History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600

CHAP. I. Of EMPEROURS.

PHOCAS a mean Captain in Thracia, in a sedition of the people did kill his Sovereign Maurice, usurped the Crown, and held the Empire 7. years. He began to establish himself by favor. Cyriachus Patriarch of Constantinople had crowned him, and then did hate him for his cruelty against the house and friends of Maurice: the Western part of the Empire was aiming at liberty, and like to forsake him. Wherefore he dealt gently with Pope Gregory I. and after him he set up another of his own mind, and then another in the See of Rome. They played to others hands, the Emperor gave unto Boniface the Title of Universal Bishop, and the Pope promised fidelity unto Phocas. He was given unto Covetousness in oppressing the Provinces with Tributes; to Lust in defiling other men's wives; as for Intemperancy, carousing was his glory, Zonar. annal. li. 3. In all the Provinces of the Empire was great disorder, and little justice. The Persians subdued Mesopotamia, Assyria, Syria, and took Jerusalem : for Cosroes pretending to revenge the death of his Father-in-law Maurice, killed the most part of that Army which had advanced Phocas or assisted him, and the rest of them were sent captive into Persia. Pe. Mexia. France had lately gone away; and now Germany, a great part of Italy, Pannonia, Misia and other parts made a full defection. Wherefore the Senate of Constantinople seeing that either the Empire or Tyrant must perish; especially Priscus one of the chief Captains under Maurice, and now the son-in-law of Phocas, and Heracleon the Governor of Afric (whose wife Phocas had defiled) consulted together, and sent Armies from Afric and Thracia: they took Phocas in Constantinople, and gave him just reward: they cut off his hands and feet, then his privy members, at last his head: some write, they burnt his body in a brazen Cow; and others say, they cast it into the Sea, An. 609. Zonar. annal. to 3.

2. HERACLIUS son of Heracleon Governor of Afric was made Emperor with general consent of People, Armies, and Senators, and was crowned by Sergius the Patriarch. He found the Empire in a troublous time, but his glory was the greater. His Deputy Campsinus usurps the Kingdom of Italy, and was quickly subdued and slain by Eleutherius, whom the Emperor sent against him. Bajanus made himself King of Bavaria, and molested the Empire in the West, that Cosroes had the less opposition in subduing Egypt and Afric unto Carthage: in the end Heraclius brought the Bavarians under command; he crowned his son Emperor, and went in person against the Persians. Pe. Mexia. First he dealt for peace by Ambassadors. Cosroes said, he would not lay down Arms, until he had abolished the worship of the crucified God, and the Persian God were worshipped everywhere. Then Heraclius was the more confident, that the Wars was not so much for the Empire, as for defense of the Church and worship of God. After public invocation of God's name, he joined with the enemy at Azotus, and put him to flight: then within Persia he overthrew his two Armies in two other fights : he defaced the Image of the Fire and Sun, which the Persians worshipped, Zonar. Annal. In the mean time Cosroes neglecting his eldest son Siroes, designed his second son Mardases to the Crown. Wherefore Siroes killed his father and his brother, and he agreed with Heraclius: they both restored captives : Heraclius received Syria and Jerusalem, and (as they say) the Cross where on Christ was crucified, which Cosroes had taken out of Jerusalem. So after seven years Heraclius returns with glory to Constantinople, holding the Cross in his hand, and gave thanks unto Christ. In remembrance of this Victory, he appointed the Feast of the Rood day Cario. chron. The Sarazens had served him in these Wars, and when they required their wages, the Emperors Treasurers answered them disdainfully, as follows in c. 3. This prosperity turns the Emperors mind to the worse: he marrieth his brothers daughter Martina; and became a Monothelite by the suggestion of the Patriarch of the Jacobites, and Sergius Patriarch of Constantinople. Sophronius Bishop of Jerusalem admonished him of his error. But he made an Edict that displeased both parties, that no man should speak of one will, or of two wills of Christ. Zonar. Annal. After this the Sarazens gathered in Arabia, and many Persians followed Muhammad because of the dissoluteness of his religion, whereof hereafter. Muhammad occupies all Arabia, and passeth into Persia, where because the King was dead, the whole country almost became his Subjects, and embrace his religion: they were little more called Persians but Sarazens or Mohammedans. Heraclius went against them, and loseth in one Battle 150000. men. Pe. Mexia. Others also rebelled against him in the West, so that ere he died, the Empire was sore weakened. Rotharius became King of Lombardy: the Slavons possess Illyricum; the Huns and Bavarians keep Hungary, Bavier and Austria; the Goths were reigning in Spain; and unto the Empire belonged the Provinces of Greece, a part of Italy, and the Isles of the Mediterrane Sea from Sardinia unto Cyprus, Asia the less, a small part of Afric, and some other small Provinces. Pe. Mexia. After Heraclius had tried both fortunes, he died of hydropsie, an. 639.

3. CONSTANTINE III. reigned not above four months after the death of his father: he was poisoned by his step-mother Martina with advice of Pirrhus the Patriarch; that her son Heracleonas (begotten in incest) might be Emperor. He was hated by Martina for his Throne; and by Pirrhus for forsaking the heresy of his father. Zonar.

4. HERACLEONAS was but eleven years old, and his Mother governed the Empire, but with no contentment of the Subjects. In the second year of his Reign the Senators rose against Martina and her son: they cut off his Nose, and her Tongue (that thereafter she should not move sedition among the people by her flattering words) and sent them both into Cappadocia, where they died in Prison. Pirrhus was drawn back from his flight and imprisoned. So Murder and Incest was punished.

5. CONSTANS the son of Constantine, was crowned by the Senate without the advice of the Soldiers: which was a rare thing in these days. He was a Monothelite, as the Patriarch Paul, and (both his Predecessor and restored Successor) Pirrhus : and therefore he punished sundry persons for speaking against his Heresy : among whom Theodore Bishop of Rome narrowly escaped, and his Successor Martin was taken by Theodore Eparch of Ravenna, and carried in bonds to Constantinople, and banished to Chersonesus, where he died. He also slue his own brother Theodosius, and most cruelly vexed them all, who would not subscribe his Typus or Heretical confession. Therefore the Lord permits the power of the Sarazens to wax greater, that in the 13. year of his Reign they sent a Navy from Phoenicia, and spoiled the Coast of Asia without resistance : yet intestine Wars falling amongst them for choosing their Captain, Constance had two years peace. And then he hears of a Rebellion among the Lombards, and thinking to subdue them, he comes into Italy with a great Army, making a great show and some expectation: but he received loss and shame. Thereafter he went to Rome, and was received by the Citizens and Pope Vitalian. Within few days he spoiled the City, and carried all the Ornaments and Treasure into Siracuse: where (because he was hated at Constantinople) he kept Court six years, and at last was slain in a Bath of too-hot water, by Andrew one of his own servants in the 27. year of his Reign. Platina calleth him Constantius.

6. CONSTANTINE by surname Pogonatus or beardy was received into the Throne with his Father ere he went into Italy; and now the Soldiers in Sicily did salute Mizisus or Mizentius, with the honor of Emperor, but he was soon taken, and his head with the Authors of the Treason was carried to Constantinople. Constantine began his Government with the murder of his brethren, because the Nobility would have had them partners of the Empire : yet afterwards he proved valorous and good. In his time the Sarazens were strong : they entered into Sicily, and carried to Alexandria in Egypt all the spoil that Constance had taken out of Rome. They invade Thracia, were repulsed seven sundry Sommers at Constantinople; and in the end were so foiled, that their Captain Muthavia sought peace, and accepted hard conditions, to wit, they should pay yearly unto the Emperor, in name of Tribute 3000. pounds of gold, 50. servants, and as many good horses. They of the West hearing of so honorable peace, sent their Orators with gifts to congratulate the Victory. Then the Emperor had peace everywhere, and set his heart to take away the schism of the Monothelites : for he thought, if Christ have but one will, he hath but one nature, or else the other nature is not reasonable. Against this Heresy he calleth the sixth General Council, which he held and ruled at Constantinople. He keeps peace with the Bishops of Rome: he was a long time sick, and died an. 607. • n the time of his sickness the Sarazens possessed all Afric unto Carthage; and the Bulgarians came into Mysia.

7. JUSTINIAN II. succeeds to his father in the 16. year of his age. In the beginning his Captains forceth the Sarazens to restore all that they had taken in his fathers time, and to sue for peace, which was concluded for ten years. Pe. Mexia. But the Emperor being more hardy then faithful, made new Wars against the Sarazens in Syria, and was so streighted, that he sought peace with shame Io. Lampad. in Mellif. Then was peace in all the World; but this young Emperor is miscarried by two Minions Theodosius a Monk, and his Chaplain Stephen: he breaks the peace with the Bulgarians to his great reproach and loss: he assembleth a Council at Constantinople, to annul the acts of the former, which were ended in his own time, and confirmed by him : by the persuasion of these two, he put his chief Captain Leontius in prison, and held him there two years: who escaping with the help of Callinicus the Patriarch, laid hands on Justinian, cutteth off his nose and ears, and sent him to Cherona in Pontus in the 11. year of his Reign; and they dragged the two sycophants by the feet through the streets, and then burnt them Zonar. Annal. The Emperor Justinian I. had conquered Libya from the Vandals, and Justinian II. loosed it, that till this day the Sarazens and Mohammedans possess it.

8. LEONTIUS was crowned with the great joy of the common people. He sent an Army against the Sarazens in Afric; but in a sedition amongst them, the soldiers choose Tiberius Apsimanus a Citizen of Constantinople, and General of the Army to be Emperor. He came quickly back upon Leontius, and took him, and served him as he had done to Justinian, in the 3. year of his Reign, and he exercised great cruelty against the friends of Leontius; yet did he nothing without advice of the Senators, who delivered unto them their keys at his first coming.

9. TIBERIUS coming this way unto the Crown, sent his Brother Heraclius Governor of his Army against the Sarazens in Asia, and recovered Armenia from them. When Justinian had been four years in Pontus, he escaped, and by the aid of the Bulgarians he returned into Constantinople, and by force took Tiberius, and cast him into the same prison with Leontius, and having cut off his nose and ears, caused them both to be drawn through the City, and beheaded them, and he hanged Heraclius: so oft as he would have wiped his nose, he caused some of the friends of Leontius to be slain : he pulled out the eyes of the Patriarch Callinicus, and sent him bond to Rome to gratify Pope Constantine, and set in his place Cyrus an Abbot, who had received and sustained him in Pontus. Beda de sex aetat.

10. JUSTINIAN II. now lay at home, executing cruelties daily. He did invite (Platina saith, rogat. Abb. Urspet. saith, accersit. and Sigonius saith, obsecrat.) Pope Constantine to come into the East, that they may talk together of the affairs of the Republic, as he said; but in very deed, to engage the Pope unto him by extraordinary honors, whereof he saw the Bishops of Rome were very desirous. Pe. Mexia. Platina saith, he sent ships to convey him safely: but Anastasius saith, the Pope caused ships to be built for himself. Ph. Mornay in Myster. The Emperor caused all his Subjects, where the Pope was to come, to receive him with such honor as they ow unto himself. As the Pope drew near to Constantinople, Cyrus the Patriarch with all the Clergy went out eight miles from the City, and set the Pope upon a Camel, and with solemn ostentation they conveyed him into the Emperors Palace: thence he went into Nicomedia, where the Emperor embraced not the Pope, but casting himself down before him, he craved pardon for his sins, and kissed the Popes foot with an unmeasurable show of humility (as Mexia saith) and so was absolved. After this he became unthankful to Trebellius King of Bulgaria (who had restored him) and entered into his land with hostility, and was shamefully beaten back. It was told him that Philip Bardanes had dreamed, that an Eagle had overshadowed him with her wings, and was therefore banished into the Isle Cephalonia by Tiberius; now Justinian conceives the same fear, and sent an Army against him, thinking on no such thing: the soldiers turn to his side, as Platina writes : but Mexia saith, upon this occasion Philippicus levieth an Army, and at Synope within 12. miles of Constantinople, Elias Prince of Cherson, in open Battle, slue Justinian and his son Tiberius; and with consent of all the subjects Philippicus received the Crown an. 712.

CHAP. II. Of POPES.

GREGORY I. alias the Great, was Bishop of Rome about the 600. year of the Incarnation. The Bishops of Rome had the first place among the Patriarchs, with express limitation of jurisdiction and bounds, as well by the first general Council at Nice, as by the second at Constantinople. This order was brangled in the time of Gregory. For John, Patriarch of Constantinople, sought not only to have the first place, but also to be called Patriarcha Oecumenicus or Universal, because the Emperors chief Residence, was at Constantinople the head City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gregory writ many Epistles against the Title, unto John he saith, Thou was wont to confess thyself unworthy to be called a Bishop : but now thou art so puffed up, that despising thy brethren, thou seekest to be called the only Bishop......At the last day of account, what wilt thou answer unto Christ the Head of the Universal Church, who endeavoreth to make all his Members, subject unto thyself, by naming thyself Universal? Who (I pray) is before thee to follow him in this perverse word; but he, who despising the legions of Angels (socially ordered with him) would burst out unto the top of singularity, that he might seem to be under none, and he alone to be above all? Who also said, I will ascend into heaven, and exalt my Throne above the stars: I will sit in the mountain of the Testament, in the sides of the North....For what are all thy brethren, the Bishops of the Universal Church, but the stars of heaven? Whose lives and tongues do glance among the sins and errors of men, as in the darkness of the night: above whom thou wilt prefer thyself by this word of pride, and tread down in comparison of thee; what else sayest thou, but I will ascend into heaven, and I will exalt my Throne above the stars?.....All which things while I see with tears, and do fear the secret judgments of God, my tears are increased, and my groans are not contained within my breast; that the holy man John, who was of so great humility and abstinence, is by the seducing tongues of his familiars burst out into so great pride, that by hunting after a perverse name, he will be like unto him, who when he would arrogantly be like to God, did also lose the grace of the given similitude; and therefore did forfeit true blessedness; because he sought false glory. Truly the Apostle Peter was the first member of the holy and universal Church, Paul, Andrew, John, what were they but heads of particular flocks? and yet they ALL were members of the Church under one head. And to comprise All in a short bundle, the godly before the law, the godly under the law, and the godly under grace; all these perfecting the body of Christ, are ordered among the Members of the Church, and none of them would ever be called Universal : and therefore let your Holiness know, what swelling is in you, who seeketh the name, wherewith never any did presume to be called, who was truly godly. Did not the reverend Synod at Chalcedon (as your Holiness knows) call the High-priests of this Apostolical See (which I do serve, as God hath disposed) Universal, by a proffered honor? and nevertheless none of them would be named by such a word: not any of them did take unto them this temerarious Title; lest if in the degree of Priesthood, he had taken this glory of singularity, he had been thought to have denied it to all his brethren. Much more writes Pope Gregory of this kind, in that 38. Ep. li. 4. and especially, in the same Epistle he tells him, that he had given direction to his Deacon Sabinian, that he should not communicate with John, or be at the same [Missa] service with him, unless he did renounce that wicked and profane pride. And in 32. Epistle of the same book, unto the Emperor Maurice, he calleth that a name of vanity, a new name, a wicked and arrogant name: and li. 6. Ep. 36. I say boldly, he who takes or affecteth this name, is the fore-runner or Usher of Antichrist, because in pride he preferreth himself above all others. The Emperor was not well pleased with these Letters, and when Cyriacus was Patriarch, he writ unto Gregory, that for so frivolous a word, he would not give so great scandal unto the Church. Gregory answereth li. 6. Ep. 30. saying, I entreat that your Imperial Godliness would consider, that some frivolous words are very damnable, and some are not so hurtful: When Antichrist shall call himself God, will it not be a frivolous word, and yet very pernicious; if you consider the quantity of the word Deus, it hath but two syllables: but if you consider the weight of iniquity, it is an universal plague : and I say boldly, that whosoever desireth to be called Universal Priest, he runneth before Antichrist in pride; because he presumptuously preferreth himself above all others; and with the same pride he is brought into all error: for as that man of sin, will seem to be above all men, so whosoever seeketh to be called the only Priest, exalts himself above all other Priests. Gregory writ also unto Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria, and Anastasius Bishop of Antiochia, li. 4. Ep. 36. that they would help in this common cause, and hinder so great pride. After the same manner did he write li. 7. Ep. 69. unto Eusebius Bishop of Thessalonica, and others in the days of Cyriacus. If any will say, Gregory did invey against John and Cyriacus, because they did usurp what was due unto the Bishop of Rome; the words of the former Epistle unto John, show the contrary; as also the Ep. 30. li. 7. indict. 1. unto Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria, where he writes thus; I said, that you should neither give unto me, nor unto any other such a Title; and behold in the beginning of the Epistle, which you have directed unto me, who have forbidden it, is the word of that proud Title, calling me Universal Pope: which I desire, that your most sweet Holiness do no more unto me: for it is withdrawn from you, which is given unto another more then reason requires: for I seek to prosper not in words, but in manners; nor do I think it my honor, wherein I know that my brethren come short of their honor....then am I honored, when the honor which is due unto everyone, is not denied to everyone: for if your Holiness call me Universal Pope, you deny yourself that, when you call me Universal : but far be that! away with words that blow up vanity, and wound charity. So far he. When Phocas had slain the Emperor Maurice, though Baronius adan. 605. calleth him a perjured and bloody murderer; yet unto him writes Gregory, saying, Glory in the highest places unto God, who (as it is written) changeth times, and transferreth Kingdoms: for by the incomprehensible dispensation of the Almighty God, is the moderation of man's life.....when the merciful God will comfort the hearts of them who mourn, he advanceth unto the top of government one, by the bowels of whose mercy, he poureth the grace of gladness into the hearts of many: in the abundance of this joy we trust to be comforted, who are glad that the bountifulness of your Godliness is come to the high Empire: Let the heavens rejoice; let the earth be glad, and the people of all the Republic hitherto vehemently afflicted, become joyful in your bountifulness, &c. li. 11. Ep. 36. Unto the Empress Leontia he did write the 44. Epistle of the same book, which beginneth thus: What tongue can tell, what mind can think, the thanks we owe unto the Almighty God, for the happiness of your Empire? And he endeth, praying, that they would love his Church, to whom it was said, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock—; and on the other side, he promiseth that Peter will protect their Empire here, and intercede for them in heaven; that for relieving the oppressed on earth, they may rejoice many years in heaven. What meaneth this so large congratulation, but that through the favor of Phocas, his own authority may be enlarged, at least, that none be preferred above him? So ready are some to speak against the faults of others, and to disguise the same in themselves, as they find occasion. But Gregory died, an. 604. when he had sitten 8. years. Because he is the first Church-man I speak of, it may seem necessary to show what was the estate of the Church in his days, in respect of Doctrine and Discipline, and this I will endeavor (God willing) in the next chapter, lest I seem to enlarge the life of one too far; for this present behold a little of the Papal power. In li. 4. Ep. 31. he bewails unto the Emperor Maurice, that in his Epistle he had called him a simple fool, and he saith, Let not our Lord, according to his earthly power, be too hastily angry against the Priests, but in singular consideration; for his sake whose servants they are, let him so reign over them, that he bestow due reverence on them. Bellarmine. de Ro. Pontif. lib. 2. c. 28. acknowledgeth that the Pope reckoneth himself amongst those Priests. And in Epistle 34. he saith, I trust in the Almighty God, that he will give long life unto our godly Lord's, and according to his mercy he will protect us under your hands. Observe how reverently the Pope speaks unto the Emperor, and yet more submissely; in lib. 2. Ep. 61. he saith, He is guilty before the Almighty God, who is not sincere, in all that he doth or speaks unto his most gracious Lord's. There he calleth himself the unworthy servant of his Godliness : and he shows the iniquity of an Imperial Ordinance (in his judgment) and he concludes thus; I being obedient unto your command, have caused the same law to be published through divers parts of the land; and because the law is not consonant unto the Almighty God, behold I have told it unto our most gracious Lord's, by the page of our suggestion : therefore in both I have paid what I should, who have given unto the Emperor obedience, and have not been silent for God, so far as I know. The Jesuit saith, that he did write in such manner; partly in humility, and partly in necessity; because the Emperor had then the Temporal Authority in Rome, and the Pope had need to be defended from the Lombards, and the Emperor, being far off, did entrust him with many things, and the Bishop ought to give account of such things. But the foresaid Ordinance, was of a purpose Ecclesiastical. And lib. 4. c. 34. he complains, that Maximus was admitted Bishop of Salona, without consent of him, or his Nuntio; and nevertheless when he had received from the Emperor a command, he had loosed his sentence of Excommunication; as if Maximus had been ordained by his order. And li. 9. Ep. 41. he saith, if John Bishop of Justiniana will not dismiss his charge, the most godly Emperor may cause to choose another; seeing, what he commandeth to do, is in his power: as he knows, so may he provide: only he craves, that the Emperor would not cause him to meddle with such a Deposition. Here I do not intend to inquire the causes and equity of things, but to show what was done : and we see the Pope subject unto the Emperor; but wait a space, and we shall see the Emperor subject unto the Pope. Is not this a novation? Behold what power the Bishops of Rome did exerce within his Patriarchal. When Constantius Bishop of Milan died, he sent word by his Clark Pantaleon unto the City, that they should choose a Deacon Deus dedit to be Bishop, and cause him to be consecrated, lib. 9. indict. 4. Ep. 21. He gave charge to Passius Bishop of Firma, that he should choose Opportunus to be Pastor, if he be able; lib. 10. ind. 5. Ep. 13. He commandeth under the censure of Excommunication all the Bishops of Dalmatia, that they ordain not any Bishop in Salona without his consent, lib. ind. 12. Ep. 16. He did also draw the causes of Arch-Bishops unto Rome; as when Severus Bishop of Aquileia had been accused of heresy, and restored, and after was accused again, he summoneth him, according to the command of the most Christian Emperor, to appear in St. Peters, that there, in a lawful Synod, his cause may be judged, lib. 1. Ep. 16. He chargeth Natalis Bishop of Salonitan, that seeing the cause of Honoratus Arch-Deacon, seems to have been decided with contention in that Synod (and they had ordained him, against his will, to exerce the Office of a Priest; and removed him, as unworthy the Office of a Deacon) to restore the Arch-Deacon: and if any scandal shall arise thereupon, he willeth, that both the Arch-Deacon shall be cited to appear before him, and also the Bishop should direct some person for him, that the cause may be examined. Ib. Ep. 19. When Maximus was ordained Bishop of Salona, contrary to his order now named; he commandeth him to humble himself, and hasten to appear before him, without any excuse, lib. 5. indict. 14. Ep. 25. Out of the next Epistle it appears that Maximus did not obey, and the Clergy and Rulers did assist him : wherefore the Pope did write unto them, to cause Maximus to come and appear; and he promised that he would judge the cause uprightly. He drew civil things to his power, as lib. 8. ind. 3. Ep. 6. he ordered Savinus a Sub-Deacon, to cause Maria to pay unto Stopaulus and Marcellus, what her father had left unto them by Testament. In lib. 11. ind. 6. Ep. 54. among other directions that he gave unto John, going into Spain, he telleth him, how the Emperor Justinian had ordained, that if any had an action against a Clark or Monk or Deacon; he should first go unto the Bishop of the place, and there the cause to be decided; and if both parties did not rest contented, the Judge of the place should put the sentence in execution. This instance shows, that the Bishops had their power in civil things, by the Laws of the Empire. At that time, the Bishop of Rome had Revenues from other Churches, and lib. 10. Ep. 47. he bids his Clark Pantaleon to bring unto him, the silver which is left by the Clergy or people, that he might see the money of the Churches, which the people and clergy have, safely kept. And in the 50. Epistle, he gives order unto John Bishop of Siracuse, concerning his Revenues paid there and in Panormitan. Pelagius the I. mad an Act, that all Metropolitans within his jurisdiction, should within three months (after their Consecration, as they speak) ask a Palle [Pallium, or a Bishops Coat] from Rome, Gratian. dist. 100. cap. 1 & 2. it seems that they did not regard the Palles; therefore Gregory obtrudes the Palles upon them, and would have the Metropolitans to accept them; but would suffer nothing to be taken for them. li. 4. Ep. 51, & 56. He made a new form of Service, which they call the Mass, and did add many Ceremonies, that were not in use before: so that Platina saith, the whole institution of the Mass, was invented by him. Onuphrius saith, that Platina comes short in describing of his inventions. He first did ordain the Stations and the great Litany; that is, upon occasion of a great inundation in Rome: he appointed, that on the 25. of April yearly, the people should resort to certain Churches; and if they please to confess their sins, they may receive forgiveness; Pol. Verg. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 1. which custom still remains, but now upon necessity; whereas he said, if they please. Nor in that order makes he mention of indulgences; albeit some of his Sermons be extant, that he delivered upon these days. Rabanus de institut. cler. lib. 2. cap. 18. expounds these Stations to be the Fast, on Wednesday and Friday. He ordained the Lent to begin on Ash-wednesday, and the Ceremonies thereof, Po. Verg. lo. ci. lib. 6. cap. 3. and lest the people were detained too long from dinner, he ordained that Matins be closed before nine a clock.

2. SABINIAN was at Constantinople, when Gregory died, and was advanced into his Seat by Phocas. When he came to Rome there was great dearth, and the poor people besought him to follow the alms-deeds of Gregory: he answered, Gregory hunting after a popular applause, had wasted the patrimony of the Church. And he did so burn with wrath and envy, that Caranza saith, he did hate all the good works of Gregory; and he had burnt all his Books, saith Platina, if some Copies had not been saved by Peter a Deacon. The burning of Torches continually in Churches, and the distinction of hours by Bels was his device. Platin. He did propound unto Phocas, that the Title should be given unto the Bishop of Rome, which Gregory had so oft condemned; but because of mighty opposition, it could not so soon be carried. He sat 1. year and 5. months; after him the See was vacant 11. months and 26. days.

3. BONIFACE III. being at Constantinople, was named by the Emperor; and now for envy of Cyriacus, was made Universal Bishop of the Church; and the See of Rome was ordained to be the head of all Churches; because the Church of Constantinople would have usurped this honor: Beda de sex aetat. & Platin. Bar • nius in Annal. ad an. 606. saith, Because there was enmity betwixt Phocas and Cyriacus; for envy of him, the Emperor seems to have favored the Bishop of Rome, beyond the custom of his Ancestors; and did ordain by Imperial Edict, that this name becomes the Roman Church only; and the Bishop of Rome should be called Universal, and not the Bishop of Constantinople: this Title then is a novation. But what is the meaning of it, it is controverted. Pope Innocent the III. writing unto the Patriarch of Constantinople, lib. 2. Ep. 206. gives two notions of it, saying, it is called the Universal Church, which consists of all the Churches; which in the Greek language is called, The Catholic Church; and according to this exception of the name, the Roman Church is not the Universal Church, but a part of the Universal Church; to wit, the first and chief, as the head in the body, because in her is the fullness of power, and a part of that fullness is derived unto others: again, the Universal Church is called, that one, that hath under her all other Churches; and according to this reason of the name, the Roman Church only, is called Universal; because she alone is preferred above all others by the privilege of singular dignity, as God is called the Universal Lord, Catalog. test. verit. lib. 6. I will not stay to dispute these exceptions; but observe the novation, and who is the Author of the Title; and how contrary it is unto the Epistles of Gregory the I. Bellarmine. de Ro. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 32. would prove the lawfulness of this Title; because in former ages, some were called Bishops of the Universal Church. It is true, some were so entitled, not only the Bishops of Rome, but others also; as may be seen among the Epistle of Augustine and others : and Clemens the I. in the first Epistle unto James, the Lord's brother, called him the Bishop of Bishops, who governed the Holy Church of the Hebrews in Jerusalem, and all the Churches, which by the providence of God were founded everywhere. Here a Bishop of Rome giveth such great Titles unto others : and Athanasius was called Bishop of the Catholic Church; and it seems not without disparagement to the Bishop of Rome: for Basilius Magnus in his 49. Epistle, writes unto him thus; so much the more as the diseases of the Church wax worse and worse, so much the more do we all turn unto your dignity; trusting that your government is the only comfort which is left unto us. Now will any say, that either James or Athanasius, had the power or jurisdiction over all the Churches? Where then is the power of the Bishop of Rome? But Basilius declares his mind in the words following, thus, Thou art thought by all alike who either in part by hearing, or by experience, know thy dignity able to help us from this horrible Tempest, by the power of thy prayers, and by thy knowledge to inform in the affairs that are most excellent. And more clearly in the 52. Epistle, he saith, it seemeth enough to others, that each one consider and have a care of what belongeth unto himself; but unto thee, this is not enough; for thy solicitude is such for all the Churches, as well as for that which particularly is, by our common Lord, committed unto thee; who indeed intermittest no time from conference, admonishing, writing, and always sending some who do inform in the best things. Behold here a solicitude universal, and not a jurisdiction universal. But to return to Boniface, Platina testifieth, that this Title was not given unto him without great contention; for the Patriarch of Constantinople did allege, that it appartained unto his See, seeing there was the head of the Empire; and the Bishop of Rome said, that Rome was the head of the Empire; and a Colony was sent from thence unto Constantinople, and the Emperor, is called Emperor of the Romans; and the people of Constantinople, even at that time, are called Romans, and not Constantinopolitans or Greeks. Platina addeth, I omit (saith he) that Peter, Prince of the Apostles, gave unto his successors, the Bishops of Rome, the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven; and the power that God had given unto him, he left in Legacy unto Rome, and not to Constantinople. Platina might well have omitted this; because he cannot show out of any Author about that time, that Boniface did pretend this reason. It is true, some Bishops of Rome, before that time, had spoken of Peters primacy. But not in such sense, as they do now, as is clear from the words of Gregory the I. that are before. And here it may be remembered, what he writes to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria, lib. 5. Ep. 60. saying, One thing tieth us unto the Church of Alexandria, by a certain peculiarity; and some way forceth us, by a special Law, to incline the more unto her love; for as all men know, that the blessed Evangelist Mark, was sent into Alexandria by his Master the Apostle Peter; by the unity of this Master and of the Disciple, are we tied; that as I seem to sit in the seat of the Disciple, because of the Master; so do you sit in the seat of the Master, because of the Disciple. We find not the responsory of Eulogius; but it is clear, he did not approve this pretence; for Gregory writ again unto him, lib. 6. Ep. 37. thus, Your most sweet Holiness, hath in your Epistles, written many things concerning the chair of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, saying, that he sitteth as yet in it, by his successors: and indeed I confess myself unworthy, not only of the honor of Rulers, but to be in the rank of standers also: but all that you said, I accept gladly, because you speak to me of the Chair of Peter, who sit in the chair of Peter. And albeit I have no delight in special honor; nevertheless, I did greatly rejoice, that you who are most holy, have given unto yourself, what you have allowed unto me: for who knows not, that the Holy Church is strengthened by the solidity of the Prince of the Apostles? because he carried strength of mind in his name, that he was called Petrus à Petra, to him by the voice of Truth it was said, Unto thee will I give the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven: and again, When thou art converted, strengthen thy brethren; and again, Simon lovest thou me? feed my sheep. And so though the Apostles were many, yet only the See of the Prince of the Apostles, which [See] is but one in three places, and hath prevailed pro ipso principatu; for he hath advanced the See, where he would rest and finish his life; and he hath beautified the See, whereinto he sent the Evangelist a Disciple; and he hath strengthened the See [Antiochia] in which he sat 7. years, albeit he was to leave it: Seeing then the See is one, and of one; wherein now by Divine authority three Bishops do govern, whatsoever good I do hear of you, I account it mine own; and if you hear any good of me, impute it unto your merits; because we are all one in him, who said, That they may be all one, as thou, Father art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us. So far he. Whence it appears, that whatsoever may be understood by the Title, Prince of the Apostles; other Bishops did oppose, that it should be proper to the See of Rome; and Gregory was content to share with the Bishops of Antiochia and Alexandria. Likewise Basilius, Bishop of Cappadocia, in his 55. Epistle calleth Ambrose (who was Bishop of Milain) Bishop of the first See of the Apostles; certainly, not because any Apostle was ever Bishop of Milain; but because, as Ambrose held the doctrine of the Apostles, so at that time Milain was the Court of the Emperor Theodosius his Residence; as Basil saith in the same Epistle, unto that Town is the Princedom of the whole [Roman] nation concredited. The primacy of the Bishop of Rome, being grounded, in this manner, upon so sandy reasons, hath been usurped and enlarged by slight and might through many ages; and at that time gave the occasion of the great schism, betwixt the Greek and Latin Churches, and among the Latins themselves; for the Bishops of Ravenna and Milain, would not consent to the supremacy (as follows :) and therefore Ravenna, in contempt, was called Acephalos or headless; and the Bishops of Venice and Istria would not subject themselves. Phyl. Mornay in Myster. iniq. pag. 117. This Boniface denounceth a curse to all them, who climb unto a Bishopric by favor of men or bribery: he ordaineth, that the Election of a Bishop, should be by consent both of people and clergy, and be ratified, when the Prince of the City shall approve of it, and the Pope shall add his volumus & mandamus. Platina. Gregory said, he would not command, but only he would intimate or show such things as he thought expedient, lib. 7. Ep. 30. but then Boniface, and all his Successors, in all their Constitutions, Grants, and Bulls, have no word so frequent, as Iubemus & mandamus. He sat 9. months.

4. BONIFACE IIII. succeeds an. 608. saith Onuphrius, Phocas gave unto him the Temple that was called Pantheon (that is, of Cybele and all other God's) and he dedicated it unto Mary, and all other Saints; and therefore it was called Virgo ac Martyrs. Platin. A noble change! not from Paganism to Christianity; but from one sort of idolatry to another. Neither was this his deed only, but of many other Popes, as Bellarmine showeth de cultu Sanctor. lib. 3. cap. 4. and therefore Agrippa de vanit. scient. cap. 58. saith, we know, this was the old superstition of the Gentiles, to build to each God their own Temple: to whose imitation, afterwards Christians began to dedicate their Churches unto their Divis. In that chapter, Agrippa taxeth his Romanists: 1. That they think God hears prayers more in one place, than in another; albeit Christ biddeth enter into our Chamber; and he himself went unto the Mountains to pray. 2. He reproves the multitude of their Churches, Chapels, and Oratories built and adorned so sumptuously; and in the mean time, the poor and living members of Christ, are starving for want of necessaries. From Augustine, contra Maximin. lib. 1. argum. 11. de Sp. San. we may learn a third fault of this kind : if we build (saith he) a Church of Stones or Trees unto any most excellent Angel, are we not accursed and anathematized from the truth of Christ, and from the Church of God; because then we give unto a creature, that service which is due unto God only. Hereunto did Bellarmine subscribe, saying, to offer Sacrifices, to build Churches and Altars, is a service due to God alone; de beatit. Sanctor. lib. 1. cap. 12. But in lib. 3. de cultu Sanctor. he varnisheth this practice of the Romish Church, saying, we build not Churches to our Martyrs, as to God's, but as monuments to dead men, whose spirits live with God. He adds other answers, but such as he trusts not himself; and the most solid (as he saith) is, Holy houses may be built truly and properly to Saints, yet not under the name of a Church or Temple, but Basilica or Memoria. To omit the identity of the words, Agrippa said before, They build Churches unto their Divi: and Erasmus on the margin, above the fore-named words of Augustine, hath marked, This is done now to each one of the Divi. But experience is a sufficient witness, that almost all the Churches, under the obedience of Rome, had their names from Saints; nor were they called, the Memories or Monuments, but the Church of Saint Peter or some other Saint, and in Latin Templa Sanctorum, and in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Bellarmine witnesseth de cultu Sanct. lib. 3. cap. 4. Werefore we may see, that the Church of Rome hath turned the old idolatry, into a new sort of idolatry; giving their new God's more fine and superstitious worship. This Boniface did first ordain the Feast of All-Saints, and that the Pope should say Mass that day. Catal. test. verit. lib. 6. He turned his fathers house into a Monastery, and sat 7. years: then the seat was vacant 6. months; for many strove for the preeminence, rather than for the cure of souls. At last

5. DEUSDEDIT or Theodatus, the son of a married Priest, was chosen, and sat 3. years. This only is written of him, that he was an holy man, and that he healed a man sick of the Palsy, by a kiss only; and that he ordained, that the son of him who had been witness of the Baptism of an infant, should not marry that infant being a woman. Platin. And hereby he enlargeth spiritual alliance (as they call it) which was begun by Gregory, who did accurse the man who shall marry his god-mother. Grego. decreta.

6. BONIFACE V. is said to have been a man of singular virtue and bountifulness; especially toward those of the Clergy, who were most vigilant in their calling. He ordained, that so great reverence should be had unto the place of God's worship; that whosoever shall take his refuge into a Church, should not be taken by force; (making the Law of God against murderers, and such ungodly men, to be of no effect by his tradition; because he loved them who bring, saith I. Beda in Catal. Scriptor. illust.) and that sacrilegious persons should be accursed (for he hateth them who take away.) In his time, Testaments were of strength, when they were confirmed by the Magistrates: but his Successors would have this power to themselves. His Epistles direct to England, as in Beda 's history, wherein are sundry passages, fighting against the perfection of Christ's satisfaction. He sat 5. years, and died an. 622.

7. HONORIUS I. was a Monothelite, Onuphrius in Annot. in Platin. and Bellarmine, de Ro. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 11. would purge him of this blot, by the Epistles of a Monk Maximus, and of Immanuel Caleca. who lived about the year 1274. they cannot deny, that they saw in the most common books of Councils, this heresy imputed unto him in the sixth general Council; as also the Epistles of Sergius, Bishop of Constantinople, unto Honorius; and of Honorius to Sergius, were read in the twelfth Action or Session : and in the sixteenth Action, they both were accursed for that heresy: and in the seventeenth, a Confession was published contrary to the error of the Monothelites; and after the Confession, Honorius Pope of old Rome, is reckoned amongst the Heretics : see hereafter in Leo II. and some among the Romanists, stick not to call him an Heretic, as Melc. Cano in loc. Theol. li. 6. c. 8. Platina makes mention of his great care in building of Churches, and transporting Ornaments from the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, into the Church of St. Peter, but nothing of his spiritual building. He appointed Processions on the Lord's day: whence was the compassing of Churches. Catal. test. verit. lib. 9. He sat 12. years, and then the Seat was vacant 1. year and 7. months.

8. SEVERINUS was confirmed by Isaacius, Eparch of Ravenna: for at that time the Election of the Pope was naught, till he were confirmed by the Emperor or his Eparch. Platin. Isaacius came to Rome for confirmation of the Pope, and saw great Treasure in the Lateran Church: he took it all away; because the Soldiers were in great necessity, in time of the wars against the Sara • ens; yet he gave only a part of it to the Soldiers, and sent the rest to Ravenna; whence he sent a part unto the Emperor : like unto all other Popes, Severinus was more careful of houses then of souls. Platin. He by Epistle reproves the Scots; for observing Penticost or Easter, on another day than the Church of Rome; but his reproof had no place there; because they were not accustomed with the yoke of the Romish Bishops, saith Catal. test. ver. He sat 1. year 2. months. Beda hist. lib. 2. cap. 19. hath written an Epistle at this time, thus, Unto the most learned, and most holy, the Scotch Bishops and Presbyters, and other Doctors and Abbots. Hilarius Arch Priest, and keeping the place of the holy Apostolical See, John a Deacon, and chosen in the name of God; and John Primicerius, and holding the place of the Apostolical See, and John a servant and counselor of the same Apostolical See. The writings which the Bearers brought unto Pope Gregory, of good memory (he departing this life) have not been answered till now. Which being opened, lest the mist of so great a question should continue......Hereby we know, that the Pelagian heresy beginneth to revive among you; wherefore we exhort you earnestly, that so venomous a work of superstition be put from your minds; for it cannot be unknown unto you, how that execrable heresy is damned; seeing it hath not only been abolished out this 240. years; but it is also daily condemned by us, by a perpetual anathema, and is buried: and we exhort, that among you their ashes be not stirred up, whose weapons are burnt: For who will not abhor the proud and wicked attempts of them who say, A man may be without sin by his proper will, and not by the grace of God? And indeed, the first foolish saying of blasphemy, is to say, A man is without sin: Which cannot be, except the only Mediator of God and Man Christ Jesus, who was conceived and born without sin. For other men, being born with Original sin, are known to bear the testimony of Adam's transgression (even they who are without Actual sin) according to the Prophet, saying, Behold I was conceived in iniquity, and in sin hath my mother born me. What may be collected out of this Epistle, I leave unto all Judicious Readers: only I would, that this were remarked, that in the inscription, they observe the style and phrase of the Roman Court, directing their Letters unto the Scotch Bishops, &c. whereas, neither at that time, nor many ages thereafter, was any Bishop in Scotland; but only Abbots who were Doctors, and Presbyters in several congregations.

9. JOHN IV. bestows all the Treasure (that Isaacius and Severine had left) on the redeeming of some captives of his Nation Dalmatia and Istria, from the Lombards. He transports the bodies of Vincentius and Anastasius Martyrs, from Dalmatia to Rome; from the hands of enemies to the superstition of a more eminent place. In his time Lotharis, King of the Lombards (a good Justitiary, and Arian) did permit in every City of his Kingdom, two Bishops, one Catholic (as they spoke then, or orthodox) and another Arian. John sat 1. year 9. months.

10. THEODORUS I. the son of Theodorus Bishop of Jerusalem, strove against Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, because he was a Monothelite, and sought his deprivation, but in vain; for he dealt by authority, and not by Scriptures or reason; and Paul despiseth his authority. Lotharis said, he was puffed up with ambition, and not inspired by a good spirit; and therefore he contemned him also, saying, He fostereth many errors, and reproved one only. He dissuadeth the Emperor Constance, from the error of the Monothelites; therefore the Emperor sought his life. Thereafter all his care was, to adorn and adore the bodies of the departed Saints, and their Relics: he died an. 647.

11. MARTIN I. augmenteth the number of holy days; he commandeth the Priests to shave their hair continually; and that each Bishop should consecrate the chrism or holy ode yearly, and send it through all the Parishes of his Diocy; and that all the Clergy should, at their admission, vow single life. He sent unto Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, exhorting him to forsake his error; but Paul was so far from regarding his Ambassage, that he abused his Messengers, and sent them into sundry Islands. Wherefore the Pope assembled a Synod at Rome, of 150. Bishops, and reneweth the damnation of Syrus, Bishop of Alexandria; of Sergius and Pirrhus, Bishops of Constantinople, and he accurseth Paul. Platina makes no mention that he did Excommunicate the Emperor. Certain it is, that the Emperor commandeth his Eparch Olympius, either to kill Martin, or (if he could) send him to Constantinople; because he had conspired against the Emperor, as appears in his own Epistle, written to Theodorus the former Eparch. Olympius sent a servant to kill him, in St. Mary's Church. Platina saith, the servant was miraculously stricken with blindness. The Emperor restored Theodorus, and gave him the same Commission: he was received by the Romans very graciously, because he had foughten against the Lombards, Then professing to visit the Pope, at the first meeting causeth him to be bound, and sent him to Constantinople, where he had his tongue cut out, and was sent to Chersonesus, and died in great necessity. After he had sat 7. years, his See was vacant 14. months; because they had not had intelligence of his death.

12. EUGENIUS I. receiveth Letters from Peter, Bishop of Constantinople, coming nearer the truth, than his Predecessour Paul: yet because he did not express the two natures and wills in Christ, the Clergy of Rome, did inhibit [Nota] the Pope to say Mass, until he abjured those Letters of Peter. Platin. He commanded, that Bishops should have Prisons for malefactors; and so they began to meddle with civil punishment. Catal. test. ver. lib. 7. He ordained, that Monks should not come out of their Cloisters, without express license from their Superior. He sat 2. years and 9. months.

13. VITALIAN ordained a new order in the Church, especially of singing; and for the better harmony, he brought in the Organs. Platin. That new order of singing, must be understood of some new sort of music; for Psalms were sung in the Church before : and Bellarmine de bon. oper. lib. 1. cap. 7. saith, Organs were not heard in the Church, before the year 820. and Thomas Aqui. 2. 2. qu. 91. ar. 2. saith, in the Old-Testament was use of musical instruments; because people were rude and carnal; and therefore had need to be stirred up by these instruments, as they were by earthly promises; as also they did prefigure something. And in object. 4. of the same article, he saith, The Church suffers not musical instruments, as Cythars and Psalteries in the praising of God, lest they seem to Judaize. Whence it appears (as Card. Cajetan. hath observed in that place) that Organs were not in the Church in the days of Thomas Aqu. In the year 666. he ordained, that all service in the Churches, everywhere, should be done in the Latin language; and so the number of the Beast, agreeth to his time and language, that he commandeth. But hence it appears, that at that time, the Nations had used their vulgar languages in the Churches; and this Pope began to restrain them. Pope Martin had ordained that Priests should not marry; and now Vitalian reproves Priests for their marriage; as appears by his Epistle to the Bishop of Creta, wherein he findeth fault, that the Bishops of that Island had wives. He commanded shaving and anointing; and under these signs, he gave liberty of buying and selling. Catal. test. ver. lib. 7. Three things, at that time, were called wonders, Monasteries with fair buildings, Kings become Monks, and whoredom of Priests was thought no fault. He sat 14. years.

14. ADEODAT followed him. Now a wondrous Comet was seen the space of three months; and also were extraordinary thunderings and inundations Wherefore the Pope made frequent prayers, that God would avert the evils, which those prodigies seemed to pretend: but repentance, and abolishing of idolatry, was not conjoined with their prayers : so follows great dearth of corn; an the Sarazens entered into Sicily. He sat 2. years.

15. DONUS or Domnio sat 5. years. Theodore Bishop of Ravenna, submits his See unto him. To maintain the invocation of Saints, the Papists say, that at that time the soul of Dagobert, King of France, was delivered out of the hands of the Devil, by Dionisius and Maurice Martyrs, and Martin the Confessor, whom Dagobert had worshipped.

16. AGATHO obtained from the Emperor Constantine, a discharge of the money, which the Pope was wont to give unto the Emperor, for his confirmation; yet so, that when the Election should be made; he who is chose, should not be ordained, until a general Decree be made, according to the old custom. Gratian. dist. 63. ca. Agatho. Platina saith, the sixth general Council, was called by Agatho: but the Books of Councils show expressly, that it was called by the Emperor, in the days of Pope Donus; and the Divalis sacra, was directed unto Donus, requiring him to send worthy and learned men unto the Council, which the Emperor had proclaimed. Donus died, and the Divalis was delivered unto Agatho; who in his Epistle to the Emperor (as it is Registred in the 4. Session of the same Council) acknowledged, that at his direction, and for obedience which he oweth unto him; he had called a Synod of 125. Bishops (whose names and subscriptions, are extant with the Acts of that Synod) at Rome, for due preparation unto the Council; and in that Epistle, he calleth himself often the Emperors servant: John Bishop of Portua, and John a Deacon of Rome, were sent unto the Council; they said the first Latin Mass, in the Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople, the Emperor being present. This one practice made the greater way unto the fore-named Decree of Pope Vitalian, in all other places. In the Synod at Rome he made the Canon, in Gratian. di. 19. All the Decrees of the Apostolic See, are to be embraced, as established by the divine voice of St. Peter. When Theodore Bishop of Ravenna died, the Clergy could not agree in the Election. Theodoricus, one of the Competitours, hasteneth to Rome, and was confirmed by Pope Agatho : the people of Ravenna took it impatiently, that their Church, which was wont to contend with Rome in dignity; was now by the foolishness or madness of Theodoricus, become subject to Rome; and they took part with Felix, that he should be their Bishop, and maintain the liberty of their Church. The Emperor Justinian, gives order to Theodore the Eparch, to go with 8. ships to Ravenna; and cause Felix to give satisfaction to the Bishop of Rome; and if he refused, that he should send Felix, with the head-men of the City, unto Constantinople : Theodore doth so; and Felix had both his eyes burnt out with hot brass; the Citizens were killed or banished: Sabellic. Ennead. 8. lib. 7. and upon this occasion, Pope Leo the II. obtained from the Emperor, that the Arch-Bishop of Ravenna, in all times coming, should receive investiture from Rome. Hence we see, that all Italy was not subject unto the See of Rome; seeing Ravenna had contended with Rome for dignity. Agatho sat 3. years.

17. LEO II. is called a learned Pope. He ordained, that no Arch-Bishop should pay anything to the Church of Rome, for Investiture or Palle; because such a custom would breed many inconveniences. Platin. This Decree held not, and by length of time, the price of the Palle waxed so great; that Albert, Bishop of Ments, paid for it 30000. crowns, Sleidan. comment. adan. 1523. Leo accurseth, at Rome, all them whom the sixth Council had condemned; as his Epistle written to the Emperor shows, out of which I have marked these passages: Unto the King of Kings we give thanks, who hath bestowed an earthly kingdom upon you; so that you should covet heavenly things: for it is better that you trust in God with a settled mind, then that you reign with honor given you from above: that is profitable to you; this to your subjects; for, by the mercy of God, you obtain the triumphal glory of your fathers Crown by birth : your godliness is the fruit of mercy; but your power is the conserver of discipline: by the one thereof, your Princelie mind is joined with God; by the other, discipline is done unto your Subjects: the riches of the one, relieve the poor; the happiness of the other, amendeth them who stray from the right way. It is no less care of them who are in authority, to amend the froward, than to triumph over an enemy—The Legates of this Apostolical See, your mother, the Roman Church, the servants of your Holiness; together with the persons who went with them; who by our Predecessour, of Apostolical memory, Agatho, at the 8. indiction; for the cause of faith (your Godliness commanding) were hither directed: the tenth indiction, being now past, in the month of Julie; together with your Godliness Letters and Acts of the Council, did we receive with great joy in the Lord; and as it were we entered out of the gulf of grief, into the haven of longed-for calmness; and recovering strength, we began with great thanksgiving to cry out, Lord, save our most Christian King, and hear him......Therefore, as we have received everyone of the general Councils, of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon and Constantinople; all which the Church of Christ doth approve: So the sixth general Council, which was now celebrated in this Princely City, by means of your clemency; we as their foot-grooms [Nota] do with the like reverence receive, and we discern the same Council to be numbered justly with them; as being gathered by the same, or alike grace of God : therefore we do anathematize and accurse all heresies, and all Authors or favorers of them, Theodore Bishop of Farranitan, Cyrus of Alexandria, Sergius, Pirrhus, Peter and Paul, rather successors than Bishops of Constantinople; and Honorius, who did not adorn the Apostolical See, with doctrine of Apostolical tradition; but by his wicked traitory did endeavor to subvert the unspotted faith—In the end, let your Princely magnanimity think worthy of your wonted acceptation and clemency, Constantine a sub-Deacon, the humble Bearer of these Presents; and give your godly ears unto his informations; that in the servant, you would worthily acknowledge the sender. Let the Reader consider, how different the style of this Letter is, from the presumptuous Bulls of Popes afterwards, and see a Pope condemned of heresy. Leo sat 10. months, but his glory was so great (saith Platina) that it seemed, as if he had lived longer. The seat was vacant 11. months and 21. days.

18. BENEDICT II. was thought so singular in learning and godliness, that he was chosen with consent of all; and the Emperor thought so well of his Election, that then it was first ordained by him, whom the Clergy, People and Soldiers of Rome, should choose unto the Papacie; he incontinently should be received, without sending unto Constantinople, but only unto the Eparch of Ravenna. We will see the practice in Conon and Sergius. Barorius speaks of the custom formerly, how the confirmation was sought from the Kings of the Goths; and after them from the Emperor; and lastly from the Eparch. But when the Popes began to despise the Emperor, they did not respect the Eparch. Pol. Virgil. de inven. rer. lib. 4. cap. 10. saith, The power of creating the Roman High Priest, until the Reign of the Emperor Constantine, without doubt, did appartain unto the College of Roman Priests: then by degrees the Election of that College, with the suffrages of the people, was firm; which the Emperor had approved: and this continued till the year 685—this custom endured not long—the Successors of Charles the Great, were accustomed to confirm the Election: at last 1059. Pope Nicolas the II. did restrain the Election unto the Cardinals. Boniface was more careful of outward, than spiritual Churches, as Platina shows. He sat scarce 11. months.

19. JOHN V. was elected that year, wherein the Emperor Constantine died: he writ of the dignity of the Palle, and continued not one year. Then the Romans would have advanced Peter an Arch-Bishop, and the Soldiers were inclined to Theodore a Priest. But after long contention

20. CONON was preferred, he was beloved of many for natural and civil gifts of body and mind; but so soon as he was confirmed, he was taken with sickness: then Paschalis an Arch-Deacon, and Master of the Popes Treasure, gave great sums of money, to John the Eparch, to cause him to be elected. Conon died in the 11. month. Then some cry for the fore-named Theodore, and some strove for Paschalis; the matter was like to come to blows; till by the advice of some, both of people and soldiers, the tumult was pacified a third.

21. SERGIUS I. was chosen, and carried upon men's shoulders to the Lateran Church: thus by occasion of the pride of the Competitours, the pride of the beast is advanced another step; for his Successors will not let this show go down. The Competitours salute and kiss him sore against their wills; for the multitude did compel them. Platin. Nevertheless Paschalis sent privily for the Eparch to come and aid him : the matter is disclosed unto the Pope, and Paschalis is accused of Magic, convicted, deposed, and shut into a Monastery, where he abode 5. years, still denying that whereof he was accused; and the Eparch would not admit Sergius, till he had paid five pounds of gold, that Paschalis had promised, though Sergius said he had not promised it : Baron. ad an. 687. Bellarmine de Ro. Pont. lib. 3. saith, in the year 669. The Bishop of Rome began to have the Temporal sword, that is, temporal government; for Aripert King of the Lombards, gave unto the Bishop of Rome Alps Coctiae by Genua; and an. 714. Luithprand did confirm the same gift; as is written by Ado. Vien. and Blondus dec. 1. cap. 10. whereupon Theod. Bibliander marketh (saith Bellarm.) that the first Papal Province, was in the year 714. if that were true, which they talk, of that forged Donation, of the Emperor Constantine, where was it all this time? upon that passage of Bellarmine, Andrew Melvin, Master of the University of St. Andrew's, about the year 1605. writes thus, If from the number 699. (wherein the Temporal Sword was first given to the Pope) you will take off the number of years, from Christ's birth, till his death; there remains the number of the Beast. In the time of Sergius, Pipin Duke of Austria, came to have place in the Court of France. Sergius sat 13. years, and 8. months, and died an. 701.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. THe Heresies of former ages, and now the arrogant presumption of Prelates, causeth the Church of Christ to be divided into ten parts, differing all one from another; either in articles of faith, or discipline and rites (whereof they have been too zealous) each part, calling themselves the only true Church of Christ; most pitiful! These parts are, 1. The Latins or Western Churches, which hath been under the Bishop of Rome. 2. The Greeks, and with them, the Iberi, Slavoni, Russi, Muscovites, and others scattered through Europe; together with the Patriarchal Seas of Antioch and Jerusalem in Asia; and the Patriarchal See of Alexandria in Egypt; all which were brought once under the Bishop of Constantinople. My aim hath been principally, to know the alterations of these two parts, at what time, and where the schism began, and how it did wax: and so have I followed, as the matter, and light of stories, gives occasion. It is remarkable, that Pope Gregory the I. in lib. 7. Ep. 53. writes, that all the four Patriarchs in the East, did hold the same faith and doctrine with the Synod at Chalcedon, and other General Councils before it; nor did they ordain any Bishop, who did not follow and maintain the same. 3. The Ethiopians or Abyssines, under Prester-John, in Afric; they use to bathe or baptize themselves every year in rivers; not that they think it necessary to salvation; but they do it on the day of the Epiphany, in remembrance of Christ's baptism: for this, the Romanists call them Anabaptists. But we will, in Century XIII. hear Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, calling them Orthodox: they are circumcized by an old custom, rather than of religion: for Herodotus, in Euterpe, testifieth, that the Ethiopians and Egyptians, in his time and before, were circumcized. 4. The Jacobites are so named, from Jacob Zanzal a Syrian, and Eutithian Heretic, who lived an. 613. and more shortly, they are called Coptites (as Io. Scaliger. de emend. temp. lib. 5. writes) from a City in Egypt, where Dioclesian slue 144000. Martyrs, because they would not sacrifice to Idols : this sort are dispersed in Egypt, Arabia and Chaldea : they are also circumcized. The Author of the book, called the Catholic Traditions, first in French, and then translated into English) searches the differences of all Churches; and except ceremonies or rites, hath not marked great difference of the Abyssines and Jacobites, from our Reformed Churches; and in his Preface, he saith, they pretend to have their name Jacobites, from Jacob the old Patriarch; and the name Copthes or Cut, because they are circumcized : and in Qu. 5. he saith, they call themselves Christians of the first conversion. 5. The Nestorians, are said to have abjured the heresy of Nestorians; yet keep still the name for hatred and distinction of the Eutithians: they dwell dispersed thorough Persia, India and Tartary; they use the Chaldean language in their Liturgy, and their Prelate resideth in Mosal or Seleucia. 6. Maronites dwell in Libya and Phoenicia; they use the Arabian tongue; they are permitted to use Bells, after the manner of the Western Church; which is not granted to others in the East. They are said to have been free from all enemies till this day; not so much by strength, or number of soldiers, as by situation of the mountains. 7. The Armenians use only their own language, but are infected with fond heresies; they hold that Christ did not assume an human body of the Virgin Mary; but had an incorruptible body from the moment of his conception; and this body (say they) should be worshipped in the own nature of it; and therefore they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or worshippers of a corruptible thing; and because they worship the Cross of Christ, they are called Cross worshippers. For these causes they are contemned by the Greeks; but Pope Lucius the II. accepted them; because, at that time, they did acknowledge the Pope, as head of the Church: nevertheless, the Romans hate them as Heretics; but deal discreetly with them (as they say) to draw them unto their obedience: they call their Arch-Bishop, the Catholic Bishop. 8. The Georgians, are so called from St. George, whose badge they carry; they dwell in Media, Persia, and about the Caspian sea; they agree with the Greeks, both in language, rites and doctrine. 9. Suriani, are so named from Sur, a City of Assyria, and also are called Samaritani; they have the same language which the Sarazens had, and religion with the Greeks, for the most part; and they have leavened bread in the Sacrament 10. Mozarabes, who dwelt first in Arabia, and thence they went in Colonies into Afric, and then into Spain; but none of them remain till this day; because they would not contract with any of another Religion: in their Service, they were brought to use the Latin language, and to acknowledge the primacy of the Pope; but they would not change in sundry other articles. These are the remnants of the most ancient and famous Churches; the most part of which, agree in many more things of great importance, than those wherein they dissent : so that amongst the blind Pagans, and blasphemous Mahumetists, the name of God is invocated, by some Christians, with more piety (it may be supposed) than among others where there is greater liberty and clearness of doctrine. Wheresoever the Word of God is preached, we must think, some are effectually called; for the rain coming from heaven, returns not again, but watereth the earth, and makes it to bud; so is the word of the Lord, Isa. 55. And Jesus Christ is the Universal Shepherd of them all. The Author of the fore-named Catholic Tradition, in the Annotation on the 5. question, saith, There are two or three hundred years past; since that, it hath been very hard, to judge by the multitude, whether the name of the Catholic Church, appartained to the Greeks or Latins......But now the Greek Church is diminished, by oppression of the Turks; as the Latin is increased, by the Conquests of the Spaniards, far otherwise then it was heretofore.....So that if the multitude, gave the name of Catholic, the Grecians should have had it; and the certain time, when they lost this Title, is not to be known. Notwithstanding all this, these two Churches, and that of the Jacobites, do profess themselves to be Catholics; the passages or proofs before alleged, do show, that everyone of them is extended very wide. Under the name of Jacobites, we comprehend, the Cophites and Abyssines; and we may add the Nestorians: for Masius telleth us, that these people are rather differing in name, than in religion, whose testimony is reported to be very true. In Jerusalem they have divers Churches and Oratories, the one near the other; and the reason is, to the end every nation may use the language which he best understandeth.....The same Masius, dischargeth the Nestorians of the crime of that heresy, which was imputed unto them : I am assured (saith he) they are free from that wicked doctrine of that infamous heretic Nestor; for having a great volumn of their solemn prayers, which they make to God, I have found nothing, that might offend any man of sound opinion in our religion; if it be not this, that I suspect them; because they, in many places, call not the Virgin Marie mother of God; but instead of this Title, they call her the mother of life and of light. And saith the fore-named Author, here is to be noted, that Villamont had some notice, that Prester-John had sent to the Pope, that he was willing to submit himself unto the Church of Rome: and Cotton, the Jesuit, affirms, that the Patriarch of the Cophites, had done the like. But we have now fresher news, and know that there is no such matter. So far out of the Catholic Tradition. Then of all these parts, we may think, that (except certain persons at several times) they all retain, or the most part, their ancient doctrines and traditions; as well in matters of faith, as in rites and discipline; except only the Western Church, which hath suffered no small change, sometimes to worse, and sometimes to better; not in general at once, but now one nation, and then another hath suffered their Eclipses, and have shown again their bright beams. And the first declination began in Italy, by occasion of Wars, and partly in default of their Clergy. For when the many strangers made incursions upon Italy, in the two Centuries immediately preceding; they endeavored, by all means, to abolish all other languages, except their own: and therefore, where they prevailed, they burned Studies, and all Books that they could find. Io. Bodin. Method. cap. 7. And then the Bishops of Rome, fishing in troubled waters, after that the Emperor, who did with-hold, was taken out of the way, they begun to exalt themselves above all. The religion and piety of former Bishops, did move the Emperor to be bountiful unto them; and for peace in the Church, to limit their jurisdiction: But the following Bishops, looking unto wealth, more than devotion; and to dominion, more than peace; they begun to think a Bishopric, to be nothing else but gain, revenues and dominion; as saith Po. Vergil. de inven. rer. lib. 6. cap. 14. near the end, in the former ages, the subtle wits of the Greeks made heresies, and heresies begot schisms: but the Romans turn all religion into gain, and in all the articles of difference betwixt the Greeks and the Latins, the opinion of the Latins, serveth unto the gain and ambition of the Clergy, either directly or indirectlie: now desire of money being alone (far more being conjoined with ambition) is the root of all ill; so that no wonder it is, if hunting after it, they have erred from the faith.

2. Pope Gregory the I. saw this defection coming, when he said, all things that were fore-told, are now in doing: the King of pride is at hand; and which I fear to speak, the army or the end. [Some read, exercitus; and some exitus] of Priests is at hand; for they do war under pride, who should be ringleaders of humility, lib. 4. Ep. 38. And on Job lib. 33. cap. 36. now ere Antichrist come by himself, some do preach him by their words, and many by their manners. Are they not the Preachers of his hypocrisy, who when they have obtained the holy Orders of God, do with their hearts or desires lay hold on this fading World? Who pretend that it is all virtue that they do, and yet it is all vice that they practice? And in Homil. on Luk. 10. he lamenteth, Behold the World is full of Priests, but few workmen in the Lord's harvest: we accept the Office, but discharge not the work of the Office. I think, Brethren, that there is no greater wrack, then what God suffereth from Priests, when he seeth them examples of wickedness, whom he hath appointed for amending others: and which is more grievous, if they see one humble or continent, they deride him : What can befall the Flock, when the Shepherds become Wolves? they fear not to undertake the charge of the Flock, who spare not to make prey of them; and they turn Ministry into the increase of ambition: we forsake the things that appartain unto God, and are entangled with the things of the earth: so it is fulfilled, like Priest, like people. There he speaks largely of this purpose, and this is remarkable that he saith, When Peter shall come [before Christ] with the converted Jews, whom he drew after him, and Paul leading (I may say) the converted World, Andrew leading Achaia; and all the Shepherds, with their Flocks, shall come before the eternal Shepherd : what shall we wretched men say, who had the name of Shepherds, and have no sheep, who have received nourishment from us? Nevertheless, the Lord will feed his sheep by himself, whom he hath appointed unto life. Whereunto shall I liken bad Priests, but to the water of Baptism, which washing away the sins of the baptized, sendeth them into Heaven, and it is cast into a Cink. And lib. 4. Ep. 32. he saith of them, While we forsake things that become us, and mind things that become us not; we make our sins like unto the power of the barbarous enemies; and our fault which lieth heavy upon the Common-wealth, doth sharpen the swords of our enemies: what can we say who are unworthily set over the people of God, and press them down with the burden of our sins? who destroy by our examples, what we preach with our tongues; who by our works teach wickedness, and by our voice only pretend equity; the Teachers of humility, and Captains of pride; with the face of a sheep, we do cover wolvish teeth. But what shall be the end of these things, but that we do counsel men, and are made known unto God? And lib. 8. Ep. 36. They who come after us, will see worse times; so that in comparison of their times, they will judge that we have had happy days. Yea Gregory, not only foresaw this defection, but he was not the least agent in multiplying new Rites : he did frame a new order of Divine Service, or (as they call it) a new Mass; where it is clear, that the former manner did not please him. And li. 7. indict. 2. Ep. 63. he shows, that some of his friends, both Greeks and Latins, did grumble against it: and in the end of that Epistle it is remarkable, that he saith, Nevertheless if that [of Constantinople] or any other Church, hath any good, I am ready to follow in goodness, even my inferiors, to whom I forbid unlawful things; for he is a fool who thinks himself chief, and that he will not learn the good things that he seeth. And when Augustine, whom he sent into Britain, did ask him, seeing the faith is one, why are the customs of the Churches diverse? And why is one sort of Mass in Rome, and another in France? Gregory answers, Thy Brother-hood knows the custom of the Roman Church, in which you have been nourished; but it pleaseth me, that whether in the Church of Rome or of France, or in any other, thou hast seen anything that may more please the Almighty God, that thou diligently follow it: and in that Church of the English, which in respect of the Faith, is new, they ordain the best things that thou hast seen in many Churches; for things are not to be loved for the places, but the places must be loved for the good things : therefore choose thou out of every Church, what things are godly, pious and right; and these being gathered into a bundle, put thou into the minds of the English for customs. Interrog. August. resp. 3. Whence it is clear, that although Gregory was the Author of the Mass, yet he did not bind all men to follow it, nor any other Ceremonies. In his answer to Augustine's sixth question, he saith, The holy Law forbids to uncover the filthiness of kindred: therefore it is necessary now, that the third and fourth degree may lawfully marry; but should altogether abstain from the second. Here he wresteth Scripture, and restraineth the degrees which God permits. Then Augustine asketh, in his 7. question, Whether those who are so unlawfully married, shall be commanded to divorce, and shall be denied of the Communion? Gregory answereth, Because many in that nation, while they were infidels, were mixed in that unlawful marriage, when they come into the faith, they are to be admonished to abstain, and let them know that it is an heinous sin : let them tremble at the fearful judgment of God, lest for their carnal pleasure, they suffer everlasting torments; and yet they are not to be deprived of the Communion of the Holy Body and Blood of the Lord; lest we seem to revenge on them, the things whereunto they had bound themselves in their ignorance, before the Laurel of Baptism: for at this time, the holy Church correcteth some things in zeal; suffereth some things in meekness; dissembleth some things in prudence, that oft by tollerance and connivance, she may amend the ill which she hateth. But all they who embrace the faith, are to be admonished that they do not such a thing; and if they shall then do it, they are to be deprived of the Communion of the body and blood of the Lord. Here is a good advice in this, but still he aimeth at his own conceit. He deviseth a superstitious manner of consecrating Churches, which the posterity have changed: he did foster the fond conceits of men, by too credulous believing the false miracles of his time, saith, M. Cano in Theol. loc. lib. 11. cap. 6. He prayed for delivering the soul of Trajan out of Hell; Pope Siricius (who lived an. 387.) was the first who contradicted marriage of Priests and Deacons, Gratian. dist. 82. and forbad their society with their wives whom they had married. And Pope Pelagius did ordain, that Deacons who had wives, should either put them away, or leave their Benefice, Ibid. but then Pope Gregory judgeth it contrary unto the Gospel, to put away a wife, unless it be for fornication; and he ordained that no sub-Deacon should be admitted, unless he promise chastity; and he thought by this means, to bring single life upon the Clergy; seeing they must be Deacons, ere they be Priests. Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 5. cap. 4. Nevertheless afterwards when he finds, that Priests lived not continentlie, and thereby many children were murdered, as he saw 6000. heads of children taken out of a pond, (see hereafter in the 9. Century, in the Epistle of Huldricus, Bishop of Augusta) he annulleth his own Act, and saith, It is better to marry, then to burn and murder: he was credulous of Purgatory, of which it follows. For these, and other conceits, Gregory is called worse then any of his Predecessors; but for his soundness in other articles, and for his virtues worthy of praise, he is commended above all his Successors; for he taught far otherwise, then the Church of Rome doth now. In lib. 4. Ep. 40. he persuadeth Leander, a Physician, to diligent reading of the Scriptures; and that upon such reasons that concern all men, saying, The Scripture, is an Epistle sent from God to his creatures: if thou receivest a Letter from an earthly King, thou wilt not rest nor sleep till thou understandest it: but the King of Heaven, and God of Men and Angels, hath sent his Letters unto thee for the good of thy soul, and yet thou neglectest the reading of them: I pray thee therefore, study them, and meditate daily on the words of thy Creator. And in the preface on Job, unto Bishop Leander, cap. 4. In the Scripture is milk for babes, and meat for the stronger. There is a river plain and deep, wherein lambs may wade, and Elephants may swim. He hath the same again in Ezek. lib. 1. hom. 9. in the end of this, he saith, whatsoever serves for edification and instruction, is contained in the holy Scriptures. In Job lib. 19. cap. 17. The books of Maccabees are not Canonical Scripture; and he permits an excuse of citing a testimony out of them; to wit, he doth not inordinately herein, because they are written for edification, albeit they be not Canonical. Again lib. 5. cap. 7. he saith, Our righteousness is found to be unrighteous, when it is narrowly examined; and it stinketh in the censure of the Judge, which glistereth in the esteem of the worker. And lib. 18. cap. 25. some rejoice in their own power, and they do glory, that they are redeemed by their preceding merits; whose assertion, certainly, is contrary to itself : for while they say, They are innocent and redeemed, they make void ipso facto the name of redemption: for everyone who is redeemed, certainly is delivered from bondage. Whence then is the man redeemed, if he was not captive under guilt? it is clear therefore, that he is very unwise who thinks so. Then he bringeth the example of the Thief on the Cross, who being a sinner, was changed by inward grace upon the Cross. Here by the way observe, Gregory useth the word meritum; but in another sense then the Papists do now : for in the same place he saith, Divine Grace finds not man's merit, that he may [or should] come; but when he hath come, he makes it; and God coming into an unworthy soul, maketh it worthy by coming, and he maketh in it merit, that he may reward, who did find only what he might have punished. He makes it clear, in cap. 26. They who hold that a man is saved by his own power, do guess that the confession of man, is by virtue of the man self; which if it were so, the Psalmist would not say to the praise of God, Confessio & magnificentia est opus ejus: we receive therefore from him to confess, from whom it is given unto us to do great things, &c. There, thorough three chapters, Gregory speaks against man's merit or deserving; and he teacheth, that it is only by the grace of God, that man is able to do any good : and when he useth the word meritum, in a good sense, he understandeth simply good works, without the ad-signification of deserving. He useth also the word meruit improperly, as in the same book cap. 33. Abraham did never profess himself to be but dust and ashes, until habere Dei meruit collocutionem, where that word cannot signify to deserve, but to attain: as also Bernard in Cant. ser. 2. saith, Herod would have seen Christ, but because not of a good mind, non meruit, that is, he obtained not. Again on Ps. 7. poeniten. Gregory saith, at the word, auditam fac: although God bestoweth Heaven according to works, yet he giveth it not for works. If the blessedness of the righteous be of mercy, what is that, He will render to everyone according to his works? And if it be rendered according to works, how is it called mercy? It is one thing, according to works; and another, for works: where it is said, according to works, the qualification of works is meaned; that whose good works are seen, shall have the reward of glory; for no labor or works can be compared unto that blessed life, where we shall live with God, and in God. It is sure then, that to whom it is mercifully given to do well in this life; unto those it is more mercifully given, that they shall be rewarded a hundred-fold in everlasting blessedness. This is the grace, that (as the Apostle saith) shall be given for grace unto the Saints of God; to whom is given, from God, the grace of holiness in this life; to them shall be given the grace of eternal felicity in the life to come. On Job lib. 9. cap. 1. A godly man, because he seeth all the merit of his virtue to be vice, if it be narrowly examined by the inward Judge, will truly say, I cannot answer for one of a thousand; by a thousand is oft meaned universality. In lib. 20. cap. 4. he saith fitly, if I would have gone unto them : for (as it is written Eph. 1.) he worketh all things according to the counsel of his will, not according to our merit; but because he so willeth, the Lord enlighteneth us with his visitation: And so when he willeth, he cometh: and when he cometh, he sitteth first; both because his coming into our heart, is of his favor; and the appetite of desiring him in our thoughts, is not equal to our other desires. It followeth, When I sat—The Lord sitteth as King in the heart, because he governs the buzzing motions of the heart. Lib. 23. cap. 18. An afflicted heart in all that it desireth, and yet feeleth the contrary order of things; would (so far as can be) have an answer from the voice of God, why it is so or so; that it may have the advice of God in every controversy, and then rest knowing his answer: But in fore-seeing that God would give the Holy Scripture, that in it he might answer both the public and private questions of men, saith, Thou contendest with him, that he hath not answered to all thy words: God speaks once, and will not repeat it; as if he had said, God answereth not to the private voices of every heart; but he gives such a word, by which he satisfieth the questions of all men; for in the words of his Scripture, everyone of us find our causes, if we inquire: nor is it needful, that what each one suffereth particularly, we should ask a particular answer by the voice of God. In Ezek. lib. 1. hom. 9. Behold, the voice of God biddeth the Prophet, when he lieth, to arise; but he could not arise at all, unless the Spirit of the Almighty had entered into him; because by the grace of the Almighty God, we may endeavor unto good works, but we cannot do them, if he who commandeth doth not help. So when Paul did admonish his Disciples, saying, With fear and trembling work forth your salvation; immediately he showeth who worketh these good things in them, saying, God worketh in you both the will and the deed. Hence truth himself saith, Without me ye can do nothing : but here it is to be considered, because if our good things be so the gift of God, that something in them be not ours, why seek we eternal reward as for works? But if they be so ours, that they are not the gift of God, why give we thanks for them unto God? But we must know, that our evils are ours only; but our good things are both God's and ours, because he preveeneth us by inspiring that we do will; and he following us by helping, lest we will in vain, that we may fulfill what he willeth: therefore by preveening grace and good will following, that which is the gift of God, becomes our work: which Paul declareth shortly and well, saying, I have labored more then they all, and lest he might seem to ascribe unto his own virtue what he had done, he addeth, yet not I, but the grace of God with me: for because he was prevented by heavenly gift, he confesseth himself as a stranger from his own work, yet not I : but because preveening grace had made will in him free and good, that by free-will he had followed the same grace unto the work, he addeth, But the grace of God with me : as if he had said, I have labored in the good work, yet not I, but I also : for in respect that I was prevented by the mere gift of God, not I; but in respect that I followed the gift with my will, I also. These things I have said shortly against Pelagius and Coelestine. Truth himself saith of the Preachers of Antichrist, They shall give signs and wonders, that the very elect (if it were possible) should be deceived: Why speaks he as doubting, seeing he fore-knows what shall be? It is one of two, because if they be elected, they cannot be deceived; and if they be deceived, they are not the elect. Therefore that doubting of our Lord's words designeth temptation, because they who are elected to persist, shall be tempted to fall by the signs of the Preachers of Antichrist; for they shake, but fall not. It is said therefore, if it were possible, because they shall tremble; and nevertheless they are called the elect, because they fall not. Again on Job lib. 25. cap. 20. in that he saith, He causeth an hypocrite to reign for the sins of the people, Antichrist may be understood the head of hypocrites; for that deceiver feigneth holiness, that he may draw into wickedness; but for the sins of the people he is suffered to reign: albeit many have not seen his principality, yet they serve his principality by their sins: are they not his members, who by a show of affected sanctily, would seem to be, what they are not? Certainly they come out of his body, who hide their iniquities under the cover of sacred honor. And in an Epistle to Wimund Bishop of Aversa (which is in Gratian. dist. c. 8. S • consuetudin.) he saith; If thou oppose custom, observe what the Lord saith, I am truth and life; he saith not I am custom, but I am truth. And truly to use the words of blessed Cyprian, Whatsoever custom, how old soever, is altogether to be postponed unto truth, and custom contrary unto truth, should be abolished. In lib. 7. Ep. 1. unto Sabinian, then his Resident at Constantinople, amongst many particulars he saith, Shew my most gracious Lord's, that if I their servant would have meddled with the death of the Lombards, this day that Nation should not have had either King, Dukes or Counts, and it might have been in utter confusion; but because I fear God, I am afraid to meddle with any man's death. Certainly, his Successors neither have carried themselves as loyal servants of the Emperors, nor have they feared God in this manner, nor have they been so sparing of blood. In humility he (first) called himself, The servant of the servants of God; and his Successors retain the same Title, but they will not willingly hear the name given them by another, Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 8. cap. 2. for they will be Lord of Lord's. Concerning the Lord's Supper, his words are remarkable in Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 58. His body is taken, and his flesh is divided for the salvation of the people; his blood is now poured forth not into the hands of unbelievers, but into the mouths of believers: therefore let us consider, what a sacrifice this is for us, which for our absolution [representeth, or] follows continually the Passion of the only begotten Son. Here though he call the brea • Christ's body and flesh; and the wine the blood; and the Sacrament a sacrifice: yet he shows, 1. That the bread was then divided. 2. The wine was given unto the people. 3. That the Sacrament is a continual representation or imitation of Christ's passion. All which are contrary to the Doctrine of the Romish Church now, nor can they consist with the opinion of transubstantiation. Upon other occasions we shall yet see more of Gregory.

3. It was received by many of the ancients in the third Century, and others following, that the souls departing must be purged from corruption, lest any unclean thing enter into heaven. Origen's wrote, this purgation must be by fire; and thereupon many have written of a purging or purgation fire; as Bellarmine. lib. 1. de Purgator. cap. 6. hath a role of such testimonies. The Fathers did think, that all men must pass that fire; but they who had committed the most sins, or had been most superficial in their repentance on earth, must suffer the more pain. So Gregor. Nissen in Orat. pro mortuis, saith, He who goeth out of the body cannot be partaker of the Divinity, unless the purging fire cleanse away the filth of the soul. And Origen in Psal. 36. All men must come to that fire, even Paul, or —Bellarm. de Purg. lib. 2. cap. 1. Theodoret. on Cor. 3. saith, The day of the Lord shall reveal, i. e. the day of judgment: if any man's work abide. Doctors teach heavenly things; but the hearers do choose according to their own mind what is to be done: but in the day of the Lord's coming, there shall be a sharp and great examination; and them that have lived rightly, that fire shall make them more glorious then gold or silver; but them who have committed iniquity, it shall burn up like wood and hay: But the Teacher of good things shall not suffer punishment, but shall be judged worthy of salvation; for this he saith, he shall be saved; to wit, the Teacher. And the work shall be burned, that is, they who have made themselves evil work: For if we read the words so, we shall perfectly find the meaning of the words that are written, &c. Ye see, he differeth from the former, concerning the faithful Teacher: they who thought that all shall suffer, did pray for the souls of all who die in hope of resurrection, so excluding the Reprobates only; as is manifest in some Greek Liturgies, who say, We offer unto thee, O Lord, sacrifice for the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs; and especially for the blessed mother of God, and we remember all the faithful who are dead. Bellarm. loc. Amongst others, he quoteth Lactantius Firmian, as a teacher of Purgatory; his unsolid and different opinion, is Institut. lib. 7. cap. 21. thus, All souls abide in one place until the great day, and then they must all be examined by fire; they who have been perfectly righteous [and who are they? if the words be taken strictly] shall not feel the fire; they who have not been so godly, shall quickly pass through the fire, and be cinged about; and the wicked shall burn forever. But Basilius (surnamed, the Great) when he was a dying, did expect to be received quickly among the Angels; and Gregor. Nazianzen (who writ his life) did believe that his soul departing, should be received in the eternal Tabernacles, and with Basil behold the blessed Trinity. Neither did any of the Fathers, before Augustine, dream of such a place in Hell, where (they say) this purging is before the day of judgment, nor speak they of any place thereof; and so they knew not of such an Inn in Hell, which the Romanists now call the place of Purgatory: yea the Jesuits, Duraeus cont. Whitek. fol. 338. and Bellar. de purgat. lib. 2. cap. 2. say expresselie, that the Fathers expound that Text, 1 Cor. 3. of a metaphorical fire; and in cap. 6. of that book Bellarm. saith, neither the Fathers, nor Gregory himself, know where Purgatory is; nor Petrus Damianus, who lived 400. years after Gregory; for Gregory believed, that the soul of Paschasius was purged in a bath at Puteoli; and Damian thought that the soul of Severinus was purged in a flood; and therefore (saith Bellarm.) the Fathers, both Greeks and Latins, before the School-men, have erred: and nevertheless Bellarm. and other Papists, for proof of their Purgatory, do bring all the testimonies of these Fathers to prove this their opinion : whereas the opinions differ, 1. In regard of the persons, who are to be purged. 2. The place. 3. The durance there. 4. The nature of the fire. 5. (Which is the principal) they hold now, that the pains of Purgatory may be mitigated and taken away, by the prayers and offerings of the living. Augustine (that renowned Bishop of Hippo) was the first amongst the Ancients who spoke of such a place, and he spake but doubtinglie: for in Enchir. ad Laur. cap. 68. he saith, As well they who build gold, as they who build straw, shall pass through the fire, whereof the Apostle speaketh : and therefore that fire is the temptation of tribulation in this life; but whether there be any such thing after this life, is not incredible, and it may be asked. But in serm. 62. ad fra. in Erem. and ser. 232. de temp. he saith, There be only two sorts of places, for two sorts of souls after this life, and this is no third. In lib. 5. hypognost. he saith, The Catholic Faith, by Divine authority, believes that the first place is Heaven, wherein the Reprobate [his word is, the not-baptized] is excepted. The second is Hell, where every Apostate and alliant from the faith of Christ, shall suffer everlasting punishment: We are altogether ignorant of a third place, nor shall we find it in the holy Scriptures, saith he. And de Civit. Dei lib. 21. cap. 25. after the words of Gal. 5. 19, 20, 21. he saith, Certainly this saying of the Apostle is false, if such men being delivered, after what time soever, shall possess the Kingdom of God; but because it is not false, truly they shall not possess that Kingdom; and if they shall never enter into the Kingdom of God, they shall be held in everlasting punishment; because there is no middle place, where he is not punished, who is not brought into the Kingdom. Pope Gregory, Dial. lib. 4. cap. 39. moveth the question, Whether after death there be a Purgatory fire? He answereth, In the Gospel the Lord saith, Walk while ye have light : and by the Prophet, In an acceptable time have I heard thee : which the Apostle Paul expoundeth, saying, Behold now is the acceptable time, now is the day of salvation: Solomon also saith, Whatsoever thy hand can do, do it instantlie; because there is neither work, nor reason, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave [he hath it, apud inseros] whither thou goest: David also saith, His mercy endureth forever; out of which sayings it is certain, that in what condition every man departeth, in the same shall he be represented in judgment. But yet for some light saults, a purging fire may be believed to be before judgment: because truth saith, If any speak blasphemy against the holy Spirit, it shall not be forgiven unto him in this life, nor in the life to come. In which saying, it is given to understand, that some faults may be forgiven in this life, and some in the life to come; for what is denied of one, it follows consequently, that it is granted of some. But (as I said) it is to be believed of little and very small sins, as all idle words continually, &c. Thus unto Augustine's question, Whether it be? Gregory answereth, It is to be believed: and that he gathereth out of one negative, and contrary unto the affirmative, that he had confirmed by several sentences of Scripture. And concerning the Text in 1 Cor. 3. he adds there, Although this may be understood of the fire of tribulation in this life; yet if one will take it of the fire of the future purging, it may be diligently considered. In the following chapter, he showeth his motive, to think so: But first consider, that the Doctrine of the Church before him was, that the dead doth not appear; as Chrysostom to 1. de Laza. con. 4. saith, If souls did return to show men what were done after this life, Satan might very easily deceive the World; for as when God sent Prophets, Satan sent false Prophets; when Christ came, Satan sent false Christ's; when the Apostles were sent, he sent false Apostles, still mixing tares with wheat: so if God did send the dead back into the World, most easily might Satan counterfeit that also; not raising dead men, but by deceiving the eyes with false enchantments; or by suborning some men, to feign themselves dead, or to say they have been dead, and so he might confound all things. But the all-knowing God hath prevented this falsehood; and he sparing us, suffereth none to come from the dead, to tell the living what things are done there; to the end, we should learn and believe the Scriptures. But now Pope Gregory saith, he was induced to think that there is a purging fire after death; because the soul of Paschasius (a Deacon of Rome, in the contention betwixt Laurentius and Symmachus) had appeared before Germanus, Bishop of Capua (as he heard it said, when he was young) in a bathe, and did service unto him; and when the Bishop asked him, Why he was there? he answered, For no other cause am I appointed to this place of punishment, but because I was on the side of Laurentius against Symmachus: but I beseech you, pray the Lord for me; and by this you shall know that he hath heard you, if when you return hither, you shall not find me. The Bishop did so, and after a few days returning, he found not Paschasius in that place. Thus we see what was Pope Gregory's opinion of Purgatory, and what were his grounds and motives, Bellarm. de Purg. lib. 1. cap. 7. promiseth to prove Purgatory by more apparitions, from testimonies of most grave Authors; but he cannot allege one before this Gregory; who (as I said before from Mel. Cano) was too credulous. In a word, as Roffensis hath well observed, and ingeniously confesseth, in Response. contra Luther. art. 18. and Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 1. repeats it, Little or no mention of purgation is amongst the ancients, and the Greeks, until this day, believe it not; so long as there was no fear of Purgatory, none sought indulgences; for upon it depends all esteem of indulgences; take away Purgatory, and what need is there of indulgence? say they. Nor was it universally believed in the Latin Churches, nor was it reckoned an article of faith, till it was established by the Council at Florence, an. 1439. where the Greeks did oppose it, till they were hastening to an end; and then they would not strive against the word, but would never believe the thing.

4. About the same time, another question like unto the former, began to decline from worse to worse; to wit, Whether it be lawful to pray for the dead? We read of the practice and divers opinions of the Ancients, but some of them bring no confirmation of their opinions from Scripture; and their diverse opinions were, according as they thought, diversely of the condition of departed souls; all did consider the souls either in the estate of salvation or damnation. Some Greeks did believe the souls of the Elect, to be without the Court of Heaven in a place of rest, as they call it. So saith Chrysostom on 1 Cor. hom. 39. What sayest thou Paul, shall not the souls live? yea, and shall be immortal; but although they were six hundred times immortal, yet without the flesh, they shall not enjoy these wondrous good things, neither shall they be punished with pain; for if the body rise not, the soul shall remain uncrowned, and without the bless of Heaven. And before him, Irenaeus lib. 5. near the end saith, Seeing the Lord went away in the midst of the shadow of death, where the souls of the dead were; and thereafter he arose again bodily, and after his resurrection was taken up; it is manifest that the souls of his Disciples, for whom the Lord did these things, shall go into an invisible place appointed of God for them, and there they shall abide awaiting the Resurrection; and thereafter when they have received their bodies, and are perfectly risen, that is, corporally, they shall come into the presence of God. Unto them may be adjoined Theophylact, though he lived in another age, on Hebr. 11. near the end, he saith, Without us, that is, without our honor and glory; for lest they might seem to take that which belongeth unto us, he hath appointed one time for crowning all men: neither saith the Apostle, they shall not be crowned, but they shall not be perfected, that is, receive perfection; whereby it appears, that then they are perfected, when they receive their Crowns; and in the mean time, they have a most sure pledge of their honor and glory. Doth not God wrong them, seeing they have been first in suffering, that they must await us? but such delay is very acceptable unto them, that they may with their brethren receive perfection and glory: we are all one body, and surely it is great pleasure unto the body, when it is wholly crowned, &c. The same is the Doctrine of the Greek Churches at this day; as I learned from Antonius, who had famous attestations, calling him Metropolitan of Dirrachium, when he was in Scotland, an. 1626. But many of the ancient Greeks thought otherwise; for Polycarpus, a Disciple of the Apostles, and placed Bishop of Smyrna, by them who saw the Lord, in an Epistle unto the Philippians saith, Paul with the rest of the Apostles being persuaded for certain, that all these ran not in vain; but in faith and righteousness, now resting with the Lord. Euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap. 36. according to the Greek, and 32. in English. Justin. Martyr. lib. Quaest. & resp. ad orthod. qu. 75. After the departure of the souls out of the bodies, immediately the just, are separated from the unjust, and are carried by Angels, where they enjoy the company and sight of Angels and Arch-angels, by seeing our Savior himself, as it is said, We are from or without the body, and are present with the Lord: But the souls of the unjust go into Hell. Athanasius lib. de Virginit. near the end, There is no death unto the righteous, but a translation; for they are translated out of this World into everlasting rest, not otherwise than if one were going from his Watch; so the Saints depart from this evil life, unto the good things that are prepared for them, which the eye hath not seen, nor the ear hath heard, nor have entered into the heart of man, which God hath prepared for them that love him : on the other side, Hell waiteth for the sinners. And Cyrillus, Bishop of Alexandria, on John. lib. 12. cap. 36. We should believe, when the souls of Saints depart out of the bodies, they are commended unto God's goodness, as into the hands of a most dear Father; neither do they abide on earth (as some Unbelievers have thought) until they be honored with burial; nor are they carried as the souls of sinners, into the place of torment; another way being prepared for them by Christ; but they fly into the hands of the Father: for He also delivered his soul into the hands of the Father; to the end, that beginning at it, and by it, we might have certain hope of this: believing firmly, that after death we shall be in the hands of God, and live a far better life, and forever with Christ: therefore Paul did wish to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. They of the Latin Churches, were of this faith, as is manifest out of many parts of Cyprian; especially lib. de mortalit. he saith, We should not put on black clothes for them, who have now received white robes; nor should we give occasions to check us, as if we mourn for them as lost and gone, whom we say, that they are living with God. And near the end he saith, Who being abroad will not hasten to return into his native soil? Who desiring to sail home, doth not earnestly wish a fair wind, that he may quickly embrace his dear friends? We call Paradise our native Country, and have begun to call the Patriarchs our Parents : why then do we not hasten and run, that we may see our native soil, and greet our Parents? A great company of friends do expect us: how sweet is the great pleasure of the heavenly Kingdoms, without fear of dying, and with eternity of living? how great and perpetual is that felicity? there is the glorious Queer of the Apostles; there is a number of rejoicing Prophets; there is an innumerable multitude of Martyrs, that are crowned after their warring and suffering; there are—who having kept the Lord's commandments, have translated their earthly Patrimonies, into the heavenly Treasures. Beloved brethren, let us with all earnestness hasten, that we may be speedily with them, and let us wish that we may come soon unto Christ: Bellarm. lib. 1. de Sanctor. beat. cap. 5. declareth the same of the Fathers generally, excepting only some few, who did believe otherwise; as Lactantius did believe, that all souls both of good and reprobate, did remain in one place till the day of resurrection, Instit. lib. 7. cap. 21. Augustine in Ench. ad Laur. cap. 68 & 69. hath that opinion that I have mentioned lately. But in John. tract. 49. he saith, All souls departing this life have not the same mansions; the good have joy, and the wicked have torments. And on Ps. 116. he saith, All the just, all the holy men, behold in the face of God, that which is written unto us. Now to return unto the prayers and oblations for the dead, Augustine in Ser. 32. de verb. Apost. saith, This is the tradition of the Fathers, and observed by the whole Church, thar when the defunct are mentioned at the sacrifice; we should pray for them who have departed in the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ; and that it should be told, that it is offered for them. It is without doubt, that these things are available unto the defunct; but such as have lived so before their death, that they may profit them after death : But they who have gone out of their bodies without faith, which worketh by love, such duties of holiness are bestowed on them in vain; seeing while they were here, they received no grace, or received it in vain; and did treasure unto themselves no mercy, but wrath. And Confess. lib. 9. cap. 3. he prayeth for his mother Monica, and addeth, Lord, I believe that thou hast done what I crave; yet approve the voluntaries of my mouth, for she did crave to be remembered at thy Altar. Bellarmine saith, that the Church was wont to pray, on the Feast days, for particular Saints; as on the Feast of Leo, they said, We beseech thee, Lord, grant that this oblation may be helpful unto Saint Leo: But (saith he) this sentence is now changed. And Ambrose did pray for the soul of Theodosius, but as they who did so pray, do never bring any warrant from Scripture for it; so neither can they tell what to make of such prayers. Epiphanius contra A • ri. haeres. 75. saith, These prayers and oblations were at first instituted, partly as Thanksgivings unto God, to glorify him in his servants; partly in commendation of their praises, who sleep in the Lord; partly that others might thereby be moved to the imitation of their godliness; and partly to show publicly the faith, hope, charity and love of the living; their faith (saith he) because albeit these were departed, yet the living believe, they are enjoying a blessed life; hope, because they are awaiting the same; their charity, because they retain a sweet remembrance of the departed; and their esteem, because they judge them who are departed in the fear of the Lord, howbeit in a blessed estate; yet to be inferior unto Christ, seeing they prayed unto him for them. So far he. Augustine in the fore-named Sermon saith, It is not to be doubted that the dead are helped by the prayers of the holy Church, and sacrifices and alms that is given for their souls; that the Lord would deal more mercifully with them, than their sins have deserved. Where Cyprian in 34. Epistle, saith, We offer sacrifices continually for them: Pamelius expounds it not to be otherwise, then in remembrance of them; and he proves this out of the Canon of the Mass presently in use: and out of Augustine in John. tract. 84. where he saith, The Martyrs we remember at the Table, not so as we remember others who rest in peace, to pray for them also; but rather that they would pray for us, that we may cleave unto their steps. This washing excuse doth add more guilt, as followeth. Bellarm. de Purgat. lib. 1. cap. 18. saith, Their prayers were thanksgivings to God for their glory; or petitioneth not that their Saints might be augmented in glory, but that their glory might be augmented with us; or that their glory might be more known unto the world; or they were petitions for some accidental glory of their body at the resurrection. And whereas it is commonly said, He doth wrong unto a Martyr, who prayeth for a Martyr: Bellarmine saith, it is to be meaned of them only, who pray for remission of their sins, or for essential glory unto a Martyr, which is not lawful, saith he. Thus we see, they are contrary one to another concerning prayers for them who are in blessedness; and albeit Augustine calleth it a tradition of the Fathers, and saith that it was observed by the whole Church; yet none of them can show that it is a Tradition, or that it was observed by the Church, in the time of the Prophets or Apostles, nor some hundred years after them. As for the souls damned in Hell, Epiphanius loc. cit. saith, We remember sinners, and seek mercy for them, and our prayers are helpful unto them, although they take not away all the blot. Chrysostom, homil. 22. ad pop. Antioc. saith, Read the Scriptures of our Savior, and learn, for none can help us when we depart hence into that place; a brother cannot redeem a brother out of those endless torments; nor one friend another; nor the Parents their children; nor the children their Parents. But you will say, where is the proof of that? Behold him who was thrust out from the marriage, and none interceding for him: consider the five Virgins that were excluded, and their neighbors not praying for them, and Christ calling them fools. Ye have heard, how that the rich man had no pity on Lazarus; and when he was tormented, he craved a drop of water, and how Abraham could not ease his torment : and on 1 Cor. 16. hom. 41. he biddeth rejoice, that the sins of the wicked, are by their death come to an end, lest their punishment were increased; yet, saith he, strive so far as ye can to help them, not with tears, but with prayers, supplications, alms and oblations. So is he contrary to himself, and which is especially to be marked; in the first place he gives reasons of his doctrine, and none for his exhortation; save only, that Job offered sacrifice for his children: But we find not, that Job offered for them when they were dead, but while they were alive in their bodies. Likewise Augustine (a little before) said, that duties of piety are bestowed on such in vain: but in Enchir. cap. 68. he saith, prayers for the damned, if they be no ease unto the dead, yet they are comfortable to the living; but he shows not what manner of comfort. Pope Gregory the I. prayed for the soul of Trajan, an heathen Emperor: and Bellarmine loc. cit. saith, this was an ungodly prayer, unless we will hold, that it was a particular motion of the spirit. So he will neither approve, nor condemn the Pope, but he condemneth the like prayer. But Augustine had a by-way of his own, concerning a third sort of souls, that were not reprobates, and yet in pain; he had been a Platonic, and retains so much of the Elisian fields, and thought that prayers for such souls, is a propitiation to God for their relief, as followeth. But after the 600. year, this opinion was received by many; especially by the authority of Pope Gregory the I. that prayers and oblations should be offered for the dead; to the end, their torments in Purgatory may be eased or ceased. Now if we compare the practice of the Fathers in the preceding 400. years, with the opinion of Gregory, and of the Roman Church after him, we find that both sorts prayed for the dead, but with great difference. The Greeks thought that the elect souls were not in Heaven (yet not any of them in pain) and therefore they would pray for increase of their blessedness; but the Latins believe they are all in Heaven, and gave thanks for them; and prayed for the increase of their glory, by the resurrection of their bodies, and so forth, as is said (except only Augustine, who thought that some of the elect may be in torment.) And of them Fra. Junius, in his Notes on Bellarm. de Purgat. lib. 1. cap. 10. observeth, That the former ages sought only an increase of good things; but the latter ages do pray for relief or ease of torments : the first opinion (saith he) is tolerable, and the other is contrary unto verity, and to the virtue of Christ's death: For as Augustine de verb. Dom. ser. 37. saith, In thy two evils, one is a fault, and the other is punishment; the fault is, thou art unjust; and the punishment is, thou art mortal: But he [Christ Jesus] that he might be thy neighbor, took on him thy punishment, but not thy fault; and if he took it, he took it to abolish, and not to commit it; and by taking on him the punishment, and not the fault, he hath abolished both the fault and punishment. And de temp. ser. 66. Now is the time of forgiveness, to them who repent; but the time of vindication, to them who have neglected to confess their sins. But after this age arose another difference; for Pope Innocentius the III. being asked, what his judgment was in this matter? he answered, Some be very good, they need no prayer of the living; some are very bad, they cannot be helped; some are mid-way good, to them prayers are profitable for expiration; and some are mid-way bad, to them prayers are profitable for propitiation, Bellar. de Purg. lib. 2. c. 18. will not approve this judgment of his ghostly father; he gives assent unto the first three parts of that distinction, and he makes a gloss on the last part, saying, I suspect that Innocentius hath forgot himself; when he thinks that Augustine's division hath four parts, which hath only three; for they who are midway good, are the same who are mid-way bad. And in the beginning of that 4. chapter, he saith, It is certain, the prayers of the Church are profitaable neither unto the blessed, nor the damned; but only unto them who are in Purgatory. Augustine's division is in Enchir. cap. 110. Prayers avail not unto all who are departed; and why not, but for the difference of life, which everyone hath made in the body? Therefore when the sacrifices of the Altar, or of Alms, are offered for all them who were baptized, and are defunct; for the very good, they are thanksgivings; for the not very bad, they are propitiations; for the very bad, although they do not help the dead, yet they are comfortable to the living : but to whom they avail, they avail to this end, either that there may be a full remission; or that their damnation may be the more tolerable; and because we know not what is their estate, we should pray alike for all, that our benefit may be superfluous rather then deficient. To conclude this point, seeing prayer for the dead, as it was used in the second age of the Church, is now condemned by the Romish Church; and such prayers as are now used in the Romish Church, are a branch of the opinion of Purgatory (which the Ancients knew not) their prayers now for the dead are but a novelty; and (as we may say) a plant of that third age, and unknown unto the Church of Rome in this seventh Century: For in the Synod at Toledo, an. 627. (when were assembled 62. Bishops) it was ordained that the dead should be conveyed to the graves, with the voices of men singing Psalms, only in hope of the resurrection; they forbid all mourning, and they will have no word of prayers for them; which they would not have omitted in such a place, if they had thought upon any necessity or utility thereof. conc. Toleta. 3. cap. 22. But the Romanists say, These oblations are comfortable to the living. It is true, the Priests and Monks receive no small gain for them, but the other people are handsomlie cheated.

5. A third question of this age and nature is, Whether living Christians may lawfully pray unto the departed Saints? The Council at Trent hath discerned, That they think wickedly, who deny that Saints should be invocated, Sess. 25. cap. 2. Therefore it ought to be inquired, when, and how this honor was given unto the Saints? Here we may borrow some help from the Jesuits. Salmeron on 1 Tim. 2. disp. 8. answereth, it was not the custom of the Old-Testament, nor was so great honor due unto them. Ibid. disp. 2. Nothing is found of this matter in the Epistles of Paul, or Canonical or Catholic books of others. But possibly somewhat hereof is found in the Evangelists or Revelation. No, saith he, Ibid. disp. 7. It is not expressed under the New-Testament in the Scriptures, but by tradition; for in the primitive Church it had been hard to command such a thing unto the Jews; and occasion had been given to the Gentiles, to think, that instead of many God's whom they had left, they had received many other God's: yet, saith he, without doubt the Apostles delivered this Doctrine unto the Churches. But he telleth not, unto what Churches, whether Jews or Gentiles, or if there be a third. Bellarm. de beat. Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 19. saith, Before the coming of Christ, the Saints entered not into Heaven; neither saw they God, nor ordinarily could they know the prayers of them, who did invocate them : therefore it was not the custom of the Old-Testament, to say, Holy Abraham, pray for me: but the men of these times prayed only unto God. I will not quarrel with him, that some of his words seem contrary. Io. Eckius in Enchir. loco. comm. saith more, The invocation of Saints was not commanded in the Gospel, lest the converted Gentiles would believe, that according to their former custom, they should worship the Saints not as Patrons, but as God's; as the Lycaonians would have sacrificed unto Paul and Barnabas; and if the Apostles and Evangelists, had taught that Saints should be worshipped, it might have been judged their arrogancy, as if they had craved such glory after their death: Wherefore the holy Spirit would, not by express Scriptures, teach the invocation of Saints. We see then by the testimony of Papists, that prayers to the departed Saints, hath no warrant in Scripture, but is grounded on tradition only. If this tradition was first revealed by the Apostles, how was the scandal of Jews and Gentiles taken away by the tradition? If it were concealed, enduring the more general conversion of the Jews and Gentiles, then it was not in use for a long time in the Church; whereunto the practice of the Reformed Church is agreeable. How began it then? Eusebius hist. lib. 4. cap. 15. hath a large Epistle of the Church of Smirna, concerning the martyrdom of Polycarpus, near the end they say, The envious and malicious enemy of just men, seeing the glory of this Martyr so great, procured that his body should perish from among us; for there were many that endeavored, and fully purposed, to have been partakers of his blessed body by burial: many pricked forwards Nicetes, the father of Herod, and his brother Dalces, to move the Proconsul, not to deliver unto the Christians his body; lest that (say they) they leaving Christ, fall to worship him: This they said, when the Jews egged and urged them forward, which continually watched us, lest we snatched him out of the fire; being ignorant of this, that we cannot forsake Christ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [the Translater omitteth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and should have translated thus] who suffered for the salvation of the whole world of them who are saved, that we can worship none other; for we worship Christ as the Son of God; the Martyrs we love as his Disciples, and followers of the Lord, and that worthily for their invincible good love they bear to their King, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, and we wish, we may be their companions, or communicate with them. Out of this Epistle we see, Christians did worship Christ, and could not worship any other man. Origen's contra Celsum lib. 5. holdeth, that Saints that are in blessedness, do pray for the Church on earth; yet (saith he) we pray not unto them, for God willeth it not; and he refuteth the similitude taken from the example of Kings Courtiers. Cyprian, unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome, saith, If any of us two depart before the other, by the mercies of God, let our love continue, and let not our prayer cease with God, and the mercy of the Father, for our brethren and sisters. But in Cyprian, was no prayer unto Cornelius when he was dead, nor to any other that was defunct: nevertheless, this opinion of Cyprian, made way unto the invocation of Saints afterwards. Georgius Trapezuntius, the Translatour of Eusebius, once made me believe, that Eusebius, and the Church in his time, did worship the Saints : for in lib. 13. de prepar. Evang. cap. 7. he translateth thus, We honor all those who have lived well, howsoever they died; we do this daily, honoring the servants of true godliness, as the friends of God; we go also unto their graves, and make prayers unto them, as to holy men; by whose intercession we hope to be helped with God: but the original words are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, we pray besides their graves, and honor their blessed souls. Where Eusebius hath nothing for prayer to Saints: and in lib. 4. cap. 5. he saith, We are taught to worship religiouslie God only; and cap. 10. he saith, Worshipping him only, adoring him only; in these places, Trapezuntius hath omitted the partitie only. The first Authors of any note, whom the worshippers of Saints can allege truly, were about an. 370. for then some, as Basilius, Nissen and Nazianzen, did pour forth prayers unto the Saints; but with this addition, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, if you have any feeling, and if thou hast any regard of me and mine. And at the same time, sundry other Fathers did not only abstain from, but did impugn this novation. Chrysostom in Ps. 4. saith, At all time thou mayest pray unto God, neither needest Porters to bring thee in, nor Proctors nor friends; but when thou comest by thyself, then especially doth he hear thee: we do not so well please him, when we request by others, as we may by ourselves; for when he awaits our love, he doth all things that may make us trust in him; for when he seeth that we come by ourselves, he granteth most, &c. Epiphanius condemneth this error in the Collyridians and the Antidicomarionites. It were longsom to recite particular Authors, we have their testimonies being assembled in Councils, at the Council of Laodicea in Syria an. 368. in cap. 35. the worship of Angels and Saints is forbidden, as idolatry and forsaking of Christ: Caranza in translating, hath put angulos for Angels : But Theodoret on the Epistle to Coloss. cap. 30. saith expressly, the Laodiceans, in that Synod, forbid the worshipping of Angels. And the third Council at Carthage cap. 23. saith, When it is stoodat the Altar, let prayers be always made unto God. And in that which is called the fourth Council at Carthage, cap. 14. Altars are commanded to be cast down, that were erected to the memory of Martyrs, under the pretence of their apparitions: and the furiousness of the people is hinted at in that place, when they add, If it may be done; but if it be not permitted by the tumults of the people, let the people be admonished that they haunt not those places. Whence it is clear, that the Fathers were forced to tolerate some things that they could not amend. But what need I to bring the orthodox against these doubting Fathers? seeing even they do (upon other occasions) condemn that practice. Basilius in Moral. reg. 80. cap. 22. saith, Seeing whatsoever is without the Scriptures, is not of faith, it is sin: and Nazianzen in Oral. in Basil. saith, Seeing I am a creature, I cannot adore any creature; and although Ambrose called unto his brother Satyrus for help, yet in all that Oration, he speaketh but passionately and rhetorically; as appeareth clearly, by these (and other) words, Give me leave, and permit unto my sorrow, that I may speak a little more largelie of him, with whom now I may not speak. But behold what he saith without passion, de fide ad Gratian. lib. 1. cap. 7. Paul forbiddeth me to serve any creature, but commandeth me to serve Christ; Christ therefore is not a creature; the good servant, who acknowledgeth the Lord, even he forbiddeth us to serve a creature: how then would he have served Christ the Lord, if he had thought that Christ was but a creature? And in comm. in Rom. cap. 1. saith, They being confounded with shame do use a miserable excuse, saying, they go unto God by creatures, as we are wont to go unto a King by his Courtiers. When he calleth this a miserable excuse: he declares, that the practice did not please him; but he continueth refuting that excuse, saying, We go unto a King by his Courtiers, because he is a man, and knoweth not to whom he may concredit the Common-Wealth; but to procure God's favor (who surely knows all our works, and nothing is hid from him) we need not any Intercessor, but only a devote mind. Bellarm. de Sanctor. beat. lib. 1. cap. 20. replieth, The first part of these words is to be understood of them, who give the properhonour of God unto the Saints; and the last part meaneth, God hath no need of information, but we have need, saith he. This is (to use the words of Ambrose) a miserable excuse; for he speaks of our need of an Intercessor, and he saith, We need not an Intercessor, but a devote mind; because God is not ignorant, who comes unto him; as a King knoweth not, till he be informed by his Courtiers. Here it is to be observed, that Ambrose speaks there against the Heathens, who would have excused their idolatry; but his words serve no less against all prayers unto any mere creature. Another great preparative to the invocation of Saints, was made by sundry solemnities, which may be thought to have been done in no ill mind, but with a bad success; as the building of Churches, and keeping of days in remembrance of particular Saints, whereupon followed the nomination of Mercates, &c. When such things began, some Fathers did not perceive what inconveniences were following (for some were bickering against the heresies, concerning the Trinity and person of Christ; some against the Pelagians, and some were not so zealous; others did rejoice that the Heathens could be turned from gentilism) and others foresaw the danger, but saw the people so headstrong in their presumptions, that they durst not freely rebuke the people, for eschewing the offense of some good persons, and of some who were turbulent; as Augustine confesseth of himself in Ep. 119. ad Ianuar. Untill the days of Gregory no such thing was found in the Liturgies, but only remembrance of the Saints names; and men prayed only unto God, that he would give them grace to follow their examples; and when the form of Gregory began, the invocation was not yet brought into the Liturgy; in his works are found (and very rarely) proper to Saints, but not any one to the Virgin Maria; which we may think, he would not have omitted, if he had believed, that she is a Savioress or a Mediatress. But after him are few found, who speak against the invocation of Saints; in so far, that an. 755. in a Synod at Constantinople, it was confirmed by authority of a Canon, even by them who at the same time condemned the worship of images; and yet the invocation that was allowed then, was but a blot, in respect of the impiety whereinto the Church of Rome did thereafter degenerate. For they say not, Pray for us, if you have sense of our miseries: but sometimes they direct their prayers unto the Saints, that they help them in their miseries, and grant their petitions; as to the Virgin Marie they say, Marie mother of grace, mother of mercy, defend us from the enemy, and accept us in the hour of death; Offic. beat. Mariae pag. 54. which was allowed by Pope Pius the V. an. 1571. and ib. fol. 226. in the hymn of the Apostles they say, Ye unto whose commandment the health and sickness of all men is subject, heal the sick in manners, and restore virtue unto us. Sometimes they pray unto God to hear them for the merits of the Saints, as ib. fol. 38. Let the Lord grant us salvation and peace, for the Virgin mothers sake; and fol. 46. O Lord, protect thy people who trust in the patrocinie of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and of other thy Apostles; preserve us continually, we beseech thee, O Lord, let all thy Saints help us everywhere, that when we think on their mercies, we may find their patrocinie. And fol. 228. in Natal. S. Martyris, nec virginis, nec martyris, O most gracious God, for her sake forgive us our sins, and spare our iniquities: hereafter we will find more such blasphemous prayers. Thirdly, in imitation of the old Heathens, they divide the government of things below unto several Saints : the Patron of Spain, is Saint James; of France, Saint Dennis; of Germany, Saint Martin; of England, Saint George : Towns have their particular Patrons, Rome hath Saint Peter, Venice hath Saint Mark, &c. yea Janus hath given the keys of Heaven unto Peter; Jupiter Pluvius hath given the Rain unto Genivieve; instead of Aeolus, Seamen call upon Saint Nicolas; Ceres hath given over the Corns unto John and Paul; Esculapius gives Medicine unto Saint Cosm; Bacchus the Vines unto Saint Urban; Mercurius the Oxen to Pelagius, and a thousand more such toys they have. And as if all this were not abomination enough, they give the same worship unto the Creator and creature : Bellarmine in the end of his Books, saith, Praise to God, and to the Virgin Marie; and in the end of the Book, de cultu Sanctor. Printed Lugduni an. 1596. Praise to God, and to the Virgin-mother Marie; and also to God Jesus Christ, the eternal Son of the eternal Father, be praise and glory; where he preferreth the Virgin before Christ. So doth Gregory Valentia, in the end of his Book de Missa, and de Purgator. Praise to God, and to the blessed Virgin Marie, and to Jesus Christ. Viega is plain in his Comment on Revel. 12. sect. 2. num. 31. saying, She is set above the creatures; and whosoever boweth his knee to Jesus, doth also humble himself unto his mother: and I think (saith he) the glory of the Son with the Mother, to be not so much common, as the very same. These particulars are blasphemous without exception, so that I have seen an Edition of Bellarmine, where the above-named Doxology is omitted. And before him Lud. Vives, in his Note on August. de civ. Dei. lib. 8. cap. ult. complaineth, saying, Many Christians do sin often in good things, that they do worship he-God's and Goddesses, no otherwise than they do God; nor see I in many what difference is, betwixt their opinion concerning the Saints, and what the Heathens thought of their God's. And Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 23. saith, The multitude have more trust in images, then they do in Christ; but if they trust so unto images, they will trust no less in Saints, whose images they are. These practices of the Romish Church, are cle •• unto all who are acquainted with their books, or who behold their fopperies in their Churches. So that Agrippa de vanit. Scient. cap. 57. after he hath related a great number of theirtricks, he derideth their pretences; as if Jupiter had imparted his power unto the lesser God's: and concludeth thus, he is superstitious and ungodly, who instead of miracles, turneth prodigious lies, as it were sporting fooleries, into a History; and gives them unto the simple people to be believed instead of Oracles; and they are fools who believe such tales. Hereby certainly he understandeth their Legenda aurea, or the History of the Saints Lives and Miracles, which are publicly read on the Feast-days.

6. In this Century, the worshipping of Images came into question: but first see what the more ancient Christians thought thereof. Origen's contra Cels. lib. 7. saith, Christians and Jews, when they hear [the Law of God] Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven-image, nor—not only refuse these Temples, Altars, and Images of God's; but indeed, choose rather to die. And then speaking of the Images of the true God, he saith, Neither do we regard images, for we frame no Image of God, because he is invisible and incorporal. Lactantius Instit. lib. 2. cap. 19. saith, There can be no true religion, where there is an image. Epiphanius hath an Epistle unto John. Bishop of Jerusalem, which is translated by Jerome, and is extant in both their works; there he saith, I hear that some do grumble against me, because when I was going to the holy place called Bethel, and saw in the Village Anablatha a lamp burning, and having asked what place that was, I was informed that it was a Church; and going to pray, I found at the entrance a died and painted clothe, having the Image, as it were, of Christ or some Saint (for I remember not well, whose image it was; but I saw the image of a man) hanging in a Church of Christ, contrary to the authority of Scripture; I did cut it, and did advise the keepers of the place to wrap a poor dead body in i •• and they grumbling said, If he will tear it, he might have given another veil, and changed it: which when I heard, I did promise to send another shortly unto them. But now I pray you, command that no such vails, as are contrary to our religion, be hung hereafter in a Church of Christ; for it becomes your fatherhood rather to have care of banishing such superstition, unfit for Christ's Church and the people concredited unto you. But from gathering many testimonies, Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 2. cap. 23. spareth our travel, saying, To the end the memory might be continued of the defunct; or of them who are severed in place (as none doubteth) were images devised; but seeing God is everywhere, nothing was thought more foolish from the beginning, than to represent him. Only I add that of the Council at Eliberis cap. 36. It pleaseth to forbid images in Churches, that it be not painted on walls, which is worshipped. This Council was held in the days of Constantine the Great. Bellarmine de imagine. Sanct. cap. 9. bringeth many answers of his own sort, to elude this authority, and rejects them: amongst others, he reporteth the answer of Nic. Sanderus, That that Council forbad images for that present time; because then it was feared, the heathens might believe that we worship stocks and stones. This is a good answer, saith he, and yet he hath another, The Council forbad not images on Boards or Vails, but on Walls; because images on Walls are most spoiled. But the Fathers made no difference of the matter; for generally (as Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 13. saith) all the old Fathers almost [he might have truly omitted this, almost] did condemn the worship of images for fear of idolatry; then which, is no sin more execrable. Moses repeateth nothing so oft (as is manifest in Exodus and Leviticus) as that the people worship not anything made with hands. And the Prophet saith, Let them be confounded who worship graven images, and glory in images. Then he addeth, how Serenus, Bishop of Marsilia, did not only take Images out of a Church, when he saw the people worship them, but broke them in pieces, and burned them. Observe, this takes away Bellarmine's answer, seeing he burned the Images, and not the Church Walls. And upon this occasion Pope Gregory the I. writ unto him, Ep. 119. lib. 7. saying, Verily we commend thy zeal, that thou wouldest have no man to worship that which was made with hands; but we think, thou oughtest not to have broken those images; for the Pictures are set up in the Church, to this end, that the unlearned by seeing and beholding them, may at least behold on the Walls, what they cannot read in Books. Out of Ep. 9. lib. 4. it is clear, that Serenus did maintain both the breaking, and the worshipping of images; and therefore Gregory chideth him, as affecting singularity; and yet he addeth, If any man will make images, forbid him not; but by all means stop the worship of images. In this Epistle it appeareth, that at that time images were in many other Churches, and that in former times also; but only for ornament or for instructing the ignorant, as he saith. But certainly no image was in a Christian Church, before the Emperor Constantine's time; and after that, many did oppose them altogether; and they who had them, did pretend historical use, but with a bad success : for Gregory lib. 7. Ep. 53. professeth that he did prostrate himself before the image of Christ; and from worship at the image, is the ready way to worship the image; as Pol. Vergil. complaineth in the fore-named place, The first establishing of images, saith he, was in the days of Pope Agatho; and it were to be wished, that Priests would instruct their people more diligently, how they should regard images; which because they do not, and it is commonly thought, that they are silent for their own commodity; therefore men are come to this madness, that this part of piety differeth little from impiety; for almost all the rude and ignorant people worship the images of stone, or wood, or brass, or painted on walls in sundry colors; nor as signs, but as if they had sense; and they trust in them more than in Christ or the Saints, to which they are dedicated: whence it is, that they add foolishness to foolishness, and they offer unto them gold, silver, rings : which 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 error hath so waxed, that we think, Religion consisteth in riches, &c. The same saith Agrippa, de vanit. scient. cap. 57. where having spoken of images amongst the Heathens, he subjoineth, Which corrupt custom and false religion of the Heathens, after they were brought to the faith of Christ, did infect our religion also, and brought images and statues into our Churches; whereas there was no such thing amongst the primitive and true Christians: neither can it be told how great superstition, I will not say idolatry, is fostered amongst the rude people; and the Priests wink at these things, because they do reap no small gain thereby. We should learn not from the forbidden books of images; but from the Word of God, the book of Scriptures: he who will know God, should not seek knowledge from images or statues; but let him search the Scriptures, which testify of him; and Christ saith, My sheep hear my voice. And then Agrippa, as fearing to be censured for his boldness, makes some show of recanting; but anon falleth afresh to it, saying, Covetous Priests and greedy men, seeking matter of their avarice not by wood and stones only, but by the bones of the dead also, and relics of Martyrs, have found means of covetousness; they open the graves of the Confessors; they take out the relics of Saints, and do sell a touch or a kiss of them; they busk up their images, and adorn their feasts with great pomp; they call them Saints, and proclaim their praises, whose life they will not follow, &c. And to the end we may see the worship of images, is not the error of the ignorant only. Thomas Aquin. in Sum. pag. 3. quest. 25. arg. 3. saith, The same reverence should be given to the Image of Christ, which is given to Christ himself.

7. Concerning what Agrippa speaks of the relics of the Saints in his time, it is observable, how Gregory the I. writ unto the Empress Constantia, lib. 3. Ep. 30. The Majesty of your piety, who are famous for study of religion, and love of holiness, hath commanded, that I should send the head of Saint Paul, or some part of his body, for that Church which is built in the Palace, to the honor of the same Saint Paul, the Apostle : and while I was desirous that these things might be commanded unto me, in which I giving most ready obedience, might have the more abundantly provoked your favor toward me, the greater sadness hath overtaken me; because you command that which • neither can, nor dare do. And he addeth examples of some, who had attempted to remove the bodies of some Saints, and were smitten with sudden death; and others were affrighted and dispersed with the fear of Thunder; and therefore he saith, Let my most gracious Lady know, that it is not the custom of the Romans, when they give the relics of Saints, that they presume to touch any part of the body; but only a band is sent in a box, and that is laid by the holy bodies of the Saints; and that is taken up again, and sent unto the Church which is to be dedicated. Whether these examples be true or not, believe Gregory they who will. But if other stories can be believed, many bodies of Martyrs, and Confessors, were carried from place to place, before his time and after it, and in many places of the earth. Nor can it be denied, that the removing of their bodies, which in the fury of persecution had been buried in obscure corners, was commendable; if restless minds had not turned charitable offices into excessive superstition. And sundry Ancients do record, that miracles were wrought in these places, where they were buried, as Augustine de civit. Dei lib. 22. cap. 8. and Chrysostom in his Book against the Heathens. And no less certain is it, That Satan took occasion upon their esteem they had of dead bodies, to deceive many, and that many ways. Augustine in Confess. lib. 6. cap. 2. showeth, how his mother Monica, when she came to Milan, would have brought her pottage, bread and wine into the Churches [or, as he calleth them, Memorials] of the Saints, as was the custom of Africa; the door-keeper did hinder her, because the Bishop of the place had forbidden it; and he did admire, how his mother, so soon, did rather condemn her former custom, than call into question the countermand; because the custom was like unto the superstition of the Gentiles. Jerome to. 2. Ep. 2. against Vigilantius telleth, how he said, Why shouldest thou with so great honor, not only honor, but adore also, I know not what thou worshippest in a little vessel that thou carriest about? Why doest thou with adoring kiss dust covered in a clothe? we see a custom of the Heathens brought almost into the Church, under pretext of religion; that whilst the Sun shineth, heaps of wax-torches are kindled, and they kiss and adore everywhere a little, I know not what, dust in a small vessel covered with a precious clothe: These men give (forsooth!) great honor unto the most blest Martyrs, whom they think to make glorious by their silly Torches; when the Lamb, who is on the midst of the Throne, glorifieth them with the splendor of his Majesty. Jerome writeth very bitterly against Vigilantius for writing so, and denieth the fact, saying, O mad head ! whoever did adore Martyrs? who thinketh man to be a God? &c. There he saith, Constantine had caused to transport the bodies of Andrew, Luke and Timothy to Constantinople; and the Emperor Arcadius, had brought the body of the Prophet Samuel from Judea unto Thracia; and some Bishops had transported other bodies, but none did adore the bodies. Hence appears his judgment, and the practice of the Churches where he did live, or which he knew; but it seems he knew not what was done where Vigilantius did live: of whom I add here the words of Erasmus, in the Argument before that Epistle, Vigilantius by nation a Gall, and Presbyter of the Church at Barcilona in Spain, writ that book, wherein he did teach, that Relics of Martyrs should not be adored, neither should there be Vigiles at their graves; which at that time, was done in great religiousness; and so against this man falleth Jerome a scolding with reproaches, that I wish he had been more moderate: as for the night Vigiles they did not please the Church-men, as is clear enough, that by their authority they are taken away, the name only remaining; and of that custom is Africa and other places. Augustine de civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. ult. saith, We do not erect Churches, Priesthoods, Holy things and Sacrifices unto the Martyrs; because not they, but their God is our God; we do honor the remembrance of them, as of the holy men of God, who have for the truth foughten unto the death of their bodies; to the end, the true religion may be known, all false and feigned religions being convinced. But what faithful man ever heard a Priest, standing at an Altar, built upon the holy body of a Martyr, for the honor and worship of God, say in his prayers, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian, I offer a sacrifice unto thee; when at the memory of them, it is offered unto God, who made them both Men and Martyrs; and hath joined them, with his Holy Angels, in heavenly honor; to the end, that by that solemnity we may both give thanks unto God for their victory; and by calling upon him for help, we may exhort ourselves to the imitation of their Crowns and Palms, in the renewing of their remembrance? Therefore whatsoever obsequies of religiousness are performed in the places of Martyrs, are ornaments of their memorials, and not holy things or sacrifices of the dead as God's: and whosoever bringeth meat thither, which truly is not done by the better Christians; and in most part of the earth is no such custom; nevertheless whosoever doth it, when they have laid it down, they pray, and take it away again, that they may eat it, or give a part thereof unto the indigent; they desire to have it hallowed there, by the merits of the Martyrs, in the name of the Lord of Martyrs: That these are not sacrifices of the Martyrs, he knows, who knows this one thing, that the sacrifice of Christians is there offered unto God; and so we worship not the Martyrs, neither with divine honors, nor with human crimes. So far he. On these last words, Lud. Vives hath this Annotation, concerning the practice of his own time, Many Christians do often sin in a good thing, that they worship [divos, divasque] their gods and goddesses, no otherwise than God himself; neither do I see in many, what difference is betwixt their opinion concerning the Saints, and that which the Heathens thought of their God's: Impious was the opinion of Vigilantius, who deprived the Martyrs of all honor [if he did so:] Foolish was that of Eunomius, who would not enter into the Churches of Martyrs, lest he were compelled to adore the dead; Martyrs are to be reverenced, and not adored as God, as Jerome writeth against Vigilantius. And in his next Annotation he saith, But now the fashion is, when religion is solemnized unto Christ, who delivered mankind by his death, to show plays unto the people, nothing differing from the old scenical plays; although I say no more, he will think it fitly enough who shall hear it, sports are made of a most serious purpose: He continueth showing their abhominable sports. Hither may be referred another History in Chrysostom to. 1. in his book against the Heathens, The Apostate Emperor Julian, went to the Temple of Apollo at Daphne, and with great instance did ask a response, concerning a purpose intended by him : and it was answered, This place of Daphne is full of dead bodies, which hath averted the Oracle: whereupon Julian commandeth to take away the body of Babylas. There Chrysostom argueth against the Emperor, that Babylas were mightier then Julian's God. But the good man did not conceive the policy of the Devil, by subtly instilling into the minds of imprudent men a superstitious fancy, concerning the relics of the dead and their power, as Bellarmine de cultu Sanctor. lib. 2. cap. 2. would prove from the same example, that the relics should be adored. And whereas he alledgeth, that the miracles that were done at the graves of the Martyrs, were done, to the end these relics should be worshipped : Augustine de civit. Dei lib. 22. cap. 9. saith contrarily, Unto what faith did these miracles attest, save unto that, where Christ is preached to have risen in the flesh, and to have ascended into Heaven in the flesh? for even the Martyrs, were Martyrs, that is, witnesses of this faith; they giving testimony unto this faith, did endure the enmity of the world and did overcome them, not by fighting, but by dying; for this faith they died, who may obtain these things from the Lord, for whose name they were killed; for this faith their wondrous patience hath gone before, that in these miracles so great power might follow; for if the resurrection of the flesh eternally, hath not gone before in Christ, or shall not be, as is fore-told by Christ; or was fore-told by the Prophets, who had also prophesied of Christ; why can the Martyrs do so great things, who were killed for that faith, by which the resurrection is preached? For whether God worketh by himself in a wondrous way, whereby the eternal worketh temporary things, or if he doth those things by his servants; and the same things that he doth by his servants; whether he doth some of them by the spirits of the Martyrs, as by men that are as yet in the body; or all these by his Angels, whom he commandeth invisibly and without bodies; so that what things are said to be done by Martyrs, are done by them praying and obtaining, and not working; or whether these things be done someone way, and some another, which can no way be comprehended by mortals; nevertheless they give testimony unto that faith, which preacheth the resurrection of the flesh forever. So far he. Hence we see, that Augustine will not say definitively, that the miracles were done by the Saints; and that he holdeth, that they were for confirmation of the faith which the Martyrs did believe and preach, and for no other faith. But most certain it is, not any Martyr did ever teach, or believe, that Saints or their relics should be worshipped. Add the testimony of Ge. Cassander in Consult. art. 21. We read (saith he) that of old they made vows, and undertook pilgrimages unto places, famous for the relics of Martyrs; which then was profitable, while the memory of the Martyrs was yet fresh and certain; and while God, by undoubted miracles, did show that their souls do live, whose bodies were dead; thereby confirming the faith, which they did profess. But abuses did by little and little creep in, for Basil did complain that in his days this custom was corrupt; and in the time of Augustine, the custom of bearing meat unto the graves of Martyrs, was forbidden by Ambrose; as is clear in Augustine Confess. lib. 6. cap. 2. and in latter times, too much hath been given to the relics and memories of Saints, when wicked men began to put false confidence in foolish worship: which abuse is condemned by the Council at Cabilon, Cap. 45. and other corruptions were added; to wit, for gain, false relics were daily suggested, and feigned miracles were reported; superstition was thereby fostered, and by illusion of the Devil, new relics were invented; which abuse is condemned by a Council at Lions; at this day the world seems to be full of relics; so that it may be feared, that upon due examination most detestable impostures may be manifested, as in some places it is made manifest: as of old it happened unto Saint Martin, who did find under the famous name of a Martyr, the monument not of a Martyr, but of a wicked Robber. Wherefore it seems good to abstain from all ostentation of relics, and to stir up the people to reverence the true relics; that is, to follow the examples of their godliness and virtues that are extant, written by them, or of them. Thus Cassander hath observed two corruptions, to wit, superstitious confidence in the worship of true relics; and a sacrilegious forging of false relics. But now the superstitious custom of Rome, is come to such height, that Jesuit Vasques is licentiated to send in public, That the very worms may be worshipped with a good intention and sincere faith; as if the worms, consumers of the holy relics, were filled with some virtue; yet not to be worshipped publicly. Vasq. lib. 3. adorat. cap. 8. num. 114. and Bellarm. li. cit. cap. 4. saith, The relics of Saints, to wit, their bones, ashes, clothes, &c. are to be adored, although not with the same kind of adoration, as the spirits of the Saints, yet with more than human or civil worship; to wit, with religious supplication, kissing, circumgestation, thurification, lighting of Tapers, &c.

8. In former times many were desirous to see Jerusalem, but others did dissuade them; as Jerome to 1. Ep. ad Paulin. saith, It is laudable, not to have been in Jerusalem, but to have lived well in Jerusalem; for that City is to be sought, which killed not the Prophets, nor shed the blood of Christ; but which maketh the currents of the flood glad; which being on a mountain cannot be hid, which the Apostle calleth the mother of the Saints; in which he rejoiceth that he had freedom with the righteous. Neither in saying so, do I reprove myself of inconstancy, or condemn what I do; that I seem in vain, after the example of Abraham, to have forsaken my kindred and country; but I dare not inclose the omnipotency of God in narrow bounds, and restrain him in a little part of the earth, whom the Heaven cannot comprehend: Everyone of the believers are weighed, not according to the diversity of places, but by excellency of faith; and true worshippers do adore the Father, neither at Jerusalem, nor on mount Garizim; because God is a Spirit, and his worshippers must worship him in spirit and truth: the spirit bloweth where he pleaseth; the earth is the Lord's, and the fullness thereof: since the Fleece of Judea is dried up, and all the World is wet with the dew of Heaven; and many coming from the East and West are set down in the bosom of Abraham; God hath ceased to be known in Judah only, and his name to be great in Israel; but the sound of the Apostles hath gone thorough all the World, and their words unto the ends of the earth. Our Savior, being in the Temple, said unto his Disciples, Arise, let us go hence; and unto the Jews, Your house shall be left desolate: seeing Heaven and Earth shall pass away, certainly all earthly things shall pass away; therefore the places of the Cross and Resurrection, are profitable unto them who bear their Cross; and they rise with Christ daily, who show themselves of so great habitation. Moreover they say, The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, let them hear from the Apostle, Ye are the Temple of the Lord, and the Holy Ghost dwelleth in you: both from Jerusalem, and from Brittan, is the gate of Heaven equally patent; Antonius and all the multitude of Monks of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Pontus, Cappadocia and Armenia have not seen Jerusalem, and without this City the gate of Paradise is patent unto them: Blessed Hilarion, although he was born and lived in Palestine, saw Jerusalem but one day only, that he might not seem to despise the holy places for their vicinitie, nor yet include the Lord in one place. You will say, Why go I so far off? To the end thou shouldest know, that nothing is deficient to thy faith, though thou hast not seen Jerusalem; and that thou think not us the better, that we enjoy the habitation of this place; but whether here, or there, thou shalt have alike reward according to thy works. Augustine also, in his book de morib. eccl. cathol. cap. 34. complaineth, that many did adore graves and pictures; and some did drink upon the dead, and luxuriously bury themselves upon the buried; which abuses the Church endeavoreth daily to amend. Agreeable unto this complaint, is that passage in Gregory lib. 9. Ep. 71. Whereas the English were wont to sacrifice Oxen to their God's, and on that day they did feast and make merry: Gregory adviseth Augustine, to turn that Divelish solemnity into a feast of dedication, or birth-day of some Martyr; and then to kill the Oxen not to the Devil, but to praise God when they did eat; to the end, that the hard-hearted people be not discouraged, for want of a merry day, to forsake their idolatry; and because they who will climb high, must go by degrees. And lib. 12. Ep. 31. speaking of the English, he saith, according to the Apostle, who saith, I gave you milk to drink, and not strong food, I have yielded now these things unto them; but not to be held, or continued, in after-times; lest the good which is lately planted, and yet but of a tender root, be pulled up; but rather being begun, may be strengthened and carried to more perfection: Truly, if those things that we have done, be otherwise then we should have done; know thou, that it was not done for the thing itself, but by commiseration. Whence it appears, that not only these feasts at the graves, but many other rites, came into the Church by condescending unto the rudeness of the Gentiles: and they who at first did indulge them, did not simply allow these rites; but would by degrees bring the people unto the Christian faith; and they would not have used them, if the rude people would have embraced the purity of God's worship. But afterwards, especially in the Western Churches, religion did consist, for the most part, in such rites; and if people would observe these, little care was to inform them in the faith. Then, as in the preceding 200. years, people had affection towards Jerusalem; so when the Bishop of Rome, was called the Universal Bishop, people forgot Jerusalem for a space, and looked towards Rome, and would go thither to confess their sins, as we will find more particularly; and yet even then many did reprove it, as followeth; for the present, I will add but one testimony of Bernard in Ep. 113. ad Lelbert. Abbot. S. Michae, saying, This your son having forsaken, by my counsel, his peregrination, though he undertook it by your license, hath returned; for when we knew that he had attempted it in levity, and you had yielded because of his importunity; we reproved him sharply (as he was worthy) and persuaded him to return, repenting (so far as we could guess) of his levity and improbitie, and promising amendment hereafter; we judging righteously, that howsoever one be guilty, he should exerce repentance in his own Monastery, rather then by going from Province to Province; for the purpose of Monks, is not to seek the earthly, but heavenly Jerusalem; and that not by walking on foot, but by amending in affections: thus Bernard. And when the worship of Saints and relics was once received, it was easy for Priests to persuade pilgrimages unto this or that monument; either for penance, or some special remedy to be found there, more than in another place, Bellarm. de cult. Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 20. Of this hear Pol. Vergil. saying, We read not go to any part of the earth to seek God, who is everywhere; but some have no such intention, but rather go to behold the image of some Saint, never thinking (in all their journey) of God; far contrary to the worship that was prescribed by the Fathers. Against such men may well be applied that of Persius, O souls prone to the earth, and void of Heaven! Why should we use such rites in our Churches? and in the way they feed themselves delicately; and lest they wax sad, they have with them some Pleasant (I will not say their Whores or Mistresses) to cause them to laugh; and tell them merry sports, as it were, to refresh their wearied minds : O vain travel! we should sojourn, that being sequestered from domestic cares (which divert us from thinking upon the other life) to dart the body; and cause it to do service unto reason, and give unto the poor, as Christ commandeth. Vergil. in Interpret. Orat. Dom.

9. Out of what is said, may be partly seen, what was the estate of the Western Church in the days of Pope Gregory the I. and that after him a thicker mist arose out of the Sea; as indeed purity of Doctrine perished more and more, and the Church was wondrously darkened with men's Traditions; apparitions of spirits were frequent: which when the Bishops and Priests did receive, they were deceived, and made no small Apostasy from the true faith, into the confidence of merits and men's satisfactions. So that John de Molin in Specul. Carmel. cap. 6. hath truly observed, that from the time of the Emperor Heraclius, unto his own time, The day declined to the evening, and the Church hath suffered an Eclipse, yea and almost made defection, Io. Bal. cent. 1. 74. appr. 2. About these times (saith another) men were (as it were) made for barbaritie; and many of the Ancients, in whose books was the doctrine and acts of antiquity, being forsaken through negligence, did suffer another and worse death. In all which following calamities, the Monks were not the least Agents; for when the Monkish life was had in admiration, the Popes thought them the fitter instruments in prosecuting their pleasure. Before that time they had not authority to preach the word, nor administer the Sacraments : as may be seen at length in Gratian. caus. 16. especially qu. 1. cap. Adjicimus, there is an ordinance of Pope Leo I. that none but the Priests of the Lord should preach the word, whether he were a Monk or Laic, whatsoever measure of knowledge he had: and Cap. hinc est etiam, it is said, The Ecclesiastical history testifieth, that until the days of Eusebius, Losinius and Siricius, Monks were only Monks, and not Clergy. And Gregory lib. 4. Ep. 1. No man can serve in the Office of a Church-man, and continue in a Monkish rule ordinarily. And they all were Laics, except the Abbot, saith Bellarmine. de Monac. lib. 2. cap. 4. and Spalatens. de Rep. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 12. proveth it at length, but they were subject unto the Priests of the Parish, in receiving the Sacrament; or if they were many they had their own Priest; as Epiphanius ordained Paulinian, Priest of Saint Jerome's Monastery. Bellarm. de not. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 10. But Pope Boniface the IV. gave them liberty to preach, and his successors gave them power of binding and loosing; and although they had not charge of souls, they made them equal in power, everywhere, with the Priests in their own Parishes, Gratian. caus. 16. qu. 1. Sunt tamen. They did cloak their idleness with profession of poverty, according to the order of Saint Basil, Augustine and other fathers: which rules of the late Monks, were so far from the institution of the Fathers, that they never had dreamed any such thing could follow: saith Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 7. cap. 3. for according to the institutions, Monks had nothing of their own, neither did live chargeably unto others; but upon the works of their hands, and they gave their works unto their Decanus: saith August. de mori. Eccles. Cathol. lib. 1. cap. 31. and in Reg. 2. tradita Fratrib. cap. 2. he commandeth them to read some hours, to pray some hours, and to work some hours. Chrysost. hom. 59. ad pop. Antioch. saith, They know not begging : and Bellarm. de monast. lib. 2. cap. 43. and Durae contr. Whitak. fol. 387. out of Jerome, Epiphanius, and others, show that all the Monks in old times did work, as the Apostle had commanded, except one Monastery of Saint Martin : so writeth Basil in exercit. ser. 4. But in the seventh Century they had fair Cloisters, Princely Abbeys, rich Revenues, and what did they not purchase? But no work at all amongst the most part of them : so that Bernard crieth in Apolog. ad Guil. abbat. O how far different are we from the Monks in the days of Antonius! And in Epist. 42. he saith, Work, dark places, voluntary poverty, these do nobilitate Monks; but your eyes behold everything; your feet tread in every market; your tongues are heard in all Counsels; your hands do pull unto you every patrimony : As they were not slothful in their own affairs, so when the Popes and Bishops began to have more care of policy, preferment, and such earthly things; and each one to strive against the usurpation of another, more then they did study the Scriptures: Then the Benedictines (and afterwards other sorts of hypocrites) were sent under color of preaching Christ; but indeed to deceive the world, and to persuade men to submit themselves unto the See of Rome. The Monks propined the cup of fornication to all nations; they persuade Kings to subject their Crowns unto the High-priest; and they were the sowers of his superstitious rites, and other errors : as may be seen at length in the History of the Council at Trent, in the Congregations of the 4. and 5. Sessions, where the Bishops and Rulers, sought to take these liberties from Monks; but the Romish Courtiers would not. The Bishops of Spain and Gallicia in the 4. Council at Toledo, did espy this hypocrisy, and Cap. 52. did ordain, That Bishops should restrain all Religious persons (so did the Monks call themselves, as if there were no religion in others) who were not of the number of the Clergy, and went from place to place: And each Bishop should compel them within his Diocie, to return into some Monastery, or take them to a Parish; unless they were dismissed for age or sickness. This Act could not stand, for the mystery of iniquity must go on. So that justly doth I. Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, and Martyr an. 1555. call the Monks the pale horse, saying, This pale horse, is the time wherein hypocrites and dissemblers entered into the Church, under pretence of true religion; they killed more souls with heresies and superstition; then all the Tyrants that ever were, did kill bodies with fire, sword, or banishment; as it appears by his name who sitteth upon the horse, that is, Death : for all souls who leave Christ, and trust to these hypocrites, live unto the Devil in everlasting pain; these pretenced and false hypocrites, have stirred the Earthquakes, that is, the Princes of the World against Christ's Church. Letters of Saints and Martyrs, Printed an. 1564. pag. 116. By their Sermons they did commend the primacy of the Pope everywhere : and Boniface the V. and then other Popes, gave them so many Prerogatives, that they who had the greatest desire of liberty, became Monks, Erasmus in Vita Hieron. Yea and Kings forsaking their Scepter, betook them to a Monkish life, as Bambas King of the Goths in Spain; and some retaining their Crowns, professed themselves of the Order of Monks by dispensation: With provision, that they give Revenue to one Abbey or more; and the Church (that is, the Popes and their Members, the Monks) suffer no loss; or in a word, that Monasteries may be enriched. At first out of the Monasteries (as Colleges) were chosen Presbyters, who were esteemed of an higher degree, August. Epist. 76. ad Aurel. and Pelagius the I. Bishop of Rome, writing to Antonia and Decia, saith, I wish that those who are nourished by us in this habit, and in Monasteries, may when they shall be of ripe age and approved life, be promoted not unto the Office of contention, but of Priesthood, Gratian. caus. 16. qu. 1. cap. de praesentium. And Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 7. saith, If any did repent him of his profession, he had liberty to return unto his former life; yet not without the note of levity (saith he) but they were not tied under the bond of vow. By means of these privileges, and by opinion that donations to Cloisters, were meritorious before God; the Monks at that time received Palaces of ease, instead of Wildernesses in former times; plentic for poverty; feasting for fasting; frequent Convents for solitariness; robes for rags, Erasm. Epist. ad Granveld. dat. 15. cal. Ianuar. an. 1520. and Spalatens. de Rep. Christ. lib. 2. cap. 12. Sect. 77. They were so managed, that let any one choose what sort of life he pleaseth, he shall find contentment in one Abbey or other; or he shall find a Convent of the same profession, Bellarm. de mon. lib. 2. cap. 3. and so when they profess to have nothing, they enjoy all things : And it may well be said to them, which he ibid. lib. 1. cap. 1. citeth out of Jerome. Epist. ad Paulin. Expound the word Monachus, which is thy name; What doest thou in a Town who shouldest live alone? Or if ye hear that strange etymology (and not so strange in Grammar, as in practice, in respect of them) which he approveth; Monachi have their name from the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. unity; because they lay aside all worldly things, and they study to please unity i. e. God. Then take also his note of inference, Whereof it followeth, saith he, that properly these are Monks, who give themselves to contemplative life, as the Cassinenses, &c. Upon the same ground Thomas Aquin. and other Scholasticks, would not give this name of Monks, unto the Dominicans and Franciscans; because they are not only given to contemplation, but &c. Seeing then Monks went over all, having no certain Parish; yet preaching, and exercing the Office of a Priest, wheresoever they pleased, or could be received; surely according to both these reasons of their name, about that time Monks were no Monks, and a great novelty crept into the Church. And seeing their doctrine was principally, for erecting primacy and power unto the Pope; they may justly be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , servants and soldiers, as the ancient Greeks called them; but not the servants and soldiers of God, but of the Pope, as will be more clear hereafter.

10. Into this Century, Bellarmine casteth the first acceptation of the Latin Translation of the Bible, by the Church universally; which Translation is called Jerome's. In lib. 2. de verb. Dei cap. 8. he showeth, that another Translation, which was called Itala or Vetus Latina, was in use in the Churches, before this of Jerome; and in the days of Gregory the I. the Church of Rome did use them both, [as Gregory testifieth, in the end of his Epistle to Leander, before his Morals.] And after that (saith Bellarmine) all Latin Translations went out of use, save this which is called Vetus Latina. And in Cap. 9. he saith, That some Books or Chapters of the old common Translation; especially the Psalms, and some books of Jerome's Translation, which is now in use in the Roman Church: and in the next Chapter saith, this is of authentical authority, as if all the Churches had used it only; all Preachers have expounded it only; and Councils have determined all controversies from it only : but he bringeth no proof of his so bold assertion, except a very imperfect induction. In the contrary it is certain, 1. Though all were supposed, which he saith of that Translation; yet before Jerome it was not, and before Pope Gregory the I. it was not authentical; and therefore it was but a Novation, when it was taken to be authentical. 2. No other Church but the Romish did ever call it authentical, not the Greeks, &c. 3. Jerome did not call it authentical; for in his preface before the Books of Moses, he saith, to them who were emulous, Why doest thou fret with envy? Why stirrest thou the affections of the unlearned against me? Ask the Hebrews, advise the Masters of sundry Towns, what they have of Christ, thy books have not: it is another thing, if the testimonies used afterwards by the Apostles prove against them; and the Latin copies are falser then the Greek, and the Greek than the Hebrew. It is true many editions of that preface have, & emendatiora sunt exemplaria Latina quam Graeca, & Graeca quam Hebraea; and so did Nicolaus de Lyra, and others in his time read the words. But so, that sentence is contrary to his purpose; and therefore many of the School-men, and Erasmus, have been puzzled in reconciling that sentence with the preceding words. But I have had by me, these 50. years, an Edition of Paris in the year 1523. by John Prevel, which hath, & emendaciora sunt exemplaria Latina, &c. And this one Edition, in this particular, is of more credit than a thousand other Editions; because it agrees with the preceding words, and with the truth: And with the same, Jerome in an Epistle to Damasum before the four Evangelists, saying, If the truth is to be sought out of many Translations, why go we not to the Greek original, and amend the things that have been ill translated by vicious Interpreters; or have been amended by unlearned presumptuous men. Let that be the true interpretation, which the Apostles have approved; I speak (saith he) of the New-Testament, which without doubt is Greek. And tom. 1. Epist. ad Lutin. he saith, As the credit of the old books, are to be examined by the Hebrew books; so the credit of the new, requireth the rule of the Greek language. If we confer altogether, what is more clear, then that Jerome did prefer the Hebrew in the Old-Testament; and the Greek in the New, above all Translations whatsoever; yea and above his own. 4. Neither was any Latin Translation accounted authentical, before the Council at Trent; for all the Interpreters, have in many Texts forsaken it; as is clear by their Commentaries, as Nicolaus de Lyra, Paulus Brugensis, Armachanus, Card. Cajetan, and Bellarmine himself departeth from it in the Psalms; and Erasmus Rotterodamus, Xantes Pagninus, Francis Vatablus, and Arias Montanus, were approved for setting forth other Translations. Pope Leo the X. did approve by his Seal the Translation of Erasmus, and gave him thanks for his travel in translating the New-Testament, Erasmus in Epist. Thomae Card. Eborac. dat. Louan. cal. Febr. an. 1519. 5. In the Council at Trent, that Translation was called into question, for Frier Aloisius Cataneus spake against it, and did confirm what he said, by the authority of Card. Cajetan and Jerome, and by good reason; and was seconded by Isidorus Clacus, a Benedictine Abbot; so that (as the Writer of the History saith, lib.