against the vows of Monks. When Luther heard hereof, though he did not approve all that was done and written, yet he wrote unto Spalatinus August 15, Carolstad must have some liberty, for he will not be content, if any do oppose him. Erasmus was offended that any Reformation was begun without the authority of a General Council: and he wrote unto Peter Barbire August. 13. saying, It cannot be told, how many and what kind of men did at the first love Luther: when I had read a few pages of his books, I did foresee, the matter would turn to a broil: I do so hate discord, that even verity with sedition is unpleasant unto me....As I think, many things are received in the Church, which may be changed to the great good of Christian religion, So nothing pleaseth me, which is done tumultuously. And in another dated August 23 he saith, I wish it were true, that Christiern King of Denmark said unto me, while we were talking of such a purpose, Gentle purges work not, but efficacious potions shake the whole body. I see no good issue, unless Christ himself turn the temerity of men into good, &c. Albert archb. of Mainz began again to sell pardons in Hala of Saxony: then Luther wrote unto him from his Patmos Novemb. 25. threatening him, that if he leave not that idol of pardons, greater evils will be sent on him; and if he dismiss not these which for eschuing fornication have married, he will make known openly some things both of him and other bb. which they desire to be buried in silence. The Bishop returns answer Decemb. 21. showing that he had read his Letter with good liking, and afterwards he shall have no cause to complain of him, and he will live as becomes a Christian Prince: for which end he requires his prayers and of other good men, seeing that is the gift of God alone: he can take admonitions in good part, and wisheth well unto Luther for Christ's cause. The University of Paris sent forth their judgment against Luther's books; and Ph. Melanchthon opposeth it with this inscription of his book, Against the famous Decree of the Parisians, the apology of Melanchthon for Luther. Likewise Henry VIII. King of England wrote against Luther in defense of the seven saeraments, and the power of the Pope. When Leo heard of it, he sent unto him the title, defender of the faith, as Alexander VI. had given unto the King of Spain the title of Catholic King, and I know not what other Pope did first call the King of France, The most Christian King. But saith Pe. Soave, Luther was not dashed with authority, but laying aside the due reverence of his person, wrote against him with such bitterness of words, as he had used against the puny Doctors: and the meddling of the King in this cause did not satisfy many in this controversy, and as it happeneth in debates, most do favor the weaker party, and do much commend their weak endeavors. Immediatly after the publishing of the Edict at Worms, Hugh Bishop of Constance sendeth the Popes Bull and that Edict unto the town of Zürich, and commandeth them to obey both the one and the other, and he inveighes against Zwingli and his followers. Wherefore Zwingli gives account unto the Senate and to the college of the Canons, of what he had taught; and he writes unto the Bishop, especially pressing that he forbear not the priests with their concubines, which wickedness, saith he, brings the clergy into contempt, and is a very lewd example unto the people. And he wrote unto the Swisers generally, that they should remember a former license, which the Magistrates had granted unto the priests to have a concubine, for saving the honesty of other men's wives: which license though ridiculous, yet necessary for the time, should be amended by turning fornication into lawful marriage. The Bishops command gave courage unto the black Friers to write against Zwingli: and he ceaseth not to defend his own doctrine: he published 67. conclusions containing the sum of his doctrine, and the abuses of the Clergy. The Senate for removing such strife, do appoint a convocation of all the Clergy within their jurisdiction against January 23. promising free liberty of reasoning unto both parties: and by Letters invite the bb. of Constance, Curia and Basil either to come personally, or to send their Commissioners. There were assembled about 600. priests and (as they called them) Divines. The Bishop of Constance sent in his name John Faber, who afterward was Bishop of Vienna. The Burgermaster beginneth, saying, It is not unknown, what dissension hath arisen in the cause of religion: therefore this assembly is called, especially that if any can speak against these 67 conclusions of Zwingli now made known unto them all, he may now speak the same freely. Faber shows his Commission, and alledgeth it was not a pertinent place nor time to decide things of that kind, which appertain properly unto a General Council, and the Pope and Princes have agreed, that one shall be called shortly. Zwingli said (as Pe. Soave reports) that is but a trick to deceive people with vain hope, and to keep them in gross darkness: it were better in the mean while, to search some particulars that are sure and undoubted by the word of God and the received custom of the Church, until a more copious clearing of doubts come by a Council. When Faber was urged again and again to show, what he could speak against that doctrine of Zwingli, he said, I will not deal with him by word, but I will confute his conclusions by writing. Because neither Faber nor any other would object, the Burg-master in the name of the Senate breaks up the assembly▪ and they give Order, that through their jurisdiction all traditions of men be laid aside, and the gospel be taught sincerely according to the books of the old & New Testament. So (saith Pe. Soave) when neither the diligence of Doctors and bb. nor the condemning Bulls of the Pope, nor the rigid edict of the Emperor could prevail any way against the doctrine of Luther, but it rather took deeper root; all men almost did judge a general Council to be the only remedy: but the several aims of several sorts, as of the Princes, people, Roman Court and of the Pope cast them upon several thoughts concerning the way of ordering, and place of the Council. Pe. Soave writes of these aims and purposes particularly. The death of Pope Leo makes a pause herein. At that time Satan was busy sowing his tares by the first Anabaptists, whose names let them perish: against them Luther was the first that did write, from his Patmos, as he spoke. They pretend to have revelations from the Spirit, and conferences with God. Melanchthon was not a little troubled with them. The epistle of Luther unto Melanchthon is worth the reading, wherein he saith, I commend not thy timorousness: and first seeing they bear witness of themselves, they should not be heard for that, but as John adviseth, Try the Spirits. Ye have the Counsel of Gamaliell, to delay: for as yet I hear of nothing either done or said by them, which Satan cannot do. My advice is, that you try whether they can prove their calling: For God never hath sent any, but being either called by men, or declared by signs; no, not his own Son. The Prophets formerly had their power according to the Law and prophetical Order, as we now by men. I would in no way accept of them, if they assert their calling by a naked revelation, seeing God would not let Samuel speak, but by the accessory authority of Heli. This is especially necessary unto the public function of preaching. And that ye may try their private Spirit, you may inquire, whether they know anguish of mind, divine birth, death and hell. If you hear that they speak all things smooth, pleasant, devote (as they call it) and religious, albeit they say, they have been ravished into the third heaven, approve them not, because they want the sign of the Son of man, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the only proover of Christians, and sure searcher of Spirits. Wouldst thou know the place and way of talking with God? hear, As a lion he hath broken all my bones : and I was cast forth from his face; and, My soul was filled with sorrows, and my life drew near unto hell. The Divine Majesty speaks not (as they say) immediatley, so that a man may see him; yea, man shall not see him, and live. Nature cannot endure the little starr of his speech: and therefore he speaks by men, because we cannot endure him speaking. The Virgin was troubled, when she heard the Angel: so did Daniel and Jeremy complain, Correct me in judgment, and be not a terror unto me. What more? Is it possible that his Majesty can speak familiarly with the old man, and not first kill and make him wither, lest his wicked smells do stinck, seeing he is a consuming fire. Even the dreams and visions of the Saints are terrible, at least when they are known: Try therefore and hear not a glorious Jesus, unless thou know, that he was crucified. Ex tom. 2. epist. Lutheri fol. 41.

XII. In March. 1522. Luther returneth into Wittembergh, and by Letter he shows unto the Elector the cause of his returning, saying, Your Highness knows my cause, or now be pleased to know, that I have not the gospel from men, but from heaven by Jesus Christ our Lord, so that I truly may (as here after I will) call myself his servant and Evangelist. Whereas I did offer myself unto congnisance of my cause, and became subject unto the judgment of others, I did it, not that I had any doubt of my doctrine, but in modesty, that I might call others: but when I see, that too much modesty turns to the detriment of the gospel; and Satan, when I have scarcely given him ahandbreadth, would take up all the field, my conscience presseth me, to take another course. I hope, I have satisfied your. H. that I have yielded for a year: for the Devil knows well, that I did it not for fear or distrust.....Now I am come back to Wittembergh with a higher and stronger guard than the Elector of Saxony can give me: nor came it ever into my thought, to seek defense from your H. yea, I am confident, your H. shall have better guard and defense by me, than you can give me: and if I knew that your H. either would or could maintain me, I had not returned at all. It is not any sword that can provide for, or help this cause: God only must rule and work here without any industry or help of man: therefore in this cause, he who trusts most firmly in God, shall defend himself and others most safely. And seeing I find your Ho. so weak in faith, I can no way attribute so much unto your Ho. that I can think to be defended or delivered out of danger by you: I shall preserve your Ho. soul, body and estate free from all damnage and danger in this my cause, whether your Ho. believe it, or not. Let your Ho. know also, and doubt not, that it is decreed otherwise in heaven then at Norinbergh concerning this business: for we shall see, that they who think, they have devoured and destroyed the Gospel, are not yet come to a Benedicito. He is another and more potent Prince, then Dude N. with whom we have to do. He knows me, and I him pretty well. If your Illustrious Ho. did believe, you should see the wonderfulness and glory of God: and seeing you believe not, you have seen none of those things: Unto God be glory and praise forever. Then more particularly he saith, I was called by the letters of the Church and people of Wittembergh: now in my absence, Satan hath fallen upon my flock, [the Anabaptists were there, and some other troubles] and hath stirred such troubles, that require my presence necessarily; and further I fear a great sedition in Germany, which they will desire to remove, or, for a time delay by joint prayers. Ard in another epistle unto Melanchthon he saith, Prepare me a lodging, for the translation of the Bible presseth me to return unto you. After his returning, he preached every day, and in his Sermons (as Abr. Scultet. expresseth his words) he spoke against, not what was done in reformation during his absence, but the manner, and the necessity of doing some things. In his absence he by letters had exhorted them, to put away the private Mass; and they went about the doing of it: but the Elector did oppose them, saying, I will leave nothing undone that may be for God's glory: but seeing that this particular is so full of difficulty, I think good, not to be too hasty: for it is little, that so few can do: but if the matter be warranted from Scripture, certainly ye shall have more to side with you, and then the change shall be more expedient: I cannot tell, when the Mass came first in use, nor when the manner was left off, which the Apostles did use: but as I understand, the greatest part of your cloisters and schools were founded for saying Masses; and if they be now put down, any of you may easily think what hurly burly will follow: wherefore my advise is, that ye consult again on this matter, that things may be carried with godly quietness. After more deliberation the University did supplicate, that with his permission they might forsake the mass as unlawful; and they would endeavor to do it without tumult: and if it could not be so, yet that which is godly should not be omitted: and howbeit they be few in number, that is not a new thing, seeing from the beginning of the world the greatest part of men have opposed truth and piety: And these Schools were not at first appointed for Masses▪ but for teaching the youth, and about 400, years the merchandise of Masses began; and albeit the original were more ancient, yet so great impiety should not be tolerated nor practiced: and if any business arise thereupon, it should be imputed unto the wickedness of men impugning piety against their conscience. So the Mass was abolished, after frequent deliberation after the advice of Luther, and with the Elector's consent, and nevertheless Luther spoke against it. Then they had abolished images out of the Church, and left off auricular confession. Luther was not content with these things, and in four Sermons, he reckoneth images among indifferent things, and said, Images if men worship them, should be demolished; otherwise they are to be tolerated.....It is true, nor can we deny, that images are noxious, because many do abuse them: but they should not be condemned for that: for some men are so mad, to worship the sun and stars: should we therefore cast these out of heaven? Carolstad hearing these words, had a purpose to vindicate himself: and Luther did earnestly entreat him to cease, lest they be found to clash one against another. Nevertheless (as Scultet hath observed ex Carolst. libel. German.) Carolstad did accuse Luther, that he would had have all men slaves unto his authority, so that they should neither do nor write any good, unless he were in the front: And Luther tom. 2. epist. p. 56. speaking of Carolstad, saith, He would be a new Master upon a sudden, and set up his ordinances among the people; pressa authoritate mea. There was a greater fault in Carolstad, which Osiander hath marked in Epito. Cent. 16. Lib. 1. c. 32. to wit, at that time the Anabaptists said, they had a command from God, to kill all the wicked, and to begin a new world, wherein the godly only should have the dominion. Carolstad approoves this fancy, and when he saw that his authority was darkened by the respect of Luther, he began to speak against the schools of learning, and said, All men should work with their hands; he would not be called (as before) Doctor Andrew, but brother Andrew: he throws away his wonted habit, and as a rural man, he brings wood on his back to sell in the town; and at last joines with the Anabaptists. Luther opposeth them mightily; and after Carolstad was gone, he brings into use again images for ornament, and auricular confession, but not with former strictness. This was the beginning of their variance.

XIII. At that time Luther hears, that in Bohem some had propounded in their solemn assemblies to receive the Bishop of Rome's authority, or else there would never be an end of their schism & contention, Wherefore he wrote unto them in August An. 1522. saying, Their name was odious unto him, ere he knew, that the Bishop of Rome was the Antichrist: but now since God hath restored the light of the Gospel, he judgeth far otherwise, so that the Bishop and his Court are more offended with him, then with them. His adversaries had oft said, that he had fled into Bohem, as indeed he once purposed; but he stayed, lest they had called his visitation a running away; And now there is hope, that the Germans and Bohemians shall profess the same Gospel and religion together. Whereas many of them were sorry for the divisions amongst them, it was not without just cause: but if they shall revolt unto Popery, the number of their sects shall wax rather then be diminished, as appears by the Friers, which are divided into so many Religions. There is no better mean to cure that evil, then if their teachers will set forth the doctrine of the Gospel purely: and if they cannot detain the people from revolting, let them (at least) endeavor to keep still the Lord's Supper wholly, and keep the memory of John Huss and Jerome of Prague undefiled. And albeit all Bohem shall make defection, yet he will commend and set forth the true doctrine unto posterity. In the end he beseeches and exhorts them to persevere in that estate of religion, which they had hitherto defended with their blood, and not by revolting to blemish the Gospel, when it begins to shine upon other Nations. And albeit all things be not well established among them, yet God will not fail to stir up in due time some faithful Minister to reform religion, if they continue constant. What answer they did return, we have not found, but it is most certain, they did not revolt, saith Sleidan in Comment. lib. 3.

XIV. The Gospel began to be avowed by many in that year. In the Court of Louis King of Hungary, God raised up George Marques of Brandeburgh to join with the Vratislavians in their supplication for liberty of Religion: and so began the Reformation there. Hartmund à Cronbergh a Noble man did prevail powerfully at Cronbergh. The people of Strawsburgh were much commended, that in the midst of many discouragements on every side, they did receive Reformation by the preaching of Matthias Zellius and Symphorian an old man, who had been many years priest of S. Martin's there; and others after them, who had also been priests or Monks. John Froschius a Carmelite preached in Ausburgh; Andrew Osiander in Nurimburgh, and Gallus Korn a Franciscan joined with him. Hartman Iback à Monk of S. Catherin's, having the favor of Amandus holtz-hausen and other Senators preached in Frankford on Moen. In Wessenbergh on the borders of Alsatia and the Palatinat began to preach Henry motherer a Priest; and they called Martin Bucer from Wittembergh: but in the next year they were both put out by the Vicar of Spira, and Bucer went to Strawsburgh. In the country of Greichga by the river Neccan many towns received preachers. Henry Sutphan an Augustinian having escaped from the hands of the Inquisitors in Antwerp, went to Breme, and preached in S. Ansgarie's Church, which the Canons had left, because a man had been killed in it. The Clergy seeing the people following his preaching, did complain unto the Magistrates, and then unto the Bishop: but Sutphan defends his doctrine by authority of the Scriptures, and promised to surcease, if they shall convince him of error. So the Magistrates maintained him. The light of the Gospel went a long to Magdeburgh. Stetin, Sund in Pomer, to Riga, Derbat and Reval in Liveland; to Scaphusen, Berna, S. Gall in Helvetia; to Dantsick, Vienna, Ulma, Wila, Creilsheim. Cothuse, Arnstat &c. From Delph in Holland, Friderik Canirm wrote unto Caspar Hedio then in Mainz, saying, The adversaries do attempt much by their mandates, letters and messages, but God infatuateth the Counsel of Achitophel, and it comes to pass, that Monte parturiente nascatur ridiculus mus: this I know, that if we had liberty to preach in public, the Monks (which are bitter against the truth) would turn to nothing; for their credit is gone already by a few preachings in the School. But we must patiently wait upon the will and good pleasure of the Lord, who when he seeth that we are so earnest; doth purposely delay to help, lest we sacrifice unto our nets, and take the praise unto ourselves, if everything went on smoothly: He hath respect not only of them which are to be called, that they may be brought unto grace, but likewise of them that are called, that they may continue in grace: but when he shall see us giving over, or despairing of salvation unto Israel, and to be altogether doubtful, then that he alone may be seen to work on the earth, he will help his Church unexpectedly, that unto him alone may be praise and glory, Amen. I am very sorry, that Erasmus becomes colder daily, and so far as I can judge, he retraits indirectly, what he did seem to have written and spoken freely; and I perceive his childish fear, in respecting the honor of men more then of God. And there be many such Nicodemuses with us, but certainly they would stand more stoutly, if the glory of Christ, who only doth strengthen weak consciences, were publicly preached. Abr. Schultet. Annâl.

15. In that summer Luther published the New Testament in the Dutch language; and a book against the falsely named Order of Bishops: there he accuseth them for condemning and persecuting the truth of the Gospel, howbeit when he had so oft provoked them to dispute, they could neither oppugn the doctrine of the Gospel, nor defend their Popish errors. He telleth that they will not come to speed with their tyranny: for he regardeth not the Papal curse, nor the Cesarean edicts, that for them he will not forsake the profession of truth, but the rather shall it spread through the world; and he endeavors to do it the more heartily, because that they rage so cruelly: neither shall the Gospel fail, albeit he were killed: but God will punish them grievously, if they will continue in their fury. When the bb. abbots and Monks heard of this book and of the Dutch New Testament, they were the more enraged, and sought by all means they could, to have Luther's books burnt: and in some places they prevailed: as in Wittembergh Ferdinand the Emperors brother (the lawful Duke being exiled) put in execution the Edict of Worms, and in November put many to death. As also Henry Duke of Brunswike, George Duke of Saxony, and Philip Bishop of Frisinga & Naumburgh were violent against all having any of Luther's books. Likewise Erasmus sent a Letter unto Jodoc President of the Senate of Mechline, dated, Basil. prid. Jd. Jul. An. 1522. saying, Here and there I have turned away partly by my words, and partly by epistles, many from Luther's faction: nor doth anything so much discourage the Lutheran affections, as that I have declared plainly by my divulged books, that I do cleave unto the Roman Pope, and do disallow Luther's business. Scultet writes that Pope Hadrian had exhorted Erasmus to employ his pen against Luther.

XVI. We have heard before (in part) what Pope Hadrian had written unto the Diet of the Germane Princes at Norinbergh in November An. 1522: now hear their answer: they say unto the Legate, They had with all reverence read the Popes Brieve, and heard his commands against the Lutherans: they give God thanks, that his Blessedness was come into that See, and unto him they wish all happiness. And (after they had spoken of their unanimity to join in war against the Turk) they say, they are ready to execute the ordinances against the Lutherans, and to root out all errors, but for weighty causes they had delayed, because many had understood by Luther's books, how Germany was oppressed many and grievous ways by the Court of Rome: and if they had attempted to execute that Edict, many would have thought, that they were confirming all these vexations; and thence had certainly a popular tumult arisen, even open rebellion and Civil war: wherefore in such difficulties it were safer to use softer cures: and seeing the Legate had confessed in the name of the Pope, that sin was the cause of all those miseries, and he promised to Reforme the court of Rome; and if these abuses be not amended, and the grievances removed, with others, which the Princes will now propound, it is impossible to calm the present broils, or to settle peace again; Especially seeing Germany had consented unto the payment of Annates, expressly on condition, that they should have been employed in wars against the Turks, and these have been paid for many years, and never applied unto that use; they entreat that the Roman Court would permit that money be brought in to the Imperial Chamber for that use. And where he craves their Counsel for healling the present and imminent maladies; they think, they have not to do with Luther alone, but to root up many vices that are festered by long custom, and which some through imprudence, and others through impudence do defend; therefore they see not a more expedient and efficacious way, then if a godly and free Council be called with the Emperors consent in some convenient part of Germany so soon as possible, and at farthest within a year; and there must, it be lawful unto all, both laick and Ecclesiastical persons, to advise and pronounce freely, without danger of any oath or former tie, but so far as is expedient for the glory of God, and the salvation of souls &c. The Legate replieth, That excuse of delaying the Edict is but weak: for albeit it may seem, that scandals might have arisen, yet evil things may not be tolerated, that good may spring out of them; as neither did the followers of Luther pretend these scandals & grievances flowing from the Roman Court; and though they had done it, they should not forsake Catholic unity, but rather in the highest patience have suffered the most grievous extremities: and therefore they should even now put that Edict into execution; as the Apostolical See is ready to relieve Germany of their unjust oppressions by the Roman Court, if there be any. As for the Annates, seeing the Pope will give an answer in due time, he hath nothing to say. But concerning their petition of a Council, he thinks it will be accepted by the Pope, if they will smooth their words, which seem to be harsh, to wit, that they require the consent of the Emperor, and that it be called into one place rather than in another: if these words be not smoothed, they seem to curb the Popes power, and so can bring no good effect &c. This reply in these and other particulars was not acceptable: for they did measure good and evil by the rule of gain unto the Roman Court; and in the mean time they would amend in nothing, but only in words of vain promises. Therefore after deliberation they resolve, that they will not depart from their former answer, but will rather expect what the Pope will do. Then the Seculare Princes begin to consider the manifold Grievances of the Nation, flowing not from the Court only, but from the whole body of the clergy. When the Legate hears of this purpose, he will stay no longer. Nevertheless they go on, and gather them, which afterwards were called, The bundred grievances of Germany, and sent them unto the Court of Rome, with a protestation, that they could endure them no longer. Some of the Grievances were, the vast sums of money for dispensations, absolutions and indulgences; advocations of pleas from Germany to Rome; Reservation of Benefices, corruptions of Commenda's & Annates, exemption of guilty Church-men from Civil Courts; unjust excommunications and interdictions; the bringing of several pleas unto Church-consistories covered with many pretexts &c. and they reduce all unto three chief heads, the oppression of the people with most grievous bondage, Germany is spoiled of wealth, and they usurp the power of the Magistrate. The Diet was dissolved March 6. An. 1523. and all these, the Popes Brieve, and his instructions, the answer of the Princes, the Legat's reply, and the Grievances were printed and spread. When they were brought to Rome, it did gall the Court, that by the Popes confession they were called the fountain of all these evils: and the Prelates could not endure, that they were brought into contempt, and that the people now had not only cause to revile them, but the Lutherans had matter of joy & exultation; and they were brought into inevitable necessity to loose their power and gain; else it were clear that they were incorrigible. Who did favor the Pope made excuse, that he was ignorant of the policies, whereby Papal power and the authority of the Court had stood so long. Pope Leo was more wise: when the Germans had blamed the Court, he said, It was their ignorance and mistaking, so that if Luther had been sent to Rome, when it was required, he had not seen abuses there. But in Germany they said, The Popes confession was but a trick of that Court, to confess a fault, and promise amendment, and never to think of amending, and so deceive people for their own interest. And where the Pope said, All things cannot be Reformed at once, they said merrily, he will proceed so slowly, that an age may slip betwixt the first and next step. And nevertheless (saith Pe. Soave) Hadrian professed freely and ingenuously, that the Church was corrupted, and he was solicitous of remedies, as appears by the issue: he died September 13. In that Edict or Answer of Nurembergh were also other particulares, which the Germans did expound diversely according to their affections; as, where it was said, Preachers shall not speak of such things that may raise broils among the people; The Papists said, the meaning is, These things should not be repeated that Luther had taught, and especially the pretended errors of Church-men. On the other side, who where desirous of Reformation said, The meaning of the Diet is, Priests should not mantain these abuses, which heretofore had provoked the people against Church-men Again, where it was said, They shall preach the Gospel according to the doctrine of Doctors approved by the Church; the Papists said, The meaning is, they should preach nothing but according to the late Schoolmen and the Postillators. But others said, By such Writers were understood the Fathers of the Primitive Church, as, Hilarius, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome and such. And so that Edict which was supposed to quench the fire of controversies, did inflamme them more: and all good men saw a necessity of calling a Council, and that parties should submit thereunto. Pe. Soave in histo. Council. The adversaries of truth devise another trick against the Reformation, to wit, they traduce the opposite doctrine with malign interpretations; as, when Luther said, Christ hath satisfied for our sins, and our works are not satisfactory unto Divine justice; the Monks say, The new preachers are enemies of good works, as if faith alone were necessary unto salvation, and as if it were alike whether we live holily or not. When Luther said, None is tied necessarily to confess all his sins unto a priest; the Monks said, They make no confession unto God nor man. In a word, as Erasmus writes in Epist. in Pseude-Evangel dated Friburg. An. 1529. the Monks and Divines through cruelty of nature, or foolishness, or for gain or hope or honor, or private malice. did most cruelly accuse them, not only of frivolous things, and which might be disputed on both sides, but most perversely they did miss-interpret what was well spoken. And this was another spurr to provoke their followers to execute the Edict of Worms the same year. Therefore said Erasmus (Io. cit.) Before this time was some license to dispute of the Popes power, of indulgences. and of purgatory: but now we dar not speak of things that are godly and true: we are compelled to believe, that man of himself worketh meritorious works; and by his works deserves eternal life ex condigno; that the Blessed Virgin may command her son to hear the prayers of this or that man; and many other things horrible unto godly ears. John Prince of Anhalt began to affect the truth, and did advertise Luther by Do. Jerome and a Franciscan, that he should purge him of that calumny, which Ferdinand Duke of Austria had imputed unto him in Norinbergh, that he had said, Christ was not the seed of Abraham. Charles Duke of Savoy was very desirous of truth and purity: Luther understanding it by Annemund Coct a French Knight, writes unto him a Confession of faith, to confirm him in the zeal of piety; in the closure he saith, Well, Illustrious Prince, stir up that spark which hath begun to kindle in thee and let fire come from the house of Savoy, as from the house of Joseph, and let all France be kindled by thee; yea, let that holy fire burn and increase, that at last France may be truly called for the Gospel's sake, the most Christian Kingdom; as heretofore for that wicked service of Antichrist in shedding blood, it was wickedly called most Christian, Dated September. 7. An. 1523. The particular persecutions that were in that year, I leave unto the Martyrologies.

XVII. In the year 1525. Erasmus was persuaded by Henry VIII. King of England, and by Card. Wolsey Bishop of York, to write against Luther, which he did under that inscription, diatribe de libero arbitrio. Against that book Luther sent forth another, de servo arbitrio. The eyes of all men were then towards these two, as if two bulls of Bashan were to rencounter. But like two war-ships they were both sparing. For Erasmus writing unto Melanchthon, saith, You marvel, why I have sent forth a book of free-will: I had three sorts of enemies; Divines and haters of learning were assaying everywhere to undo Erasmus, both because I had hinted them in my books, and because I had brought that most flourishing College into Lovan, and that I had infected all that Country with tongues and good Letters, as they speak. These had persuaded all the Monarchs, that I was asworne friend of Luther. Therefore my friends, seeing that I was in danger; gave some hope unto the Pope and the Princes, that I was to do some what against Luther; and I did entertain this hope for the time: and in the interim men, not awaiting my book, did provoke me with their pamphlets. So I could not eschew, but send forth what I had written, or else I had offended all the Monarchs, which would have thought, that I had deluded them; and these turbulent bodies would have cried, that I keeped up for fear, and looking for some what more sharp, would have raged more furiously. Lastly because an epistle of Luther is in all men's hands, where in he promiseth to hold his quill off me, if I will also be silent, men would have thought, that here is a compact twixt us. Moreover the Professors of heathenish letters at Rome, themselves being more heathenish were wonderfully raging against me, as it seems, envying the Germans. Therefore if I had set forth nothing, I had given occasion unto these Divines and Monks, and these clay-bakers at Rome, whose Alpha (if I be not deceived) is N whereby to persuade the Pope and Monarchs, what they were endeavoring. Finally these furious Evangelicanes had been the more angry. For I have handled the matter very modestly; and yet what I writ, it is according to my own mind, albeit I will gladly quite it, when I shall be persuaded of what is more right: And what Luther thought of this book, we may understand by an epistle unto Spalatin, dated, Feri • 3. omnium Sanct, saying. It is incredible, how I disdain thar book De libero arbitrio.: as yet I have read but two shiets of it: it is grievous to answer so learned a book of so learned a man. This year by authority of Frederik King of Denmark, notwithstanding all the opposition of the Bishops, Copenhagen, Malmoy and other towns, especially the diocy of Vibergh forsook Popery, and made open profession of Reformation. So did George de Polentia Bishop of Sambia in Prussia, and the town of Coningsberg there. So did Henry Duke of Meklenburgh. At Brunswik the Minorites held a Synod, and setforth some propositions concerning prayer to Saints and the sacrifice of the Mass: but not only the learned did impugn them, but the people after much contention did expel the Minorites. Jodoc Cownt of Hoia made a Reformation in his Land. It began also at Anneberg and Cygnaea in Misnia; at Gotha in Thuringia; at Noribergh and Noerdling: at Lichstall, Scaphusen and some other places in Heluetia; though at the same time some towns there made a combination against the Reformation. Abr. Schultet. Annal.

XVIII. The main business of that year was the work of Card. Campegius Legate of Pope Clemens, This Pope was altogether against the calling of a Council, and thought upon ways to put it out of the thoughts of them who were desirous of it. He considered the Grievances of Germany, and resolves to give some satisfaction, yet so that neither his authority, nor gain of the Court may be abaited. He findeth, that these Grievances were not only against the Roman Court, but against the bb. and their officials, against Curates and priests of Germany. So he resolves to send an active man, who may make some Reformation in these smaller things: and he thinks, if Germany be satisfied in these particulars concerning themselves, they will not inquire further. To this end he sends Campegius unto the Diet of the Princes at Norinbergh: he had a long oration, admiring that so many wise Princes would suffer any change in that Religion, wherein they were born, and their Ancestors had died, and that they considered not, how this change tendeth not only to condemn all their forefathers and the destruction of their souls, but likewise to a rebellion against Civil Powers. The Pope regards not his own interest, but in compassion toward Germany hath sent him to search out means of healing these maladies thoroughly. It is not the purpose of his Blessedness, to prescribe anything unto them, and far less expects he, that they will prescribe anything unto him, but rather that they will think upon expedient salves: And if this diligence of the High priest be now refused, they cannot blame him herea • ter. The Emperor was then in Spain; and the Princes give thanks for the Popes good affection; they show, that they are sensible of their own calamities, as they had represented unto Pope Hadrian both their maladies, and what salves they thought expedient, and as yet they had received no answer: and if he had any commission in that matter, they entreat him to deliver it. Campegius answereth, that he knows not whether anything in that kind was propounded unto the Pope or his Cardinals, but he knows their good affection, and he hath full commission to concur with them in what they shall judge conducible: and he knows what Caesar and they had done in the Diet at Worms; and some had obeyed that Edict, but why others had not obeyed it, he knows not; but it seems expedient, that chiefly they would take a course to prosecute that Edict. As for that they speak of Propositions tendered unto the Pope Hadrian, he knows not whether the Pope hath heard of them, but this much, three Copies were brought to Rome, and the Pope had seen one of them: but he and the Cardinals did judge that these things were not done by Order of the Princes, but published by some heretic; and albeit he hath no command therein, yet he hath full power to do what is expedient. In these demands are many things derogatory unto Papal authority, and smell of heresy, nor can be handled there, but he is ready to take notice, and do what is not contrary unto the High priest, and is grounded on reason: or if they have any business with the High priest, it may be propounded in mild terms &c. The Estates thought, It could not be unknown unto the Pope, what they had treated with Pope Hadrian, and that the Legate put another face upon it: nevertheless they appoint some to treat with the Legate, if they can fall upon any expedient means. They could gain nothing, but that he promised to reform the Clergy of Germany; and these who spoke against the Roman Court, were but heretics, and the examination thereof did belong only unto the Popes. The Princes consider, that the Reformation whereof he speaks, was but of small things, and did tend to the prejudice of Seculare Power, and to the faster rooting of the power of the Romish Court and of great Prelates, and as gentle remedies do often bring greater evils, that might open a wider door unto greater rapine; therefore they refuse it; albeit the Legate was very instant in the contrary. So the Diet was closed Aprile 18. and another appointed to begin at Spira Novemb. 11. to advise what is to be done, if a Council shall not be called in the Interim; and that the Princes, each within his own Province shall advise with godly and learned men, what is to be disputed in the Council; and that Magistrates shall have a care, that the gospel be preached according to the doctrine of Teachers, that have been approved by the Church; that pictures be forbidden, and libels against the Court of Rome. Campegius protests that Princes should not medle with the business of faith, and he promiseth to report what they had demanded of a Council. After the dismissing of the Diet, Compegius dealeth with Ferdinand the Emperors brother, the Dukes of Bavier, the bb. of Salisburgh, Trent and Ratisbone, and nine Commissioners of other bb. that they would meet at Ratisbone July 6. On which day they decree, that seeing it was ordered at Norembergh to put the Edict of Worms into execution with all diligence, therefore they at the instance of Card. Campegius do command that in all their dominions that edict be fully execute; and all men who have sent their sons to Wittembergh, shall recall them within three months. The next day the Card. propounds 37. Canones concerning the reformation of the Clergy, to wit, of their habit and manner of life, of the sacraments and other rites, feasts, fabric of churches, of entering into orders, of festival days and fasts, priests that are married, confession before communion, blasphemy, witchcrauft and sorcery, and charming, and such things: at last bb. are ordered to keep Synods twice a year for diligent observation of these Canons. All these that are named before, did approve, and ordain them to be observed. When this Decree was published, others which were not present, were offended against the Card. and these his associates, that in such a meeting they had determined such a decree, concerning whole Germany; especially seeing it was told them in the Diet, that such a course could bring forth more evil than good; and had mentioned petty things, without any mention of soarer grievances, as if all other things were on a right posture. My author (Pe. Soave in hist: Conc. Trid.) saith, Campegius and others with him did not regard what Germany thought of their Decree: it was their only care, to satissie the Pope who said that a Council was necessary, unless they will treat of Papal authority, but in that case nothing is more dangerous or pernicious. When the Emperor understood of their treating at Norinbergh, he was offended, that they had dealt with a stranger in such a business without his knowledge; and the rigor of their Decree did displease him, because it would displease the Pope, whom he desireth to keep in friendship upon the account of his wars in Italy: but especially it did vex him, that they had determined to have a Council in Germany, as if that business did not appertain unto the Pope and him, but unto them; or if they had thought a Council necessary, they should have supplicated him, that he might deal with the Pope for it, and that he might appoint time and place, as his affairs might permit his presence. As for that Diet, they had appointed to be at Spira, he will in no way yield unto it, and commandeth to execute the Edict of Worms, and, medle no more in religion, until a Council be called at the Popes and his own command. The Princes for a long time had not seen so imperious commands, and were so offended, that they were like to have fallen iuto an open broile. Charles was so confident, because of his late victory at Ticino, and had the King of France captive, and so thought to rule all at his pleasure. But the Pope fearing his power, did make a league with other Kings and Princes for his aid, if it shall happen, that the Emperor shall fall out with him; and dealt for relief of the King of France. This was unsavory unto Charles. So far Pe. Soave. In the mean time Ferdinand, and these that had been with him at Ratisbona, went on in prosecuting the Cardinal's canons, and persecuting the contraveeners within their jurisdictions, as Abr. Schultet. and others show at length.

XIX. That year began the strife concerning the Ubiquity of Christ's body: the original of it was thus; After the time of Berengarius the opinion of Christ's bodily presence was built upon three pillars, 1. the interpretation of the words. This is my body properly, or as they spoke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 2. Transsubstantion by virtue of these words pronounced. 3. A twofold presence, visible and unvisible. John Gerson Chancelar of Paris did judge all these naughty: therefore he first conceived real communication of natures, and said; Christ, as a creature cannot be in mo places at one & the same time, yet the human nature by virtue of its union with the Divine nature may have that prerogative communicated unto it, to be present where ever the Sacrament is administered, and there only. Jac. Faber Stapulensis about the year 1523. taught, that as Christ's body may be wherever the sacrament is administered, so it may be everywhere. These two opinions began therefore in Paris; the first is held by the Papists; as a pillar of transubstantiation; and the other came flying into Germany, and was embraced as a ground of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . At first, Luther denieth transsubstantion; but of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the twofold presence, it seems; he spoke variously: for in the year 1523. some Bohemians came unto him in name of their Brethren, and did confer in the doctrine of faith: of them he writes unto Nicol. Hausman to. 2. epist. pag. 167. saying. Pighardi judge so of the sacrament, that Christ is not bodily under the bread, as some say, they have seen blood and the babe there.....but spritually or sacramentally, that is, he that receives the bread visibly, verily receives naturally the blood of him which is at the right hand of the Father, but receives it invisibly. I cannot blame them more for this. And that they do not worship [the bread] they say, it is for the same cause, that he is not there visibly, as we speak of seeing, but invisibly, and he is at the right hand of the Fathet. Here is the Bohemians their judgment, and Luther's approbation thereof. Then Ab. Schultet. in Annal. ad Ann. 1524. shows, that when Andrew Carolstad was still at Wittembergh, he was scandalised at some words of Luther, who said, Christ is in the bread of the Supper tantus quantus in cruce pependisset, so bigg as he did hang up on the cross: and that this was an occasion of alienation of their minds. We have seen other causes of their schism. On August. 22. Luther preached at Jena against the fanatical spirits of Anabaptists pretending revelations: and at that time he said, Of the same Spirit are the breakers of images, and Sacramentaries. Carolstad was present, and took these words as spoken against him, because he had noted, and challenged Luther upon these former words. After Sermon they meet in an Inn, and in end Luther provoketh Carolstad to writ concerning that question of the Supper: and so began that Sacramentary strife. Luther hath written of that Conference at Jena one way (Scultetus saith, falsely) and Martin Rheinhard preacher at Jena at that time, hath written of it another way. Within two days Luther went to Orlamund, (where Carolstad was preacher at that time) but he would not speak with Carolstad : yet some of his hearers disputed, with Luther, and did maintain, that what they had done in breaking down images, was warranted by the word of God, so that Luther went away, being almost ashamed. Not long after, by the means of Luther, and at command of John Frederik Duke of Saxony, Carolstad was exiled out of Thuringia, and so was Rheinhard, who had written the Conferences at Jena and Orlamund. Carolstad wrote Letters unto Orlamund; these were read in a public meeting, and all the people did weep at the reading of them: the subscription of the two Letters was this, Andrew bodeynstein neither heard nor convicted yet exiled by Luther. Bodenstein was his fathers surname. When Luther hears of this subscription, he writes to Amsdorfius, saying, you see, how I, which should have been a Martyr, am come so far, to make martyrs: you can scarcely believe, how largely this doctrine of Carolstad concerning the Sacrament hath spread. Carolstad went to Basil, and there he converseth with the Anabaptists only, and set forth six little books concerning the Lord's Supper. Upon which occasion Erasmus wrote unto Henry Stromer, 4 id. Decembr. saying, Carolstad hath been here, and scarcely did visit Oecolampade: he hath set forth six little books: the printers were imprisoned on the third day after, at the command of the Magistrate, especially because (as I hear) he teaches, that in the sacrament the very body of Christ is not. None can endure this: for the vulgare sort are offended, that God is taken from them; as if God were in no place, unless he be under that sign; and the learned are moved by the words of holy Scripture, and decrees of the Church. This business will breed a huge tragedy, when we have too many tragedies. So far he. The sum of Carolstad's doctrine concerning the Supper is, The body of Christ neither is, nor can be eaten with the mouth, but there is a celebration of the remembrance of his body broken for us, and of his blood shed for us. So he acknowledges a figurative speech in the words of institution: and the word, This, he expounds not of the bread, but of the body, as if the meaning must be, Take, eat this bread in remembrance of me: for here is the body that was given for you. He addeth, there must be a trope necessarily, lest we be forced to maintain, that the bread was crucified for us; and that the Scripture commandeth us to eat his flesh, which is false; and that flesh profiteth; which is also false; and that his body is given and broken for us in the use of the Supper which is also false. In the book which he called, Of the un-Christian abuse of the bread and cup of the Lord, he pleadeth against their error, which bid men seek remission of sin in the sacrament: and he asserts, that the Sacrament should be often celebrat to declare the Lord's death; and the annunciation of his death to flow from the remembrance of Christ; and this remembrance to flow from the discerning of his broken body and shed blood; and that the body is discerned, and not the bread or the sacrament, when we distinguish his body and blood from other bodies and bloods; and that we then discern the body and blood of Christ, when we consider that his body was broken for us, and his blood was shed for us; they who consider not these things, are guilty of the body of the Lord, even as the wicked men, which killed him, because such do eat of the bread of the Lord, and drink of his cup: Therefore a man should examine himself, to wit, whether he thinks rightly upon the death of Christ, and whether he be such, as Christ would have him to be. He denieth also that the sacrament can be called an earnest or pledge of redemption by Christ, because what is proper unto Christ and his Spirit, should not be attributed unto the bread and wine; and the Scripture saith not, that consciences are quieted by the bread and wine; but rather the Apostle commandeth, that a man should first examine himself, and then eat of that bread: which examination were superfluous, if one were made more sure of the remission of his sin by the Supper. The Senate of Zürich were offended at the newness of this doctrine, and therefore had forbidden the selling of these books. But both Zwingli and Oecolampade had spoken of a trope in the words of institution, long before they knew, how to make it clear: and thereupon Zwingli in a Sermon exhorts the Magistrate, to let the books pass and be read, that so the victory of truth may be the more ingenuous, and he said, Carolstad was like unto a soldier which hath arms and a good mind to fight, but hath not skill of arms, and puts his helmet on his shoulder, and takes his breastplate as a buckler in his hand....so Carolstad is sensible of the truth, but because he knows not thoroughly the proper nature of tropes, he disposeth and places the words, not in a right ordet. Likewise Oecomlapade wrote unto several friends, that they would not judge amiss of Carolstad: for albeit he had not attained what he would, yet in the substance of the matter he hath not erred much. And albeit the Anabaptists knew what difference was between Zwingli and Carolstad in this particular, yet they follow Carolstade, and spread his books far and wide. After the divulging of these books, Zwingli wrote unto Matt. Alber Pastor at Reutlinga, saying, Hitherto we have erred from the But or mark: neither Leo Judah, nor other brethren, nor I do altogether disallow the judgment of Carolstad, but many are offended at the obscurity of his words and his immoderate scoffs; especially our Tigurines, because he hath a little departed from the way, wherein he should have walked. And then he teaches, that to eat the body of Christ, is no other, but to believe that Christ's body was broken and died for us; and he proves this from John VI. where it is written of Spiritual eating, whereof the sign is in the sacrament. 2. from the words of the institution, where he expounds, Is, by, Signifieth, as the following words do evince, Do this in remembrance of me. 3. from the words of Luke, This is the New Testament in my blood: therefore it is not the very blood &c. Likewise the Divines at Strawsburg, to wit, Wolfgang Capito in October, and Mart. Bucer (with whom all the other Ministers did subscribe) in December of the same year, did by their published papers exhort all men, to leave strife, and think upon the right use of the holy Supper, that is (as Bucerspeakes) we should eat the bread, & drink the wine, and then come to that which is spiritual, the remembrance of Christ's death: for we should so eat the bread, and drink the wine, that we remember how Christ's body & blood was once offered for us, and so we eat his flesh, and drink his blood spiritually. Luther was vexed with the success of Carolstad's doctrine, and in wrath writes in the same December unto Amsdorf, saying, We have no other cause, but to be humbled: for Carolstad's venom spreades very wide, and unto his opinion is joined Zwingli of Zürich, Leo Judaeus, and many others affirming constantly, that in the sacrament is only bread, as in the market &c. The next year this contest grew hotter betwixt Luther, and Jo. Bugenhagius in Pomer on the one side, and Zwingli and Oecolampade on the other▪ In a third piece, which Zwingli wrote in October, answering to Bugenhagius, he proves that his doctrine was not new (as the other had called it) but the very mind of Christ, of the Apostles and the Fathers; and that they have not expounded the tropes, albeit they have spoken with tropes; and he professeth, he knew, there is a trope in the words of the institution, but he knew not in what word the trope is, until he had read an epistle of a Batavian, teaching that the words of Christ, The flesh profiteth nothing, speak not of a carnal understanding, because the text presseth another thing; and, who will say, that The flesh profiteth, he makes two ways of salvation, &c. The same Abr. Schultet testifieth; that when Carolstade saw the books of Zwingli and Oecolampade, he forsook his interpretation of the particle This. Afterwards more oil was added unto this flamme, when Brenz heard of the Ubiquity, which Faber Stapulensis had imagined. I do not intend to handle controversies: but of this purpose for clearing the history, I add two passages; one from Ab. Schultet. Annal. ad An. 1525; Oecolampad at Basil with his Collegues teaches the same with Zwingli: when it was reported that he was a Carolstadian, his friends did entreat him to declare his mind concerning the Sacrament; and the same year he publishes a book, Of the genuine exposition of the Lord's words, THIS IS MY BODY. Therein he shows, that oral eating had its beginning from Pe. Lombard, or Gratian, or if it be more ancient, from Damascene the later; that Lombard in condemning them of heresy, who say that Christ useth the same phrase in these words, This is my body, as Paul had used in these, The rock is Christ, did condemn all the ancient Teachers: which were of the same judgment. Then he answereth the objection, What things are above our capacity, men should not search: iherefore we should not search into the sacrament, And he proves that the sacraments are not of the sort of incomprehensible things, seeing in the Lord's Supper is no miracle, nor anything exceeding man's capacity. Thirdly he wipeth-off the calumnies of some preachers, who clamorously said, that the Gospel was denied and Christ's God head, and all Christianity was overthrown by them who deny oral eating of Christ's flesh; and he affirms, that the Holy Ghost hath spoken in such a way, lest any take occasion of error; and he would have some passages a little darkly to the end, that some seeing shall not see, and knowledge or revelation should be acknowledged to be a gift of God's Mercy. Then he comes to the point, and proves the words This is my body to be spoken with the same trope, as these of Paul, Therock was Christ. This is not a strange exposition, nor is the phrase seldom used in the Scripture; as nothing is more inconvenient than the exposition of the Synusiasts; a trope certainly is in the words, and many absurdities follow otherwise: all the Fathers were for a trope in these words: he confirms the same, and refutes the contrary by many reasons according to Scripture. The Senate of Basil ask Erasmus his judgment of that book: he answereth, He had read it, and in his judgment it is learnedly and well written, and I would say (said he) very Christian, if anything can be called Christian, which is contrary unto the decrees of the Church, from whose judgment it is dangerous to decline. The other passage, that I add, is in Osiander Cent. 16. Lib. 1. Cap. 36. where speaking of these three, Carolstade, Zwingli, and Oecolampade, he saith. The judgment of all these three Divines was the same, to wit, that Christ's body is not given in the holy Supper with the bread and wine, but are present above only in the highest heaven, and nowhere else before the last day. In after times (saith he) Calvin did seem to reject their expositions, but indeed was of the same mind with them: for in his agreement with the Divines of Zürich he writtes, that the body of Christ is as far distant from us, as the heaven is distant from the earth: but deceitfully did Calvin teach the same impiety in other & smoother words, so that he blinded the eyes of many learned and good men, and drew them into Zwinglianism. So far he. I mark these two, that the Reader may see, how these do prevaricate or wrangle, which have been for consubstantiation; they will not understand anything to be spoken against them: and as if blew, green and purple were all white, because they are not all black; so how beit in this question Carolstade, Zwingli and Calvin were in some partdifferent, and all were against consubstantiation, both Luther, Osiander and these others of that sort will not observe any difference among them in their doctrine. But this difference among them gave occasion unto the Papists to insulte against them; as also the marriage of Luther with one Catharin à Bora, which had been a Nonne. Indeed many both the friends and enemies of Luther were offended: his friends, not simply, as if they had condemned marriage, but in respect of the time when all Germany (almost) was red with the blood shed in the wars with, the bowrs, and especially Saxony was lamenting with many others, for the death of the good Duke and Electour Frederik. And his enemies wrote bitterly, yea and impudently against him, alleging (among other things) that within few days after his marriage, Catharin brought forth a son: which was not true. But afterwards Luther was much grieved, when he heard that this friends were offended, and especially that his enemies took occasion to rail against his doctrine for respect to his marriage; in so much, that (as Melanchthon writes to Camerarius) he had need to be conforted.

XX. The Gospel began to be openly preached in France at Gratianople in the Dolphinate by Peter Sebeuilla, in the year 1523. Zwingli wrote (as in epist Oecolamp. & Zuin. lib. 4.) exhorting him to lift up his voice like a trumpet, and sound forth the Gospel in France, invitis omnibus puppis & papis. Who shall not make him ready for the battle? (saith he) the prophet saith, Where the Lion roareth, who will not fear? When Christ thundereth by his servants, which of his enemies will not be afraid? yea certainly fear hath overtaken them in all their tents: they are so amazed and perplexed, that they know not what course to take: for if they begin ro kill the flock of Christ by their deluded Princes, they fear, that in so doing a door be opened to fall that way upon themselves: But if they attempt to resist by Scripture, their consciences tell them, how they are guilty in wresting it, and therefore they are cold and faint. Why then fall we not on these cowards, when we have the only and safe enough buckler of God's word? He will beat down Antichrist with the breath of his mouth. Christ is on our side, who shall be against us? albeit we are but like the vessel of Samos, yet none can break us so long as God is with us: and He will be with us according to the certain promise of his word, where he hath promised to be with us until the world's end; and hath commanded us to fear nothing, when we shall be brought before Kings or Princes for his sake, for he will give wisdom and utterance, which all the adversaries shall not be able to resist. Why then do we linger? Victory is at hand, why will we not reap it.....thou must wrestle not only with Antichrist, but with all the world, if thou will advance into heaven: these only can come thither, who are careless of earthly things: Therefore first of all thou must deny thyself, and dy daily : but thou canst not do so by thyself: therefore fly to the only mercy of God, and beg of him, that he would direct thy ways &c. At the same time in Melda about ten myls from Paris was Bishop William Brissonnet: he was a lover of truth and light; he passeth by the Monks, and sought learned men to teach the people: so from Paris he calleth Jac. Faber; William Fatell, Arnold, & Gerard red: they did teach the people with cheerful liveliness. But the Bishops courage was soon abaited by terrible menaces of the Sorbonists. Nevertheless religion was planted in the hearts of many, and by the wondrous Counsel of God, from the persecution of that one Church many Churches through France were planted: for both the Teachers and hearers were spread abroad. On May 20. An. 1525. Pope Clement wrote unto the Parliament of Paris (the King was in Spain) showing, that he understood by Letters from Aloisia the Queen mother, how the seeds of wicked heresies were beginning to spread through France, and they had providently and prudently chosen some men to suppress the fighters against the old religion: and he by his authority approves them that were chosen for that effect: for now all men should be diligent to preserve the common salvation, when the malice of Satan and the rage of his soldiers have stirred such a broile; seeing this madness intendeth not only to confound religion, but all principality, nobility, laws and order.....It was very acceptable unto him, what they had done, and he exhorts them to continue with the like courage, &c. The King was advertised by his Sister Margarit, that they had driven Ja. Faber out of Erance: he wrote unto the Parliament, giving him a large approbation for learning and godliness, as knowing that the man was admired even by the Spaniards and Italians: therefore he willeth, that they surcease from all action against him until new advertisement.

XXI. The wars of the Bowres in Germany was a sore hindrance (for a time) unto the Gospel: for the Papists in Germany said, Those are the fruits of the new doctrine and of Luther's Gospel. And Aloisia in France said, In Germany is nothing but confusion, and no acknowledgement of a Prince. And this was the color of the Popes bitterness in that his Letter. A wicked follow had teached the people (as Sleidan in Commente. shows more fully) that the doctrine of the Pope and of Luther is alike wicked: the Pope tieth men's consciences with hard laws and bonds; and Luther hath untied the bonds, but hath declined to the other extremity in giving loose reins, nor teaches by the Spirit: they may well contemn the Papal Decrees, because they conduce not unto salvation: and to attain salvation we must eschew all manifest sin, as murder▪ adultery, blasphemy: we must chastise the body with fasting and simple clothes: our countenance must be sad, speak little, and not have dressed hair. This is to bear the cross, and to mortify the flesh, said he. And when his hearers were thus prepared, They must forsake the crowd of men, and being separated, think often of God, who he is; whether he hath any care of us; and would have us to continue in this religion. And if he will not give us a sign, nevertheless we must continue, and be instant in prayer, yea and sharply chide with him, as not dealing with us sufficiently: for seeing the Scripture promiseth, that he will give what we ask, he doth not righly, in not giving a sign unto them, which would know him. He said, This expostulation and wrath is very acceptable unto God, because thereby he seeth the inclination & fervor of our mind; and without doubt, when he is entreated this way, he will declare himself by some sensible sign, and quench the thirst of our soul, and deal with us, as he did with the Fathers. He said also, God declares his will by dreams, as he had done unto him self, and had given him a command, to kill all wicked men, and pull down all Princes and Magistrates. He taught also, that all things should be common, and all should have alike freedom and liberty without all subiectjon. Sleidan. Comment. lib. 3. &. 5. In Apile. 1525. the country-people in Suevia by the river Danube (being deluded with such errors) began to refuse obedience, and they demand 1. liberty to choose their Ministers that will preach the word without man's traditions and decrees. 2. liberty from all tieths, except only corn; and these to be divided at the discretion of good men, a part unto Ministers, part unto the poor, and part unto public business. 3. it is not equitable, that heretofore they have been held in the condition of slaves, seeing they are made free by the blood of Christ. They profess, they do not cast off Magistrates, but they will not endure that bondage, unless it be cleared by testimony of Scripture, that it is reasonable. 4. It is not reason, that they are forbidden to take wild beasts, or fishes; especially when the beasts destroy their cornefields: from the beginning God hath given unto man power over all living creatures, 5. it is a great prejudice of the people, that woods are in the power of afew men. 6. they demand that their Princes or Masters would moderate their daily burdens of service, according to the equity of the Gospel, and lay no more upon them than was craved of old &c. Ibid. Albeit the attempts of these men was alike against Popish Masters and others which were desirous of Reformation, yet I cannot find that any Popish person did endeavor to convince them by information. Luther did publish books, to refute them many times: before they did publish their Demands he dissuadeth them from sedition as a most fearful sin, not only in the external fact, but even to be spoken or thought upon. After the publishing of the Demands, he told them, they did wickedly in cloaking their rebellion with the pretext of sinceer doctrine and equity, seeing God hath commanded to obey Princes and Masters: then he sifteth their Demands severally, and shows, that some of them are contrary unto the law of nature and equity; and if any of them have any reason in them, they should be examined by prudent men; but they should not move broils: if their Masters will not let them have the liberty of the gospel, they may go in quietness, where they may have it, but they should not use violence against their Masters. He wrote also unto Princes and especially unto the Prelates, that their hindering the liberty of the Gospel was a provocation of God's wrath, and their laying of intolerable burdens on their subjects, for their own pleasure and prodigality, was also offensive unto God: and he exhorts them, to use all means of peace rather then force, seeing the issue of wars is uncertain, and arms are sooner taken up, then can be laid off. When they had taken arms, he wrote the third time, exhorting both, to take away their controverfies by treaties of good and prudent men. Many other preachers did also publish books, showing the craft of Satan in raising such broils at that time; and that these should not be imputed unto the preaching of the truth, as the adversaries of truth did cry▪ and it is no new thing, that the judgments of God upon men for their sins, are imputed unto the Gospel, seeing in the days of the Apostles and of the primitive Church, the heathens said, that all their troubles came upon them for the Christian religion, whereas God was offended for their idolatry and contempt of the Gospel, as they proved by the testimonies of Tertullian in Apolog. and Cyprian contra Demetr. Augustine de Civ. Dei, and others. Abr. Scult. Ann. ad An. 1525. When neither Princes would yield unto a treaty, nor the Bowrs would lay down arms, Luther wrote a fourth book exhorting all men as for the quenching a common fire, to take arms against the rebels, and kill them which had so basely denied obedience unto their Masters, and had begun to usurp other men's possessions, and do cloke so vile villainy with the name of Christianity. Nevertheless these villains grew into a huge multitude, and divided themselves into three Armies, one at Biberac, another at Algovia, and the third at the lake of Constance: they took some towns, as Winsbergh and Wirtsburgh: they killed some Noble men, as the Court of Helfenstein, most unworthily. The Princes that went against them were John Elector of Saxony, and his uncle George, Philip of Hassia, Henry Duke of Brunswik &c. In some places when they were put to flight, they run into the river: there were killed of them in several places 50000. some write, 100000: and the chief enticers wete taken and beheaded.

XXII. Notwithstanding these broils, it pleased God to spread the Reformation the same year. Luther at that time did first administer the Lord's supper in the German language, and did ordain a Minister without the Popish rites. And Zwingli did also forsake the Latin language, and the rites. Albert Marques of Branbeburgh was entitled Master of the Teutonick Order: but that year having war with the King of Pole for some towns of Prussia, and seeing no aid from the Emperor was content to agree upon condition, that he should acknowledge the King as Superior, and possess Prussia under the tittle of a Dukedom; and then he authorized the Reformed religion through out that Province. Gustavus King of Sweden sent for all the Prelates to come unto his palace, and there without any noise gave them in their option, to continue in their places, and profess the Reformed religion, or then to leave the Country. Some gave him their oath of obedience, and others went whether they pleased. William Landsgrave of Hassia established the Reformed religion within his jurisdiction. So it was established at Gorlik & Lauba in Lusatia. In Rhetia alone were reckoned 41. preachers of the Gospel. So did Philip Count of Hanove, Cristopher and Antony Counts of Altenburgh & Delmenhorst. Conrad. of Tecklenburgh & Linga, and Baltasar Lord of Esens & Witmund, all within their territories: and so did many other free towns. In the year preceeding a motion was made to assemble a Synod of all the Reformed Churches, for establishing an uniformity in rites or circumstantial ceremonies. Luther opposeth it, asserting that it was not expedient: albeit it was propounded in a good zeal, yet it hath no precedent: for even in the Council of the Apostls they did treat more of works and traditions than of faith, and there they had disputed for the most part concerning opinions & questions, yet he was no less suspicious of the name of a Council as of the name free-will: for if one Church will not follow willingly the example of another in these circumstantial things, why is a Council needful, to compel men by decrees, which may turn to laws & snares of men's consciences? Therefore let one follow another freely, or use their own fashion, so that the Spirit be mantained in the faith and word, howbeit there be a variety in other external things. Schultet. Annal. ad Ann. 1524. ex Luth. tom. 2. epist.

XXIII. In the year 1526. Suleiman the Turk entereth into Hungary; there the King Louis could have no help from Christians: yet the bb. stir him to a batell, and as he had sold himself to be a slave unto them in killing the professors of Reformation, he was killed. Jo. Sleidan. The same year the Emp. being provoked by that league made by Pope Clemens, dischargeth the authority of the Pope through all Spain, leaving an example unto posterity, that Church-discipline may be maintained without Papal authority. But as good seed being sown out of season, so good works without good motives and principles have no continuance. In Juny was a Diet at Spira: Letters were brought from the Emperor dated at Spala March 23. the sum was; For so much as he intends to go shortly unto Rome to be crowned, and to talk with the High priest concerning a general Council, and no good can be done in the matter of religion in these assemblies; therefore they should observe the Decree at Worms, and take his absence in good part, hoping there shall be a general Council shortly. The Princes and towns professing the Reformation said, They were desirous in all things to please the Emperor: but if he were rightly informed of the condition of Germany, and how the controversy of Religion increaseth daily, he would not urge the Decree of Worms; As for a General Council, there is no appearance of it, seeing there was friendship twixt him and the Pope when the Letter was written, as appears by the Date; but now it is otherwise, seeing the Pope hath levied an Army against him. Wherefore they think best to send Orators unto the Emperor to inform him more fully, and how dangerous it is, to delay the business of religion, and no less perilous to execute the Decree of Worms; and to entreat him to call a Council in Germany, and come unto it, or at least to permit it, as it was determined at Noribergh, but was contromanded by the Emperor to the harm of Germany: Or if he will not allow a National Council of Germany, to entreat him to delay the execution of the Decree until the General Council: for otherwise the malady will wax worse; And to represent, that so long as every man is solicitous of his own estate in time of this variance, it will be difficill to collect any money for any other use. Then another supplication was presented unto the Diet, complaining of the multitude, idleness and opposition of begging Friers, of the multitude & abuses of holy Days; and petitioning to leave unto every man the choice of his meats, until the general Council. At this time the Duke of Saxon and the Landgrave of Hass enter into conference with the Commissioners of Strawsburgh, that seeing they know not what the bb. and their adherents do intend, all of tkem shall concur unto mutual aid, if any of them shall be in danger for Religion. But the bb. would not proceed here in matters of Religion, and crave to delay these, because of the present variance betwixt the Pope and Caesar. Great strife ariseth among them: Wherefore the Duke of Saxon and the Landgrave say, they will stay no longer. Ferdinand and the Bishop of Trevers considering how dangerous it were, if nothing be done, and all depart with grudge and malice, do propound (for appeasing such heart burnings) that it is necessary to resolve upon a lawful Council either General or National within a year at farrest, and to entreat the Emperor to repair shortly into Germany in consideration of their present condition; As concerning the Decree at Worms, they are content that all shall demean themselves in their Provinces until a Council, so as they will be answerable unto God and Caesar. And it was decreed so. After this Diet certain Princes consult at Esling, to write speedily unto the Emperor, and show that they had decreed to send Orators unto him: but the King of France will not grant them passage, except for four months, whereof one was past: therefore they have determined to defer their Orators until their next assembly, which they have appointed to be at Regensburgh the first day of Aprile next; to treat of the Turkish war, trusting that by time they shall have better occasion to send; or they shall give him intelligence another way, and entreating him to repair into Germany as shortly, &c. Slcidan. lib. 6.

XXIV. In the beginning of the year 1527. Otto Paccius Counselor of George Duke of Saxony informeth the Duke Elector and the Landgrave; that Ferdinand (then King of Bohem and Hungary) and the Bishop of Mainz had made a league with others also, to destroy them and Luther's religion. Wherefore these prepare themselves for defense: troubles were like to ensue: but when these which were said to have made that league, did purge themselves, the fear was appeased, Paccius was banished: but the Diet at Regensburgh was discharged. Ibid. Leonard Caesar a preacher was burnt at the command of the Bishop of Passaw in Bavier, for holding these articles, Faith only justifieth: there be but two sacraments, baptism & the Lord's Supper: the Mass is not a sacrifice, nor is profitable unto the living nor dead: confession of all sins is not commanded: only Christ hath satisfied for sin: a vow of chastity bindeth not: the Scripture speaks not of purgatory: there is no difference of days: in Divine things is no free-will. He would have declared himself in these articles, when he was brought before the court, but they would not suffer him. Eccius was his accuser, and spoke always in Latin: but Leonard spoke in the common language: he would have all the company to understand him. Osiander. centu. 16. Lib 2. c. 5. This year was the first visitation of the Churches in Saxony. On the 17. day of December the Senate of Berne make public intimation of a Dispute in the controversies of Religion, to begin January 7. they envite the bb. of Constance, Bafile, Sedun and Lausan, to come and bring their Divines, or else they tell them, they will confiscate all their goods within their territory : they show, that only the books of the old and New Testament shall be the rule of the Dispute; and they engadge themselves for safety unto all who shall come. Two Ministers are named to sustain these articles; The true Church, whose head is Christ only, ls begotten by the word of God, continueth in it, and hears not the voice of another: This Church makes not laws without the word of God: therefore unto traditions of men, which have the tittle of the Church, we are not tied, if they agree not with God's word: Only Christ hath satisfied for the sins of the world: therefore if any say, there is another way of salvation or of expiating sin, he denieth Christ. It cannot be proved by testimony of Christ, that the body and blood of Christ are received really and bodily: The rite of the Mass, where Christ is represented & offered unto the Father for the living & dead, is contrary unto the Scripture, and contumelious unto the sacrifice, that Christ hath offered for us: We may pray unto Christ only as the Mediator and Advocate of mankind with the Father: It is not found in Scripture, that there is any place, where souls are purged after this life: therefore prayers and all these ceremonies and yearly exequies that are bestowed on the dead, and the waxecandls and torches, and such other things, do help nothing: It is contrary unto Senpture, to set up images or statues for use of worship: therefore if any such be in a Church, they should be removed: Marriage is not forbidden unto any sort of men, but for eschuing fornication it is commanded and permitted by the holy Scriptures unto everyone; and unclean and filthy single life becomes the order of priests least of any men. When these Letters were divulged, the people of Lucern, Vran, Suik, Unterwald, Tugy, Glarea, Friburgh & Soloturn, write unto Bern, exhorting them to cease from that purpose, and to remember their league: as for them, they will send none thither, nor suffer any to come. I. bidem.

XXV. Nevertheless the day is keeped at Bern. None of the bb. came nor sent: Deputies came from Basil, Schafuse, Zurich, Abbecella, Sangall, Mulh • se and Rhaetia, their nighbours; as also from Strawsburgh, Ulma, Ausburgh, Lindaw, Constance and Isna. Among these were Zwinglius, Oecolampade, Bucer, Capito, Blaurer, &c. Among the Opponents the chiese was Conrad Treger an Augustinian: he would not bring his arguments from the Scripture: and Presidents of the Dispute would not permit any other authority, because it was so ordered by the publication: wherefore Treger went away. On the 26 day of January, year 1528. the Dispute was ended; and then altars, images and masses were forbidden in Berne: the day and year of Reformation was Marked with golden letters in a public place for memorial unto posterity. The like Reformation was at Basil: Erasmus writes of it in Epist. ad Andr. Cruci. Episc. Plocens. dated Friburgh An. 1529. thus, No violence was used against any man's person or goods: only they sought a Burgher-Master as a chief enemy of Reformation, and he escaped in a boat: they break down all images in the churches &c. Erasmus was present, and (as he writes) he did admire, that whereas it had been reported, how S. Francis had smote a man with madness for scorning his five wounds, and other div • or Saints had revenged some reproaching words, yet none of them all did at that time revenge the contempt of their images. Pe. Soave saith, They of Geneve and Constance and other nighbours followed the example of Berne; as also Strawsburgh after a public disputation makes an ordinance to forsake the Mass, or at least to leave it, until the maintainers of it will prove that it can stand with the worship of God; and this they did (saith he) albeit the Senate of the Empire at Spira had by their Messenger forbidden them, as not belonging unto them, nor unto the States of the Empire, to make any innovation in Religion, but only unto a General or National Council. Yea and Italy (saith he) when for the space of two years there had been no Court in Rome, and all these calamities under which they were lying, were thought to be the execution of God's judgment for rhe abuses of that government, did gladly hearken unto a Reformation, and in their private houses, namely at Fuenza within the Popes territory! they did preach against the Roman Church, and the number of these (whom others did call Lutherans, but they called themselves) Evangelici. did increase daily.

XXVI. In March An. 1529. was a Diet at Spira: the bb. and their party thought to have severed the Elector of Saxony from the Cities, in contemplation of the variance in the question of the Sacrament: but on the other side they did perceive the craft of their enemies, and disappointed them. Then Ferdinand excludes the Deputes of Strawsburgh from sitting in the Diet: they protest, that if they be displaced, (which is contrary to the law and custom) they will bear no part of the common charges. So they were restored ro their place. After much debating in cause of religion, at last it was decreed thus; They who have observed the Emperors decree, let them observe it until the General Council: these who have departed, and cannot change again for fear of Sedition, let them continue, and change no more until the Council: their doctrine, which teach otherwise of the Lord's Supper than the Church doth, shall not be received, nor shall the Mass be abolished; nor in such places where this new doctrine is received, shall any man be hindered to go unto the Mass, if he please: Ministers shall preach according to the interpretation received by the Church, referring all disputable questions unto the Council; Let all States keep common peace, neither any take the defense of another's subjects; all under pain of forfeiture. This Decree was opposed by John Duke of Saxony, George Marques of Brandeburgh, Ernest and Francis DD. of Luneburgh, the Landgrave, and Count of Anhalt. Aprile 19. they protest, that they are not obliged to obey this Decree, because it is contrary unto a former at Spire, where with consent of all parties every man had religion permitted freely until a general Council: and as that was enacted with common consent of all, so it cannot be violate without the consent of all; and whereas there hath been dissension for religion, it was declared in the Diet at Norinbergh, who have heen the causers thereof, both by confession of the Bishop of Rome, and by the grievances of the Princes and States of the Empire, and no redress is as yet made of these grievances......and there fore they will answer for this their protest both openly before all men, and unto the Emperor himself; and in the mean time till a General or National Council be called; they will do nothing, that shall deserve just reproof. Unto this Protestation some Cities did subscribe; namely, Strawsburgh, Norimbergh, Ulme, Constance, Ruteling, Winssem, Mening, Lindave, Campedon, Hailbrun, Isna, Wisseburg, Norling and Sangall. This was the original of that title Protestants, which afterwards became so famous. The Emperor was then in Italy, and was not content with this Protestation; as neither with the meeting of the Protestants at Smalcald in January following. Where they did agree on a league of mutual assistance, if any of them shall be in danger for Religion.

XXVII. The Emperor summoneth a Diet to begin at Ausburgh in Aprile An. 1530. but he came not before Juny 12. the next day was the feast of Corp-Christi: the Emperor went unto the procession: Cardinal Campegius the Legate said, It was contumacy against the Pope, and such grief unto him, as he could not digest, that any of the Princes did not attend that solemnity: wherefore he adviseth the Emperor to charge the Duke of Saxony to carry the sword according to the custom, and be present with him at the Mass that day seven night, when the Diet is to begin; With certification, that if he fail, both he and his house shall be deprived of that honor. The Elector adviseth with the Ministers, what to do in this case: to obey, was against his conscience: and to refuse, was his disparagement. They told him, What was required, was but a civil ceremony, and he might obey, as Elisha gave way unto Naaman, to be present with his King in the house of idolatry. Some did judge it an ill preparative, seeing everyone may pretend either necessity or expediency in the like case. Yet many did approve the Elector in doing so, seeing he did prevent great inconveniencies which were like to ensue. At that Mass Vincentius Pimpinell archb. of Rosa and the Popes Nuntio had the Sermon: it was wholly to this purpose; he upbraideth the German's, that they had suffered so great damage of the Turks without a revenge, and stirreth them up by exampls of many Romans: and the Germans are in worse condition then the Turks, because they are all at the command of one, and have but one religion, where as the Germans are hatching new religions daily, and despise the ancient religion as out of date; and he accuseth them of foolishness, that ere they had forsaken the ancient faith, they had not first thought upon another more holy, prudent and politick. If they had thought upon Scipio, Cato and those ancient Romans, they would not have forsaken the catholic religion: and therefore now away with their Novelties, and take the sword in hand. In the first Session of the States. Cardinal Campegius hath an oration, tending to show, that the cause of all the sects among them was the want of ancient love; and this change of the opinions and rites had disturbed not the Church only, but was like to pull up their Civil government by the very roots: the Popes had heretofore applied themselves to cure these maladies, in sending their Legates unto these Diets, but all in vain: and now Pope Clement had sent him, who is most willing to advise and do what lieth in him, what may serve to the restoring of religion: and he exhorts them to obey what the Emperor (he extolleth him highly) shall discern in matter of Religion, and with readiness to prepare against the Turk, as the Pope is willing to contribute charges, and what aid he can. At command of the Emperor, the Bishop of Mainz replieth with applause, and promiseth concurrence. When other Princes had spoken: the Elector of Saxony presenteth a Confession of faith written in Latin and Dutche Languages, which he in his own name and of other Princes and of Towns, petitioneth to be read publicly. The Emperor will not have it read at that time: and the next day, he will not have the Legate present at the reading of it, lest anything interveen, that might be prejudicial unto the Popes honor, but calleth the Princes into a large Hall, where it was read; and another that was presented by the Cities professing the doctrine of Zwingli, differing from the other but in the article concerning the Euchatist, So far Pe. Soave. That Confession (which from the place of this Diet was called, The confession of Ausburgh) was written first in 17. articls by Luther, and afterwards revised, altered and digested in another method by Melanthon in Ausburgh, and sent back to Luther in Coburgh; ere it was presented: So it was penned by them two. Melanthon had a special respect unto the Emperor, to give him as little offense as might be: and therefore purposely omitts some articls, and made others so fair as he could: and the next year they amended it under the name of an explanation. The Emperor delivereth both the Confessions unto the Legate, who (as the forenamed author writes) thought to have written in his own name a refutation of them: but considering that then the Pope might be called their party, and the Protestants might take the more occasion to write against the Pope, he changeth his purpose, and gives them to certain Divines, whom he had brought with him; and they wrote a refutation: and he gave it unto the Emperor with express caution, to cause read it, but give no copy of it, and he exhorts the Emperor to deall with the Protestants severally by promises of favors, and by menaces, to return again unto the ancient saith of their fathers. The Emperor doth so in every particular. Nor is it to be omitted (saith he) that the Cardinal Matthew archb. of Saltzburgh said publicly and ingenuously; It is expedient to reform the Mass; it is agreeable to nature, to give men liberty of eating any meat; and it is equity that Christians be free from the burden of human commands; but it is intolerable that a silly monk shall reform all. Likewise Cornelius Scoper the Emperors Secretary said, The Protestant Preachers had done well, if they had money enough, to have bought liberty from the Italianes: but because their religion is not beautified with gold, it can have the less audience. When the Emperor had used all the means, as the Legate had advised, and the Protestants would not yield, no not to permit the exercise of the Romish religion within their dominions (for they knew, it was the Legat's device, to bring the people back by degries; and in the mean time to hold them in perpetual trouble) on September 21. a decree was read, where of this is the sum; The Confession of the Saxons hath been read, and so was a confutation of it by the Holy Scriptures; and by great work of the Emperor and the States the matter is brought to this conclusion, that the Saxons have received certain articls of the Church of Rome, and others they do refuse: wherefore the Emperor in singnlare humanity grants them space of advicement until the 15. day of Aprile, whether in the other articls they will believe the same with the Emperor and the Bishop of Rome and all Christendom; in the mean while let peace be kept, let the Saxon and his associates print nothing concerning religion, nor change anymore; let them not compel nor allure any man unto their religion; they shall join with the Emperor to punish the Anabaptists & Sacramentaries; Lastly because there hath been no Council for a long time, and many things are to be reformed both in the clergy and laity, the Emperor will deal with the high Bishop, that a Council shall be summoned within a half year, and begin within a year after. Unto this decree the Duke and his colleagues (after consultation) reply by his Lawyer Pontan, They do not acknowledge that their Confession was refuted by testimonies of the Scriptures, as they would have demonstrated, if a copy of that which is called a refutation, had been given them; and so far as they could remember by their hearing of it read, they have written a reply, which if the Emperor will be pleased to read, he shall find, that their religion is sure and unmovable: And where as they are commanded to print nothing nor change anymore, they will do nothing, whereof they may be justly accused. As for Anabaptists and such as despise the sacrament of the altar, none such have place within their jurisdiction. And because the decree contains sundry things of weight, they crave copies of it, that at the time they may give the more advised answer. They do present the Apology: but Caesar would not accept it, and the next day he threateneth them sharply, if they do not obey the decree. So these Princes went away, leaving their Deputies behind them, and having craved and obtained leave. When they began to treat in the Diet concerning the wars, these Deputies do in name of their Principals promise to contribute their aid against the Turks, if peace shall be granted unto religion. About the first of October a sharper decree was read against the Cities. which had given-in the other Confession. Finally a third decree concerning religion was read to this sense; Caesar ordaineth, that they shall not be tolerated, which teach of the Lord's Supper otherwise than hath been received heretofore; Let nothing be changed in private or public Mass; Let children be confirmed with oil, and the sick be anointed with consecrate oil; Images & statues should not be removed; and where they have been taken away, they shall be set up again; Their opinion, which deny the free-will of man, may not be received: for it is beastly, and contumelious against God; Let nothing be taught, which doth any way impair the authority of the Magistrate; That opinion of justification by faith only, shall not be received; Keep the sacraments in their place & number, as before; Keep still all the cetemonies of the Church, all the rites, the manner of burial, and such others; Priesthoods Vacant shall be bestowed on qualified persons; the priests and Church-men that are married, shall be deprived of their Benefices, which shall be bestowed on others; and if any will put away his wife and crave absolution, at the will of the Pope the bb. may restore such, and all others shall have no refuge, but be exiled, or suffer other deserved punishment; Let the life of priests be honest, their clothes comely, and eschew all offense.....Briefly in the matters of faith and worship of God, let nothing be changed, whoever doth contrarily, shall underly the danger of body, life and goods. Jo. Sleida. Lib. 7. These decrees were grievous unto many: namely, Melanthon gave himself to weeping, being pensive not so much (as he professed) for himself (for he knew what he believed) as for the posterity. When Luther understood this, he conforts him by Letters, That seeing it is not the cause of man, but of God: all the burden should be cast on him: why then doest thou (said he) afflict and torment thyself? feing God hath given his Son for us, why do we tremble or fear? why do we sigh? is Satan stronger then God? will he, who hath given so great a benefit, forsake us in lighter matters? why should we fear the world, which Christ hath overcome? if we defend an ill cause, why do we not change? if the cause be just and pious, why do we not trust to God's promise? certainly Satan can take no more from us but our life, but Christ reigneth forever, under whose protection Verity consists: he will not fail to be with us until the end; If he be not with us, I beseech, where shall he be found? if we be not of his Church, do ye think, that the Bishop of Rome & our adversaries are of it; we are sinners indeed many ways; but Christ is not a liar, whose cause we have in hand; Let Kings and Nations • reat & foam as they please, he that sits in heaven, shall laugh them to scorn; God had maintained his cause hithertils without our Counsel, and so he will do unto the end.....As for any agreement, it is vain to look for it: for neither can we deprive the Bishop of Rome, nor can the true doctrine be in security, while Popery shall endure; If they condemn our doctrine, why seek we an uniformity? if they allow it, why maintain they their old errors? But they condemn it openly: where fore it is but dissimulation & falsehood, whatsoever they go about; In that you will have the Lord's Supper communicated wholly, and give no place to them which hold in indifferent, you do well, for.....They cry, that we condemn all the Church: but we show, how the Church was violently oppressed by tyranny: and therefore is to be excused, as the Synagogue was to be excused, when under the captivity of Babylon they keeped not the law of Moses, seeing they were prohibited by force. Ibid.

XXVIII. When the Protestants understood, that the Pope had written against them unto several Kings, they in Febr. 1531. assemble at Smalcald, and send their Letters unto the same Kings, showing that it was an old complaint of good men, that they were traduced by their enemies, as Nic. Clemangis in France, Jo. Colet in England &c: and where as now they are traduced by their enemies (and they declare what was done at Ausburg) they are guilty of none of these crimes, that are laid unto their charge, as they doubt not to clear themselves, if there were a free general Council, and especially it is grievous unto them, that they are said to condemn Magistracy and laws.....and they entreat them, that, they would not believe such calumnies, and to entreat Caesar, that for the good of the Church he would call a godly and free Council in Germany, where such controversies may be lawfully debated and defined, rather than put them to fire and sword. The King of France returns them answer, thanking them for emparting such a business, rejoicing that they did purge themselves of the objected crimes, and allowing their demand of a Council as necessary for the good not of Germany only, but of the whole Church. To the same purpose writes the King of England, and addeth, that he earnestly wishes there were a council, and that he will intercede with Caesar for peace. At that time many Protestants were summoned to appear before the Chamber of Spira, by some pretending zeal of religion, and others alleging wrongs done unto them. Sentence was pronounced against them according to the Decrees of Ausburgh: some who lived within the jurisdiction of Popish Masters were robbed: but the Princes and Cities would not be so abused: so that the Sentences had not execution, and the Emperor saw, that his salve was worse than the wound, when his authority was contemned: Yea and the Princes and Cities made a stronger union of defense, if any of them shall be oppressed; and they sought the aid of other Princes. When Caesar saw this danger, he was content, that some Princes would intercede for making agreement, and to this effect resolves upon a Diet to be held the next year. The Bishop of Mainz and the Palsgrave were Mediators: many things were written and changed, ere both parties were satisfied. Pe. Soave, That summer tumults break out in Helvetia: five Popish towns took arms against the Protestant towns. Zürich hath the worse the first and second day: others came with aid, and the third day they prevail and then peace was concluded. The lot fell on Zwingli to go preacher with the army: his friends dissuade him, and would hade another to go: he said, If he would not go, his enemies would say, he that preaches for religion, will not hazard for it. So he went, and was killed: his enemies found his corps, cut it into pieces, and burn it: the next day his friends found his heart untouched by the fire, among the ashes: they ascribe it unto God, who thereby would show the godliness of the man's heart. Osiwald in Vita Zuingl. Within few days Occolampade dieth at Basil, The Papists said, that God in mercy to Helvetia had taken away these authors of all their trouble: but (saith Pe. Soave) the experience of following years doth easily evince; that so copious an harvest did come from an higher hand than the travels of these two workmen, seeing these towns which were called Evangelici, made greater progress in the doctrine, which they had received.

XXIX. In the year 1532. because Suleiman was preparing an Army against Austria, Charles thinks it necessary to make peace in Germany; and having communicate his purpose unto the King of France, namely concerning a Council; he writs unto the Pope to this purpose; He had used all means both of promises and rigor of justice, to recover the Protestants, but all in vain; and now when the Turk is coming against his Lands, he is necessitated to take another course: he entreates the Pope to call a Council. The pope did abhor a Council: but because Caesar was so earnest for it, he would not seem to refuse, but granteth it, so that it be in Italy; and alledgeth that it cannot be in Germany, because Italy would not endure to be so vilipended; as nether will Spain nor France give way unto Germany, albeit they yield unto Italy because of the prerogative of the Papacy there: and the authority of a council in Germany were very poor, if the Italians, Spanish and French shall not resort unto it: also remedies must be applied, not at the will of the patient, but by the wisdom of the Physician. Germany is corrupt, and cannot judge of controversies, so well as the Nations free of the contagion: as for ordering the council, there needs no talk of it, unless he will begin a new way in the Church: for ir is clear, the power of suffrages belongeth unto bb. only according to the decrees; howbeit by custom and privilege of the Pope Abbots have been admitted; and all others must acquiesce unto their decree, after the consent of the Pope; or if he be present, the decrees should be in his name. The Emperors Orator answereth, Italy, Spain and France are not seeking a Council: and the remedies must be applied unto Germany, that are ansuerable unto their maladies; and therefore a place must be, where they will not refuse to assemble: and albeit none should mistrust the Popes safe-conduct, yet both old and late experiences make the Protestants suspicious of Italy: namely, that they were lately condemned by Leo as heretics: howbeit also that is sufficient to take away all excuse from them, that all men should submit unto the Popes word, yet the Pope in prudence knows, that men's weakness must sometimes be comported, and what is not due summo jure must be granted, when equity requires. As for suffrages, it hath been so, partly by custom, and partly by privilege, but now is an open field for the Pope, to show his bountifulness, by bringing another order as the necessity of time requires: of old, Abbots were admitted for their learning and experience in religion: but now equity commanderh, that other men equal or superior unto them in learning, albeit not honored with such tittles, should have the like liberty: privilege makes way for all men &c. In a word the Pope will not yield to the place nor manner. Pe. Soave in hist. conc. Trid. Wherefore the Emperor applieth himself (in this extremity) unto the other course the more earnestly, and July 23. at Ratisbone a decree is published, granting unto the Protestants liberty to observe the faith of the Augustan Confession, so that they innovate not more, and none shall be troubled for religion until a free and general Council: and if that shall not be called within a half year, and begin within a year thereafter, the controversy shall be decided in a Council of the Empire. The Protestants were then 7. Princes and 24. Cities, and had agreed that both the Confessions were orthodox, nor would they make any schism for that one particular. So they contribute to the war against the Turk; and God blesseth their attempt, that the enemy was chased back. Pope Clemens was not content with this liberty of religion: but because the Emperor came into Italy with a great Army, he dissembleth, and promiseth to fulfill his petition concerning the Council; and in the mean time he intendeth, both wars against the Emperor, and the ruin of the Protestants. So soon as Charles was gone into Spain, Clemens sendeth Hugh Bishop of Rhegio Nuntio into Germany, certifying namely John Frederik Elector of Saxony (who then had succeeded unto his father) that he will call a general and free council within two years, on this condition, that all shall ty themselves by oath, to observe what shall be decreed; and that the towns Placentia, Bononia or Mantua seem unto him to be most convenient; and they shall have it in their option, which of the three: and if the council shall not begin within two years, he gives them liberty to follow the Augustan confession. The Duke answereth, thanking him for his respects; showing the necessity of a Council, if it be free, and the controversies be not judged by human laws and doctrine of the Scholasticks, but only by the sacred Scriptures: as for the place, it seems not expedient to be in Italy, but in Germany, where the controversy is for the most part; Nor thought they it reasonable to oblige themselves by oath to observe the decrees absolutely (for that is contrary unto Christian liberty) unless they knew what were to be the form of the Council, who were Moderator, especially that the party defendent were not Mederator; whether the Acts were to be determined by tradition, or by the holy Scripture alone. Ibid. In the next year Pope Clemens died: but by the providence of God thus the liberty of religion was confirmed by the Pope as well as by the Emperor.

XXX. An. 1533. George Duke of Saxony banished out of Lipsia all who would not go to Mass. Luther hearing of this ordinance, wrote unto the Protestants there, exhorting them to suffer death rather than do against conscience; and he called Duke George an Apostle of Satan. George accuseth Luther before the Elector, not only that he had reviled him, but had stirred his subjects unto rebellion. The Elector chargeth Luther, to make his clear purgation, or he must suffer. Luther publishes a book declaring that he had exhorted the Lipsianes, not to resist their Prince, but rather to suffer: which concerneth not rebellion. Jo. Sleidan. common. lib. 9. That year Erasmus publisheth a treatise De amabili Ecclesiae concordia: but this Neutrall form pleaseth neither Papists nor Protestants: and the next year Luther accuseth him, that he did but mock religion, and turn it all into doubts, sporting himself with ambiguous words, whereas religion requireth plainness and cleareness Osiander. Epit. cent. 16. lib. 2. c. 26.

XXX. The Franciscan Friers were in danger at Orleans An. 1534. upon this occasion; The Praetor's wife by testament willed, that she should be buried without pomp: here husband desirous to satisfy here will, hath a care to bury her beside her father and grandfather in the cloister without show, and he gave unto the Monks six crowns: they expected much more: and therefore they divisea way to make up their loss: they accuse the defunct of Lutheranism; and cause a young Monk go upon the roof of the Church in the night time, and make a noise: an exorcist adjureth the wicked spirit to declare, what he is? whether he be that lately damned soul? and for what sin? The Monk was informed what to answer, and how. They take witnesses, The fraud was tried; the Friers were imprisoned, and the young monk revealeth all. The King hearing this, voweth to throw down the Monastery: but fearing, that it might be matter of joy unto the Lutherans, he dismisseth them. In November of the same year in Paris and other places of France, even within the Kings palace about one time of the night, were papers set up against the Mass and other points of religion. Inquiry was made: many were apprehended; and racked and burnt in the next year. King Francis excuseth him to the Protestants assembled at Smalcald, that seeing they intended the destruction of the Commonwealth (said he) the Germans should not blame him, more than he did blame them for suppressing the bowres or Manzerianes; and he having a purpose to revenge himself on the Emperor, craves by the same Ambassade, that the Protestants would make a league with him, for reformation of religion (So he pretendeth) and entreates them to send some Divines, namely Melanthon, to dispute with the Masters of Sorbon: he said, He knew certainly, that many superstitions were creept into the Church by insufficiency of priests, and the Pope assumeth too much authority; how beit by man's law he is the highest of all bb., yet not by God's word; the traditions of the Church may be altered, as time requires: and therefore he is desirous to hear reasoning, that things amiss may be amended. He said also, Pope Julius had excommunicated King Louis XII. & John King of Navarre, because they held, that the Pope hath not power to call a Council without consent of Christian Princes; and he had raised Monarchs against them, offering their Kingdoms as a prey: In end he concludes, suiting a league, without the Emperor. They answer, Without the Emperor they could and would do nothing. In this assembly the former league was continued for ten years; and into it were received all who were willing to profess the Augustan Confession; So that they were 15. Princes and 30 Cities. Cownt de Nassow was also admitted. Henry VIII. sent thither, requiring that they would not admit a Council, which would not abolish the abuses of former times, or would confirm the Popes power. They also required of him, that he would receive the Augustan Confession: but that he would not do. That year Vergerius the Popes Legate had gone unto all the Princes severally, showing them, that the Pope had called the Council to convene at Mantua. They all gave him one answer, that they would advise in their meeting at Smalcald: and there they told him, they hope, that Caesar will not depart from his promise and decree, that the Council should be in Germany; nor can they understand, what it meaneth, that the Pope promiseth to provide for the safety of them, which shall assemble, when they look back into former times; nor how in the Council the way of treating can be rightly ordered, where he who hath so oft condemned them, will have the power in his hand; Nor can it be rightly called a Council, where the Pope and his priests command all, but where men of all conditions in the Church, even Seculares also have a like power. Vergerius had also been with Luther at Wittembergh. and said, The Church of Rome made great account of him, and were sory for the want of such a man, who might do good in the service of God and the Church (which two are inseparable) and the court was ready to vouchsave him all favor: it was displeasant unto them, that former Popes had used such bitterness against him; Nor had he (who professeth not Divinity) a purpose to dispute controversies with him, but to show him the weight of human reason, how expedient it were unto him, to be reconciled unto the Church: he may consider, that doctrine of his was not heard before those 18 years, and hath brought forth innumerable sects, where of each accurseth another; whence many tumults and broils have arisen: and therefore it cannot be from God; but he was singularly blown up with selve-love, who would endanger all the world rather, than not to vent his own opinions: seeing he had continued without sting of conscience the space of 35 years in that faith wherein he was baptized, he should still mantaine it; He may remember, how Aeneas Sylvius was once addicted unto his own opinions, and hardly attained unto a silly chanonry in Trent; but when he changed his opinions, he became a Bishop and then a Cardinal and lastly was Pope; and Bessarion being a wretched Clerk in Trapezus, became a gloriou Cardinal and almost Pope. Luthet answered, He seeth not what more affinity is between Christ and the Pope, than there is between light and darkness; nothing in all his life had happened unto him more happily, than the severity of Leo, by the gracious providence of God: for at that time he had only seen the abuses of indulgences, and the Pope might have easily commanded him, if his adversaries in that matter had been subject unto the laws of equity: but being provoked by the writings of the Master of the holy palace, by the reproaches of Cajetan, and severity of Pope Leo, he took the whole matter into more diligent consideration, and had espied more intolerable errors, which he could not in conscience dissemble nor hide from others-and whereas he [the Legate] professeth himself not to be a Divine, and that appears by his reasons, that he accuseth his doctrine of novelty, yet he cannot be ignorant, that Christ and his Apostles and the ancient fathers lived not as the Pope and his cardd. and bb. do now; Nor can these arguments taken from the broils in Germany strick against his doctrine, but in the conceit of men, which know not the Scriptures, seeing where ever the word of God is preached truly, such stirs arise, that the father is against the son: but this is the power of the word, that who believes it, he shall live, and who spurneth against it, is the more guilty. And this is a most known error of the Roman Church, that they will underprop with human reasons the Church of Christ, as if it were a seculare Estate: but such reasons are foolishness with God; and that the council may go well, and bring good unto the Church, it is not in the power of him who is but a mean man, but rather of the Pope, if he will let it be free, that God's Spirit may only preside and rule, and laying aside all interests and usurpations and crafts of men, let controversies be judged according to the Canon of the sacred Scripture; If it were so, he for his part will promise all Christian sincerity and charity, and not to gain the favor of the Pope or of any mortal, but only for the glory of Christ, and for establishing the peace and liberty of the Church; Nor can so great good be expected, unless God be reconciled by casting away hypocrisy, and by earnest repentance for our sins....Nor doth he regard the examples of Sylvius & Bessarion: these dark shows cannot move him....yea the Legate and the Pope shall embrace his faith rather, than he will forsake it. Histo. Council. Tride. lib. 1. The same Vergerius dealt with other Preachers in Wittembergh and other places where he came: he found no acceptance among them: and where any did speak submissely, he made no great account of them: they were but few, and he thought, they could do little. The same year Charles Duke of Savoy was persuaded by the exiled Bishop of Geneve to take arms against that City: they had aid from the Swisers, especially from Berne, and gave the repulse: the Swisers conquered all the land between them and the lake of Geneve. Jo. Sleida. Ibid.

XXXI. In the year 1536. the Preachers of the Cities; which had presented their Confession differing from the Augustine in the question of the Sacrament considering that the Pope might make his advantage upon that difference, if the Council shall hold at Mantua; thought good to seek agreement with Luther and others. So Capito & Bucer went from Stawsburgh and others from Essling, Memming, Frankford, Ausburgh, Furfeld and Reutling, and made accord with the Divines of Wittembergh, On these articles following, 1. We believe according to the words of Irenaeus, that the Eucharist consists of two parts, an earthly, and an heavenly; and we think and teach, that the body & blood of Christ is truly and substantially present with, and given & taken with the bread & wine 2 albeit we deny transubstantiation, nor think that there is any local inclusion in the bread, or any durable conjunction without the use of the sacrament, yet we grant that the bread is the body of Christ by a sacramental union, that is, we think, when the bread is given, the body of Christ is also present, and is truly given: for without the use [extra usum] when it is kept in a box, or is shown in processions (as a mong the Papists) we think, Christ's body is not present. 3. We think, that the Institution of Christ is powerful in the Church; and that it dependeth not upon the dignity of the Minister or receiver: Wherefore as Paul saith, even the unworthy do eat the Sacrament, so we think, that the body and blood of Christ is truly reached unto the unworthy, and the unworthy receive it, where the words & institution of Christ are kept: but such do receive to their judgment, as Paul saith; because they abuse the sacrament, when they use it without repentance and faith: for it is institute for this end, that he may testify that grace and the benefits of Christ are applied unto them; and that they are ingrasted into Christ, and washed in his blood, who do repent, and lift up themselves by faith in Christ. If follows, Because few of us are convened at this time, and this business belongeth unto other preachers and Magistrates of both parties, we cannot yet conclude the matter of concord, before it be reported unto others also: but seeing all the Divines here present do profess, that in all the Articles of the Confession and of the Apology we would think and teach wholly the same, we wish and earnestly crave, that the Concord may be made and begun and if other Divines of both parties shall approve this article concerning the Lord's supper, we hope that a firm Concord may be made among us. The above named Divines (eleven in number) did subscribe: so did Luther, Cas. Cruciger, Melanthon, Jo. Bogenhagius, Justus Menius and Frid. Myconius. Hence it is clear, that then was no other difference in the articles of Confession; and who hath made the difference after that time: Osiander calleth this Formula Concordiae Wittebergensis: others calleth it Concordia Smalcaldica: But in the year 1537. was a solemn meeting of the Protestants at Smalcald: by the advice of the Princes and Divines, Luther wrote the Heads of Doctrine, to be propounded and defended in the Council, which were approved, and subscribed by the Ministers. The article concerning the sacrament of the altare (as they called it) was thus; Of the sacrament of the altare we judge, that the bread and wine in the Supper are the very body and blood of Christ; and not only given unto, and received by the godly, but also by the evil and wicked Christians; and that not one kind only should be given: for we have not need of that Doxosophia, that seeming wisdom, which teaches, that as much is under one kind, as under both, as the Sophists and the Council of Constance teach: for albeit it may be true, that there is as much under one, as under both, yet the one kind is not the wholl institution made, delivered and commanded by Christ: But especially we condemn and accurse in the name of the Lord, all those who do not only omit both kinds, but also tyrannically forbid and condemn them, and revile it as an heresy, and so exalt themselves above and against Christ our Lord and God.....We do not regard the sophistical subtlety of transubstantiation, by which they fain, that the bread and wine leave and lose their natural substance, and that only the form and color of bread, and not true bread remaineth: for it agreeth well with the holy Scripture, that bread is and remains there; as Paul saith, The bread, which we break; and, So let him eat of that bread. It is remarkable among the subscriptions, that Melanthton subscribes thus; I Philip Melanthon approve these articles as godly and Christian; yea and I think of the Pope, if he would admit the Gospel, the superiority over Bishops, which he hath now, might be permitted also by us after an human law, for the cause of peace: and tranquility of Christians, who are now under him, and hereafter shall be under him. Osiander addeth in the magine, If he admit the Gospel, that is, If the Devil become an Apostle: for if the Pope would admit the Gospel, he were no more a Pope; nor would he exalt himself above other Bishops, but would hear Christ saying, It shall not be so among you. Concerning the power of Bishops they say, In our Confession and Apology we spake generally concerning the power of the Church: for the Gospel commandeth them who are rulers in the Churches, that they should teach the Gospel, forgive sins, and administer the sacraments: it gives them also jurisdiction and power of excommunicating the obstinate in their manifest crimes, and absolving them who repent; And it's certain by the confession of all men, yea even of our adversaries, that this power is common unto all rulers in Churches, whether they be called Pastors, or Presbyters, or Bishops: therefore Jerome said clearly, There is no difference between Bishops and Presbyters, but all Pastors are Bishops &c. Unto this Assembly the Emperor sent his Vice-Chancellor Mathias Held, exhorting them to prepare themselves unto the Council, which he had procured with so great difficulty, and whereunto they had so often appealed; and so they cannot now refuse in making separation from other Nations, all which do judge a Council to be the only means of Reforming the Church; As for the Pope; without doubt they shall find him such as becomes the Head of the sacred Order; Or if they have any exceptions against him, they may declare them in the Synod modestly and without bitterness; Neither should they think to prescribe unto other Nations concerning the form and manner of the Council, as if their Divines a lone had the Spirit, seeing others may be found no less learned and pious; They had petitioned, that the place should be in Germany: but respect must be had unto other Nations; and Mantua is nigh unto Germany, and the Prince thereof is a Feudatary of the Empire, nor hath the Pope any command there; Or if they suspect any danger, he will have a care of their safety, and accommodation. They returned answer, that when they had read the Popes Bull, they had seen, that they two had not the same mind and aim: then hinting, at what Hadrian, Clemens and Paul had done, they show that those all had the same aim. Then they declare reasons why the Pope and such as are tied unto him by oath, should not be Judges; As for the place, it is contrary unto the Decrees of the Empire, nor can they think to be safe there: for seeing the Pope hath his potent Clients through all Italy, which do hate their doctrine, they cannot but suspect some hid snares; How can they admit him to be their Judge, who in all his Bulls condemneth their doctrine as heresy? It were but madness, to accuse the Pope and his followers, where he is the only Judge; and to allow his Bull, were but to bring themselves unto a snair, and to confirm his Sentence against them; They have supplicated for a free and Christian Council, not so much that everyone might freely declare his mind, and to debar Turks, and infidels, as that they might decline such Judges who are their sworn enemies, and that all controversies in Religion may be examined and defined by the sacred Scripture; They acknowledge also as most certain, that there be learned and pious men in other Nations, who if the exorbitant power of the Pope were curbed, would heartily contribute unto the Reformation of the Churches, albeit now they lurk, being oppressed by his tyranny, &c. The Pope also sent the Bishop of Aquae, to invite the Protestants unto the Council: but the Princes would not speak with him, and they published their reasons more copiously, why they cannot acknowledge that Council. Hist. Conc. Tride. lib. 1. Likewise Held declared, how the Emperor was well pleased, that they had prudently shunned a league with France and England: for France had conspired with the Turk, and endeavors to kindle intestin wars in Germany; He had commanded the Judges of the Chamber, to surcease from all causes of religion, but those allege, that the Protestants call many causes religious, which are not such, and so administration of justice is hindered; and he craves that they would not be impediment to justice; And whereas they crave, that those who were not named in the Treaty of Noribergh, should enjoy the benefit thereof; He thinks it not reason, that those having approved the former Decrees, and promised constancy in the old religion, should have liberty to embrace what religion they please : this is against his conscience, and nevertheless he will do what is equitablc, &c. After some days Held craved, that they would contribute against the Turkish war, and unto the necessities of the Imperial Chamber; or if the Turk shall not stir, they would grant a subsidy for some months unto the Emperor against France. He craved also, that they would declare, what kind of league they had made among themselves. They answered, They fear not, but the Emperor will keep the peace, as he hath often promised, but both the Chamber and (Held) himself in his discourse hath given such interpretations that the peace may not only be doubted of, but seems to be altogether annulled; and the Chamber dealeth contrarily unto the agreement of Noribergh; as for that, which is objected, that they have possessed themselves of Church-men's goods, they are not so foolish, as for so petty triffles to bring into so great hazard themselves and families; but they cannot permit Monks and enemies of the true Religion to exercize an ungodly Religion, and enjoy their revenues which they deserve not, within their Dominions; And if the Judges will proceed against them as they have done, they will not obey; and if violence be done to any of their friends, they cannot forsake them: for they cannot think, but that when some are oppressed, the same will be the case of them all : As for the League, it is not for offense, but defense, and such as they are ready without shame to make it known unto the Emperor, and unto all men. when Held was gone they agree upon the entertaiment of the Ministers, the opening of public Schools; and their common defense. Osiander, Lib 2. Cap. 38. & 39. They wrote also unto other Princes abroad, vindicating their innocence, and promising, whensoever a lawful council shall be called, to appear, and approve their cause according to God's Word Especially the King of France returned them his answer, that he was of the same judgment concerning a council, neither would he accept any, if it were not lawful, and in a safe place. The Emperors Vice-Chancellor was not contented, and went to the other Princes severally, to make a League in name of Charles and Ferdinand against the Protestants: nor did he cease until he brought it to pass. For this cause there convened at Noribergh the Bishops of Mainz and Salisburgh, the Dukes of Bavier, George Duke of Saxon, two Dukes of Brunswick, &c. This was in the year 1538. In the mean while Joachim Elector of Brandeburgh by Letters sent unto the Elector of Saxon, entreates for aid from him and his confederates against the common enemy the Turk. Saxon and the Landgrave return answer; They cannot, unless undoubted peace were established at home. The King Ferdinand representeth by Letters unto the Emperor their present danger. The Emperor writes from Toledo to this purpose; It had been lately showed unto him, that the Protestants are desirous of peace, which is his earnest desire: therefore he deputeth the Bishop of Londa and Mathias Held, or either of them, and gives them his full power to treat and decern together with the Counsellers of his Brother Ferdinand, and the other Princes Intercessors, in that cause; and whatsoever they shall Judge, he will approve it. Before this Commission was brought, the Judges of the Chamber had publicly prescribed the City Minda, for not paying the Priests. The Elector of Saxony and the Lantgrave did complain of this iniquity, and entreat the Judges to recall that Sentence; or if any execution shall follow, they will not suffer their friends to be oppressed. In the end of December the Lantgrave findeth (by acident) the Duke of Brunswik's Secretary, who called himself a Servant of the Marques of Brandeburgh: after examination the Lantgrave finds it a lie, and carrieth him to Casells: then he finds and openeth the Letters, which Brunswik sent unto the Elector of Mainz and Held, whereby he knew of the League among them. Whereupon followed mutual invectives between the Duke of Brunswik, and the Lantgrave. In February 1539. the Estats of the Empite convene at Frankford after long debating it was concluded, that at Noriberg a Conference shall begin August 1. to treat of the questions of religion: there shall convene Divines on both sides, and other learned and prudent men, to be deputed by Caesar, Ferdinand and the Princes, to order the Conference; and whatever shall be concluded, shall be ratified in the next Diet. The Popish party propounded, that the Pope should be entreated to send his Legat the there: but because the Protestants were serious in the contrary, that was omitted. When these news were brought to Rome, the Pope was impatient, that any Conference in matters of religion was without him; and he sends the Bishop Montepulcian into Spain, to accuse the Bishop of Londa for yielding unto the demands of the Lutherans, to the prejudice of the Apostolical See, and disparagement of his Caesarean Majesty. Many grievous things were laid unto the charge of that Bishop, and many fearful things were represented unto the Emperor against that Conference, as is to be read in Histo. Conc. Triden. lib. 1. But the Emperor would not discover himself unto the Nuncio, whether he would confirm the Conference, or not. George Duke of Saxony in time of his sickness sent unto his brother Henryk in Aprile, showing that if he will renounce his new religion, he shall be his heir; or else he hath made his testament disponing all unto Caesar and Ferdinand. Henry answered the Messingers, This is such a temptation, as Satan used against Christ, Fall down and worship me, and I will give thee all those things: But think ye, that I will forsake the known truth and pure religion, for riches? truly if ye think so, ye Mistake me. Before they had returned, George was departed: and though King Ferdinand knew how the Testament was made, yet he never sought it, and Henry went immediately to Leipsich, entereth into possession, and restoreth the Reformed religion there at the Whitsonday. The Electors Palatin and Brandeburgh being Intercessors did advertise the Emperor concerning the agreement at Frankford, and entreat him to give way unto the Conference, that was appointed at Noriberg. Before the Letters came to his hands, the Empress was dead, and the Emperors answer was: He was taken up so by the death of his Queen, and of other affairs, that he cannot resolve upon the petitioned Conference. These do communicate the Letters unto the Protestants: who considering that the Emperor had not confirmed the truce of 15. months, do meet at Arnstet in Thuringia Novemb. 19. there they advise concerning their defense, if it be needful; of seeking friendship of King Ferdinand; of sending into England, because of some Decrees concerning religion lately made there; to solicit the King of France, that he would not trouble any for religion; and to send new Commissioners unto the Emperor. And because many were absent, and so they could not resolve as they would, they appoint another meeting at Smalcald the first day of March following: In the beginning of the year 1540. Charles comes into Flanders: the Orators of the Protestants meet him, and congratulate his safe arrival; they show how their enemies had falsely traduced them; they supplicate the ratification of the late agreement; or else all deliberation of the Turkish wars shall be hindered. After some days they receive fair words, but no determinate answer. Within ten days the Orators return to Smalcald, where the Princes and Deputies of Cities were frequently convened. They had appointed Jonas, Pomeran, Melanthon, Cruciger and Bucer, to draw up a form of reconciliation in doctrine with their adversaries. After the deliberation they report; they cannot change from the Augustan Confession and the Apology thereof. Other preachers hearing of this Overture, did approve it by their Letters. At this time there happened a variance betwixt two of the Emperors greatest Counselors, the abovenamed Feld, and Granvellan: this man accused the other, that he was too vehement in his counsels, and that he had drawn the Emperor unawarse into unnecessary wars. Whereupon Feld left Court, and lived privately. Then Granvellan sent two Earls unto Smalcald, with some demands, and in his own name he instructes them to show, that the Emperor was almost persuaded, the Protestants do not aim at religion, but at the Church-goods, and that they incline toward his enemies. They return thanks unto the Emperor and unto Granvellan; and they show that many abuses had creept into the Church, which the bb. knew well, but will not amend because of their own interest: Nor had they appropriated any of the Church-goods, but had applied them into pious uses, as the entertainment of their preachers, mantaining of Schools. and relief of the poor; Nor had they made any league with the Emperors enemies, but had constantly continued in loyalty, albeit promises of defense had been proffered unto them; and they entreat that Granvellan would intercede for them, to obtain the Conference of learned men, and that the severity of the Judges of the Chamber may be stayed; and the peace begun at Frankford, may be ratified by the Emperor. Aprile 18. the Emperor sent Letters unto the Elector of Saxony and the Lantgrave, appointing a meeting at Spira or what place they think expedient, to treat of religion, and requiring the Princes to be present.

32. The meeting at Spira was (because of the pest) held at Hagonoa. King Ferdinand came a month before; as also the Protestant Princes had solicited the Electors Palatine, Colein and Trevers, Eric of Brunswick, and the bb. of Ausburgh and Spira to be Counsellers of peace. Because the Protestant Princes came not, Ferdinand causeth examine the Commissions, that they had given unto their Orators: then he named Intercessors the Electors Palatin and Trevers, Louis of Bavier and William Bishop of Strawsburgh: the Protestants accept them: and their Preachers did preach oft in their lodgings, especially when they did meet for consultation. King Ferdinand dischargeth these preachings: but they would not omit them. The Intercessors crave from the Protestants their controverted articles. They answer, they had published them ten years before in their Confession & apology thereof, as they are also ready to give more reasons thereof, if it be needful. The parties could not condescend upon the way of treaty. The King appoints another meeting at Worms within 18. days, when the Deputies of both parties should be present, the Divines in equal number, elleven on each side, to treat on the Augustan Confession; and in the mean time the clergy that have been spoiled by the Protestants, shall be repossessed, or seek to be restored by law in the Chamber; lykwise they shall seek the prorogation of the truce, and none to be comprehended, which had not received that Confession before the agreement at Noribergh, nor shall they admit any other. The Protestants do protest against this Decree of repossessing and admitting: August 13. the Empetour confirmeth the meeting at Wormes, and promiseth a Diet of the Empire, where he shall be present, and hear the result of this next Conference. November 25. Granvellan comes to Wormes as Commissioner from the Emperor, and with him was his son Bishop of Artoise, and three Spanish Divines, Muscosa, Malvenda, and Carobello: he had a long speech exhorting to concord, and enlarging the incommodities of dissension as appears (said he) that religion is decayed in Germany, charity hath departed from men, and the glory of the ancient and catholic Church is gone &c. The next day two Scribes were named on each side. Sleidan. Comm. The Pope had hindered this Conference so far as he could (saith Pe. Soave): he did know, that such Colloquies were prejudicial unto his See: nevertheless he thought, it were less discredit, that he consented unto the meeting, than if they shall convene against his seeming will, And so Thomas Campegius Bishop of Feltra was sent by the Pope: and he show the great mind [forsooth] the PP. namely Paul, had to have a Council; and as yet is thinking on it for the peace of Germany; and in the mean while he had at the Emperors request yielded consent unto this Conference as a preamble unto the Council, and he (said the Bishop) at the Popes command will contribute to his power: he entreates them to think upon Overtures of peace, and they may expect from him, whatsoever may be done without prejudice of piety. Thether also was Vergerius sent, who had been oft in Germany, but now under color of Ambassador from France, that so under the name of another he might do the Pope the more service: he had caused print (before his coming) an Oration, pleading, that a National Counsel was not a convenient, means for establishing a peace of the Church: and then dispersed copies of it, to interrupt the Conference. They triffle about the form of their treating; that nothing shall be divulged before the final conclusion; concerning the number of the disputants; and some other questions (by the advices of Campegius & Vergerius) purposely to waste time. Nevertheless it was at last condescended, John Eccius and Ph. Melanthon shall dispute the head of original sin. Whil they deal so slowly, the Popes Nuntio in Flanders is daily telling the Emperor, that no good can be expected of this Conference, but rather a greater schism, and all Germany is like to turn Lutherans, which is not so much derogatory to the Pope, as the damnage of Caesarean authority, as it hath been oft told him, and he may see by experience. Whether by such persuasions, or by other difficulties, the Emperor recalleth Granvellan, and delayeth all furrher treating unto the Diet at Ratisbone in March An. 1541. Pe. Soave in hist. Conci. He sent also unto the Pope, craving that he would send a Legate with full power, to define or finally conclude what the Estates shall accord upon, for the good of the Church. Paul sent Card. Contaren, with instructions, that if in that Diet anything shall be done to the prejudice of Papal authority, he should oppose it, and declare it null; and then leave the Diet, but leave not the Emperout. When Contaren came to Ratisbon, he excuseth the Pope that he had not given him so large commission, as Charles had sought; because the power of not erring is the Popes personal privilege, nor can be communicate unto any other, seeing Christ had said, Peter, I have prayed for thee. The Pope had given him power to make accord with the Protestants, if they will acknowledge the principles of religion, such as, the primacy of the Apostolical See ordained by Christ, and other things determined; and he entreated the Emperor that he would not hearken unto any proposition, which he may not grant without the consent of other Nations. This Diet began Aprile 5: the Emperor declares what diligence he had used to have union in Germany for preventing the inconvenients of the Turk (Ibid) and because the difference is mainly in religion; he adviseth, that they would cause a few good and peaceable men on each side, to treat of the controversies amicably: and when they shall agree; the particulares may be referred unto the Estates, to be decerned by them and the Popes Legate, so that the Decree of Ausburgh An. 1530. may stand: Sleidan. The first question of choosing such persons spent some days: the Emperor sought and obtained from both parties the naming of the men, and promised that he would do nothing, but what might be for the good of both. For the Papists he nameth John eckius, Julius Pflugius & Jo. Gropper. On the other side he nameth Melanthon, Bucer & Jo. Pistorius: these he did admonish to lay aside private affections, and look only unto God's glory. He named also Frederik Prince Palatin, and Granvellan, Presidents, and others as witnesses. When these did meet, Granvellan gives them a book, which (said he) was written by good and learned men, and presented unto Caesar, as convenlent for reconciliation: he biddeth them read and weigh it: show what articles they can accord on; what they dis-allow, amend it, and wherein they consent not, study a conciliation. The book contained 22. heads, of the creation of man and his estate before the fall, of free-will, of original sin, Justification, the Church and notes thereof, the interpretation of Scripture, the sacraments, the sacrament of orders, baptism, confirmation, eucharist, penance, marriage, exextrem unction, charity, hierarchy, articles that are determined by the Church, the use, rites and administration of the Sacraments, discipline of the Church, discipline of the people. Lu. Osiander saith, The writer of the book was not altogether Popish: he had written soundly of justification and some other articles. When they had examined the heads, they agree in some; and they amend some with common consent: they agree not on the heads of the Church and her power, the Eucharist, the enumeration of sins, orders, of Saints, use of the whole Sacrament, and single life. They render the book, as they had amended it, and the Protestants add their judgment of the articles wherein they did not agree. The Emperor commendeth them for their diligence, and exhorts them to continue the same way, if they shall be further employed. And he reported in the public meeting of the Estates what was done. Pe. Soave saith, The bb. which are the greatest part of that Diet, reject both the book, and all that was done : and because the Electors and Catholic Princes, which loved peace, did not consent unto them, then Caesar as the Church's advocate, dealt with the Legate to approve, what heads they had agreed▪on, and would expound what was dubious; and also with the Protestants, that they would not stop the way of further reconciliation. The Legate answereth in write [I use the words of Soave] but ambiguous like the old oracles; He had read the book, and the annotations, and the Protestants exceptions; and he thinks, that seeing the Protestants have departed from the consent of the Church, yet there is hope that by the help of God they may be brought unto consent; as for other things, nothing more is to be decerned, but to be referred unto the Pope and the Apostolic See: he will call a council shortly, or take some other course convenient for the time, and will use diligence to do what is expedient unto the Christian world, and namely of Germany. And to testify, that he was desirous to have the clergy reformed, he calleth all the bb. into his lodging, and exhorts them unto their duty; to bewar of all scandals, all show or suspicion of Luxury, covetousness & ambition; that they govern their families, seeing by that the people do judge of a Bishops manners; that they should dwell in the most populous places of their own Diocies, that they may attend their flock; and where they live not, they should send faithful Ministers; that they visit their Provinces; bestow priesthoods on good & sufficient men; distribute the Church-goods to the use of the poor; appoint pious learned, temperate and not-contentious preachers to teach the people; have care to breed the youth in good arts, seeing upon this account the protestants do allure the children of the Nobility unto them. He caused this speech be written, and gave it unto Caesar, the bb. and Princes. The Protestants declare their judgment of both these writes, and said unto the Emperor If they had kept silence, they might have been judged to have approved both. In the public meeting the Emperor shows the Legates answer, and seeing no more can be done for the time, he propoundeth, that they would advise, whether without prejudice of the Decree at Ausburgh, these heads wherein the Collocutours had consented, may be received as truly Christian, and no more to be controverted, until a general council shortly to convene (which seems to be the Legat's mind) or if there be no council, until the next Diet of the Estates. The Elector Princes do consent, it should be so, because there is more appearance to agree in other points, if these be ratified; and they entreat the Emperor to continue even now the further agreement, if he can; or if not, that he would deal for a General or National council in Germany. The Protestants answer to the same purpose, and add, that as they had always desired a free council in Germany, so they can never consent unto such a one, wherein the Pope and his party shall have the power of cognoscing and judging the cases of religion. But the Bb. and some Popish Princes do flatly oppose, and profess, they will not consent unto any change, but by authority of a coucel, to be called by the Pope. And they were the more adverse, because they thought, the Emperors overture was in favors of the Protestants. Then Contaren hearing that the Emperor had commended him as consenting unto the accommodation of the Collocutours, they goeth unto Charles, and complains, that his answer was altogether mistaken, as if he had consented unto these conciliations until a Council: for his mind is, that no matters of religion can be concluded in such meetings, but all must be referred unto the Pope as the faithfvll Pastor and Universal Bishop. July 28. the Emperor referreth all unto a council, for which he promiseth to deal with the Pope; and if it cannot be obtained, he promiseth to appoint another Diet within 18. months to end the differences of religion; and in the Interim he forbiddeth anymore alterations, and suspendeth the Decree of Ausburgh. Soave. lo. cit. Then the Protestants promise their aid against the Turk, and intercede for the Duke of Cleve, who had offended the Emperor by invading Gelderland. That summer King Ferdinand besieged Buda in Hungary: the Queen a widow sent unto the Turk for aid: who came, repulsed Ferdinand, and took Buda to himself. Then Ferdinand held a Convention of the Estates in Prague, where the Nobility of Austria did supplicate for a Reformation of their Churches, according to the articles of Ratisbone, and that none be troubled for piety in religion; or else, he may fear, the Turk will prevail more. This was referred unto the General Council.

34. In the beginning of the year 1542, King Ferdinand in name of the Emperor, calleth a Diet at Spira: he showeth, what aid Boheme, Austria, and the Clergy of his Jurisdictions will contribute to the wars against the Turk, and demandeth what the Princes will do. The King of France by his Orators shows his opinion, that it is not expedient to invade the Turk; but if he invade Germany, then the Princes should lay aside all other quarrels, and resist with one accord. Moron the Popes Legate adviseth wars presently, and offereth 5000. foot, if the Emperor will go: but if he go not, half the number: and he shows, that a Council shall be called shortly, but the Pope in respect of his old age cannot come into Germany; and therefore desireth them to make choice of Mantua, Ferraria, Bononia, Placentia, or Trent, which is in the Jurisdiction of the King Ferdinand. The King and some Popish Princes made choice of Trent. The Protestants refuse both the place, and that the Pope should be president. Here the Princes consent unto the Warrs against the Turk, and with common consent Joachim Elector of Brandeburgh is chosen Commander in chieff. This meeting endeth Aprile 11. Then Luther publisheth a book, showing that howbeit before he had dissuaded from the wars against the Turk, because it was undertaken under pretext of Christian religion; but now seeing Princes are better informed, and the Turk pofsesseth himself of other Princes Lands, it is all reason to resist him upon this account as a robber; yet so that Ministers should earnestly exhort all men unto repentance and pious prayers: and he exhorts all soldiers unto courage; and if any be taken captives, that they make not apostasy for fear of afflctions, or for the hypocrisy of the Mahumetanes: he added also a form of prayer against the cruelty of the Turks. But the supplee was not sent, as the Princes had promised; and they which went, did no good, May 22. Pope Paul calleth a council to begin at Trent Novemb. 1. and this he professeth to be of his proper motion. He sent his Bull unto the Princes, but very unseasonably, saith Pe. Soave: for Francis denounceth wars against the Emperor in July, and invaded fyve several Provinces all at once with fyve armies. The Emperor sent word unto the Pope that he could not be content with that Bull, seeing he had done, so much for a Council, and Francis had always opposed it, yet now he makes them equal: then he shows what injuries he had suffered of the Pope especially by his Legate at Spira, where he had promised alike favor unto both the dissenting parties in religion: he submittes it to be considered in prudence, whether the actions of that King be for healing the wounds of the Church, who upon all occasions had hindered the Council, and now compelleth him to take another course; wherefore if the council shall not assemble, it is not his fault, but rather the Popes, who if he made account of the common interest, should declare Francis to be his enemy; nor is there any other way of assembling a council, or of establishing peace. On the other side Francis considering, how his actions might be expounded, will take away all suspicion of religion, by making severe inquisition against the Lutherans (as he spoke) in France, and gave charge to the Masters of Sorbon, to use all diligence against them and all book-sellers having any of their books. So some were burnt, and some did recant: whereupon the Sorbonists made their processions of triumph, and the King honored them with his presence. And when he heard what Charles had written against him, he sent his apology unto the Pope, upbraiding Charles with what he had done unto Pope Clemens, and imputing unto him the cause of all the wars betwixt them, and alleging that he had never done so much for the Church, as he had done in France: and therefore the Pope should not believe the calumnies of his enemy. The Pope sent his Commissioners to Trent, but none others came but two Commissioners from the Emperor, and some few bb. from Naples: the Pope gave them order, at the first to proceed slowly; and when none came, he ordered them to proceed quickly: but the Emperors Orators hindered, and in December left it: So nothing was done. This summer Henry a Duke of Brunswick troubled the people of Goslaria & Brunswick confederates in the articles of Smalcald. The Protestants complain into Ferdinand in name of the Emperor: but Henry stood not in awe of Ferdinand's command. Wherefore the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave sought leave to resist him: and they caused him to flee into Baviere. Otho one of the Princes Palatine embraced the Augustine Confession; and so did the City Hildesheim.

XXXV. In January 1543. was a Diet at Noribergh: there the Prince Elector Palatin and the Bishop of Ausburgh were Commissioners for the Emperor and sought aid against the Turck, and King of France, and Duke of Cleve. The Protestants complain unto King Ferdinand and the Commissioners, that they were wronged by the Judges of the Chamber, contrary unto the Decrees; and they crave that that Court may be ordered to Judge justly; or else they cannot contribute. After long disceptation, the Protestants were debarred, and the others made a decree for fortifiying the garrisons nearest the Turk, and to contribute unto the wars; and these which had refused were condemned. The Protestants declare, that they cannot consent unto this Decree, seeing they were debarred from the counsel; and there was great inequality in the decreed contribution. The Acts were not registered: In January Ann. 1544. was another Diet at Spira, where was the Emperor and King Ferdinand, and all the Electors, and very many Princes, The Emperor declares his good affection towards Germany, but was hindered from doing, as he would, by the Turk, and the King of France, which had a mutual league. Then the Protestants complain against Henry Duke of Brunswick, that he had falsely accused them unto the Emperor in Italy, and that he should not sit there, nor do they acknowledge him a Prince of the Empire. So altertacions were mutually for a long space. In end, the Elector of Saxony acknowledgeth Ferdinand King of the Romans; and the Emperor confirmeth a contract of marriage betwixt Saxony and Cleve: both which he had refused before. And a Decree was made, that the Princes shall contribute to the wars against France, and furnish 4000. horse & 24000, foot, and to fortify the frontier towns against the Turk; that no Germane shall bear arms with the French, or if any shall do it, the Magistrate is ordained to punish such. And because the difference in Religion cannot be treated now, another Diet is appointed in December for that end; and in the mean time Charles shall give charge unto pious and learned men, to devise a way of reconciliation; and exhorts the Protestants to do the like, which may be observed until there be a general Council in Germany; or until the next Diet of the Germane Nation; And in the Interim all shall keep peace, and make no stir for diversity of religion; and the Churches shall possess their revenues for mantaining teachers and Schools &c. The Popish party loved not this Decree, but being overcome with plurality of suffrages, they would not speak against the Emperors authority. These wars continue not: but within a few months the two Monarchs do accord: among their articles this was one, that they shall join all their endeavors to restore the old religion and peace of the Church. Sleidan. Yea, Pe. Soave. writes, that the Emperor did the more willingly accord with Francis, because he was desirous not only to be free of that war, but he thought by means of Francis to have peace with the Turk; and then he might the more securely attend his affairs in Germany, seeing in time of his other wars the Germans were aspiring unto liberty, so that they will not leave the name of an Emperor. Upon occasion of this agreement, the Pope proclameth the Council to be held at Trent. The Emperor was displeased with the proclamation: for he would have been called the principal cause of the Council, partly for his own honor, and partly that the Germans might the more readily condescend thereunto. Nevertheless he made serious preparation, and gives warning unto the Germans as if the calling of the Council were his work, and the Pope were his adhaerent. Both he and the King of France gave order unto their own Divines at Lovan, and Paris, to collect what doctrines were to be propounded: which those did without any proof or confirmation, but with serious exhortations to persecute all who would not embrace these naked propositions. Luther answereth unto these of Lovan, and calleth them heretical and bloody men, which do both teach contrary unto Scripture, and also exhort unto cruelty.

XXXVI. In Aprile An. 1545. was a Diet at Worms, where was no Prince, but King Ferdinand and Orators from the Emperor and the Princes and Cities. The Emperors Ambassador presseth the wars against the Turk, and would delay the cause of Religion. The Protestant Orators, and with them the Orators of the Electors of Colein and Palsegrave do answer, This meeting was called especially for Religion, wherein something had been done before, and there is good hope of effectuating more: and therefore it should not be delayed unto a council, and they do not acknowledge that which is called at Trent, to be according to the former promises; as also they had given their other reasons against it. And by what reason can they be pressed to take wars, who cannot obtain peace unto their own families? In the mean time the Emperor had written unto the King of Poland (as also unto others) to concur with the council, and because he thinks that the Protestants will not submit unto it, it is necessary, that he and other Princes join with him against them as disturbers of common peace and Religion. About the 16 day of May Charles comes into the Diet: and then it was told the Protestants, that they shall be heard in the council, nor shall the Pope have absolute power there, as they allege: or if they find any iniquity, then they may complain; but now to pretend such excuses, it is but their rash prejudice. They answer, The Pope and his retinue had now often condemned their Religion; and the matter may be taken up in Germany, by comparing the different opinions, and searching the truth in a friendly way. After much disceptation the Emperor closed the Diet August 4. so that all the Princes shall assemble personally in January at Ratisbone, and for difference in Religion there shall be a conference of four learned men on either side, and two Presidents, wich shall convene in the same town, Decemb. 1. Then the former edicts were renewed, and confirmed until the Diet. The Popish party will not acknowledge the conference. But the Emperout sent four at the time appointed, and likewise four praesidents; and so did the Protestants send as many. The Emperor gave order to examine the confession of Ausburgh, and to omit the three first articles; because there is no controversy in the first two, and the third concerning original sin was defined already. The Protestants demand for the manner of the conference, that all their conference shall be written, to the end, the Emperor and Princes may the more surely know the differences and their arguments. The praesidents say, That were too prolixe: it is sufficient, the sum benoted; and laid in a chist, that nothing he divulged without common consent; yet so as it shall please the Emperor. The Protestants were content, if their Princes will consent. Peter Malvenda a Spaniard began to treat of Justification by way of Lecture. Bucer said, That way is contrary to the prescribed order: for he should object against the articles of the Confession, if they can; and the point of Justification was handled and determined five years before. Then the Emperor sent his pleasure concerning the manner of treating, as is touched before, especially that nothing be divulged, until it be reported unto the Emperor and Estates of the Empire. The Protestant Princes will not accord unto these conditions, and sent for their Preachers, to know what was done. The orher party take this impatiently, and by printed books accuse the Protestants. Bucer publisheth a large reply, and declareth the doctrine of justification; showing also their readiness to continue the Conference. But the Emperor was plotting another course, While things are so dubious, the Elector Palatine reformeth the Churches within his jurisdiction: January 10. An. 1546. he puts away the Mass in the high church of Heidlbergh: and said, He had waited many years for a Reformation: but now seeing it is dangerous to delay, and there is no hope thereof, he cannot refuse the earnest desire of the people. At that time he and the Landgrave were advertised from Augsburgh, that the Emperor was preparing an army against them. The Landgrave writes unto Granvellan one of the Emperors Counselors, showing what he had heard, not only from Germans, but from Italy, concerning the Pope and Emperors confederacy against the Protestants &c: Granvellan answereth, that the Emperor intendeth nothing but peace, and he admireth the vanity of men conceiving such things of the Emperor. So did another Counseler Navius write unto the Count of Solme, and advised him to exhort the Landgrave, to come unto the Emperor, and he shall soon be satisfied of all these jealousies. The Landgrave goeth unto Spira; the Emperor denieth that he had any such purpose, and exhorts him to keep the appointed Diet at Ratisbone. None of the Protestant Princes came thither but the Landgrave: only they sent their Orators. The Emperor calleth this a contempt of his authority: he shows his care for establishing peace in Germany, and presseth them absolutely unto the decrees of the council. The Orators besought the Emperor, that he would not violat the former peace; as they refused no charges nor service with the rest of the Empire, nor had any thoughts to do otherwise in time coming: As for Religion, seeing the council was not such as he had promised, and the States had decreed, they humbly entreat, that it may be yet referred unto a council of Germany; or a Conference of learned men, which will determine thereof according to the written Word. While they make such a show of consulation, it was publicly known, that the Pope and the Emperor and King Ferdinand were levying soldiers. Then the Landgrave and Orators entreat the other Princes, that they would go with them unto the Emperor and solicit him, that he would not war against them. The Princes refuse; and the Emperor still professes peace with them as his loving subjects. The Landgrave inquireth, for what cause was the levying of soldiers everywhere, seeing he professeth universal peace, and he had truce with the Turk? He replied at last, He aimed at nothing but the peace of Germany; and all who will give due obedience, may look for favor from me (said he) but against others which will not obey, I must deal according to my right. Briefly cruel wars followed: the Protestants at the first prevail, and caused the Papist towns and bb. give them money: they dispossess Maurice Duke of Saxony, who was a Protestant in Religion, but a Commander for the Emperor, because he trusted the Emperor, that the wars was undertaken for civil authority only. The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave were of equal authority at that time, and their different judgments made them lose many good advantages: and in the end they were both taken, as is before related. In the Diet at Ulms Ann. 1547. the Deputies of the States bewail the great damnages, that had befallen unto them all by these intestine wars, and they crave peace. The Emperor professeth readiness: but because of the pestilence the treaty of peace was deferred to a more solemn meeting at Ausburgh. Where the Emperor appointed some bb. and other Prelates to pen some articles of doctrine, concerning ceremonies, and reformation of the clergy. These Deputies wrote a little book, all Romish, excep that they permitted marriage unto priests, and communion under both kinds. The Emperor took this course, because he could not bring about his purpose in the council: he propoundeth this book in the Diet, and caused some to dispute the articles there; and then sent it unto the Bishop of Rome. The Pope wrote back, that none but the Bishop of Rome, had authority to permit such liberty; and immediately he sought to dissolve the council by transferring it.

XXXVI. In May 1548. The Emperor assembleth the States at Ausburgh, and ordaineth that these which had not as yet made defection, shall continue in former obedience and condition of Religion, and unto others he said, Seeing some well affectioned men and lovers of tranquility have propounded unto me a book of articles, which we have caused to be examined, We will you, as ye regard the good of the commonwealth, to accept these articles, and approve your teaching thereby, until a fuller remedy be provided by a general council. The Bishop of Mainz (as if all the rest had given him their voices) gave in name of all the States unto the Emperor immortal thanks for his zeal and care; and he promised to obey. The Emperor takes this answer as an universal consent, and would hear no excuse from any other. He commanded it to be printed in Dutch and Latin: it was called, The Interim. John Marques of Brandeburgh went unto the Emperous lodging, and said, that he had served him heertofore upon this affiance, that he had assured him of liberty of Religion. The Emperor saith, This is a general Decree, nor can any be against it. The Marques began to speak in the contrary: but the Emperor commandeth him to be gone, lest he give a bad example unto others, to refuse the book: and he went home the same day, but changed nothing in religion. The Electors Palatine & Brandeburgh accept the book. Wolfgang Duke of Bipont refused it with great boldness. Ulric Duke of Witembergh would not accept it for his person; but because the Spanish soldiers were quartered in his land for the time, he gave leave to use it: yet the priests were not regarded there, so that within a short space they left his land again. The Emperor sent Granvellan and the Bishop of Artois unto the captive Duke of Saxony with some hope of liberty, if he would approve the book. He said, He coul not accept it, unless he would wound his conscience, and sin against the Holy Ghost, seeing it contains many things contrary to the holy Scriptures. After that he was kept more strait, and his preacher for fear changeth his habit and left him. The Emperor sent also unto the Duks two sons, and they also refuse the book: then he complaineth unto the Duke that his sons would not obey the Decree, and they suffered the Preachers to speak and writ aguinst the book: and therefore he should cause them satisfy him. The Duke returneth answer, Seeing he himself approves not the doctrine of the book, he cannot advise his sons to receive it: The Deputies of the towns sought some space of time to communicate with their principales, ere they give answer. The last day of Iuny was granted unto them. Some for fear did accept it; and others accept it with some exceptions. Some returned answer, Seeing the Emperor presseth this as an Imperial decree, they will refuse no proportionable burden of the Common wealth: but this particular concerneth their souls, and the burden thereof lieth upon the godly people: so many as are careless of Religion, care not what be decreed: they doubt not but the Emperor loveth peace: yet if men be compelled to speak and practice against conscience, it is to be feared, that such decrees shall raise greater troubles. Nevertheless the Emperor presseth the book upon them by force; as upon Ulme, Constance, &c. The preachers choose rather to leave the towns, as Brenz left Hala, Musculus left Ausburgh, &c. Some were persuaded to accept it, and afterward with many tears confessed their sin publicly: Albeit the Emperor had commanded, that none should write against that Interim, yet many books were published, condemning the doctrine in it, and admonishing men to bewar of it as a most pernicious pest, not only for the errors of doctrine, but likewise because it is a means to bring in whole Popery again: Ausburgh was compelled to receive their Bishop again, and he would not come in, until he covenanted with the Senate, that he shall have three of the best churches for the Mass; and the Bishop granted liberty unto the people to follow either the Romish or the Protestant Religion, as they will. So after the Mass had not been seen in that town the space of 20. years, it was begun again: at the first time was a frequent concourse of people, especially of the young folk: they wondered to see men with shorn crounes and strange habits; to sing and read what they understood not; to set up torches at midday; to burn in cense; to use such gesticulations, sometimes bowing: their knees, sometime stretching forth their hands, sometime folding them; sometime crying aloud, sometime mumbling; standing now in one place, and then in another; to eat the bread alone and drink the wine so that not a drop wes left in the chalice; to wash their hands; to kiss the altar and the images, &c. After noon a priest went to preach in the high Church: a young man made some noise: a sergeant threateneth him: all the boys run together to save him: the priest seeing the fray, leaveth the pulpit and flieth: report is carried unto the Magistrates: when they came into the Church, the multitude was gone. The next day the Senate sent unto the Chapter, to excuse the matter, that it was done only by boys, and they would have a care, that the like shall not be done. The Chapter will not accept the excuse, but run unto the Bishop dwelling in his house called Tabernae without the town: he complains unto the Emperor: who ordered the Bishop to begin again, and the Burgermasters to be present for preventing anymore tumult: Osiander. Epit. Cent. 16. Lih. 2. Cap. 73 & 76. Maurice Duke of Saxony returning after the Diet unto Leipsich, presseth his people with the Interim: they require a conference with the Divines of Wittembergh, and had several meetings in sundry places; the last was at Leipsich: they were unwilling to change their Religion, and they stood in awe of Caesar' • wrath; and they consulted upon a middle course, that if they shall yield in some indifferent things, the Emperor will accept their obedience, and will not persecute them. While they sift the Interim for indifferent things, they patch up a new model of doctrine also; and did not consider the scandals, which did arise thereupon: for many of the people hearing that such things were called Indifferent, did think and say, All Religion is indifferent, and they had erred before in their zeall; and all Popery may be restored. On the other side the Papists said, All Protestants will return, if they be pressed with authority. I add some instances of their indifferent doctrine. 1. A man is chiefly just and accepted before God, by faith for the Mediators sake: we will not strive for the particle only faith. 2. God worketh not in men as in a block, but so converts, that in understunding persons he will have some action of the will, which accompanieth his efficacy. 3. we will not contend for the number of Sacraments: all the Sacraments may be accepted, cum sano intellectu. 4. all Ministers may be subject unto the highest Bishop and unto inferior bb. administering their office according to the commandment of God, or unto edification and not destruction; that is (saith Osiander) we will take wolves to be shepherds, if they will not devour the sheep, but lead them faithfully into wholesome pasturage, &c. Magdeburgh and Breme would not accept the Interim: and albeit Duke Maurice, the Elector of Brandeburgh, the Duke of Brunswick, Meckelburgh and others went against them in arms, and beseeged Magdeburgh, they would not accept it: when they had received a foil, they by a published write, declare, that their loss was not so great as it was called; God had put them to a trial, but they were confident of his help; and howsoever it shall please Him to dispose of them, they will rather die, then return to Antichrist, or receive the decree of Ausburgh: and they entreat all Christians, that they would not fight against them in such a cause, but rather aid them in such extremity. They endured such strait difficulties the space of thirtien months, until another variance happened betwitxt the Emperor and Princes. These troubles for the Interim continved above two years; howbeit I have joined them together, that I might carry-on the most public affairs of Germany: some particulars were also then remarkable, of which I give a touch.

XXXVII. In the Diet at Regensburgh An. 1534. the Emperor and the Popes Legate did enioyn all the bb. to endeavor a holy reformation of their clergy within their several jurisdictions. Herman Elector of Colein sent for Bucer and Caspar Hedio preachers of Strawsburgh: he ordered them to preach in Bonna his See; and to write the articles of Christian Religion. He sent a • so for Ph. Melanthon, and Jo. Pistorius a Preacher of Hassia. He recommendeth the Articles unto his clergy of Colein, to consider them. These do urge the Bishop to remove these new Preachers, and crave a time to advise upon the articles. The Bishop telleth them, He is ready to remove them, if they can convince them of false doctrine or of wicked conversation. They write a contrary book, and in the preface they say, They would rather live under the Turk, then under a Christian Magistrate attempting a Reformation, and they rail against Bucer. Bucer offereth to defend his doctrine by disputation. When the Emperor understood of this, he writes unto the Senate of Colein, and commandeth them, that they suffer no alteration in Religion: and the Pope wrote likewise; commending also the clergy, that they had resisted their Bishop, and exhorting them to continuance. The Emperor comes with a train of Spanjards to Bonna, and causeth all the Preachers to be removed: for the clergy made appellation from the Bishop unto the Pope and Emperor. The Bishop declared, that their appellation was not to be regarded, seeing he craves nothing, but as it becomes a godly Bishop, and he refutes all their criminations. In the year 1544. the Clergy do press the people and the inferior bb. and Universities throughout the province, to subscribe their appellation; and they cast out so many of their number, as would not subscribe. The appellation is sent unto the Emperor and to Rome, In the year 1545. the Emperor summoneth the Bishop to appear within thirty days, or to send his proctor, to answer unto these accusations, July 18. the Pope summoneth him to appear at Rome within 60. days, and citeth also some of his accusers. In the year 1546. Aprile 16. the Pope excommunicates and deprives the Bishop of his priesthood and Benefice. The bb. of Leodium, & Utrecht, and the University of Lovan join with his accusers at Rome. Herman appeals from the Pope unto a free Council, and declares that he cannot acknowledge the Pope to be his Judge, because he is guilty of heresy and idolatry, which he will prove, when the Council shall begin. The Pope gives the bishopric unto Adolph Count of Schavenburg, and writes unto the Estates of the Province to accept him: and so doth the Emperor. The Clergy obey readily: but the Civil Estate complain, that they are unjustly deprived of their godly Bishop. So both had their parties: but Herman chooseth to quit the Bishopric; and did renounce it Januarie 20. 1547; and with him Frederik Bishop of Munster was deprived of the Provestry of Bonna, and the Count of Stolbergh was deprived of his Deanship, because they did cleave unto Herman. So the new Bishop restoreth the old errors at Colein. Osiander. Libr. Cit. Cap. 48 & 50.

XXXVIII. So bitter was the malice of the Papists against Luther, that in the year 1545. they put forth in print a tale of his death; A horrible miracle (say they) and such as was never heard, that God, who forever is to be praised, in the fowl death of Martin Luther damned in body and soul, shown for the glory of Christ, and confort of the godly. When Martin Luther fell sick, (say they) he craved the body of our Lord Jesus to be communicated to him: which having received, he died soon after: and when he saw his end approach, he willed his body to be laid on the altar, and to be worshipped with divine honors. But God willing at last to make an end of horrible errors, by a strange miracle warned the people to cease from the impiety which Luther had begun: for when his body was laid in the grave, on a sudden such a tumult & terror arose, as if the foundation of the earth had been shaken: they which were present at the funeral grew amazed with fear, and lifting their eyes, they saw the holy host hanging in the air: wherefore with great devotion they took it, and laid it in the holy place: when that was done, the hellish noise was heard no more. The next night a noise and tumult was heard about Luther's grave, much louder than the former, and raised all that were in the City out of their sleep, trembling and almost half dead for fear. In the morning they open the sepulcher, where Luther's detestable body was laid, and found neither body nor bones nor clothe •• , but a stinck of brimstone coming out of the grave &c. This merry tale being spread over Italy, a copy was brought to Luther, and when he read it, he writes under, these words, I Martin Luther, by this my hand-writing, confess & testify, that on March 21. I received this fiction concerning my death, as it was full of malice and madness: and I read it with a glad mind and cheerful countenance, but deteste the blasphemy, whereby a stinkingly is fathered on the Majesty of God: As for the rest, I cannot but rejoice & laugh at the Devils malice, wherewith he and his rout, the Pope and his complices persue me: God convert them from their devilish malice: But if this my prayer be for the sin unto death, that it cannot be heard, then God grant they may fill up the measure of their sin, and with such lying libels let them delight themselves to the full. It's also remarkable, that when Luther heard some to be called Lutherans, and some Zwinglianes, he was greatly offended, and he entreated, that his name be kept in silence, and that none be called Lutheran, but Christian. What is Luther, said he; the doctrine is not mine, nor was I crucified for any: the Apostle would not have any Christians called Paulinianes, nor Petrinianes: whence therefore shall this happen unto me, that the children of Christ should be called by my vile name? away with it, ô friends; away with schismatical names? Tom. 2. edit. Witemb. fol. 4. In Decemb. An. 1545. he was entreated by the Earls of Mansfield, to be arbiter of a controversy between them: for respect to their persons and the Province wherein he was born, he would not refuse. When he was fitting himself for this journey, he said to Melanthon, that he had gone too far in the controversy of the Sacrament. Melanthon exhorts him to explain his mind by publishing some book: he answered, Thereby I may bring a suspicion upon all my doctrine; but I will commend it unto God, and I request thee to amend by thy watchfulness after my death, what I have done amiss. John. Fox in Act. & Monim. from the testimony of Melanthon, Alex. Ales. Daniel Buren. Herbert de Langen, &c. January 17. he preached his last Sermon at Wittembergh; on the 23. day he took journey: he was sickly before he came to Isleben: yet after some fomentations he recovereth a little, and attendeth the business about which he came, until February 17. during this time he preached sometimes, and administered the Lord's Supper twice. That day he dined and supped with his friends, and among other discourses he was talking of heaven, and said, We shall know one another there, as Adam knew Eve at the first sight: After supper his pain increaseth in his breast: he went aside to pray, and then went to bed: about midmight his pain wakened him out of sleep: then perceiving his life at an end, he said unto his friends attending him, Pray God, that he would preserve unto us the doctrine of his Gospel: for the Pope and Council at Trent have grievous things in hand. When he had said so, he was sleepy, but the pain made him complain of a stopping in his breast; and then he prayed in these words, Heavenly father, even God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the God of all confort, I give thee thanks, that thou hast revealed thy Son unto me; in whom I have believed, whom I have professed, loved and preached, and whom the Bishop of Rome and the rest of the wicked do persecute and reproach: I beseech thee, my Lord Jesu Christ, receive my poor soul: and heavenly Father, though I be taken out of this life, and shall lay down this my body, yet I believe assuredly, I shall abide forever with thee, and that none shall be able to pull me out of thy hands. After this prayer he repeated the 16. verse of Joh. 3. and the 20. verse of Ps. 68: and thrice he said, Lord, into thy hands I commend my Spirit; with tokens of much confort, until as a man falling a sleep, by little & little he departed this life. His body was honourably convoied to Wittembergh and by appointment of the Electour was buried in the Tower-church in the 64 year of his age. The next year the Electour was taken captive, and when the Emperor came into Witembergh the Spaniards would have taken his body to burn it: but the Emperor said, Suffer him to rest till the day of resurrection and judgment of all men.

XXXVIII. When the Electour was captive, and many of the confoederats were reconciled unto the Emperor, the Electour of Brandeburgh and Duke Maurice did solicit for the Lantgrave. Charles was high in his demands: yet the Lantgrave, considering his danger, was content of any conditions, so that he and his people be not forced to change their religion. He comes to Hall in Saxony, where the Emperor was: before he had access, he must subscribe the demands: this was one clause, The Emperor is the interpreter of all the articles. He sticketh at this, alleging that it was not so in the form which was shown before unto him. The Bishop of Artois said, It was a mistake of the writer: and he demandeth, that the Landgrave will promise unto the Emperor, to accept the Decrees of Trent. This he refuses: the Bishop menaceth him that he cannot be accepted other wise. He answereth, He will obey the decres of a free, godly and General Council, as Maurice and the Elector had done. Then he was brought before the Emperor, and upon his knies did confess his offenses, and promised obedience in all time coming. The Emperor saith, Albeit he had deserved most grievous punishment, yet he refuseth not to restore him according to the articles of agreement. Nevertheless the same night at command of the Emperor, the Landgrave was arrested, and a guard set upon him. Maurice and the Elector of Brandeburgh, protest unto him, that it was contrary unto their mind, and they shall never cease, until they obtain his liberty. And they did solicit earnestly, but could not prevail. According to an article, 150000 ducats were delivered unto the Emperor and other things of great importance: but the Landgrave was delivered into the hands of Spainards as a Captive, and carried about with the Emperor: who gave the title of Elector and Duchy of Saxony unto Duke Maurice. This did not content him: but God made him the instrument of delivering the captives, of chasing the Emperor out of Germany, and purchasing liberty of Religion, as is hinted before.

XXXIX. Now let us view some things done in France; and first it is worth the marking, what Robert Steven (who is better known by the name, Robertus Stephanus) did, and what was done unto him by the University of Paris. In the year 1532 he published an edition of the Latin Bible, when he had conferred the Copies, that were in use at that time, with some old manuscripts, and according unto them he amended some errouts. The University take this ill, that he had attempted to change the Translation. He defended himself, that he had changed nothing, but had printed according to old coppyes, which he had by him. His answer was tolerable in the judgment of reasonable men: nevertheless they persue him before the Court of Paris, and do petition, that he may be burnt. But their petition was refused. Then he printeth the Bible, retaining the vicious translation, and on the margin he addeth the words of the manuscripts, with Notes showing the Copies, whence he had these words. These do accuse him for that edition, before the King Francis and his counsel: but were put to shame and silence. In Response. Ro. Steph. ad Censur. Theologor. Paris. Pag. 109. Then he printed the ten commandments, in great letters and in such a form, that they might be fixed upon walls of houses for common use; and so did he with a Sum of the Bible. This did provoke them yet more, especially because he had printed the second command, Thou shall not make unto thyself any graven image, &c. And they accuse him: but the King gave him a warrant to reprint both the Ten commandments, and the Sum of the Bible, both in Latin and French. They did summon him to compear before them, and said, that his work was worse then the teaching of Luther. Fivetien members did approve him, and added their seals unto his attestation; so the multitude of them seeing the Kings warrant and that attestation, were ashamed, and their Deputies did also assoil him. Ibid. pag. 11. In the mean time the King had ordered Francis Vatablus Professor of the Hebrew, to expound the Old Testament out of the first language: and his hearers did write his exposition and his annotations. The Kings Printer dealeth with the hearers, and receives from them a new Translation, which he printes with the old Translation and with the Annotations. When this work was perfected in the year. 1545. he shows it unto some of the University, requiring and entreating them to show him, if any part thereof had not been rightly observed by the hearers, to the end, if there be anything amiss, he may amend it. They do approve the work, and assure him, that no evil could proceed from the Lessons of Vatablus. But when the books were sold, some do observe, that the Translation and the Annotations were contrary unto the present doctrine of the University: and therefore the books should not be sold, seeing they were printed without the knowledge of the Faculty. The Printer goeth unto the Court. and showeth Peter Castellan Bishop of Mascon, that the University were offended, and intend to hinder the selling of his books; when he saw that the Bishop was doubtful what advice to give, he saith, If the Divines will give him their Censure, he is willing to print it with the Bible, and he will neither be ashamed, nor take in ill part, to advertise rhe reader of whatsoever error is in the book. This Overture did please the Bishop, and he relates all unto the King which willeth the Bishop to writin his name unto the University, that they shall revise the Translation and the Annotations; and note what doeth not please them, and subioyn unto every fault a reason of their judgment: and deliver their Censure to be printed either apart or with the Bible. Castellan writs so unto them: and they did promise to obey. But though they were at several times required to deliver their Censure, they shift it; and sent unto the Divines of Lovan, entreating to reckon that Translation among the forbidden and heretical books. The King was informed of their shifts and of that Letter: wherefore he ordereth the Bishop to require them again: after several exhortations to this purpose, they send fifetien places, which they had marked. The Bishop conferreth with their Deputy Gagneius upon these instances, and writes a large letter unto them, commending the Annotations, and showing what course they should observe in their Censure. They were the more enraged at that commendation, and would not go-on in their Censure, but would have the book to be condemned, which they had declared heretical. Then the King sent his Letters patent and sealed, charging them to continue in their Censure, and to deliver it unto his Printer. They do still refuse, and at that time King Francis dieth. His son Henry sendeth the like charge unto them on August 16. 1547. They return answer, that they shall perfect their Censure before November 1. but then in place of the Censure they send a supplication, craving that the books may be forbidden, because he is a sacramentarian, and had written that men's souls are mortal. The Printer is informed, and addresseth himself to answer before the King and Counsel: then they return unto Paris: but he shows how false their calumnies were. At that time they sent unto the King 46. Articles, which they had collected. It was told unto their Deputies, that they had spoken of some thousands of errors, and were these all turned to 46. Their answer was, The University had more, but had not as yet put them in form. The Printer returns to Paris, and chides some of the Divines, that they had accused him falsely. They produce the place, where they allege, he denieth the immortality of the soul. He replieth, They understand not Latin, who will from these words forge such an error. And saith he, I give them this praise, that when they cannot prevail in reason, none are more impudent to bear down the innocent with monstrous lies. Then he returns unto the Kings Court, and petitioneth, that his adversaries should plead their cause against him, and bring-in all their articles. When they were summoned to do so, ten of them do compear: and in their pleading they fall into variance among themselves, and could not agree in maintaining their articles. Then they were charged, that hereafter they shall not usurp that power of Censure in matter of faith, which belongs unto the Bishops; unless the bb. shall call for their advice. The Articles were delivered unto the Cardinals and Bishops, to be examined, and it was appointed, that their Censure be given unto the Printer, to be printed. The Deputies of the University do lament that their power was taken from them; yet durst not speak in public: and the selling of the books was stopped, until the bb. had given their censure. The Deputies returning, a public thanksgiving was appointed, as if all the business had been well done; and they were confident, that no more should be required of them. The bb. and Cardinals do confer upon the 46. articles; they say, five or six were liable to misintetpretations, but all the rest were sound and Catholic. When the Printer heard it spoken so in the Court, he presseth, that the University should be charged to bring what other articls they have to object. The King commandeth them once and again to bring all their accusations. They delay, thinking, that if the bb. had given such a censure of the 46. articls, they can have little hope of anymore. Therefore they do allege that they cannot attend the Court in such a cause, and they do supplicat, that it be referred unto the Inquisitors. The King not being present, it was so concluded by the Council. The Printer was then afraid, because the Inquisitors must condemn all, whom the University condemneth. Therefore he addresseth himself unto the King, who in Council causeth seal an Act, suspending the former Act, and commandeth the University to produce what other articles they had against the book. Then they deal with Guiancurt the Kings Confessor, that he would solicit the King to condemn the Printer as an heretic, and that they be not pressed to bring more articles; and in the end of their Letter it was written, It were a shame unto the University, if a mechanic man shall prevail against them. The Confessor prevails so, that the selling of the books was again forbidden; yet so that the University must produce their other Articls. The Printer knows not of this, which was done by the King: and he going unto Court, gives thanks unto the Cardinal of Guise for his favor in the judgment of the articls. The Card. telleth him, The course was changed. He asks, is there no remedy? I know none, saith the Cardinal. The Printer is feared, and intendeth to leave the Country: he communicats the case unto the Bishop Castellan, and being betwixt fear and hope he entreats him to ask the King for what cause he had given order to persecut his Printer. The King said, It is true, I have forbidden to sell the books, because the Divines have complained of him as a most pestiferous heretic; but not that he shall be banished, until they bring the rest of their articls. Then the Divines deal with Senalis Bishop of Orange, to persuade the Printer unto submission; and the Bishop said unto him, It were better for him to agree with the Divines, than to leave his Country, nor could he have any hope to prevail against the holy University: He answereth, I expect no victory, but only let them obey the King, and produce their articls. The Bishop replieth, That cannot be expected, seeing it is not the custom, that the University should prove what they do judge heresy, but only show by word of mouth, and their word must be believed; or else we could never come to an end of an action. After a day or two the Printer saith unto the Bishop, that he is willing to desist, if the Divines will no more persue him, and afterwards he shall print nothing without their advice. The Bishop applaudeth the motion, and adviseth him to communicate it unto Gujancurt. The advise pleaseth him also, if the Printer will give it in writ, and he undertakes to send it unto the University. The Printer considereth, that if they had that under his hand, he were no more safe from them, and they might produce that as a sufficient reason, why they should not bring-in the rest of their articles: therefore herefuseth. So both parties come again into ths Kings Court: there it was reported, that the Printer should have 1500. crowns for his damnage. Then the Deputies do rage and say, Shall a wicked man have a reward for impiety? and so others shall be encouraged to do more mischief. So the King was persuaded to give no money: but he said unto his Printer, that he will be more bountiful unto him another away. The Printer gives the King humble thanks, saying, that he craved no more, but that he would protect him from the malice of these his enemies. The King granteth him his warrant: but with difficulty could he obtain the seal: and when he had it, he keeps it quiet. In the mean time the Divines endeavor to prove other things against him by witnesses: and when it was told them, that he had the Kings warrant, they do use all means to have him imprisoned; and will not believe, that he had obtained a protection. He shows it unto them: and then they demure. When this storm was over, he gathereth fifetien old manuscripts of the New Testament in Greek, and printeth it with the diverse lections on the margin, and gives the first copy unto Castellan: he calleth the Printer saucy, that he had printed it, before he had advised with the Divines. Robert answereth, There can be no danger in printing that book, nor could he be suspected of heresy for it; yea and some of them had advised him to change the text in 1. Cor. 15. 51.