Defense of the Watch-Word Against the Ward-Word

Resistance to the first Encounter about the manifold blessings, from God, through her Majesty's happy Rain, poured upon this Land.

THough my intent is not to make answer either to the immodest railings, or frivolous exceptions, or vagrant excursions of this Encounterer ; but only to set down a short defense of my speeches by him impugned (because my state of health, and disposition of my body will not bear to write volumes:) yet, because both in the entrance of this Libell, and in other places of his process, he doth so heinously charge me with the odious crime of flattery (which I hate naturally as a badge of a base mind, much more through Christian knowledge as most contrary thereto,) I have thought it not amiss to shape a short answer • unto it. In suspicion of heresy Jerome (as Bishop Jewel allegeth) would have no man to be patient, & though I will not burst out into any impatience (as considering more what is fit for me to speak then for him to hear) yet I hold that in the grievous accusation of flattery I ought not to be silent.

Therefore I allow it not only for witty, but worthy to be embraced for truth, that which you allege concerning flatterers, & I hold the answer to the question no less true in the whole, then in part. The question was, What beasts were most perilous? And the answer is, Of all wild-beasts a Tyrant, & of tame-beasts a flatterer ; and if you can as easily free such as you seek with might and main to defend, from the just imputation of tyranny, as I shall be able to clear myself from any the least intention to flatter, you shall do more then ever any could do for them before.

Antisthenes is reported to be wont to say, he had rather have ravens resort to his house then flatterers, yielding this reason, that ravens do but pray upon the carcass being dead, but flatterers devour both body and soul alive. To enterprise the enumeration of great States and Princes through flatterers utterly ruinated, were to undertake an endless labor but as the verse hath:

Then deadly poison th •• gh thou drink great store. So were it not hard to • hew more seigniories and kingdoms subverted by secret flattery, then by open hostility: by how much the more earnestly I beseech the Lord, that if her Majesty's Court cannot be altogether free from flatterers (who as burrs do commonly hang upon the sleeves of Princes,) yet by her princely wisdom she may always espy them, and find them out, saying as the Philosopher is reported that was Nephew to Plato. Define adulari, nihil enim proficis cum te intelligam, leave thy flearing and fawning, thou preuailest nothing, for I perceive thee well enough.

But I pray you (Sir N. D. ) where learned you that skill to take upon you to affirm and prove, that to publish the commendation of Princes upon just desert is flattery? I doubt me for all your desire to be thought a great Clerke, it will trouble you and all your colleagues to fortify this position But not to dwell long upon this point; disdain not to hear what Democritus will tell you. Recte quidem facta laudare honestum est, mala vero laudibus vehere adulterini est animi & impostoris. To give due praise to good deserts is honest; but to praise and extol evil deeds argueth a corrupt and a couzening mind: and therefore I doubt not with far more ease to free myself from flattery, wherewith you falsely charge me for commending the good things of our land, then you shall be able to avoid the just imputation of an adulterous and deceiving mind in depraving God's blessings with your Macheuilian wit, and false interpretations.

And if I had leisure to stand upon just retortion of unjust accusations, I could send you to the Popes Palace where a man may find more shameless flatterers, then (I think) were ever to be found in any Christian Princes Court. Panormitan (as is by sundry learned men alleged) shameth not to flatter your Pope so far, as to make him almost equal with God. Excepto peccato Papa potest quasi omnia facere quae Deus potest: Sin excepted the Pope can in a manner do all things that God can do: Again another clawbacke: Non minor honor debetur Papae, quam Angels, &c. No less honor is due to the Pope then to the Angels, for which cause he receiveth of Christian people adorations, prostrating themselves on the ground, and the kissing of his feet, which the Angel would not permit by John the Evangelist to be done to him. Another, Imperatoria Maiestas tanto est inferior Papa, quanto creatura Deo: The imperial Majesty is so much inferior to the Pope, as the creature is to God. Others, that he is Ens secundae intentionis compositum ex Deo & homine: And in a word, the Canonists roundly in the Gloss: Dominus Deus noster Papa : Our Lord God the Pope. Which blasphemous flattering speech Doctor Reynolds noteth that the Cardinals, and others deputed by Gregory 13 to reuise, correct, and purge out, such things as by error had crept into the Glosses, & annotations in the book of decrees and decretals, &c. yet have not only not removed this blasphemy, but not so much as given the least castigation upon it: belike because they thought that could not fit the Pope, which the Apostle writeth of Antichrist, that he doth sit as God in the Temple of God, showing himself that he is God, unless they should suffer a place to be extant, wherein he is plainly called, Lord God, in a popish work, by the Papists themselves corrected, printed at Rome, and that at the Popes own special commandment: and so much concerning your accusation of flattery.

The which yet you labor to enforce, because I take upon me to speak of infinite blessings from Almighty God, by her Majesty's gracious government poured upon this land, and yet myself (you say) confess a thousand fears and frights, and imminent perils which hang over us in these words. I doubt not but you are men of wisdom, and can easily conceive what dangers we stand in, by that which hath been said before. And again, The life of Religion, Queen, and Country is at the stake.

Verily if I should speak of the great blessings bestowed upon this land in the happy establishing of true Christian Religion amongst us, and should think the contrary, I should judge myself worthy to be taxed with so odious a crime as flattery is. For I will say as he in the Poet:

But (good Sir) what contrariety is there in my words? May not a land be truly blessed from God, in having a gracious Prince, by whom Idolatry is removed, and true Religion planted: and yet (for want of due acknowledgement of the Lord's goodness, and true fruits of thankfulness) be by foreign enemies maligned, or by home-traitors hazarded? The remembrance of Josiah (saith Jesus Sirach ) is like the composition of perfume, that is made by the Art of the Apothecary, it is sweet as honey in all mouths, and as Music at a banquet of wine. He behaved himself uprightly in the reformation of the people, and took away all abomination of iniquity, he directed his heart unto the Lord, and in the time of the ungodly, he established Religion. Highly was Jerusalem blessed by the reign of good Josiah, rooting out Idolatry, and restoring to the people the book of the Law, (as is this land likewise by the like blessed Rain of our gracious Josiah, ) and yet even in his time, for the Idolatry committed under his Father, and Grand-father, and for their affections declining to Idolatry, and not truly esteeming the blessings in Josiah their king poured upon them, the Lord threateneth to bring evil upon that place, and the Inhabitants thereof. Which he did by suffering Josiah to be slain by the soldiers of the king of Egypt, and within few years after his death, selling his own people into the hands of the idolatrous Babylonians. For as darkness naturally followeth light, and night the day, so do great punishments accompany rare blessings, when they are not duly esteemed as they ought.

Blessed was Jerusalem by the testimony of the Lord's own mouth when he said: My beloved had a Vineyard in a very fruitful hill, and he hedged it, & gathered out the stones of it, and he planted it with the best plants, and built a Tower in the midst thereof, and made a winepress therein: But when he looked for grapes, and it brought forth wild-grapes, the Lord threatened from the height of this blessed estate, to cast them into the gulf of misery, to take away the hedge from his Vineyard, that it might be eaten up, and break down the wall thereof that it might be trodden down, &c. The Lord hath not therefore been less beneficial to us in placing so gracious an head upon the body of this Realm, because you, and some such as yourself are, do yet remain to God ingrate, and to your Prince, and Country unnatural. Only I beseech God, that whereas by his appointment the Olive is yet over us with her fatness, and the Fig with her sweetness, and the Vine with her fruitfulries, that (amongst many other sins of our land) for our ungrateful contempt of so great a blessing, a Bramble be not set over us, which is good for nothing, but to burn and consume us: and so much concerning my supposed contradiction.

Now (Sir N. D. ) it is your pleasure to hear my manner of speech in these words, If I should take upon me to enter into the enumeration of all the benefits and blessings that from the Almighty have been poured upon this little Island of England, &c. And having thus imperfectly repeated them, you pass the over with this sleight exception, saying: That in mentioning our little Island, I must take Scotland with me, else I err in Cosmographie, as though England were not divided in government from Scotland, though both rest upon one continent, and as though yourself did not term this Realm an Island, even where you do distinguish it from Scotland. Therefore Nodum in scirpo quaeris, and to this shift you are put very often for want of matter. But if seemeth that Scotland was named here by you, chiefly to make way for your purpose to give a glance at battles, murders, destruction of Countries, Provinces, Towns, Cities, Houses, and particular men that have been in Scotland within these forty years; as though Scotland had never tasted these or any of these before: and then you come in with Ireland, wherein you seem to bewail the death of the noble Desmons ; whose treasons yet live by succession in one of the same name, who (it is said) wrote • treason full letter, stuffed with most intolerable opprobries and slanders against her Majesty and the state to the King of Spain : And this I hope is no great proof of your son • dnes to Queen or State. France and Flaunders follow to fill up the number. But had you any respect of truth or care of modesty, you would never have made the true Religion we profess the cause of murders, tumults, and garboyles, which teacheth dutiful obedience, and condemneth all mutinies, seditions, and rebellions.

You should do well to have told us, who murdered the King; the Lord James, the Lord Russell in Scotland? In France who murdered the Prince of Condé, after he was taken prisoner, which (I think) the law of Arms will not well bear? Likewise who they were that laid • bloody hands upon the Admiral Chattilion, being first shot in with a Pistol with three bullets in the streets, and afterwards slain in his chamber: And so of Marl • ret slain in his garden, and of the famous learned man Ramus, who having paid monie to ransom his life, was beyond all humanit • e most cruelly quelled. And generally who were the Authors, not only of the bloody massacre in Paris, but also of the like uproars in other Cities, and quarters of the Realm, principally at Lions, Orleans, Roan, Tolouse ; in which Cities (within the space of one month) there are numbered at the least thirty thousand godly Protestants to be slain: your holy father at Rome (to show with what spirit he is led, and with what means he sticketh to maintain his Religion, which otherwise would fall to the ground) so soon as he heard of this bloody tragedy, maketh great joy with his Cardinals, with their procession, with their gunshot and singing Te Deum: Yea in honor of that Act proclaiming a Jubilee with great indulgence and solemnity. For Flaunders tell us who murdered the noble Prince of Orange against whom it was proclaimed, that who soever could bring him alive or dead, or slaie him should have five and twenty thousand crowns. You shall find that such a Catholic-faith as yours is, hath still sought to maintain it self by such Catholic means as these are, treasons, tumults, seditions, secret murders, and such like. As for our true Christian Religion, it is so cause of tumults, garboyles, and murders, as Christ's birth was of the murder of the poor infants, in which neither Christ nor the infants ought offended, the madness was in Herod and all Jerusalem, to be for this cause in an uproar. In a word it is Herod's Religion which seeketh to murder Christ, and the Christ's, and annointed of the Lord.

I proceed to your advertisement, for a better direction to men's judgments, that all blessings of a Common-wealth may be reduced to two heads, the one spiritual belonging to the soul and conscience, the other temporal concerning the body and weal public: and that the Lord hath richly blessed this land since her Majesty's Rain, I doubt not to prove to all that have judgment and indifferency following your own method.

And first there hath been in England since this happy alteration & change from popish superstition to Christian verity, One God worshipped in spirit and truth, one faith, one belief, one form of service in prayer and praises to God, one number of Sacraments (which are only two by the word of God) one head of the Church which is Christ the Lord, as the holy Ghost testifieth by the Apostle. Him hath God appointed to be the head of the Church. And his substitute anointed, & appointed over us is our Sovereign and Queen, who is to command and be obeyed in Christ and for Christ in all causes as well ecclesiastical as civil, and not your proud usurping Priest at Rome ; and if you can like to look upon the harmony of confessions you shall find all the Churches of Christendom, where the Gospel and truth of Christ Jesus is embraced, to be of the same judgment; and in this blessed unity grounded upon verity, the Lord forever keep us.

And how scornfully soever you term this to be our Parliament Religion, be it known to you, that the reverent assembly of States, and Commons in Parliament, have cause to praise God for their joining to present such laws, and for her Majesty's consenting to establish such laws, as tend to so holy a purpose, as to hem in the ignorant, that they may frequent the holy assemblies to learn to profess and obey the truth, and to restrain the headstrong humors of Papists and Atheists, who are forward to run astray from God and all godliness.

As for your trick of cunning often grated upon, with a desire to disjoin our affections, by calling some Puritans & other Protestants, this malicious purpose of yours, I hope the Lord of might & mercy will turn to the good of his Church, and I trust it will please him by his grace to direct the hearts of our Church-men, to see how needful it is for them to join heart and hand together to defend the doctrine of faith (which they all hold) against the calumniations and slanders, wherewith you, and men of your sort, seek to load the truth of our profession: and to cross the cunning and most dangerous plots, laid also to mingle (at the least) our blessed, and most holy profession, with a toleration of cursed Popery, if not to alter all to Popery, to the rooting out of God's true Religion wholly from amongst us. And howsoever some dissent hath appeared, about the toleration or abrogation of some things: yet (I doubt not) it doth, & shall well appear, that the dissention is not such (as this turbulēt spirited fellow would fain have it) and that all sides will manifest to the whole world, that howsoever they may in these outward things dissentire, yet it shall be concordi discordia: and so much for your cunningly devised distinction of Puritan and Parliament Religion, not without a settled and grounded malice to both.

But (Sir) your vaunt of a general unity, before alteration of Religion amongst us, if I had leisure to sift it, would prove more boldly then truly uttered: for how worshipped you one God, when you served so many Idols? Or how glorified you the Creator, when you gave his glory unto creatures? not only to his true Saints (as to the blessed virgin whom you call the Queen of Heaven, as God is King of Heaven, and one of your greatest pillars affirmeth (as Doctor Reynolds allegeth him) that the King of kings hath given half his kingdom to this Queen, and of the chiefest treasures of this kingdom, namely Justice, and Mercy, hath reserved Justice to himself, but his mercy he hath granted to her,) but even unto vile, base, and dumb creatures, as when they pray for their cross of metal, that as by Christ his cross the world was delivered from the guilt of sin, so by the merit of this cross (of metal) they that offer it, may be freed from all the sins they have committed: and to the cross they pray, craving that of a dumb creature, which the Creator only can give that is God, blessed forever.

If Lactantius should judge of your Religion he would scarce allow you to worship God at all, who denieth that creatures may be worshipped with him: yielding this reason, Si honos idem alijs tribuitur, ipse omnino non colitur, cuius Reltgio est, illum esse vnum, ac solum Deem credere: If the same honor be given to others, he is not worshipped at all; whose Religion is to believe that he is one, and the only God. The best that probablie may be made of your worshipping is, that it is like the Religion, that the Gentiles learned, which were brought from Assyria to inhabit the Cities of Samaria ; who worshipped the Lord and Idols together.

Likewise of your own faith and belief might be shown how vain a presumption it is, when as you are so miserably rent in sunder into so innumerable diversities and sects of Friers, and Munkes, putting holiness in diverse institutions of life, some being white, some black, some wearing linen, some woolen, some going shod, some bare-foot, with infinite diversities more which are by learned men handled: It shall be sufficient for me, only to remember you of the stir betwixt the Franciscans and Dominic Friers, about the conception of the blessed Virgin; the Franciscans or gray Friers affirming that she was never Subject one moment in her conception to original sin; the Dominic or black Friers teaching that she was conceived in sin, as are all the children of Adam, which controversy occupied all schools and universities almost throughout the whole Christian world, which was at the length doughtelie decided by Pope Sixtus the fourth, quite contrary to that Word which shall judge all at the last day.

Of your one head your vaunt is the like, which being the Pope, how can you have one head, unless you reject Christ? If you mean one visible and ministerial head; how can that be when as Christ hath promised to be with us to the end of the world? And in the Revelation John saw him walking in the midst of the seven golden Candlesticks: if he be thus always present with his Church, by his spirit to guide the whole, and every member thereof; how shall any presume to take upon him to be a ministerial head of the Church, because Christ is not visibly present? Again how have you had one visible head, when there hath been so many Antipopes? So often? Such tumults and schisms about the Papacie? Which though your men would derive upon the Emperors intermeddling with the election (though very falsely) yet (as a learned man proveth) of thirty schisms in the Church of Rome, (so many as no Church can boast of besides) the worst, and the longest hath been since that time, that the election was devolved only to the Cardinals, even the 29. which lasted for the space of 50: years, first with two Popes at one time, and then with three, &c. So that to cease any further to examine your assertions (who intend only a defense of mine own by you carped at, and traduced) your great brag of unity in your Religion, the like whereof you deem is not amongst us to be found, is in deed nothing but mere vanity. But to return from whence I digressed.

Secondly, by the establishment of true Christian Religion amongst us, this great blessing we have obtained, that the Scripture and word of God, which is the incorruptible seed whereby we are begotten to God, the sincere milk that as children nourisheth us with the knowledge of the Rudiments, and principles of Religion, the food of the soul, which doth farther strengthen us with increase of deeper knowledge, is no longer (as of late times) like a sealed book, which being delivered to one that can read, and he willed to read it, he answereth he cannot because it is sealed: but we have it in our own mother language permitted unto us, that everyone may privately exercise himself in the reading thereof, and for the confirmation of his faith, in the points that he is taught publicly by the mouth of the Preacher, may with the men of Berrhea daily search the Scriptures to see whether those things be so or not; which trial the doctrine of Rome will hardly submit it self to. And this duty of searching the Scriptures at home privately, Chrysostom requireth at the hands of his Auditors: Idque semper hortor, &c. and this I always exhort, and will not cease to exhort that you be not only attentive here to those things which are taught, but that when you are at home you daily intend the reading of the holy Scriptures; and so I take it that Saint John setteth down three steps, or degrees, whereby we are to climb up to blessedness: first private reading; secondly public hearing; thirdly fruitful practicing of those things which by reading and hearing we learn. Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words of this prophesy, and keepeth those things that are written therein.

Thirdly, this is also a great blessing, that we have our public prayers in the Church in our own tongue, that the people may understand what the Minister prayeth, and keeping silence while he is speaking, may still have their minds and understandings accompany the voice of the Minister, and in the end may jointly answer Amen, Even as not a Clerke alone for the people (as New Rome hath taught) but the whole people for themselves were accustomed in Saint Jerome's time, as he witnesseth, Tota Ecclesia instar tonitrui reboat Amen: The whole Church like a mighty thunder doth sound out Amen. This also Augustine acknowledged to be a great blessing, Beatus populus qui intelligit Iubilationem, &c. Blessed is the people that understandeth the joyful song; let us run to this blessedness, let us understand the song, let us not sing it without understanding: Of this the Apostle most divinely treateth in the 1. Cor. 14. which though the Rhemists do miserably strive to shake off (as Master Whitaker's learnedly showeth) yet Cardinal Cajetan, overcome with the evidence of truth, plainly confesseth; as in the end of that Controuersie Doctor Whitaker's allegeth him, Exhac Pauli doctrina, &c. By this doctrine of the Apostle we have to understand, that it is better for the edification of the Church that the public prayers which are made in the hearing of the people, should be uttered in a tongue common both to the Clerks and people, then to be uttered in Latin.

Hence it followeth, that we learn to exercise our selves in works of true piety, such as by the word of God we are assured are acceptable with him, not putting holiness in works of men's devising, as superstitious observation of days, with like difference of meats, in gadding on pilgrimage and such like, of which may be said, that which the Lord spake in Isaiah: Who hath required these things at your hands? Whence it hath come to pass, that many lively members of Christ Jesus, being cold, naked, and hungry have been neglected, while it was thought an holier work to shrine in gold and silver the bones of dead men, as Erasmus in his Colloquie or dialogue of peregrination for Religion sake doth note; That the golden shrine of Thomas Becket, was beset with Diamonds, Carbuncles, with pearls and rare precious stones, Vilissima pars erat aurum, the basest part was gold. But we (blessed be God) have learned to make the will of God revealed in his word, the Rule and Squire of our obedience, studying to walk in his ways, and to keep his commandments both of the first and second table, according to that of our Savior, If you know these things happy are ye if you do them: wherein we are taught to strive against two extremities. First proud presumption before God, that we put no opinion of merit in our works, but refer them partly to the glorifying of our good God, according to that, Let your light so shine before men, &c. partly to the assuring our selves of our election by the fruits thereof, as Peter exhorteth, Make your election sure by good works, acknowledging that of Bernard, Bona opera sunt via regni, non causa regnandi: Good works are the way wherein we must walk to the kingdom of Heaven, but not the cause wherefore we shall obtain the kingdom. Secondly, before men we must avoid hypocritical ostentation, that we vaunt not of our virtues as the Pharisee: O God I thank thee I am not as other men, extortioners, unjust, or even as this Publican, &c. But according to the rule of the Apostle in meekness of mind every man to esteem other better then himself, we must turn our eyes inward, looking upon and censuring our own imperfections, and indeuoring to practice that good lesson Nosceteipsum. For very true it is, that Chrysostom hath speaking of Christian humility: Esto, multum adifices, habeas elecmosynas, preces, ieiunia, &c. Be it you build much, you use alms, fasting, and prayer, and all other virtues: without this foundation of humility they are all in vain; yea add continence, virginity, contempt of riches, Omnia prophana sunt, impura, abominabilia absque humilitate : They are all profane, impure and abominable without humility.

Father, the entrance of our peaceable Salome to the Crown, what Halcyon days hath it brought to the poor afflicted Church of Christ • The little bark of Christ Jesus before tossed with the waves and storms of furious and bloody persecution, hath now found some repose and rest under her gracious and benign protection: so mercifully hath Christ rebuked the storms and winds, when the ship was in danger of drowning, and there is followed a great calm. Not only they that were openly known to abhor the Romish Idolatry, refusing to bow the knee to their block-almighty (as some then called them) and to honor a piece of a Cake as their Creator, were by heaps brought to the fire: but so violent was the fury of that Wooluish Synagogue, against the poor Lambes of Christ's fold, that through enforcement and by virtue of their oath, were compelled to accuse, (against the law of nature) the wife the husband, one brother another, &c. as in a table of persecution under Bishop Longland of Lincoln doth appear, the bloody rage of this persecution sparing neither man, woman, nor child, wife, nor maid, lame, blind, nor cripple. But of this what should I say more, of which nothing can be said sufficiently? but as a painful compiler of the ecclesiastical History thinketh, all places considered where the Romish Phalaris hath intermeddled, France Flanders, Italy, Spain, and wheresoerver the gripes of this greedy griffin (as Chaucer compareth him) could r • ach: it would be hard to say, whether the Roman heathen Emperors in the prime-days of the Church, or the Romish Bishops in the latter, had caused more Christian blood to be spilled. And whereas this Encounterer wringeth out a malediction from hence, pretending by this change of Religion, the torturing, hanging, and racking of so many learned Priests, &c. he shall never be able to prove (so far as ever I could learn) that any one, either Priest or Lay-man, learned or unlearned, hath in this land these forty years, been put to death only for being a Recusant, and of a contrary Religion; as the liberty and home-dwelling of so many Recufants, without dread of any such danger, may prove sufficiently. The Wolf persecuteth the Lamb, not the Lamb the Wolf. As for those few which have suffered in these forty years, not comparable to the number of those which were martyred in Queen Mary's five years, I am so far off from rejoicing at their death, that with all my heart I wish, they had never sucked the poison of treason from your Jesuits breasts, that so they might have prevented the due and just shedding of their own bloods.

To these may be added other corporal blessings in a short view, among which this is not the least, that the establishment of true Religion hath quite removed from our necks the yoke of popish bondage • How miserably this poor land was oppressed and impoverished by the Popes dispensations, exactions, contributions, besides his continual subsidy of Peter-pence (nothing being able to satisfy his greedy appetite, and insatiable avarice) our stories in sundry places make lamentable mention. Now he must have the tenth of all the moveables in England, Wales and Ireland, then four marks of every able Church; and where one was not able to reach, there the other poor Churches must join to make up the money: shortly by a new Mandat all beneficed men must pay the first part of their revenues, then provision of English benefices for boys of Rome 300. at a clappe, and what not? Poor England was continually pilled and polled, and almost sucked dry, whereof (to use one example for many) the Nobles jointly with the Commons, complain in the Rain of Henry the third; in which their complaint having made mention of the continual subsidy of Peter-pence, and other contributions they add these words. And now see, we beseech you, (which is lamentable to behold) what injuries we sustain by you and your predecessors, who not considering those our subsidies, and contributions before remembered, do suffer also your Italians and forrayners (which be out of number) to be possessed of our Churches and benefices in England, &c. And immediately, which forrayners neither defending the said religious persons, neither having the language, whereby they might instruct the flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave them of wild beasts to be devoured: Wherefore it may truly be said of them, that they are no good shepherds, for that neither they do know their sheep, nor the sheep do know the voice of their shepherds; neither do they keep any hospitality, but only take up the rents of those benefices, carrying them out of the Realm, wherewith our brethren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks might be sustained, who could and would dwell upon them, and employ such exercises of mercy and hospitality as their duty required, whereof a number for mere necessity now are lay-men, and fain to fly out of the Realm. And now to the intent more fully to certify you of the truth, you shall understand, that the said Italians and strangers receiving of yearly rents out of England not so little as threescore thousand marks by year, (besides other avails and exises deducted) do reap in the said our kingdom of England more emoluments of mere Rents then doth the King himself, being both Tutor of the Church and Governor of the land, &c. they further proceeded in their complaint which for brevity sake I omit. The conclusion is, miserably was this land oppressed under the Romish Pharaoh, not only the skin flayed from the flesh, but the flesh in a manner rent from the bones, from which by this happy change of Religion we are delivered, the Lord's name be praised therefore.

The name of peace is sweet, and the thing it self both pleasant and profitable, with which blessing the Lord hath also greatly blessed this land these forty years, that in this respect her Majesty's reign hath been as the reign of Asa, of whom it is written, that he had no war in those days, for the Lord his God had sent him peace round about. For, as for the late tumults and stirs of Ireland, it is evident to whom they are to be ascribed by the sending thither of Saunders and of Italian bands by the Pope, who is the common Trumpeter of Sedition in all Christian Common-weals, which seek to shake off the yoke of his tyranny: There kindled (upon the like occasion) the flame of Rebellion in the North, but (bessed be God) it vanished quickly like a smoke, Spain likewise attempted an invasion, but with such success, as neither hath he cause to boast of his winnings, nor we to complain of our losses; for as the stars fought in their course for Israel against Sisera, so did the winds for England against Spain: other wars to speak of, we have had none, but such as we have voluntarily under-taken, for the relief and support of those that were oppressed.

And this it self is no small blessing, that England in the reign of a Woman, hath been the common refuge to all Christian nations, either rent asunder with civil wars, or oppressed with foreign forces: so that a Queen hath sit as Arbitrer of peace and war amongst Christian Kings, France is witness hereof. What should I speak of Suethland &c.? what of Flaunders, being received into our tuition, and society? yea the Turk himself (who happily before the renowned reign of her Majesty, had never heard the name of this little Island) moved with the Majesty of her name, hath laid arms aside, and through her intercession, hath granted peace to the Polonians being almost brought to extremity.

To these I might add the blessing of riches, plenty, and abundance, such as hath not lightly been known in this land before, which God hath abundantly sent unto us. Whereby we have been enabled to minister to the necessities of so many oppressed, and to sustain such voluntary wars, as honorable respects have moved her Majesty to undertake, for the needful succor of others, which who so seeth not is blind, and who so acknowledgeth not is very ingrate.

I may also add the multitude of people increased mightily since her Majesty's first entrance to the Crown, a great blessing of God poured upon this land, which, God at the least hath seven-fold increased to the number, that at her entrance she found. And if the Encounterer in his affected show of political wisdom, shall scorn this blessing, and say (as he doth) that I descend to very poor ones: yet I will rather subscribe to the wisdom of God's spirit noting it a great blessing upon Jerusalem, and the contrary a great curse: How doth the City remain solitary that was full of people? her blessing was fullness of people, her plague solitariness; as also to the wisdom of wise Solomon who thus plainly avoucheth, In the multitude of people is the honor of a King, and for the want of people cometh the destruction of a Prince. I cease (because I desire brevity) to stand upon the enumeration of anymore, only I wish we may dulie esteem the Lord's mercies vouchsafed to us, and bring forth the fruits of true thankfulness as the princely Prophet teacheth us. O • that men would therefore praise the Lord for his loving kindness • and declare his wonderful works amongst the children of men. As for your building of Castles in the air, by supposal of blessings that might probably have ensued, if Religion had not been altered, because I mean not to take the pains to follow you in your extravagant discourses, and because they are indeed nothing but the imaginations of an idle brain, I leave them to Master Moors fictio Vtopic • .

Resistance to the second Encounter, about some absurd Principles of the Papists.

HAuing proposed to myself a resolute determination, not to follow this fellow (in mine answer) in his vain of Rayling against me: it shall suffice, that such as be wise, honorable, and honest shall judge between us, whose satisfaction I desire and doubt not of, and to such I appeal to judge of the scantling he hath taken (as he termeth it) of my folly and flattery, wherein he glorieth so much, and I rest assured he shall find that it falleth out too s • ant inproofe against me in their judgments, so as his railing terms of folly and flattery must return to his own custody again. But now must follow a fuller view of my cogging and lying which are bitter terms I confess, yet shall they nothing trouble me, because I know mine own freedom, and I will take occasion hereby to endeavor to make such use thereof, as is taught me by an ancient Father. Permittitur detracti • , us caueatur elatio: God suffereth slanders to assault us, that pride may not surprise us. And therefore take your pleasure (Sir N.D. ) follow your railing humor and spare not, I like better to bear your hard terms, then that you should loose your occupation. Only let me tell you, that if I were disposed to play at Tennise with you, and bande back the balls that you deliver, I could so return this charge of lying upon your trades-men, that all the skill you have could not save them from a fault: Walsingham an ancient Chronicler writeth of Friers in Richard the seconds time, that they were of long time so infamous for lying, that it was counted a good argument holding both in matter and form, This is a Frier, ergo a liar. And it should seem the Romanists keep still their old wont, by that famous lie that of late they have sent us over, not only in print, but in picture too, namely that some for the maintenance of their Catholic Religion, have been by us here put into Bears skins, and so baited to death with Mastiues. A lie printed in the english College at Rome 1584. with Gregory's 13. privilege: so great a lie as no place was fit to utter but only Rome ; but I let them pass, and come to your charge against me.

And here first you except against my speech of the clouds, and darkness, that overshadowed this land in Queen Mary's time, and in former times of Popery, cyting these my words. It is not unknown to many yet living, neither can it be hid from the younger sort that live with them, what a dark misty cloud of Ignorance (which brought in popish Idolatry and all manner of superstition) did overshadow the whole land, &c. And again after, In these dark and cloudy days least the sunshine of knowledge should disperse the mists of ignorance, and give light to the dim of sight, &c. The which I then truly affirmed, and do again aver it; neither fee I any cause for ought that you allege to retract it, since it is evident that the people, neither having liberty to read the Scripture (which is as a light shining in a dark place) privately at home, neither in Churches read in a tongue that they understood: must needs be destitute of the light of Christian knowledge. For if Babel could not be built, because each one understood not another's tongue: how can it be deemed, that the Church of Christ can be built up in spiritual knowledge, by an outlandish tongue, which was no better understood of the people, then if they heard a tale in Irish or Spanish told them? As for preaching, (a great means in deed to breed knowledge, though not the only means) I will omit the matter of Sermons in those days, which was (for the most part not God's word, but men's traditions,) the necessity of auricular confession, the benefit of pardons, and indulgences, of pilgrimages, of applications, of masses, of giving to religious houses, of dirges, trentals, &c. so that as Elisha led the Syrians stricken with blindness into Samaria amiddest their enemies; so the people being debarred the light which maketh all things manifest, (I mean the reading of the Scriptures, in which they might see, whether those things taught them were so, or not) were carried by their teachers even to the enemies of their salvation, to trust in buying of pardons, gadding on pilgrimage, hiring masses to be said for them after their death, falling down and praying to dumb Idols, to forged relics, with a number of lying miracles, believed through them; in steed of Christ Immortal, worshipping a piece of bread, yea in steed of Christ's blood, worshipping the blood of a Ducke, for so the blood of Hales was plainly proved to be, and openly shown at Paul's Cross. So that no man need doubt of the truth of the Proverb that then was used in those times: Once Christian men had blind Churches, and light hearts; and now they have blind hearts, and light Churches. But this omitted, the very exercise of preaching, (such as it was) alas how seldom was it? now and then a Frier trotting sometimes to one Church, sometimes to another, and scattering here and there a strawberrie Sermon. It was no common thing for Bishops, in times of Popery, to be Preachers, though they took upon them to be Pastores Pastorum. Boner Bishop of London, who burned so many of God's Saints, blessed Martyrs, faithful, and painful Preachers (so long as they might) when the valiant Soldier of Jesus Christ, Thomas Hawkes was before him, and alleging against the Popish manner of baptising, both the addition of many ceremonies devised by man, as their oil, cream, salt, spittle, candle, conjuring of water, &c. as also that they wanted the chief thing, meaning preaching, alleging the text: Go teach all Nations baptising them, &c. by and by replieth upon Master Hawkes, and taketh this exception against that allegation. Thou speakest that because I am no Preacher. And as if to tax a Bishop for being no Preacher had been so heinous a matter, (though the man of God answered, that he spake the text, and meant not of him) yet all his Doctors and servants present spake with a loud voice, making a great noise, he speaketh it of you my Lord. And yet the latter part of King Henries reign, and the short, but happy reign of King Edward, helped you to far moe Preachers by their faint yielding; then in former times of Popery have been accustomed to be, as is not only apparent in this kingdom, but in others, if I had leisure to enlarge.

The only example of Doctor Bassinet, a man of great learning and authority in France, shall suffice me at this time, who in his first answer to the oration of the Bishop of Aix; (persuading to set upon the Merindo • ians, and as heretics to destroy them) confesseth his own ignorance of true Religion, till of late he fell to read the Scriptures (and yet he was a Judge of heresy) and with all his rash condemning of those whom they call Lutherans to death, although he was content so far to yield to punish them with fines, and banishment, which should speak too intemperately against the constitutions of the Church, and of the Pope: his words are thus Englished. The cause why in conscience I am thus disquieted is this, that now of late, since I have given myself more diligently to the reading and contemplation of the holy Scriptures, I perceive that the most part of those Articles which they that are called Lutherans do maintain, are so conformable and agreeing to the Scriptures, that for my part, I can no longer gainsay them, except I should even willfully and maliciously resist and strive against the holy ordinances of God: albeit hitherto, to maintain the honor of our holy Mother the Church, and of our holy Father the Pope, and of our Order, I have consented to the opinions and doings of the other Doctors, as well through ignorance, as also because I would not seem to attempt anything against the will and pleasure • of the Prelates, and Vicars general. Against which his confession; when the Bishop of Aix replied thus, Is there any difference thinkest thou, betwixt heresies and blasphemies spoken and maintained against the holy Scriptures, and opinions holden against our holy Mother the Church, and contrary to our holy Father the Pope, a most undoubted and true God in earth? Art thou a Master in Israel and knowest not these things? Doctor Bassinet more fully layeth open the general and common blindness and darkness of those times in these words. Are not they those which have forsaken Jesus Christ the fountain of living water, and have digged unto themselves pits, or Cesterns which will hold no water? Truly even those they are, which vaunt themselves to be the salt of the earth, and yet have no savor at all, which call themselves Pastors, and yet are nothing less then true Pastors: for they minister not unto the sheep the true pasture and feeding, neither devide and distribute the true bread of the word of life, and (if I may be bold to speak it) would it not be at this present as great a wonder to hear a Bishop preach, as to see an Ass fly? Are not they cursed of God, which glory and vaunt themselves to have the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and neither enter in themselves, nor suffer them that would enter to come in, &c. By which and infinite other evidences may appear, that there is in a manner as great difference betwixt kingdoms professing the Gospel of Christ (as this land now doth through God's blessing) and those that are subject to Popery, as was sometimes between Egypt and Goshen.

As for your allegation against those my speeches, to pass by your bold assertion, that England had continued above a thousand years under that darkness of Popery, (the vanity whereof is by sundry learned men discovered) it is evident by Beda his plain testimony in these words, Haec in praesenti iuxta numerum librorum quibus lex diuina scripta est, &c. This I, land at this present, according to the number of the books in which the law of God is written, doth search out and confess one and the self same knowledge of the highest truth, and of the true height in live tongues, namely of the Angels, of the Britain's, of the Scots, of the Picts, and of the Latins, which in meditation of the Scripture is made common to all the rest. Wherein he meaneth that the Latin tongue was common to all the learned of those four people's, as the vulgars were to the unlearned. So that in former times this Island had the Scriptures in their own tongue, to be a lantern to their feet, and a light to their steps, and delighted not in ignorance of the Scriptures, and in darkness (as of late) as also the most and chiefest points of your blind errors have been hatched long since the time you prescribe, as in the particulars of the patching together of the Mass by degrees, and successively, of the absurd doctrine of Transubstantiation, with other like, is by men of great learning and judgment manifestly proved. Yet by the way this I note, that by your secret confession you yield almost 600. years to the truth we profess, before your Religion was hatched, seeing both yourself and others commonly make claim for a 1000. years.

But to pass by this, doth not this Encounterer strongly (think you) refute mine assertion of the darkness in times of Popery? when he saith (speaking of the state of this kingdom in those times,) And it was accounted then as wise, learned, valiant, noble, and flourishing a kingdom, as France, Italy Spain, &c. An argument by which the Religion of the heathens may as well be freed from darkness and ignorance. For was not Rome when it had those lights of learning and eloquence, Cicero, Crassus, Hortensius, and others; as also those famous and wise both Counselors, and Captains Marius, Scilla, Pompey, Caesar, Cato, Scipio, and such like, was not (I say) Rome then accounted as wise, learned, valiant, noble, and flourishing a kingdom, as France, Italy, Spain, or any other Christian kingdoms be at this day? and yet it is true, that their knowledge was ignorance, and their light darkness, unless the Apostle be deceived, who saith of them all generally, Their foolish heart was full of darkness, and when they professed themselves to be wise, they became fools.

Arnobius sometimes an heathen, afterwards a Christian saith of his former state. Venerabar (O caecitas) nuper simulachra modo ex fornacibus prompta, in incudibus Deos, & malleis fabricatos, &c. I worshipped of late (O blindness) Images newly taken out of the furnace, God's forged on the Anuiles, and framed with hammers: so truly may it be said of the Papists, they worship (O blindness) Images newly taken out of the furnace, crucifixes forged on the Anuiles, and framed with hammers, and to blocks, and stocks without sense, (as if there were some power present in them) they kneel, they pray, they crave grace of them.

Your vaunt of the peerles, and unmatchable learning on your side, doth neither overthrow mine assertion, (if it were true) and yet all men know it to be vain and childish boasting. Our ministers (as you say) dare not open their mouths, (if they should appear with you) in schools, or matters of learning, yea they scarce understand the very ordinary terms of the learned sciences which you profess: not only our students, and young men, but our Doctors of Divinity, yea our public readers (as some of you boast and crake) (as you can stoutly do no men better) do scarce understand your course of Divinity what it meaneth. Is it not think you a clowdie, and Owl-like Divinity, that is covered with such mists of subtleties, and sophistications, as that professed deuines, men richly furnished with deep knowledge of tongues, and arts, are scarce able to understand the ordinary terms. I will say more for you (which in my conscience I am persuaded is true) that if Peter and Paul those blessed Apostles were now alive, and should come into your schools, to hear your Lectures of scholastical Divinity, and the rest, together with your other exercises, and disputations: they would marvel and be astonished at your strange Divinity which they understand not, & say (as the Apostle speaketh of those which hear prayers, & preaching in an unknown tongue) y ^t you are out of your wits: surely they would never acknowledge it to be consonant to that divinity, which they in their divine Epistles commend to the Church of Christ. For it is true, that a learned man hath written, that of two distinct good things, Divinity and Philosophy, your schoolmen have made a third bad compound, being neither sound Divinity, nor pure Philosophy.

But (Sir) I have granted only by way of supposition (that which in truth is not to be granted) that your men are so superior to ours in learning, that a few of yours are able to hold at school all our sunshine Clergy at this day (as you please to term them) for term of life, and after. A proud assertion without any shadow of proof at all, for reproof whereof I will take a short view either of the depth of your learning, or goodness of your cause.

John Hus cometh voluntarily to the Council of Constance, there to tender a reason of his Doctrine, and to defend publicly his assertions: How learnedly do these grave Fathers refute him? they clap him fast in prison, load him with chains, and fetters, not only not being convicted, but not so much as heard, yea though he came under the Emperors protection, and had his safe conduct, the Pope himself having likewise consented unto it.

Martin Luther goeth to Wormes by disputation to defend his Doctrine, and though his friends persuaded that he should not expose himself to so manifest peril, because the Papists had oftentimes broken their promise; yet so assured he was of the goodness of his cause, that he neither feared the learning, nor might of his adversaries, though never so many, but he answered his friends, that he would enter that City in the name of the Lord Jesus, though he knew there were as many devils set against him, as there were tiles upon all the houses of the City: Afterwards before the Emperor himself, and the whole states of the Empire, he maintaineth his doctrine, answereth the adversaries, and with the Emperors favor departeth in safety, though full sore against the minds and wills of sundry Papists.

Again under safe conduct he goeth to Augusta, there to render a reason of his assertions to Cardinal Cajetan, who on the Popes behalf, and at his commandment proposeth three things to Luther. First that he should be better advised, & revoke his errors; secondly, he should promise hereafter not to publish, or repeat them; thirdly, he should abstain from all things which might trouble the Church: Luther standeth to justify his assertions, & offereth there, and else where to defend them, sendeth in writing a defense to the Cardinal, justifying his opinions by the Scriptures. In a word, the Cardinal would not hear Scripture; but willeth him to come no more in his presence, unless he would recant; yet stayed he there five days after, expecting whether the Cardinal would call him to any further disputation, whereof when he heard nothing in all that space, he departed.

At the assembly at Spire, when Simon Grinaeus heard Faber Bishop of Vienna utter sundry absurd errors in his Sermon: he goeth friendly to him, and telleth him he was sory, that a man of such learning and authority, should openly maintain such errors, as were both contumelious against God, and might be refuted by the manifest testimonies of the Scriptures: and as he would further have proceeded to the refuting of his errors, Faber breaketh off his talk, feigneth as though he had been sent for by the King, and had now no leisure to reason with him in the matter, but maketh show that he was desirous of acquaintance and longer talk with Grinaeus, and to that end prayeth him the next morning to come to his Chamber. Now what was the sequel of the disputation, or conference appointed by this learned Bishop? The Bishop complaineth to the King, the Serieants were sent to apprehend Grinaeus and carry him to prison, whereof he being warned a little before, by a reverent aged man, was by his friends immediately conveyed over the Rhene, and so escaped; who if he had been taken (as the Serieants were to search the house for him almost as soon as he was out of doors) what would further have ensued of this pretended conference is not hard to guess.

To be short, you may not forget in what a pitiful taking your Cardinal of Lorrayne was in the Colloquie of Poissy, when he wished that either our side had been dumb that day, or all they deaf: and these few examples, either prove your vaunt of your learning to be so far greater then our side, to be but frivolous and vain (which you can hardly yield unto) or at the least our cause to be better then yours, which we rather challenge. The truth of the general proposition concerning the darkness of those times being thus opened: I shall the less need to insist upon the particular absurdities, wherewith this fellow faith they are unjustly charged.

For his preface, he pleaseth to see and examine how I go forward in my tale (as he termeth it) which I hope to the equal reader shall appear no fable 〈◊〉 a just charge: my words which he setteth down • a •• the • e, Unto which clouds, mists, and darkness, was added, and wherewith was mixed, all bloody and savage cruelty against those that desired knowledge, and were any may 〈◊〉 by God's grace with a glimmering at small insight into true Religion: for though it were but only a desireth read upon the book of God, either old or New Testament, then Heretic was his title, heresy was his • ault, and for this was he called before the Romish Clergy to receive their censure, and such never departed from their clothes till they had branded them to the slaughter. To which after many scoffs he saith, That he is sorry the writer of that book calleth himself Knight, to whom in law of Chiualrie a man should not give the lie, but with obligation to defend it in the field. Whereunto I briefly reply for this time, that if this masked companion will put off his vizzard and show his face, that I may know who speaketh to me, I will (through the assistance of my God) not only lay before him his shameless reproachful slanders, against my Sovereign and her government, and words of disgrace to myself, but also make him such further answer, as fitteth his demerits and my place: in the mean time I list not to fight with a shadow, nor to howte at the Owl that flieth by night.

To come to the matter, out of this one period this artificial Vulcan forgeth two untruths properly called lies (as he saith) which he imputeth to me: the first, that I say To read on the book of God, was held to be part of an heretic: The second, That for this cause (only) men were called before the Romish Clergy in England and branded to the slaughter. But soft Sir, you shall find it harder to convince me of one lie, then to charge me with many, for both in making and giving lies, you have a singular gift, and rare dexterity. For concerning the first, the people were not only forbid to read, or hear read the Scriptures translated by such as the Romanists call Heretics; but the Papists are witnesses against themselves, that they forbid the reading of the Scriptures, translated by their own Catholics, unless the Bishop or Inquisitor with advise of their parish Priest, or confessor, give them special license thereunto in writing: and was it not objected to John Lambert as an heretical opinion, that heads and rulers are bound by necessity of salvation, to give the holy Scriptures to the people in the mother language? Do not your Rhemists in the preface of their translation of the New Testament say, they do not publish it upon erroneous opinion, of necessity, that the Scriptures should be always in our mother tongue, or that they ought or were ordained by God to be read indifferently of all? Now if to think the Scriptures may be read indifferently of all, be in your judgment an heretical opinion; then for men so to read them is in your judgment an heretical action, whereof I would we had not so many proofs.

But in any of the three learned tongues, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin (saith the Encounterer ) none was ever deba • red to read them: this Sir is but a flourish to face out the matter, and a copy of your countenance to make as though you were willing Scripture should be read of all; only that you feared heretical translations: Whereas first of laymen and women, not one of a thousand understand either of those three tongues; secondly, yourselves in those times sent not abroad any vulgar translations of your own refining, which the people, without danger of heretical corruption, might read; and thirdly, what your judgment is concerning the using of such as you do send forth, is partly shown already: you should deal plainly and confess, that (whatsoever you say for a gloss) your opinion is, that not only those few lay men which understand any of those three learned tongues should forbear reading the Scriptures; but even many men of your Clergy profession.

An Italian Bishop told Espencaeus a great Divine of Paris, that his Countrymen were terrified from reading the Scriptures least so they should become heretics: Espencaeus then demanded, What study then do your Countrymen profess ? The Bishop answered, The study of both the laws Civil and Canon, but principally of the Canon law. Do some Bishops amongst you judge the reading of the Scriptures so dangerous, that they abstain from it for fear to be made heretics, and yet will you face us out with permitting lay men to read them in Hebrew, Greek, or Latin? Let Sorbon it self be witness, how your Clergy men were wont to be exercised in the reading of the Scriptures. For amongst the many conflicts which Robertus Stephanus had with diverse of these learned Sorbonists about the new Testament printed by Collinaeus, when he asked some of them in what place of the New Testament it was written, they would answer they had read in Jerome, or in the decrees, but what the New Testament was they could not tell: and again another great Clerke of that College was wont about that time very often to say. I wonder that these young men allege to us the New Testament, by this day, I had spent more then fifty years, ere I could tell what the New Testament was. What should I stand further either to prove that ye account it heresy for lay men indifferently to read the Scriptures (which all men know ye do) or to disprove the grossenes of your opinion in so forbidding the reading of the Scriptures, which out of the Scriptures themselves, and sundry testimonies of godly Fathers, as also examples of ancient times translating the Scriptures into vulgar tongues, is by sundry evidently proved, ye ought not to do.

To pass therefore to the second supposed untruth which you set down to be this, that for this cause (only) men were called before the Romish Clergy in England, and branded to the slaughter. To justifying whereof before I proceed, give me leave to tell you, that this word ( only ) by you thrust into my words, is one lie of your coining, though not the only one lie: for what though to some of their charges were laid other like articles? Doth that make that this was not accounted a point of an heretic to read the scriptures in English? and that for this men were called before your Clergy? As for example, Thomas Moore a poor and simple man of the age of 24. years, was at Leicester in the year 1566. accnsed, coudemned, and burned, only because he said his maker was in Heaven, and not in the Pix, no other thing being laid to his charge: If at his judgment some other articles had been objected to him, would it not have been true for all that, that to say his maker was in Heaven, and not in the Pix, was counted heresy and for that cause men were called before your Clergy, and branded to the slaughter? Our stories are full of examples out of your own Registers, that reading of Scriptures, was accounted heresy, not to stand upon many, under Longland Bishop of Lincoln, Agnes Welles was convented, and amongst other things examined whether Thurstan did ever teach her the Epistle of S. James ; or the Epistles of S. Peter, and S. Paul, in English: Thomas Earl was likewise chaeged for hearing the Epistle of S. Sames read in English: Agnes Ashford of Chesham for teaching James Norden certain sentences of Scripture, as Teend ye not a candle, and put it under a bushel, but set it on a candlestick, that it may give light to all in the house, & such like. To Robert Pope, John Morden and his wife was objected, that they recited the ten commandments in English. To John Phips was objected that he was very ripe in the Scriptures. Ienkin Butler appeached John Butler his own brother for reading to him in a certain book of the Scripture, and persuading him to hearken to the same: what should I stand to number up anymore, which under this one Bishop • for reading them selves, or hearing read some part of the Gospels, Acts or any the Epistles, or Revelation were called into question of life?

The like proceeding was used by other Bishops, and namely by Tunstall then Bishop of London, before whom many were convented for that holy heresy of reading the Scriptures: In number of whom, one going to be burned for an heretic, and seeing the book of the Revelation bound to the stake, to be burnt with him (which happily he had diligently read, being thereto moved with that sentence: Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words of this prophecy ) spake with a loud voice these words, O blessed Revelation, how well is it with me, that I shall be burnt with thee ! Infinite such examples might be shown not only in our own country, but in foreign kingdoms.

I will allege only one example of a godly Bookeseller of Auignion in France. The Bishop of Aix with other Prelates passing through the streets, everyone leading his Minion upon his arm, and buying up such filthy pictures and rimes as were then to be sold, they came where there was a Bookeseller setting out French and Latin Bibles to sails: at which sight they being much moved, said to the Book-seller, darest thou be so hardie to set out such merchandise to sell here in this Town? Dost thou not know that such books are forbidden? To whom the Book-seller answered, is not the holy Bible as good as these goodly pictures that ye have bought for these Gentlewomen? Which speech so offended the Bishop of Aix, that he brast forth into these words: I renounce my part of Paradise if this be not a Lutheran. So commanding him to be apprehended, he was by the Prelates attendants most despitefully handled, some crying out, a Lutheran, a Lutheran, to the fire with him, to the fire with him: some beating him with their fistes, some pulling him by the beard, others by the hair, that the poor man was all embrued in blood before he came to the prison. The next morning being brought before the Judges in the presence of the Prelates, the selling of bibles in French was laid to his charge, & he was asked, whether he knew not the Bible to be forbidden in all Christendom, save only in Latin. To which he answered, that he knew the contrary, and that he had sold many Bibles in the French tongue with the Emperors Priuiledge, with other words reproving their forbidding of God's most holy books, which he ordained for the instructing of the ignorant, and for the reducing again into the way such as have gone astray: the charitable Prelates cried out, have him to the fire without anymore words; the Judge yet paused, willing him to acknowledge those Prelates to be true Pastors of the Church, which he denying that he could do with a good conscience, since they rejected the holy books of God, he was immediately condemned to be burned, and the self same day executed, and for a sign and token of the cause of his condemnation, he carried to the place of his execution two Bibles hanged about his neck: and so exhorting the people to read the Scriptures, he was for this cause only cruelly put to death.

Who then can doubt, but that the Romish Clergy are the true heirs and successors of those cruel Tyrants, Antiochus, Dioclesian, Maximinus, &c. Who like them have burned in the fire not only the Scriptures of God, but also the bodies of them that read therein, and that to them it may be applied, that which is written in the Maccabees. The books of the law which they found, they burnt in the fire and cut in pieces. Whosoever had a book of the Testament found by him, or who soever consented unto the law, the kings commandment (the Bishops may we say) was, they should put him to death by their authority.

I had thought this gentleman had run himself out of breath in charging me with lies and fictions: but now follow four more (saith he) but (I say) his loud quadruple lie shall clear and discharge me of all. The first is that I say Ignorance was held by them to be the Mother of Devotion: a strange accusation, and grievous slander (no doubt) to charge those men with nourishing the people in ignorance, whom all the world knoweth to have used strange means to bring them to knowledge. For what meant they by the costly setting up of many fair and well guilded Images in Churches? Was it not that they might be lay men's books, and by reading on them they might attain knowledge? What? Pius the fifth (goodman) was he not most careful the people might be edified, when (as it is written in his high commendation) in a procession he was not carried on men's shoulders, as Popes used to be, but he went on foot to the great edifying of the people? Now if the Pope will vouchsafe to go on foot, to the end to edify the people thereby, how can it be thought he would have them bread in ignorance? But (Sir) if you will not forceablie writhe and wrest my proposition, to extend it to ignorance absolutely, but understand it (as it is evident to be meant) of the ignorance of the Scriptures, yourself (I hope) will free me from any fiction herein, and will acknowledge that Doctor Fulke doth justly charge your Rhemists, who setting forth the New Testament in English (if that which is pestered with so many obscure words, may be called an English translation) and yet excusing themselves, for being of that erroneous opinion that the Scriptures should be always in our mother tongue, or that they ought or were ordained by God to be read indifferently of all: That Doctor Fulke (I say) doth justly charge them, that they are afraid to give over their old impudent proposition, That ignorance of the Scriptures is the mother of Popish devotion. For what meant the so strict forbidding to lay men the reading of the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue? but that their devotion should not grow of the knowledge, but of the ignorance of the Scriptures; flat contrary to our Saviors commandment given to the unlearned multitude of the Jews, Search the Scriptures, for in them you think to have eternal life, and they are they that testify of me ; where the reason annexed to the Commandment, showeth to whom the Commandment appertaineth, even to as many as it concerneth to seek after eternal life, and to know Jesus Christ and him crucified, which is the laytie no less then the Clergy; contrary also to the Apostles exhortation to the Colossians being lay men, Let the word of Christ dwell plenteously in you. Whereupon Chrysostom noteth, Audit seculares, omnes comparate vobis biblia, animae Pharmaca, &c. Hear you secular or lay men, everyone get unto you Bibles, the Physic of your Soul; if you will nothing else, at the least get you Testaments, the epistles of Paul, the Gospels, the Acts, to be daily and diligent instructors to you. In a word, contrary to the spirit of the same Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrews, who reproveth them that they were like unto Children, and unexpert in the word of righteousness, whereas they ought to have their wits exercised therein, But ignorance of the Scriptures better pleaseth you in the people, and shall lead them to such devotion as maketh more for your advantage.

Hence hath grown your device of fides Implicita, a faith wrapped and folded under the obedience of the Church, namely that it is sufficient though they know not distinctly what they ought to believe, but obediently submit their understanding to the Church, believing as the Church believeth, though what the Church believeth they know not. This Carbonaria fides is highly commended by Cardinal Hossius, who farther teacheth the simple lay man, that he should think it went very well with him, if he could say by heart, the Lord's prayer, the Articles of belief, and the ten Commandments, though he knew not the meaning of the words. As for other knowledge, if any asked him a question he should answer, that he did believe the Catholic Church.

And this ignorance of the Scriptures, as a fruitful mother, hath brought forth many a blind daughter of gainful devotion to your kitchen: what greater devotion was either then esteemed to be? or indeed what act more for your advantage, then the building of Monasteries and Nunneries, and the endowing them with great lands and revenues? And this devout daughter, mother Ignorance of the Scriptures brought forth, which as for the most part they were built by Kings and great States upon some great murder, either by wane in the field, or privately committed at home: so the cause was as in stories may be seen,) Pro remedio animae meae, pro remission, & redemptione peccatorum meorum, &c. For the relief of my soul, for the redemption and forgiveness of my sins, &c. Which blasphemous derogation to the death and passion of Christ Jesus, the knowledge of the Scriptures would have quickly discovered.

Yea how Devotion hath been separated from knowledge, not in your lay people alone, but in your Priests too; whilst devotion hath been so tied to their daily saying of their Ma • tins and euensong, which without deadly sin they may not leave unsaid, whiles in the mean time they utterly cast aside the Apostles commandment, Give attendance to reading, exhortation, and doctrine, in the answer of John Lambert to the 25. Article to him objected may partly appear. I will only add this one testimony, that by the confession of some of your own coat, which have made any conscience of their carriage • may appear, how carefully your deuoutest Friars have been to couple knowledge with their imagined devotion. Franciscus Sampson general of the order of the Friers Franciscans, reproving both their ignorance and carelessness hath these words. Pratres mei dilectissimi, à primordio nostrae Religions floruit conscientia, &c. My beloved brethren in the beginning of our Religion there flourished conscience, but our beauty by little & little sliding away, the first syllable was taken away, and there remained Scientia, science or knowledge; but now our sins so deserving, the first syllable is again taken away, and we remain Pura entia, & stipites & statuae, mere things which have a being, even very stocks, and blocks. To add further proof in a case so manifest, were to light a candle at noon day; yet this I will add ex abundanti, If public prayer in the Church and congregation of the faithful be a chief and principal part of Devotion, made you not Ignorance the mother of their Devotion, when as ye would not allow their public prayers in a tongue that the people understood? Yea your Cardinal Hossius useth this reason, to prove that the Church service should be in the Latin tongue rather then the vulgar, because (saith he) since some used the vulgar and known tongue in Church service, Devotion hath not only not been increased, but diminished: And our Country man, but the Popes Champion, D. Stapleton in an English book that he writeth against Bishop Jewel, confidently affirmeth, that Devotion is not furthered, but hindered by a tongue that is understood. In a word, D. Cole Dean of Paul's, and one chosen not only to maintain the Papists assertions against the Protestants, in the disputation at Westminster, but appointed by the Bishops and other his Colleagues to be the mouth for them all, whose speech in the end (they all being asked) did avow to be the mind, and saying of them all: even he in that honorable assembly of the Council, and Nobles, and frequent concourse of the Commons, did with great vehemency maintain this proposition in these words, I say Ignorance is the mother of Devotion. And so (Sir Encounterer ) you must be forced to take it both for a maxim, & minime, though minime tibi placet to confess a truth.

The second feigned position, wherewith it pleaseth this deep Clerke to charge me, is because I say your Syde holdeth, that it is not for lay men to meddle in matters of Religion, &c. And for this (after your old railing fashion) you charge me with subtlety, and impudency, my subtlety you say I show in this word ( meddle ) which may either signify, that lay men must not determine, or define of matters of Religion; or else not to meddle or care for Religion at all. And surely (Sir) though I may give you good leave to take it in which fence you will, for in the former sense you will not deny, but that even Princes are restrained to do anything in causes of Religion, within their own dominions without your general Viccars warrant, which Romish conceit you shall find learnedlie confuted by Doctor Bilson, who is now Bishop of Winchester: in the latter sense, I need not to labor anymore proof, then that before is set down, touching your breeding of God's children in blindness and ignorance, and withholding the key of knowledge from them, and how will you have them meddle with, or care for that which they know not? Though I say I may well justify both, yet let me tell you, that you do not well distinguish the word ( meddle ) for as to meddle may signify to be present in Councils, &c. (in which sense you seclude the Laity from meddling with Religion) so likewise it may signify to try, and examine by the touchstone of God's word the doctrine there taught, and not to believe without farther discussing whatsoever their superiors teach them: And in this sense likewise you will not have them meddle, yet the men of Berrhea are much commended for meddling thus in Religion, in that having heard the Apostle they searched the Scriptures daily, to see whether those things were so as he delivered; and to this meddling doth the Apostle exhort all. Deerely beloved believe not every spirit, but try the spirits whether they be of God or not. And Chrysostom thinketh it an absurd thing, that all men should not thus meddle with Religion, Quomodo absurdum non est, &c. What an absurdity is that, for money we trust not other men, but count it and tell it after them; but for more excellent things simply to follow other men's sayings, especially since we have the exactest rule and balance of all, the testimony of the law of God, therefore I pray and beseech you, that you will leave what this and that man thinketh, and inquire all these things of the Scriptures.

Now how do you permit lay men thus to meddle with matters of Religion, when as ye take from them the use of the Scriptures; which (as the rule or level serveth the Architect to direct his building by, & the balance trieth the true weight of everything) plainly showeth what doctrine is true, and to be embraced, what false and to be rejected. But no marvel that you have forbidden them thus to meddle with matters of Religion, when you have broached such doctrines, and maintained such opinions, as some of yourselves confess cannot be justified by the Scriptures. It is recorded that some of the learneder sort of your Clergy, have used to say amongst their friends: Sic diecrem in Scholis; sed tamen, (maneat inter nos, &c. ) I would say so in the schools, but yet (let it be kept secret amongst our selves.) I think the contrary; we say so in the schools, but yet it cannot be proved out of the Scriptures, &c. Howsoever it may be, you will generally be loath to confess thus much of the Scriptures, yet the Fathers you have not only mangled, and depraved, where their testimonies were pregnant against your errors (as for example that plain place of Gregory Nissen, Eam solummodo naturam quae increata est, colere & venerari didicimus we have learned to adore and worship, only that nature which is uncreated, where your Spanish Divines in their Index expurgatorius set down this direction, Deleatur dictio, solummodo, put out the word ( only ) & sundry such places as both our learned men have discovered, & in your Indices are to be found out. But you plainly profess, (thinking it should have remained secret among yourselves, and never to have come to our knowledge,) that in the ancient Fathers you do very often deny very many errors (meaning such sentences as make for us against you,) by inventing some comment or exposition, and that you do fain and devise some convenient sense, when they are by the adversaries in disputations and conferences objected against you: which things considered, should stir up the spirits of all men thus to meddle with matters of Religion, and not by and by to believe and receive every doctrine, because your Church teacheth it.

And now are we come to that high and capital slander against the holy Pope-made Saint Thomas Becket, whom I call a traitor, at which, the gall of this Popish Saint-seruer is so moved, that he taketh on, fretteth, & chafeth and (as another mad Aiax Flagellifer ) threateneth that I shall rest with a broken head, as in another place he speaketh of cudgelling with blows, and bastinadoes wherewith he supposeth to have wrought a manly piece of work. But (Sir) pause a while, the more rage, the less reason; and the the greater haste, commonly the worse speed. It were good advise for you that threaten the breaking of other men's heads, to look warily to your own, for the old verse may happily be verified in you.

To examine a little the state of this Becket, who was a traitor (as I affirm, & not I only but many before me) against Henry the second, but (to use the words of mine Author) taken up and shrined for a new Saint made of an old Rebell, fifty years after his death, which was in the fourth year of Henry the third. I do openly profess (to avoid all such carpers and quarrel-pickers as this fellow is) to separate between his punishment and death, and betwixt his cause and carriage against his Prince. The first being outrageous against all law and order, by private persons, not publicly authorised thereto: the second traitorous and meritorious of death, the king having to that end just matter enough, if he had pleased by law to prosecute the cause against him, which by sundry evidences may be shown, but some few shall serve.

And first if Ciprians rule be true, Non poena, sed causa facit Martyrem. It is not the punishment, but the cause that maketh the Martyr, what was the main ground of the controversy betwixt the King and him? was it not (as they term them) the liberties of the Church, as this Encounterer granteth? liberties not spiritual, but carnal, not of Christ's giving, but of Antichrists devising. There were as Authors affirm in that time of Henry the second, more then a hundred murders, besides other felonies proved upon the Clergy, which when the King would have punished according to the laws of the land, Becket opposeth himself, and beardeth the King in this so just an action, under title of standing for the liberties of the Church: a holy quarrel no doubt, but such a Martyr, such a cause.

From this strange ground these proceedings ensued, there was a law and constitution, that neither Bishop nor Clerke should go out of the land, without the kings license, and then he should take an oth, not to procure any hurt against the king, or any of his: notwithstanding this proud Prelate, who durst protect felons and murderers against the King and Justice of the land, neither reverencing King, nor obeying his laws, passed over without license to the King of France. Further being adjudged to prison, by the King, for refusing to give accounts of great sums of money received by him, and Reignold Earl of Cornewall, and Robert Earl of Leicester, being sent to him, to tell him of the judgment set down against him; this meek Martyr, and holy Saint was so far from the obedience of a subject, that he told the earle of Leicester in these words: That how much more precious the soul is then the body, so much more ought he to obey Becket then his terreine King: So notorious and evident was the rebellious opposition of this Popish Prelate against his lawful Prince, that he was openly by the king, and his Nobles called Traitor, in that he refused to give earthly honor to his King (as he had sworn to do) and therefore they generally agreed, that he was well worthy to be handled as a perjured Traitor and rebel, and therefore most impudent is this Ward-worders assertion, that neither the King nor his Officers did charge him with treason.

If you please to add hereunto, the arbitrement of this controversy put into the French kings hands, with king Henries large offer, and Beckets proud refusal: there is no man (I hope) that knoweth what it is to be an obedient subject, but will condemn him for a rebellious Traitour. The kings offer in that arbitrement was this, There have been (saith he) Kings of England before me both of greater and less puissance then I am, likewise there have been many Bishops of Canturburie, both great and holy men; what the greatest and most holy of all his predecessors before him, hath done to the least of my predecessors before me, let him do the same to me, and I am content. Which offer though it were in it self, and so deemed by all that stood by, not only reasonable, but more then reasonable; so that they all cried with one voice, the king hath debased himself enough to the Bishop: yet the rebellious spirit of this Archbishop would not yield unto it, nor accept peace with his King upon so favorable a condition. What a Giant-like pride & traitorous presumption is this, to refuse to yield so much obedience to his Prince and Sovereign, as the greatest and holiest of his place have always yielded to the meanest kings of this land? what needeth any further proof of Beckets treason? Yet if you will, you may remember the letter of Maud the Empresse to him: Wherein she chargeth him, that in as much as in him lay, he went about to disinherit the king, & to deprive him of his crown: and if the Empresse might be thought to speak partially on the King her sons behalf; yet the two Cardinals, sent by the Pope to hear all this controversy, out of question will not condemn him without just cause. And yet in a letter sent from them to the Pope, they do condemn him of exciting & stirring up foreign Potentates to make war against his natural liege Lord, the words of which letter were these. William and Otho Cardinals of the Church of Rome, to Alexander the Pope, &c. coming to the land of the king of England, we found the controversy betwixt him, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, more sharp and vehement then we would; for the King and the greater part about him, said, that the Archbishop had stirred up the French King grievously against him, as also the Earl of Flaunders his kinsman; (who was very loving and kind to him before) he made his open adversary, ready to wage war against him, as is by diverse evidences most certain, &c. Now for a subject to stir up foreign States to make war upon his Sovereign and country, was at all times high treason; but that Becket did so, (by the Cardinals confession) was by diverse evidences most certain, therefore Becket (not now his enemies, but his bre • hren, the sons of his own mother being Judges) was a traitor.

Who then but such a one as hath sold himself to all impudency and shameless gainsaying the truth, would seek to cover Beckets rebellions, by the facts of John the Baptist, Ambrose, Hillarie, of Athanasius, Chrysostom, which have as much agreement with the cause of Becket, as hath light with darkness good with evil, sweet with sower? concerning whose Saint-being I will say nothing, since my purpose is not to search what he is with God after his death, but what he was towards his Prince in his life, neither am I privy to his repentance, which might be secret at the last gasp, or to God's judgments, into which I presume not to press. Yet you may remember, that long since, it was a general Proverb of your Pope-made Saints, That many are worshipped for Saints in heaven, whose souls are burning in Hell: and that in particular concerning Becket, great doubt was moved, as is by writers alleged, out of Caesarius the Monk, whose words are these; Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit, vtrum damnatus, an saluatus esset ill Thomas, &c. There was a question debated amongst the masters at Paris whether Thomas Becket was saved or damned. To this question answereth Roger a Norman, that he was worthy death and damnation, because he was so obstinate against God's minister the king. Peter Cantar a Parisien disputed on the contrary, that his miracles were great signs and tokens of salvation and of great holiness in him, &c. Which argument this Encounterer likewise urgeth.

But behold what strength is in it. For one of these we shall find to be true, that either they seemed only, and were no miracles indeed, such as many by the craft and conveyance of idle Monks have been shown to the people, as namely those miracles of the Dominic Friers, in their hot contentions with the Franciscans about the conception of our Lady, who thinking by sleight to work in the people's heads, that which by open preaching they durst not now attempt, devised a certain Image of the Virgin, so artificially wrought, that the Friers by privy gynnes, made it to stir, to make gestures, to lament, to complain, to weep, to groan, and to give answers to them that asked, &c. until the Franciscans seeing by this means their credits to decay, and all the alms to be conveyed to the Dominickes box, and not being unacquainted with such cozening practices, espied their juggling, and discovered their feigned & fraudulent miracles. For which cause four of the chiefest actors, in this juggling miracle were burned at Bern • .

Or secondly, if they were not counterfeit but done in deed, they were not wrought by God, but by the power of Satan to draw men from Christ to Antichrist.

Of these the Apostle foretelleth us (that whensoever it cometh to pass it might not trouble us,) That the coming of Antichrist should be by the working of Satan, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders. Wonders then Antichrist shall work, but they are lying wonders, both in form, because many of them are but counterfeit; and in the end, because the end of all is to draw men from the truth, to lies & falsehood. For what was the end of these miracles? was it not to draw men to Idolatry? to the worship of the relics of dead men? to shrine their bones in gold and silver, and precious stones, as this Becket was used? was it not to draw men to Canturburie, with their vows, and offerings by heaps, out of which the Convent sucked no small advantage? Of this dangerous temptatiō by miracles to draw us away from Christ to Antichrist, our Savior Christ hath likewise graciously forwarned us, saying: That there shall arise false Christ's and false Prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders, so that if it were possible they should deceive the very elect. The miracles therefore which the munkish generation hath wrought by the power of Satan, to draw men to Idolatry, and to enrich themselves, I hope shall not much move us, being forewarned of this temptation, and therefore well armed against it, especially if we remember that the Lord willeth the people of Israel, not to credit the Prophets (though they work miracles) if thereby they seek to draw them to Idolatry, because the Lord doth this to prove them, whether they will love the Lord their God, with all their heart, and with all their soul.

Or else thirdly, they were never wrought, neither indeed, nor in apparance, but were devised by men of leaden hearts, & brazen faces, (as one termeth the author of your Golden legend ) for the infinite enriching of their purses, and so are they only the shameless inventions of the Munkes idle brains, and this seemeth most true in the miracles ascribed to Becket: which as by the number they discredit themselves, amounting to the number of 270. said to be wrought by him after his death (who never wrought any one in all his life:) so likewise by the quality of them, being far off from all truth, and reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, absurd, some also blasphemous, and some so impudent, that not only they deserve no credit, altogether savoring of mere forgery, but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write of them: As namely, that three days after his death he appeared at the Altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the Choir not to sing, but to say this office of his Mass, Exurge quare obdormis domine, &c. Again that it was shown a Munke in a vision, that Becket had his place appointed in heaven, with the Apostles above Stephen, Laurence, &c. Also that a Knights son being two days dead, was revived again, so soon as he had a little of the water of Canturburie put into his mouth, and had by his parents four pieces of silver bended to be offered at Canturbury in the child's behalf: And further most blasphemously, that Becket in a vision did appear and say that his blood did cry out of the earth to God more then the blood of righteous Abel ; as also that Becket, appearing to a Priest named Thomas, told him that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the Munkes of the Church of Canturburie, with the names of the Priests and Clerks, and with the families belonging to that City and Church of Canturburie, were written in the book of life. These and many more absurd then these are the miracles ascribed to him, to prove him a Saint, dying in so holy a quarrel, and to fill the purses and fat the panches of idle Monks.

But miracles are not rare at Rome, the thing which may justly be thought most untrue, shall be confirmed with a miracle: Aquinas Divinity rules in all their schools, will you doubt of the truth of it, and try it by Scripture? that shall not need, it is confirmed by a miracle, and that a sound one. When he was once praying to the Image of Christ crucified, the Image spake to him, Bene scripsisti de me Thoma, quā ergo mercedem accipies? You have written well of me Thomas, what reward will you have for your labor? of which that no man may doubt, it was testified by the oath of a devout man, which hid himself there of purpose; belike the Image had spoken to him before, to be present secretly, & to bearewitnes of the matter.

Hiacinthus a Polonian, who died in the year 1257. was lately canonised for a Saint, do ye doubt whether the Pope did well therein or not? consider the miracles he wrought, A young man that brake his neck from his horse being carried to Hiacinthus Tomb presently revived, and was restored whole and sound. Again, a maid having a calf suddenly dead, runneth to his grave and prayeth him to revive her calf again: when she came home, and found the Butcher skinning of it, the calf moving the leg that was fleyed, lifted up the head, and was by and by as whole as a fish. And that ye may know it is no great novelty with these fellows, to have stocks and stones to speak • when this Hiacinthus was alive, and at the sudden irruption of the Tartarians, was ready to fly out of the Church, the Image of the Virgin Marie being an huge one, and of Alablaster called to him. O son Hiacinthus, dost thou fly from the hands of the Tartarians, and leavest me, with my son to be torn in pieces and trampled under their feet? therefore take me with thee: At which he being somewhat amazed, answered: O glorious Virgin, this Image of yours is too heavy, how can I carry it with me? But she replied, take it, for my son shall lighten the burden. Whereupon he took it, and carried it in one hand, as if it had been as light as a reed, through the great river Borysthenes, on dry foot. Here is a taste of your strange miracles of Rome, but it is most strange that men should be so bereft of reason and judgment to believe them. If Calphurnius were living of whom the Poet writeth, Pleno ridet Calphurnius ore, and should read the wonderful miracles to the Popes Saints attributed, I suppose he would not only laugh with open mouth; but even break his belly with laughing at these their ridiculous follies. The Lord give unto us grace to love the truth, that we may be saved: least otherwise in his just judgment he send us strong delusions to believe such loud, and lewd lies. And so I leave Becket with all his miracles (as in stories I find him recorded) the Kings rebel, and the Popes Saint.

The residue of the exceptions in this Encounter against me are altogether to false and frivolous, as I might well spare the labor in giving any answer thereto, but that this foul-mouthed fellow (who sayleth in a Sea of words) painteth them out by the name of slanders, yea impudent and shameless slanders, that by such mighty words he might blind the eyes, and steal away the affections of the simple readers; therefore a word or two of each of them. The next feigned position wherewith he chargeth me is, that I hold The Pope and his Clergy are to be obeyed though they command blasphemies against God and disloyalties against Princes, which though you (Sir Encounterer ) without all shame, and contrary to your own knowledge (if you have knowledge in anything but in railing) do term a shameless slander: yet to as many as know Rome in any measure, it is well known and will be found a true accusation and just charge. For proof whereof, that which your own men have written of the infinite power of the Pope, may abundantly suffice; namely, Though all the world would judge in any matter against the Pope, yet we ought to stand to the judgment of him; for he seemeth to have all laws in the chest of his bosom; therefore whatsoever the Pope either alloweth or disalloweth, we are bound likewise to allow or disallow the same. And whosoever is not obedient to the laws of the Church of Rome, must be deemed an Heretike: and again, it was as great a sin as sacrilege, to reason of any of the Popes doings; and further that the Pope is said to have an heavenly judgment, therefore in such things as he willeth, his will standeth for a reason; and though he draw infinite souls with him to hell, yet no man may presume to say to him, Why do you thus? to whom whosoever denieth obedience, it is all one, as if he did deny the Almighty power of God. These are all alleged out of your own decrees, and out of your own doctors; and your holy M. Harding shameth not to tell us in his Inuectiue against Bishop Jewel of blessed memory, that Christ now requireth of us, not to obey Peter and Paul, but him that sitteth in their chair: so that by this divinity, we must obey the Pope, whatsoever Peter and Paul teach to the contrary. This (I hope) is a sufficient justifying of my accusation. But if you will answer me, as Blasius did Laelius, demanding whether if Gracchus did bid him, he would set the Capitol on fire: Nunquam voluisset id quidem: Surely he would never bid me so to do: that the Pope likewise would never command blasphemies against God, or disloyalties against Princes: For proof against the first, I need go no further then our example of Thomas Becket, for whom the Pope not only commanded a solemn festival day to be kept, but in honor of him, this blasphemous prayer to be used in that day.

Then which what greater blasphemy can be uttered? to make any other Mediator betwixt God and man, then the man Christ Jesus; and that by the blood and wounds, which is the proper prerogative of him, who was wounded for our sins, and done to death for our transgressions? But as if this were not blasphemy enough, behold yet a greater; even God's honor given to this Pope-holy Saint in this prayer made unto him.

Shall I add hereunto another like example which in part I have already touched? Sixtus the fourth taketh up the controversy betwixt the • ranciscans and Dominicks, about the conception of the blessed Virgin, and against manifest Scripture, plain testimonies of fathers, and the stream of his own Doctors, decreeth her conception without Original sin (so taking from Christ his prerogative) commandeth the solemnizing of the feast of her conception, excommunicating and condemning them for heretics that did gainsay it, and granting to as many as would hear Mass devoutly, from the first euensong of that feast, to the Octaues of the same, as many days of pardon, as Pope Urbane the fourth, and Pope Martin the fifth did grant for hearing the service of Corpus Christi day. Yet here he stayeth not, but not only abusing that as a prayer to the Virgin, which was only the Angels salutation, and rather the Angels prayer for her, then to her; for the better establishment of his new blasphemy, addeth to the express words of Scripture, commanding the Ave Maria to be said with this addition, and giving release of sins to as many as would invocate the blessed Virgin with the same addition. Hayle Marie full of grace, the Lord is with thee, blessed art thou amongst women, & blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus Christ, and blessed is Anna thy mother, of whom thy virgins flesh hath proceeded without blot of Original sin. Amen. From hence did spring these & such like points of doctrine offered to the people, that she was not obliged to any punishment due for sin no more then Christ, that she had no need of remission of sins, that if a Savior be taken for him, which saveth such as have merited condemnation, then was not Christ her Savior, but only in this respect might be counted her Savior, for preserving her from all sin, and so sustaining her from falling into condemnation; these and such like new found blasphemies all mē must receive, and hold her immaculate conception under pain of excommunication.

Touching their commanding of disloyalty against Princes, I wish we had not had too many proofs thereof, then should not our gracious Sovereign have been so often endangered, to the extreme grief and fear of all true English hearts, and to the hazard of utter overthrow of true Religion, and the bringing in of a Chaos of temperall miseries upon us: which being sufficiently known and conceived of all (but such as carry in their bosoms the like false and flinty hearts that you do,) I will spare to repeat any, the rather because I shall have occasion to speak of them hereafter. But how like a Clerke you apply your three places of Scripture, alleged to prove simple obedience due to your Prelates, the first out of Heb. 13. ver. 8. the second out of the Ephes. 6. verse. 6. the third out of Rom. 13. verse. 5. I refer to the godly learned; yet if you will needs strain obedience to your Popish superiors out of these places of Scripture, I pray you entreat them (for I will spare here to except against their offices, and authorities) to ground their commandments upon Scripture, and not to send over their Pupils to persuade subjects not only from obedience due to their Sovereign, and to absolute them from their oath taken to obey, but to lay violent and bloody hands upon the Lord's anointed, whereby they show to be guided rather by the spirit of Satan that hartened Cain to kill Abel, then by the spirit of God that taught David to spare Saul.

There remaineth now only the fourth and last charge against me in this Encounter briefly to be discharged, namely, that I lay to your charge (untruly as you say) that ye prescribe a means of delivery from all dangers (even when men sinned immediately against God) which is a pardon from the Popes holiness, and absolution from his holy Priests. In which accusation what say I more then all the world knoweth to be true? Is it not strange that these men either so unconscionably practice that openly, and generally, which they dare not avow, and justify? or so impudently deny, that, which they do so commonly practice the Catholic doctrine is (saith this Champion) that the Popes and Churches Indulgences avail not to remove mortal sins, &c. neither doth the pardon remit the guilt of sin, &c. But (Sir) whatsoever your doctrine is in this point, your practice is quite contrary; neither is it any rare thing with your almighty Pope, to practice that generally by his infinite authority, which all his Doctors and school-men are ashamed to defend. For as for the authority whereupon your indulgences are grounded, your own men confess, as namely (amongst the rest) Durand, De Indulgentijs pauca dici possunt per certitudinem, quia nec scriptura express de ijs loquitur, sancti etiā patres Ambrosius, Hilarins, Hieronymus, Augustinus minime loquuntur de indulgentijs: Little can be certainly affirmed of indulgences, because neither the Scripture speaketh expressly of them, and the ancient fathers, Ambrose, Hilary, Jerome, Augustine make no mention of them. Thus yourselves truly confess that ye have neither warrant of Scripture, nor of ancient fathers for your Popes pardons, yet go they currant.

The notorious abuses whereof, even councils have condemned, as the Lateran Council, a Council held at Vienna, and even your Council of Trent too, doth in general terms condemn all abuses in these pardons, which by superstition, ignorance, irreuerence, have crept in; though in special it name none, because (it seemeth) it intended not to reform any. Notwithstanding whatsoever either your Doctors pressed with truth do write, or your Councils for shame are forced to decree, the Pope hath forced for no shame to make marts and merchandise of men's souls by his pardons, and to sell sin for money, as flesh is sold in the shambles. Whereof let those verses partly bear witness, which are written in an ancient stone in the Cathedral Church of Saint Stephen, amongst the Bituriges in Aquitania, a few whereof I will here set down.

And again.

To which we may add the complaint of the Princes of Germany against the Pope, exhibited in the Council at Norremberg, the third complaint being this; But especially the burden and grievance of the Popes pardons and Indulgences are most importable. When as the Bishops of Rome under pretence of building some Church in Rome, or to war against the Turk, do make out their Indulgences with their Bulls, persuading and promising to the simple people, strange and wonderful benefits of remission à Culpa & paena, from the guilt of their sins, and punishment due for the same: and not in this life only, but also after this life to them that be dead burning in the fire of Purgatory. Through the hope and occasion whereof, true piety is almost extinct in all Germany; While • every ill disposed person promiseth himself for a little money license and impunity, to do what him listeth: whereupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery, perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine and usury, with a whole stood of mischiefs, &c. By which what was the general and currant use of the Popes pardons, is evident to be seen.

Tecelius the Popes Merchant, who set to sale Pope Leo the 10. his Indulgences in Germany for ten shillings the piece, doth so praise and set forth his ware, as that his pardons not only reached to the remitting of mortal sin (which this Encounterer would fain deny) but that his Indulgences were of such validity, that there was no sin so great (though a man by impossible supposition had deflowered the mother of Christ) but by them might be pardoned; and that a man by virtue of them is freed both from the guilt and punishment of his sin. What should I add, that it sufficeth them not to sell pardons for sins past, but that this mystery of iniquity prevailed so far, as that it stretched to pardon sins to come. The sundry forms of which Bulls, I could out of good authors here set down, whereof (as is reported) fell out a pretty experiment with the same Tecelius, to whom a certain Noble man cometh, confessing that he had a purpose to commit an heinous sin, and heartily prayeth to have a pardon granted him for hereafter: Tecelius setteth a great price upon that ware, but yet the Noble man payeth the money: shortly after, this Noble man laying wait for Tecelius in a wood, brake open his Coffers wherein was all his treasure that he had gotten by fall of his pardons, and robbed him. Tecelius threateneth and curseth sore, but the Noble man showeth him the Bull which he bought so dearly of himself, and merilie telleth him, this was the sin which he purposed to commit, from which I am fully and in good form absolved.

I would the opinion conceived of the Popes plenary pardons, did not induce Subjects to commit most heinous treason against the Lord's anointed, to satisfy the Popes desire. Whereof an example may be seen in Parry, who undertook the murdering of her Majesty, (as himself confessed) whereunto he was the more strongly resolved by the Pardon from the Pope of all his sins, whereof Cardinal Como in his letter assureth him, the words to this purpose I have thought good here to set down, translated into English out of the Cardinals letter. And to the end you may be the more aided by that good spirit, which hath induced you to this: his blessedness granteth you full pardon and remission of all your sins, as you requested: assuring you that besides the merit you shall receive in Heaven, his holiness will make himself debtor to acknowledge your deservings in the best manner that he may.

Now how ignorant soever you presume me to be of the difference betwixt the Popes pardon, and the Priests absolution, because I make mention of them both together; I would your wisdom should well know, that for this deep point of Catholic doctrine, I am as well acquainted with the speculation (though not practice) of it as yourself. Howsoever they have some differences, yet herein they concur as Simeon and Levi brethren in evil, that both are used as inducements to most heinous sins, thereby to satisfy the Popes pleasure. Sundry chronicles make mention of Simon the Monk of Swinested, who poisoned King John, that before the fact he confessed his purpose to his Abbot, who highly commended his zeal, and gave him absolution beforehand, for the committing of this wicked act: whereunto I might join the example of Jacobus Clemens who murdered the King of France, being also beforehand confessed and absolved of it. But what need I add more, when as almost the whole world knoweth and crieth out, of the horrible abuses both of your Pardon-mongers, and absolving Priests, to the strengthening of sin, and decay of virtue?

That my conclusion seemeth absurd in the eyes of your proud folly, I neither marvel, nor grieve at it: notwithstanding I do again affirm; that the blasphemy & blindness of your Popish superstition is most aparant herein. And God be praised, that hath clered the spiritual sight of our English Nation, to hate and abhor them, and with your gibing & railing I leave you to disport yourself, because I scorn to be a companion to men of those occupations. But if your needels eye be no straiter then to pass through confession, & to be enjoined your popish penance, your high way to heaven is broad enough, especially when a pardon may be had in store (for some money) by virtue whereof any Priest may give full remission of all sins at the hour of death. As for that which you blasphemously cal the open cart-way of only faith, you shall find a straiter, and narrower passage, then you would bear the world in hand, if you conceive not an historical faith which may be dead, but a true, lively, & justifying faith; for though we be justified by faith only, apprehending Christ his obedience, & merits, who was made sin for us, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him: yet are we not justified by an only faith, such as is void and destitute of good works; but in the person of them that are justified faith and good works are united, and coupled together, though in the Act of justifying they are severed, it being the proper duty of faith alone, as a hand to appehend, and take hold of Christ, who is made to us of God, wisdom, and righteousness, sanctification, and redemption, that according as it is written, He that rejoiceth, let him rejoice in the Lord. Heate and light are both inseparable in the fire, though it be the property of the heat only to warm, and not of the light: so are faith and good works coupled in as many as are justified, though we be justified through faith only. Therefore we are necessarily to exercise our selves in good works, dying to sin and living to righteousness, if we hope hereafter to live with Christ eternally. For it is true that Ambrose hath, Sicut sancti sunt membra Christi; sic impij sunt membra Dioboli: As those that are holy, are the members of Christ; so are the wicked ones the limbs of Satan: and so with the words of the Prophet I conclude. This is the way, walk in it, and God almighty for his Christ's sake give even you grace to find this way in time.

Resistance to the third Encounter, about her Majesty's marvelous deliverances from dangers, in Queen Mary's time, and since.

IT is the Common and usual practice of wrangling and cavilling spirits, for the preventing of just accusations against themselves, first to begin and challenge others of the same crimes whereof themselves are most guilty. So dealt Satan the accuser of the brethren with Job, saying unto God, That if he were touched in all that he had, he would blaspheme God to his face, and yet there is nothing more common with that old Serpent, then to curse and blashpheme God. In like manner this parasite and slanderous Encounterer, being privy unto himself of his guiltiness in flattery, and blood-thirsting, of both which he hath given sufficient proof throughout this his whole Ward-word, would yet notwithstanding in the entrance of this his third Encounter, persuade the readers, that I like a Parasite do both flatter the State and Prince, and also exasperate both the one and the other against the Recusant Papists who live amongst us.

How unjustly he hath charged me with flattery and forging, is made apparent (I trust) to every indifferent reader in my answers before to his two first Encounters : and how far I am from a bloody mouth, a poisoned tongue, and an earnest desire to have all his Catholics destroyed (for so he termeth the Recusant Papists amongst us) shall by God's grace be made plain & evident in that which followeth.

Let the beast that hath two horns like a Lamb, but not of the Lamb delight in his horns, and let the whore of Rome, that is drunken with the blood of God's Saints delight to gorge in blood: but the true Church of Christ, and her children, shall be always found gentle, peaceable, and merciful, without either the savage condition of beasts, or the barking & blood-thirsty condition of dogs and hounds, how reproachfully, maliciously & dishonorably soever this Encounterer doth write of y ^e house of Huntingdon & myself.

But before I come to the particulars handled in this Encounter, what moved you (Sir Encounterer ) thus hastily and fiercely to charge me in this place with a blood-thirsty humor, & to paint your margent with Sir Francis his malignity? do you vncharitablie suspect my thoughts? or do you frowardly pervert, and misconstrue my words? the secret thoughts are known only to God; but if my writings do anywhere bewray such a savage disposition, why did you not frame your inditement upon mine own words? what, were you moved because I did truly and thankfully acknowledge the marvelous deliverance and preservation of her Majesty in the days of her sister Queen Marie, which is the first thing in this your Encounter you find fault with all? Or were you moved, because I have faithfully related the Popish practices of bloody Prelates, and home-borne Traitors against her Majesty both before, and since the beginning of her Rain? Or was it because in setting down the just judgment of God, and the punishment of Justice justly inflicted upon Doctor Story, I do in the ende thereof desire that all they which wish to Queen Elizabeth as he did (for those be my words, pagina. 27.) may speed as he did? Other matter I am sure you can find none from the 18. page unto the 49. of my book, which all in this Encounter you take upon you to answer. And I pray you (Sir) are these such matters as may justly provoke any to such fury, outcrying, opprobrious names, and grievous accusations, as in this your Encounter you have used against me? the matters are all justifiable, as shall after more fully God willing appear, and as well might Cushi (who bringing news to David of the ende of Absalom said, the enemies of the Lord the King, and all that rise to do thee hurt, be as that young man is) be charged with a bloody mouth, the worm of heresy, woodnes; and fury, as I for desiring, as I did, against her Majesty's enemies. My heart (I thank God) is free from thirsting after the blood of any, and the true conversion, & reformation of my countrymen who are devoted to the Bishop of Rome, and the Romish new faith, should be more joy and comfort to me, then any wordly thing; which both do argue that I love their persons, though I detest their Popish Religion, and traitorous practices. I wish that Papists may live, and that Popery may die; and I join with Saint Augustine concerning Papists in general, who are not particularly tainted with actual treason: Non oramus vt moriantur inimici, sed vt corrigantur, sie mortui erunt inimici, iam enim correcti, non amplius erunt inimici: We pray not for the death of our enemies, but for their correction and amendment; so our enemies shall be dead, for being amended they shall be no more our enemies.

But now to the several parts of your Encounter as they follow in order with as much brevity as I may: It offendeth you greatly, that I impute her Majesty's deliverance from great danger in the time of Queen Mary, to be wholly and only wrought to her from God's goodness, and this (out of the madness of your idle brain) you blasphemously call a miracle of Milne-wheels; but with all the crafty wit you have (how greatly soever you vaunt thereof, imagining that I cannot understand plain human reason) you shall not be able, either to make her deliverance less strange and admirable then I have said it was, or to clear any of those that I have accused to hunt after her life at that time.

But I pray you (Sir N.D. ) why should this matter so much displease you, as to urge you to write so many lines in seeking to disprove my saying? Is it because you would flatter her Majesty and persuade her, that she was better beloved, then she thought she was? Or is it because you are unwilling to hear, that God should so honor the Gospel, as to bring in the free publishing and profession thereof into this our Land, by one that was marvelously preserved to be a Prince and nourse unto us? Or is it because you would free those days from such malice and cruelty, as her Majesty did sensibly perceive? Or for that you would show your skill in carping at my sayings? Whatsoever occasion you did take (for just cause had you none) you might have done better to have spared your labor • and to have said as we do with the Church in David's time upon the like occasion in preserving David to be King of Israel. This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes.

If any Israelite then discontented with David's government, should have said, you are miracle-makers, and framers of miracles of Milne-wheels, because in human reason there may be imagined diverse pregnant and potent causes, which did concur to the preservation of David's life, and his admission to the kingdom; as namely that Jonathan was his friend, he was beautiful and valiant, he had married the Kings daughter, and the people did honor him; should not such a one have shown himself a blasphemous deprauer of God's work, and an envious repiner at David his safety and honor? Yes out of question. Look then to yourself (Sir Encounterer ) and learn to speak more reverently of God's marvelous works, and in charity rejoice with them that rejoice: Iubemur (saith Bernard ) colligere fragmenta ne pereant, id est, ne minima beneficia obliuisci, We are bidden to gather up the very fragments and crumbs, that is, not to forget the least benefits. How much more then should we magnify the power of God in his wonderful works? But how doth he disprove my sayings? First he laboreth to prove that her Majesty's life and blood was not sought after, neither was she in such danger as I have affirmed: next he showeth certain human causes of her Majesty's preservation. That she was subject to suspicions; and that she was had in jealousy, and did hold the Queen and state in suspense and care, this Encounterer denieth not, alleging cunningly some such reasons thereof, as namely her inclination to true Religion, the attempts of Wyat, Courtney, Carow, &c. and the condition of the Queen of Scots, thereby endeavoring (after his cunning manner) both to leave her Majesty to be suspected at the least of some disloyalty to her Sister, as also to clear the chief pillars then of Popery from doing her wrong, and the Queen of Scots from working of treason against her since that time.

But let him write never so cunningly, seeking to leave the matter doubtful by way of presumption, as he shall never be able to tainte her Majesty with the least show of disloyalty in those days, who witnessed with her Diamond the soundness of her heart and innocent behavior in these words, Much suspected by me, nothing proved can be: So shall he never be able to free either the State then from troubling and wronging of her Majesty unjustly, neither to clear the Queen of Scots of such treasons as she was justly condemned for. But how proveth he that she was in no danger of life? even because she was preserved. For (saith he) there being power in them to put her to death, and no power at home or abroad to hinder them; if there had been such a seeking after her death as I have affirmed; then by form of argument justified by Cicero in his Rhetoric •• 〈◊〉 have been effected.

Alas poor fi •• ie Encounterer, must my speech which only accuseth the Romish Clergy then in place of credit to seek her life, include the King and Queen? Or must it needs follow where there is a sovereignty and outward strength (for that I •• ke you mean by power) joined with will, there y ^e matter must needs be effected? If this reason were good, how was Moses preserved, there being power and will in Pharaoh to kill him? How was David preserved from Saul, or the Prophets from Ierob ••• , or the Israelites from Ham •• s malice, Peter from Herod's cruelty, or our Savior Christ (for a time) from the conspiracy of the chief Jews? For in all these there was will joined with outward power for a time; and yet the things desired not effected. Cicero his argument holdeth where there is nothing supposed to hinder, and where the will is fully bent to do a thing: but in all Soueraigntie and inclination of the will it holdeth not, because there may want strength, and continuance of the party, and the will may not be thoroughly settled; as that of the Jews, they would fain have put Christ to death, but they feared the people. God no doubt did strangely keep Queen Marie from consenting to the bloody practice of the Romish Clergy against her Sister; and though some of the Clergy did seek her death, yet it might be hindered by others, and their desires by some considerations so crossed, that though they did desire her death, yet they could not effect it, for which the Lord of Heaven only is to be praised.

But what a shameless forehead hath this Encounterer, who against so manifest a truth, so plainly, and sensibly to be proved, doth not blush to deny that her Majesty's life was at that day earnestly and maliciouslie sought after? Why was sh • e so hastelie sent for when she was sick, to be brought up to the Court, either alive, or dead, presently upon Wyats rising? why was she falsely accused and burdened with Wyats insurrection; yea so far that he was brought against truth and conscience to accuse her? Why was she committed to the Tower to be a close prisoner? Why did she say Tanquam ouis, when she removed from the Tower to Woodstock? Why was she in many fears, and so often enforced to bewail her estate, and to pray to the mighty God to preserve her? Was there not a report that there was a warrant out for her execution, and did not M. Bridges Lieutenant of the Tower go in haste to Queen Marie, and so by certifying her prevent the bloody execution? When the sword of justice could not by any means be drawn forth against her, what extreme dealings were used, and what secret conspiracies plotted, for the bringing of her to an untimely death, and the shedding of her innocent blood? I spare to write more in so plain a matter, that reverent learned man Master Fox hath at large in his Monuments of the Church set down, the miraculous preservation of her Majesty at that time from extreme calamity and danger of life, which who so readeth, shall with inward compassion and watery eyes rather lament her pitiful estate, then with a hard heart and shameless face deny so manifest a truth as this Encounterer doth.

As for the causes which he allegeth did concur to the preservation of her Highnes, it is not denied but that some of those by him alleged, and many others which in probable reason might be imagined, might well concur for the working of her Majesty's security at that time; but that any of thofe was so potent and mighty, as of necessity to make her safe from danger, or that they or any other can be certainly alleged, to be necessary causes and procurers of her deliverance, with all his wit, and insight into matters of State, (of which he seemeth much to brag) he will never be able to show. Certain it is that her Majesty when she was in that trouble and danger, used these words when she protested her innocence at her landing at the Tower. Before thee O God I speak it, having none other friends but thee alone: and as certain it is that neither wise States-man, nor any other can definitelie say of these, or any other supposed causes, in these respects, or for these causes chiefly she was preserved: what though she were gracious, amiable, and virtuous, and much favored of the Spanish King (who in policy it may be did by that means seek to win the people's hearts unto him,) must it needs follow hereupon, that therefore her innocent behavior could not be called into question, nor her blood shed by any wicked conspiracy? The King of Spain was far from her in her greatest trouble, and neither you, nor any other can say that he pleaded her cause or stood openly for her freedom at any time. If he sent the Duke of Feria to visit her, or secretly did speak for her to Queen Marie, as Master Fox seemeth to confess, he did that which was seemly and honorable in a King, and that which her place and innocence justly deserved.

As for the general hope which you say most men had of her Majesty's being a Catholic: if it had been either so universally conceived as you imagine, or by such outward tokens had appeared as you have set down, how can it be true that she was presumed by many to be inclined to a different Religion from yours, as you a little before in this Encounter do confess? If she had been devoted so earnestly to Popish Religion, why needed commandment to be given that she should have Mass within her house, within two days after her committing to the Tower? and how happened it, that her men were so unskillful to help the Priest, that the first day there could be no Mass for want of a Clerke, and the next day one of her yeomen at Kyrieleson made a stop, and set the Priest being not able, or not willing to proceed any further? Her sound affection to true Religion was the cause of all her trouble and danger in her Sisters days, and her willing and joyful embracing of the true Christian faith, and of God his true worship and service, hath so sufficiently been witnessed ever since the beginning of her Rain, that no man of common sense or Christian charity hath the least cause to suspect that her heart should be unsound in the present profession of God his true Religion and Gospel.

The last cause which you allege to concur to the preservation of her Majesty, is but a thing imagined by you seeing the matter of depriving her Majesty of life never came to any such stately consultation as you yourself in handling this point, do plainly grant; and seeing also that in such a case they could have found out other means, for preventing such a potent pretender: whatsoever you say of the Spaniards affection to the Queen of Scots at that time, I am sure all England had like to have tasted by so lamentable an experience, that this Lady of Scotland was so affected by Spain, and sundry of our English Espagniolized traitors, as (if through God's goodness she had not been cut-off in time) hardly could our Sovereign have escaped with life long, being almost daily in danger (whilst that Scottish Queen lived) through the practice of Rome, Spain, and our home Traitors. Thus notwithstanding all your flourishes and devises, your potent causes are too weak to weaken my speech, the gracious work of God in preserving her Majesty at that time appearing to every Christian and indifferent judgment, no less miraculous and strange, then I have affirmed. God is the only proper maker of miracles, I only acknowledge his work in delivering this my Sovereign from danger with thankfulness, without either flattery of any person, or ambitions seeking after honor, though you very maliciously and scornefullie do charge me with both; but by that time that vein of your carriage in this your railing Pamphlet be thoroughly scanned and conceived, neither your tongue nor pen will prove any great slander. I will shut up this point with a speech of Master John Hales used in his oration to her Majesty at her first entrance to her reign, which seemeth 〈…〉 fying of my sayings, his words are these. He that sitteth on high and laugheth at their madness; would not suffer that the malicious purposes, and most cruel devised Injustice should have success. He did take upon him the protection of you, he only hath been your Iehosheba, that preserved you from this wicked Athaliah: he only was the Jehoiada that destroyed this cruel Athaliah: he only hath made you Queen of this realm instead this mischievous Marana: No earthly creature can claim any piece of thanks therefore, no man's face, no man's counsel, no man's aide hath been the cause thereof.

The second thing you find fault with in this your Encounter is my affirming, that when our Sovereign was fully possessed of her royal seat, then Satan began to rage, and his ministers to fret and chafe; these my words you term to be wicked calumniations, and tales of a tub, to entertain fools and ignorant people; but with how little truth and honesty, and with what abundance of malice and folly, that which followeth shall I doubt not make apparent to the indifferent reader.

You ask how it could be that the Papists did freat and chafe, seeing they as the greatest number, and chiefest persons did freely, and willingly place her, crown her, anoint her, take her oath, for preserving the laws of the Realm, and swear fidelity to her again. To which question I return the like for answer: how could it be that Haman commanded to honor Mardocheus in the sight of the people, should fret and chafe at his advancement, when as he was the man that arrayed Mardocheus with royal apparel, brought him on horseback through the street, and proclaimed before him: Thus shall it be done to the man whom the King will honor. This is no tale of a tub, as this carping companion would persuade, but a truth out of God's book, whereby we may see that some do yield unto that outwardly in show, which in their hearts they yield not unto, and at which, afterwards they fret & chafe. And could it otherwise be, but that they must fret and chafe, when as before her reign in her sisters time one Ferrar that was defended by Story and Bonner, said that he hoped that she and they that hoped she should have the Crown should hop headless, or be fired with faggots before she should come to the Crown: and also after her advancement to the Crown, the Bishops, and Clergy masters as they shown themselves in the conference at Westminster, and in the Parliament assembled very disobedient, stubborn and malicious, (whereupon some of them were committed to prison,) so they had a consultation to have excommunicated her, as your worshipful Cardinal Allen affirmeth in his 52. page of his answer to English Justice, and (as your Rishton saith) the Archbishop of York, whose duty it was to have crowned her, Cardinal Poole being dead, refused to do it, and so did all the Bishops, except one, and he almost the lowest.

But I will proceed to peruse the examination of some particulars, of the hostility by me alleged, willing the Reader by the way to consider deeply of your grave advise, which (upon my using the words Sacred and Anointed, as honorable and rightly appertaining to her Majesty) you offer to be advisedly thought of, as tending to the commendation of annointing Priests and Princes, and concluding strongly the great honor that her Majesty had by Catholics at her first entrance. What, must it needs follow that anointed must be taken for annointing with oil, or must her Majesty needs be beholding to the Clergy for that she is called the Lord's anointed? I had well hoped that your quoting in the margent diverse places of Scripture, for confirmation of the ceremony of annointing Priests and Princes, had been a better Bible-clerk then so foulie to be mistaken in the 105. Psalm, which place hath been alleged for Priuiledge of the Popish Clergy from the sword of Justice, notwithstanding their filthy life. The Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, are called anointed, and yet were never anointed with oil. In Isaiah. 45. Cyrus is called the Lord's anointed, and yet a heathen Prince: our Savior Jesus is called anointed, and yet it is not read, that ever he was anointed with outward oil. Princes are called the Lord's anointed chiefly because God hath put them apart, and consecrated them to serve him in place of government, because they are endued with wisdom, courage, strength, and fear of the Lord, and because they should be profitable to the people, gentle, and merciful, the truth is more respected then the outward ceremony in the word anointed. Priests, Kings, and Prophets before Christ's time were anointed with visible oil. I confess, not for such cause as you imagine that Princes are, but to show that they were appointed of God, consecrated, and furnished with gifts from him, as also to be types and figures of Christ, who under the law was represented by these three offices, estates, or orders of men. The ceremony is not now of necessity to continue; Christ without outward annointing was called by Simeon the anointed of the Lord. So that hir Majesty may be termed honorablie and deseruedlie the Lord's anointed, and yet neither your superstitious, and Jewish ceremony of greazing your popish Priests commended thereby, nor her Majesty made much beholding to your Clergy for that honor.

The first particular of hostilities which you take upon you to disprove is my speech of your darling Doctor Story, whom because I call a bloudsucker, as David calleth his persecutors Saul, Doeg, and others, bloody men, you charge me to be light-witted, and foul mouthed; you may take your pleasure (Sir N.D. ) at me still, as you have done, but you know the reward of such as contemptuouslie reproach others with folly, or maliciouslie do rail and speak evil of them undeservedly. You tell us there are three things in my speech of Doctor Story to be considered; the words I charge him with, my interpretation of them, and the judgment he received; in all which if you can either convince me of untruth, or justly condemn me for uncharitably censuring the speech, and his person, we will believe you another time, in your proud boasting. The words (you say) were never sufficiently proved to have been spoken by him, neither by sufficient witnesses, nor by his own confession: and because the words could not serve to any purpose, but to his own ruin (he being known to be wise and no fool,) you would have it believed that he spake them not at all. This is but a simple defense (Sir Encounterer ) of your stout champion, seeing the words were spoken in the hearing of so many witnesses, both of your side and ours, in the Parliament house, and seeing that the speech being generally testified by them that heard him at that time, it was never, either by himself denied, or by others that were present controlled. If Doctor Story had been so wise, as you would persuade he was, he would never have used such impudent words, such shameless talk, such unconscionable and cruel speeches, without any pity, of such as he had persecuted most cruelly, as it is certainly reported he did also at that time. As for the interpretation which you call a bloody commentary, it was not devised to draw blood, nor to press him down, seeing he long since received his just judgment, it doth only descry his bloody and disloyal heart, which caused his tongue to utter such furious and bloody speeches. You would fain have Doctor Story not to mean the Queen by the root, but either heresy it self, or the infected Nobility and Gentry. But alas (Sir N.D. ) your feigned glosses are so far from drawing his words to another sense, that they rather confirm the same, much like to Pilate's superscription, which being set up to show the cause of Christ's condemnation, did yet notwithstanding proclaim his innocence, and convince them of cruelty: for do not you a little before confess, that these words could serve to no other purpose, but to his own ruin? and do not you here acknowledge that the Nobility and Gentry seasoned with true Religion (which you in the madness of your idle brain call heresy) were but inferior roots, both which things do prove, that his words (which were these) They (meaning the Commssioners, and Counselors in Queen Mary's time) labored only about the young and little sprigs and twigs while they should have stricken at the root, and clean have rooted it out ) cannot be meant of any other, but of the Prince and chief root, from whom by the great goodness of God, the general and open profession of Christian Religion, hath again sprung up in this our land, and with whom it doth continue yet still, notwithstanding that Bacon, Cicill, Knowles and all those that you named are dead and gone. The words must needs aim at a person, and not an heresy; at one, and not at many; at a chief, and not at any inferior; howsoever this glossing and cunning Encounterer would persuade us of our Queens affection to Popery, or deny that true Religion was willingly and ioyfullie without compulsion and constraint from others established and maintained by her. Rishton one of your Masters, speaking of her before she was crowned, saith, Animum in ear suum statim patefecit, &c. 1. she presently shown her mind in Religion, both by silencing Catholic preachers (as he calleth them) as also by suffering all those that had lived in exile for Religion, to return home: and by charging a certain Bishop ready to celebrate before her, that he should not eleuate the consecrate host. For which respects (as he confesseth) the Archbishop of York and the rest refused to crown her,

The judgment which Doctor Story received by the Justice of our land, was most just, not being judged to death for these words (as you craftily, yet very foolishly, and falsely have set down) but for that he denied her Majesty's Supremacy in the land, and Soueraigntie over him, and pleaded himself to be no subject to the Queen, but to the king of Spain: And this is it that your Martyr-maker Doctor Saunders seemeth to insinuate in his title added to Doctor Story, showing that he suffered for the Primacie of your Bishop of Rome: but observe the blasphemy of this Pope-holy Encounterer against Christ, and his heinous accusation out of a treacherous heart against the Magistrates, and Justice of our land, in comparing such a traitor as Story was, with our Savior Christ, and our Judges with Pilate. Leave your blind zeal (Sir Romanist) which carrieth you so violently to such impieties, and begin at length to embrace true Religion with us, in the fear of God, and in all loyalty, and duty, reverence and commend the true Justice of your Country.

Whatsoever your Catholics do imagine Story to be worthy of, having made him a Martyr, who indeed was a traitor, howsoever yourself blinded with partiality & heresy cannot find out any trespass of moment committed by him, (though he denied our Prince to be his Sovereign and Queen) yet to every Christian and in different reader his judgment will appear to be just, and his offense no less then treason. Doctor Saunders indeed hath made him a Martyr in his book of the visible Monarchy of the Church, and it may be you have a purpose to canonize him for a Saint, if there might be found a Suriu • that by his Legions or Legend of lies would fain unto him a better life, & some strange miracles; but it being true that the cause, & not y ^e punishment doth make a Martyr, and that some things had in great estimatiō with mē, may be abominable in God's sight, your traitorous Story shall be no better a Martyr, then the Martyrs of Montanus, Marcion, Novatus heresies of whom Eusebius maketh mentiō. And so leaving your traitorous Doctor: let us come to y ^e second hostility, wherewith you find fault, & that is the Bull of Pius Quintus with the excommunication of her Majesty: concerning which Bul, it moveth your patience greatly, that everywhere in schools, sermons, books & places of Justice, this fact of your Pope should be produced, as a sound witness and testimony, of the unsound and disloyal hearts of such of your catholics, as approve your Popes dealing therein, by which you would enforce that matter wanted wherewith to charge your traitors; at their arraignment for there was always many and sufficient proofs, we need not seek far for matter to convict you of most gross impieties, and cursed practices, you have herein yielded us too great an harvest to labor in, and our hearts desire hath ever been that we might truly speak better things of you: We charge none to be guilty of y ^e fact, but such as approve it, or show thenselves too forward to yield obedience unto it: & yet (sir N.D. ) I think you could hardly resolve this doubt, how a papist acknowledging your Popes authority, and justifying his proceeding therein, may acknowledge her Majesty to be his true and rightful Queen. For in the title to that Bul, you know the Queen is called a pretended Queen, by the Bull she is deposed, her Subjects are absolved frō their oath of fealty & allegiance, and those that obey her are accursed. What though all Catholics are not privy to your Popes reasons, & informations? may it not be concluded necessarily (notwithstanding that) that such as acknowledge the Popes supreme authority over Prices, and hold it for a maxim, that in a definitive sentence he cannot err, are enemies to Queen Elizabeth & the State? I know in deed some, as Master Hart, may deny that y ^e Pope hath anything to do with disposing of kingdoms, & deposing of Princes, and so the Bull may not any way concern them; but I doubt there be but a few that will affirm the Popes supremacy in temporal things to be usurped. But because you post over this matter to other treatises, esteeming of me in matter of dispute, as Goliath did of David whō he scorned, I will also refer the Christiā reader to such learned treatises as are extāt for this Pandora her box, & descrying the hurtful and vnholsome evils that lie in the bowels of y ^e seditious Bull.

And because in this place (before you consider further of this Bull) you take exceptions against a proposition of mine which you term ridiculous, & to proceed from deep ignorance and a base breast, I will a little fortify my saying, and make it apparent to the indifferent reader, either your gross mistaking, or willful and malicious perverting of my said speech: as for your Lucyfer -like pride it is more then apparent already: my words are these, As though it were in the power of any one mortal child of man, to dispose of Kingdoms, to depose Princes, or to dispense with subjects for not, only disobeying, but rebelling against their lawful Sovereigns, &c. Is this such a ridiculous proposition (Sir Encounterer ) or do these words either make temporal Kingdoms matters of Godhead and immortality, or necessarily conclude that wicked Princes, such as Nero and Caligula, must be obeyed in all things, with which flourishes, and false glosses you seek to discredit my sayings? Your malice did master your reason, and your will did ouerrun your wit in this your lewd construction.

That which I said I may lawfully still uphold, that Princes are not depriuable by any mortal man, neither can any man dispense with subjects for refusing to yield that obedience which the Lord requireth them to yield. The Prophet Daniel acknowledgeth that it is God, that hath this power to take away Kings, and to set up Kings, and to give the kingdom to whom he will, and saith that the Lord ordereth the States and Princes of the world at his pleasure: Marie the blessed Virgin reserveth this honor wholly to God. He putteth down the mighty from their seat, and exalteth the base: read over the books of Kings, none ever disposed of kingdoms, but the Lord of Lord's; neither were any thrown from their thrones, but by the Lord's special appointment, as in the dejection of Jeroboam, Baasa, Elah, Ahab and Joram is apparent. There was never any King of Israel or Judah removed from the Crown, by any Priest or Prophet, though all the Kings of Israel were open Idolaters, as also the most part of the Kings of Judah, even fourteen of them.

But it may be you think, because the Prophets denounced God's judgments, anointed some to be Kings, and some others by special commandment and authority did execute God's judgments, as Jehu upon Joram and Ahab's children, that therefore my proposition is infringed; which cannot be (Sir Encounterer ) for it was done by God's special appointment, as Judge and superior over Princes, and not by their own motions, or in their own name: No Priest, no Prophet, no Apostle, no Bishop ever had authority to depose Princes. He that saith, By me Kings reign, doth challenge this power to himself, and it is plain blasphemy to give it to any other. Saint Augustine expressly resolveth that Kings need not to fear to lose their Kingdoms, or that their Kingdom shall be taken from them, as wretched Herod feared, and therefore out of all question, there is no such authority given to any mortal child of man to depose Princes.

But although I thus confidently and upon good ground do plead against the Popes usurped authority, yet I am neither so seruily sottish, or so superstitiouslie conscienced, as either to adore earthly Princes, or to deny that any Prince established may be touched or disobeyed in any matter: for as I have learned to give to Caesar that which is Caesar's, and to God, that which is God's, worshipping the Lord only with Religious worship: so I know usurpers may be suppressed by rightful inheritance, as Athaliah by Jehoiada, and in our land Richard the third, by Henry the seventh: and to our Princes we must yield such obedience as the Lord alloweth, obeying them in the Lord, choosing rather with the Disciples to obey God then man, when man commandeth wicked and unlawful things. And so leaving you (Sir Pope-Idolater) to your palpable flattery, and to please and defend your Nero and Caligula, as a more fit fellow to flatter seriously, and to adore such saints then myself, I stand as becometh me in loyalty for my Christian, and religious Sovereign, and so will do (by God's grace) whilst I live to my last breath.

Your three points which you would have to be considered upon my speech of the Bull come next to be handled, by which you would gladly prove, that not the malignity of the Pope and Papists against our Prince brought forth this roaring Bull, but some dealings of ours, and that the Popish Recusants are not to be accused for it, or enforced by means thereof to change their old belief about the Popes authority.

The first point to be considered, is that the Bull of Pius Quintus cam • •• rth in the thirteenth year of her Majesty's reign and not before, as by our own Chronicles (you say) appeareth: Let it be so (Sir N.D. ) though the Bull was set up in the thirteenth year of her Rain, and dated 1567. 5. Calend. Martij, what conclude you hereupon? Must it therefore needs follow that the Bull proceeded not from any malignity of the Pope, and Papists? but of some other cause, as out of mine own words you would seem to prove. Your argument is very weak, your conclusion cannot be enforced upon such slender premisses. The malignity of the Papists is most apparent by their consulting to excommunicate her Majesty, as before I shown out of Cardinal Allyn, by Doctor Stories words, by informations given against her, which you confess, whereupon the Pope in his Bull chargeth her with many things most untruly and falselie. The hatred of the Pope is most evident, calling her a pretended Queen and an usurper, even in the title, and beginning of the Bull. And though the Bull was not published till the 12. year, being yet concluded upon about two years before, as the date showeth, yet both the Pope and his adherents might as well fret and storm at her enjoying of the Crown, as at her Christian and Religious government. Bulls are not hastelie procured, your Pope must be sued unto, and false informations must be given, and it might be as they had vain hopes for a time to feed themselves with, so (those hopes failing) the fittest season for publishing of the Bull, was thought to be when others were prepared to raise rebellion.

The second point is a matter of as deep consideration as the former, wherein he telleth us by enumeration of diverse hard usages offered by her Majesty and the Protestants, against the Pope and Popish Catholics, that it must needs be, that not malignity of the Pope and his adherents against her, but diverse injuries and cruelties offered, enforced the publication of the Bull. I will not vouchsafe to make an Apology for defense of those things, which you (Sir Encounterer ) reckon up as wrongs and injuries offered to your Pope and Pope-worshippers; this only I say for answer, that as her Majesty hath done nothing in the reformation of Religion, in requiring an oath of her people for acknowledgement of her authority, in enforcing her Subjects to the true service of God, in punishing offenders, and obstinate persons, and such like proceedings, but that which God commanded her, and the godly zealous Princes have done before her: so it doth not necessarily follow, that notwithstanding all those things have been done in godly zeal and loving care for the salvation of the souls of her people, therefore you are free from malignity, your faultines wherein I have evidently proved before, though in your deep and cunning flattery you would gladly deny it: you fawn upon her Majesty, and yet accuse her most falselie of breach of promise in altering Religion: you seem to free her from a desire to publish God's Gospel, and yet affirm that your Pope had great cause to proceed against her. Other Princes as Edward the first, Richard the second, Henry the fourth, have made laws against the Bishop of Rome, his authority and usurped jurisdiction, and yet have not tasted so much of his malice, which showeth the malignity of your Pope and his adherents against her Majesty. As for your Popery and superstition rooted out of this land, it was not of so long continuance as you boast, for but little before William the Conqueror, Kings were God's Vicars for governing his Church, Ecclesiastical livings were bestowed by the Princes, they made Ecclesiastical laws, Priests were married, and your Transubstantiation was not then known: You blasphemouslie scoff at the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and ye glory in the dissention between us and the Lutherans, but as the Lord is of will and power to mock mockers, so can he make the infirmity of his servants, work to his glory and their good. I pass over many things willingly in this your Rhetorical flourishing, contenting myself to have shown the non sequitur of your allegation.

The third point which you would have considered, is that it was an act of jurisdiction from an Ecclesiastical superior, as also an ancient kind of proceeding against Princes in our land, as well as in other places without any trouble to the people for the same, and therefore you would not have your Catholics to be charged with it, or troubled for it. For answer thereunto this I affirm, that as we acknowledge not your Popes superiority, or Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over us, he playing the usurping Tirant, in censuring our Prince; so we neither yield that this his proud and malicious cursing and excommunication of Princes hath been of long continuance; or that those his adherents, who justify his proceedings are to be freed from blame. We acknowledge that Princes the anointed of the Lord, are the higher powers ordained to execute Justice, and Judgment over the good and evil: We know no other Superior in nations and kingdoms, next and immediately under God, but such as the Apostle Peter willeth us to be subject unto, when he saith, Submit yourselves unto all manner ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be unto the King, as to the Superior, &c. he speaketh of one not of many superiors, where a Monarchy is established.

The time was when your Bishop of Rome was far from having a superiority even in Rome and his dominions; for both Charles the great, and Otho the great, had right sovereignty, and royalty of the Countries given to your Popes, with acknowledgement to be their Sovereign Lord's, in regard of which they yielded tributes, and other services unto them: as also in former times, the Emperors had their Lieutenants and deputies in Rome, even to Gregory the seuenths time; and your Popes obtained not the Soueraigntie which now they challenge, till it was almost 1200. years after Christ, in the days of Alexander the third, and Innocentius the third, both Bishops of Rome. Your usual engine of excommunication, and depriving of Princes of their Crowns, is likewise far short of that antiquity, by which you would seem to mitigate the rigor and cruelty thereof. For as there was never any Roman King or Emperor excommunicated and deprived of his kingdom by any Bishop of Rome before Henry the fourth Emperor of Rome, who was excommunicated & cursed by Gregory the seventh, the brand of hell, who being a Necromancer, a perjured person, and a most wicked man, confessed at his death to a Cardinal that he was set on by the Devil to raise up discord, and wars in Christendom: so in England from the conquest unto King Henry the eight, there was no Prince of this land deposed by your pope, but only King John. It is a novelty (Sir N.D. ) and not a matter of antiquity (as Sigebert telleth you,) to teach that people owe no subjection to evil kings, &c. As for that you say that Subjects heretofore in our land have not been troubled, or forced to alter their belief concerning the Popes power, notwithstanding his cursing and depriving of Princes is more then you know, and it maketh no great matter whether it were so or no, seeing that your use of excommunication hath not been so frequent in our land, and your dealings were never so treacherous and desperate as they have been of late. Our English Nation did never at any time since the first receiving of the faith unto this day, acknowledge the usurped power of your Pope to depose Princes, much less hath it been any matter of our faith: your Pope Nicholas, and Boniface the eight, may put in transubstantiation to be an Article of our belief, and make your popes supremacy of the necessity of salvation; but we have learned to ground our faith upon the Scriptures of God, which teacheth no such absurd and devilish points. The laws of our land have heretofore in King Richard the seconds time, and Edward the thirds time, made it treason to bring in any excommunication from Rome, to impugn the laws of the Realm for benefices and patronages, to compass or imagine the death of the King, to leuie war against the Prince, or to be adherent and favorers of the Kings enemies, all which laws do very nearly concern such amongst you, as vouch the Popes wicked claim to depose Princes, and are persuaders, aiders, and comforters of invasion and rebellion: Your affections we deal not with, but with your confessions, we punish you not, for your faith, but for your works.

What punishment did the laws of our Realm in the first twenty years of her Majesty's reign inflict upon any Recusant for his recusancie, but either imprisonment, or amercement? If your adventures had not been most audacious, and your attempts most dangerous, being as men perplexed and enraged to see her Majesty live, and govern in so long happiness, you might have been still used with as much mercy and clemency, as it is possible for a Christian Prince to offer to unruly, and undutiful subjects • Princes for their safety, and repressing of rebellions, may temper their laws with severity, and make that treason which to some seemeth a matter of Religion; as we see in Augustine's time, it was treason to say that Emperors perished for persecuting, which yet Petilian and his company thought they might say truly and zealously.

You desire a reconciliation between your Pope and our Prince, longing to see the day when you might again imbrue your hands in the blood of God's Saints; but as we know there can be no agreement between light and darkness, so we doubt not but the powerful and mighty God will continue our Prince all her days to be a true defender of the faith; and will preserve his poor flock from the savage cruelty and bloudines of wolvish tirants, and Romish Prelates. Our sins indeed do hasten upon us the severity of God's justice; but our hope is, that the God of heaven will for his mercies sake be favorable unto his Zion, and continue his truth, and true worship amongst us, wherein standeth our chiefest happiness: our prayer shall be to the Lord as David's was. Let not the ungodly have his desire ô Lord, let not his mischievous imaginations prosper, least they be too proud.

It may be the Lord himself will correct us in mercy, as he hath done many times already, and not deliver us into the hands of our enemies to be punished by them. It may be the mother of Sisera shall look out at the window, and cry out at the casement, Why is his Chariot so long in coming? Why tarry the wheels of his Chariot? So let thine enemies O Lord, & the enemies of thine anointed perish, but let them that love thee, and thy truth continue as the Sun when he riseth in his might, & as Olive plants in the house of God that flourish forever. Amen.

The third and last hostility, against which in this Encounter you take exception, is the rebellion and traitorous practices of diverse of your Catholics against our gracious Sovereign, where with I charge them, which though you labor with all your skill and cunning to excuse, will appear to be no less impious, and hainons in them, nor less dangerous to Prince and Country, then I have affirmed. Your colors and cloaks wherewith you would gladly cover and hide, the rebellious hearts and seditious minds of sundry your Romish Catholics are specially these: the only actual rising of two Earls, (as you say) the great pressures wherewith you have been burdened, being the common grief of all Common-wealths, and cause that they are troubled with commotions, and rebellions, the admirable patience of Papists and Catholics, the practices of Protestants at home and abroad, and lastly, the light and small offense of such as are charged to have been rebels and traitors to her Majesty: all which being thoroughly considered will appear either most false, •• too slender • o coue • such treacherous hearts, and rebellious practices. And to give the reader a taste thereof (although I will not long insist upon them) hath there been but one actual rising of your Catholics in forty years? and have not the wicked counsels of Romish traitors burst out more then once into open hostility? what say you to the rebellion in Ireland under Doctor Saunders their chief encourager? what of the alienating & moving of the people by your open Masses in La • kashire and else where? what of your other attempts with arms so near the quick, procured by your Jesuitical Masses of reconcilement? what of the canonizing of the Northern Rebels for Martyrs, and proclaiming such wars to be godly, just and honorable? Lastly, what is to be thought of your resolving, directing and encouraging Babington, Parrey, Somerfield and sundry others, that with violent hands sought to abridge our Sovereigns life? Are not these open hostilities, and open and actual proofs that there is in you a resolution to do anything that you can, for the overthrow of the present State, under which (through God's mercy) we happily and blessedlie live? That we had but one commotion in this Realm we may thank our good God, and not you and your Catholics, who have done your best by procuring invasion from abroad, and ripening rebellion at home, to multiply that one to many; but that the mighty hand of God did always disioynt your devises, praised be his name for it.

You complain of the bloody listes of Laws, rigorous execution and incredible molestations, amplifying the correction which is here laid on you for your good, with words of the highest, and hotest degree; but look back (Sir Auditor ) to your own accounts, and view with shame enough both your cruel and bloody persecution with fire and sword, as also the mildness of her Majesty's Regiment, whose twenty years together pressed you with no heavier burdens, then the penalty of a shilling by the week, or some restraint of liberty: your Marian persecution yielded in four years more effusion of Christian blood, by hanging, heading burning, and prisoning, then ever was heard of in any Princes reign in this land before, or I hope will ever hereafter. It is no new thing with you and your adherents by outcries, tragical exclamations, and most slanderous untruths, to seek to blemish her Majesty's mild government, and the just execution of Justice amongst us: there is a God that knoweth all, and will judge between us; how light a matter soever you take it to be, to rail upon his anointed, and to vilify and revile the reverent Judges and wholesome laws of the land, by the odious names of Atheists and bloody laws.

The third color wherewith you would dasell our eyes, in beholding your traitorous practices, is no less vain and foolish, then the other two before are slanderous, and false: for what though it be incident to all Common-wealths to be troubled with commotions, shall it therefore not follow that your rebellious, and seditious practices moved only for the maintenance of the Romish primacy, and saith, do manifest the dangerousness of your doctrine, and treachery of your hearts against the State of Christian Princes? you cannot defend yourselves by so sleight a reason. Those troubles that were in King Henry and King Edwards reign proceeding chiefly not from your only suffering with groaning (as you say) but from the treacherous disloyal hearts of Papists, who were the chiefest actors therein, do convict you of such crimes as I have charged you with. And even these rebellions so often attempted in the latter end of King Henry the eight, and the reign of King Edward the sixth, do testify of your admirable patience and loyalty. I marvel with what face you can commend your Catholics, and compare them with Protestants for loyalty, and willing subjection to Princes, when with your own pen you show your forwardness in every Princes reign to rebel, and yet cannot truly charge us with any one rebellious practice in the maintenance of true Religion.

As our doctrine is far different from yours, in the honoring of Magistrates; so are our behaviors loyal, and obedient: what doctrine did ever attribute so much to public authority of Magistrates as do the Protestants? or whoever attributed less to Magistrates, or deposed moe Princes, then you Papists? you may cry with Athaliah, treason, treason, but wise men know who be the traitors indeed. You would fain persuade your reader, that in Queen Mary's time we shown our disposition and forwardness to rebel; and to this purpose you compare her short & bloody reign, with the long and peaceable government of our gracious Sovereign. But as both Wyat and the rest were carried by other persuasions, then the maintenance of true religion, to deal so rashly and unsoundly as they did: so there is no reason that some private actions, and opinions generally condemned by our doctrine should prejudice all Protestants. You have great cause to complain of our rebellions, when you can reckon up, but one poor insurrection, and that upon other grounds then religion, and such a one as was suppressed without the spoil or hurt of any of the Queens side. But you that blush not to affirm that our chief Protestants in Queen Mary's time were not troubled, when our sovereign that now is, was then much vexed; and that none were then forced to renounce their old Religion, when scarce any suspected of true Religion could be suffered to live quietlie, though they shown publicly no dislike of Popish Idolatry: no marvel though you slanderously do charge us with rebellious disposition. As for your commotions and revels you say have been made in other countries by those of the Religion, I leave both you and them to their Apologies in print, wherein you shall find, that none of them did hold, that either Pope or other might depose Princes, or dispence with Subiectes for their obedience to their lawful Sovereigns. And because it pleaseth you to disport yourself, after your gybing manner with me Sir Francis, and your not Saint Francis, let me in earnest tell you, that Sir Francis would not for all his worth, that you could prove him to carry so turbulent, seditious, and traitorous a mind against Queen and Country, as this your Ward-word showeth you to do; and so well instructed is he in the doctrine of the Gospel which teacheth obedience, as if his dearest friend in affection, or the nearest of kin to him in blood should lift up an hand of disloyalty against his Sovereign, they are neither friends, nor kinsfolks to him, and he professeth himself a mortal enemy to them: And for your blasphemous Saint Francis seeing it delighteth you to name him; let me call to your remembrance what you may find in the book of conformities of him, in which he is made another Jesus, in type and figure, and is matched with Christ from point to point, and his miracles with Christ's miracles: of whom it is there also written, that he repented him for devising of his habit, because God had revealed to him, that out of his order Antichrist and his sect should come: and so Sir Francis leaveth you to honor your Saint Francis at your pleasure, as a fit Saint for you to adore in your Pope-holy worship.

Your last color and excuse, for defense of your Rebels, and Traitors, is as simple as the rest; you would gladly persuade us, that the two Earls did but defend themselves, when there was no force they needed to fear, if they had feared God, and continued to live like good subjects, and had not disloyallie intruded themselves, not only to control, but to correct the godly government of the Queen and State. But they were set on by the Bull of Pius Quintus, and Doctor Mortons peswasion, seeking by force to set free the Catholics, and to restore Catholic Religion, Doctor Saunders confesseth no less. They fled presently (you say) without blows, or blood shed, but that might be thought the badness of their cause, and the fear that God did strike into their hearts, at the sight or hearing of the Queens Army, and not for want of desire to proceed further; but as I lament their fall, so I wish from my heart they had never been so misled.

As for the two next Traitors by you mentioned, Francis Throgmorton, and Charles Paget, whom you labor likewise to excuse; the first received his just censure by the course of Justice, and that is a just proof to all honest men of his treasons; yet seeing you seek so shameleslie, and vnhonestlie to extenuate his fault, I heartily pray the reader to way your own confession against him: You say he had the description of certain Portes found in his Chamber, that he had some intelligence with the Queen of Scots, & with Barnardin Mendoza, the King of Spain's Ambassador. Why (Sir Encounterer ) have you forgotten that Mendoza in steed of performing the honorable parts of a well accepted Ambassador, did most treacherouslie seek to betray both the Queen and State, by practicing all that he could to set up the Queen of Scots? and do you not remember, that it was high time to cut off this Scottish Queen, who ceased not daily to practice the death of our deer Sovereign? and do you think there could be any good meaning in Throgmorton to collect Plots, and descriptions of our Portes, having intelligence with the Queen of Scots and Mendoza, and an Invasion being plotted and purposed against us from Spain? And if nothing else had been proved against him, can the height of your wit, and judgment in State matters (whereof you so much glory) clear him from being a Traitor? But it is well known to the Honorable of our land, and those whom they employed to examine him, that his own confession convinceth him of more then it pleaseth you to set down: and by this all the world may see and perceive your disloyal, and dishonest meaning both to Queen and State, in thus colouring treasons, and defending Traitors. But you will needs free Charles Paget also another traitor, and whose fault you say was nothing, but that he went beyond the Seas, for that he could not live with his Couscience at home: But (Sir Encounterer ) you shall find that with more conscience he might have kept home, for whereas you say he went over to free his Conscience, you shall well perceive that at his being beyond the Seas, he made shipwreck of Conscience and common honesty.

I will not stand upon that hath been reported of his stealing over hither for little goodness, changing his name (which is seldom the note of an honest man) and calling himself Mope: but be it known to you (Sir N.D. ) he was at the consultation when York and Williams had their dispatch to go kill her Majesty, and again he and Thomas Throgmorton should have furnished Michael Moodie with money to come over to the same wicked ende: This showeth a worthy Conscience, and yet no man knoweth what conscience meaneth but yourself, although you show very little conscience or none at all in this your traitorous Apology for them.

The other two Earls you will also defend, how just occasion soever they gave of just proceeding against them. You seek not only cunninglie to excuse them (though with slender proof and less reason) but also maliciouslie and falsely to lay and leave a suspicion of cruelty upon the State, for the vntimelie death of the one, which showeth to be the practice of your Catholics in their cruel murdering of Richard Hun, and not ours in this or any the like, and injury to the other for being justly proceeded against, for whom you blush not to affirm, that nothing could be laid against him but flying for his conscience, and either hearing or causing a Mass to be said in the Tower: when as hundreds can witness that (besides diverse other dangerous conferences by letters and speeches) it was directly proved, that he made a prayer for the prosperous success of the King of Spain and his forces, being raised against her Majesty, who were thought to be upon the Sea, coming on to attempt an Invasion, and to conquer our Land, and tendered the same to be said by other prisoners as well as himself; and therefore his fault was more then flying for Conscience, or hearing a Mass, which also hath joined to it a reconciliation to the Church of Rome: Yet this in your Romish and traitorous vain-glory, you reckon to be a glorious and holy treason, which is not strange in men of your sect, who often think you do God good service, when you commit great wickedness and impiety; yet in this you might have shown yourself more wise and honest to suspend your judgment, when ignorance doth conceal from you the faults for which by course of Law and Justice men are condemned (if you were in deed ignorant of them) and not to be over hasty to justify the wicked. But you are so forward to be a patron for such actors, and actions, traitors and treasons, as it is not unlike you would prove yourself a very sound man to Queen and State, if you were in place to be thoroughly sifted.

For your conclusion and shutting up of this Encounter, as you would persuade us that all that can be alleged against your Catholics, are but trifles and trivial things, though they be no less then rebellions and treasons; so (according to your ordinary custom) you strain out Gnats, and swallow down Camels: you call evil good, and not only break the commandments, but teach men so, that you may be the least in the Kingdom of Heaven, that is, none at all: you commend your patience as admirable and worthy to be canonized, which is the highest honor with Papists. You say that the Realm and her Majesty are happy to have such subjects: but as you know empty vessels sound loudest, and the commending of yourselves is not seemelie; so the often perils that her Majesty hath been in, and the continual troubles which you have brought upon the Realm, do cry aloud that you gloss and slatter most lewdly: You would gladly have the leaf turned against us, that we might again be persecuted with fire and sword, and beaten with the rod of Scorpions: but our hope is that the God of mercy will not perform the desire of the wicked, but rather correct us in mercy: If the State were such (as thanks be to God it is not such) that we were pressed with griefs and afflictions, yet our doctrine and former example of obedience, do move a far better expectation then you will conceive of us; but with the Apostle we affirm, We reckon little to be judged of you, &c. You continue to impute to me to have a railing and slanderous tongue; but as I have sufficiently cleared myself from wrongful charging of any, so I had rather in your account to be so deemed for speaking sharply against Traitours and treason, then out of a disloyal heart (as you do) to darken and smooth both the one and the other. And so neither feeling any of your blows given (whereof you proudelie and vainly brag) nor regarding your threatened bastinadoes so long as you dare not appear & show your face I rest assured, that (whatsoever your railing tongue writeth of me, or your malicious heart judgeth of me) the Honorable and wise of the Land will judge me to have more truth and Charity, then you loyalty or common honesty: for it cannot stand with loyalty to smooth the faults of traitors, or with honesty to rail at any that giveth warning to Subjects to take heed of their treasous.

Resistance to the fourth Encounter, concerning Bishop Gardener, and Cardinal Allen.

I Have been the longer in my resistance to the three former Encounters, because they are most material, and of greatest importance: the first concerning the blessings of almighty God poured upon this land, through the happy reign of his handmaid and our Sovereign Elizabeth: the second about the absurd Popish positions which this wrangler saith (but saith only without just proof) are falselie imputed to them: the third touching the person of her Majesty, and her marvelous deliverances from many dangers, both before her obtaining the Crown, and since her establishment in the same. The rest that follow in his other Encounters are of smaller moment, and of all that are indifferent and not partial amongst us, generally known and acknowledged, and therefore shall need the less my labor and pains to lay them open. But for orders sake to take a short view of them, as they are by him headed out: In this Encounter he bringeth in a yoke of Popish Prelates, Bishop Gardener and Cardinal Allen, whom he supposeth to be greatly wronged, and injured by me • upon whom he looking through the spectacles of a partial and Popish affection, imagineth greater gifts of learning and virtue in them then were in deed, making them a peereles pair of Prelates, and very sagelie compareth their qualities together, as Plutarch doth the most famous worthies of Rome and Greece: which his comparison I pass over, as nothing concerning anything said by me in my former book against them. Only I yield they were birds of a feather, and therefore fit to sly together, and according to our English proverb, like will to like, (you know what followeth) and in deed milk is not liker milk, nor one egg another, then were these two statelie Prelates, each of them being brides of the Popes own hatching, and as it is in the Proverb, Mali corui, malum ouum, and both of them for the Popes sake being false and treacherous against their Sovereigns. Cardinal Allen against her Majesty (as hereafter shall be shown) Bishop Gardener against her renowned Father, when he was Ambassador for the King to the Emperor, having secret intelligence with the Pope, then the Kings open and professed enemy, in so much that the King in every general pardon that he granted by Parliament after this practice, he did still except all treasons committed beyond the Seas: meaning thereby (as it was supposed) that the Bishop should not take any benefit by any general pardon, if his Majesty would at any time call him to account: and further minded (as it seemeth) to have used extremity of law against him, (if the Lord had lent his Highnes longer life) upon just matter not taken away by any pardon, commanding thereupon often the Lord Paget (being then his Secretary) to keep safe certain writings which he had against him. But the parities, or disparities of your two Prelates by you compared together, I pass over as matter impertinent, and come to your exceptions against my speeches uttered of them in particular. And first concerning Bishop Gardener he setteth down these my speeches. Gardener that most proud and bloody monster, left no corner of his wit unsought, to shorten her Majesty's days, and prevent her by the bloody slaughter of her sacred person, from being our Queen. And again, The Recusants of our age cannot profess, nor make greater show of loyalty and love to our dread Sovereign, neither, &c.

This my charge against Gardener this sturdy Encounterer seeketh to beat back, first, by commending him for a most tender hearted, and mild man, that no one great man, in Queen Mary's time, was farther from blood and bloudines then he; and that any good natured Protestant that lived in that time, and had wit to judge, and indifferency to speak the truth without passion, would confess as much. Which because himself cannot but know to be a shameless untruth, and therefore doubting how the general commendation of his mild nature would be entertained, he for a particular instance, telleth us a long tale (of like authority) concerning his tender affection towards the Duke of Northumberland, after he was condemned, &c. which as it nothing concerneth our matter in hand, so having only his bare word to warrant it, the indifferent reader may credit and regard as he seeth cause.

And for the better direction of thy judgment (gentle Reader) and fuller justifying of my accusation against him, it shall not be amiss to take a short view of a few particulars, by which the gentleness of this Bishops nature may appear to all men: I will not here stand upon the secret, intestine, and deadly hatred which he always bare to the favorers of the Gospel; and how through his wily craft he so far prevailed with the king to proceed in such sort against the worthy Martyr of Christ John Lambert as he did: the only example of Marbecke, for that kings time, shall suffice. Who being convented before Gardener, for the concordance in English (now extant,) which he then had begun, was by all means (by men sent from the B. ) sifted to detect whom he knew to be favorers of the Gospel: with which importunities the man of God being wearied, he burst forth into these words; O Lord, what will my Lord do? will his Lordship compel me to accuse men, and wote not whereof? After this the Bishop himself talketh with him, & asketh him whether he will cast away himself? To whom he answering, no my Lord, I trust: yes quoth the Bishop, thou goest about it, for thou wilt utter nothing. What a devil made thee meddle with the Scriptures, thy vocation was another way; &c. and why the devil diddest thou not hold thee there? And after hard pressing him to detect and accuse some, and his denial to accuse any for heretics, because he could not justly: the mild Bishop told him, Since thou art so willful and stubborn, thou shalt go to the devil for me. And so, whereas Sir Anthony Wingfield Captain of the Guard, had before sent word to the keeper of the Marshalsey, that it was the Counsels pleasure, he should entreat Marbecke gently: this charitable & tender hearted Gardener sent word to the keeper, to lay irons upon him, to keep him fast shut in a chamber, alone that (when he came to meat) he should speak to no man, nor no man to him; and further that he should suffer no manner of person (no not his own wife) to come to him, or minister anything to him, and in this straight and hard sort continued he about three weeks. His wife made often suit to the Bishop to be permitted to visit her husband, but his bowels wanted compassion, till at length she meeting him at the Court, was bold to pul him by the Rochet and said to him: O my Lord these eighteen days I have troubled your Lordship, now for the love of God, and as ever you came of a woman, put me off no longer, but let me go to my husband: One of the kings servants, and her next neighbor standing by, besought him to be good Lord to her; which had her own mother lying bedredde upon her hands, besides five or six children. I promise you (quoth the Bishop) her husband is a great heretic, and hath read more Scripture then any man in the Realm hath done, and he knoweth a great sort of harlots and will not utter them, but at length gave her leave to go to her husband, willing her to advise him to utter such naughty fellows as he knew, &c.

In Queen Mary's time when he was now Lord Chancellor, & ruled the roast, how far not only from tender pity, but even from civil humanity, he shown himself to be, the examples are too many, and experiments too plain; and therefore needless here to be inserted. But a taste must be given to the Reader, for which this may suffice: when that reverent learned man, (and afterwards a most constant Martyr of Jesus Christ) D. Rowland Taylor, a Doctor professed in both the laws, and withal a right perfect divine, appeared before Gardener upon his summons; how vngently did he entreat him? nay how furiously did he at the very first sight rage against him? not reasoning with him mildly (as he came a Bishop) but barking at him like a mad dog, calling him knave, traitor, heretic, villain, varlet, beetlebrow-fool, &c. and afterwards committed him to prison, where he lay a year and three quarters, till the Papists had gotten certain old tyranous laws (by King Henry and King Edward before put down) to be revived again; upon which Gardener cited him and others ex officio before himself and his colleagues, and pronounced against him, Master Bradford and Master Saunders, three worthy learned and painful preachers, the sentence of death.

His dealing with Master Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester, a Gentleman of a good house, being a Knights son (though railing Story cried out against him, he is a vile heretic knave, for an heretic is no Gentleman) I ask not of what compassion and mercy, but of what equity and justice, did it savor? when he committed this valiant Soldier of Jesus Christ prison, and kept him there a year and a half, taking all his living from him, without all law, only because he spake his mind freely of the questions proposed to be disputed of in the Conuocation house; whereunto besides the liberty of the house they had the Queens warrant for their security. But it booted not to plead privilege of the house, or warrant from the Queen, tender hearted Gardener of his dissolute (I would say) absolute power kept him so long in prison, and afterwards sent him to his slaughterman Boner to be branded to the fire: In whom this is worthy the noting, that he seemed as if he had been unwilling to have meddled with Master Philpot, saying, I marvel why other men will trouble me with their matters, but I must be obedient to my betters, and I wis men speak otherwise of me then I deserve, (as if he should have said, that the bloody affection of Gardiners heart must be executed by Boners hands:) And when in that time of Master Philpots captivity with Boner, Gardener died, Boner perceiving that Master Philpot would by no means recant, burst forth into these words, Now ye think because my Lord Chancellor is dead, we will •••• e no moe. Which words what do they argue else? but that howsoever some Bishops and other Clergy Masters were the inferior executioners, yet Gardener the Lord Chancellor was the Arch-Dedalus and chief master of the work, and he that did blow the bellows to kindle all the fires wherein the bodies of so many Martyrs were consumed to ashes.

The which will appear more plainly, if we consider a memorable story set down by Master Fox of him, reported by two credible persons of worship in the house of a worshipful Citizen bearing then office in the City of London, from Master Mundaie secretarie sometime to the old Lord Thomas Duke of Norffolke ; namely, that the same day Master Ridley and Master Latimer were burnt at Oxford, the old Duke of Norffolke with this reporter his secretarie attending on him, came to Bishop Gardiners house; the old aged Duke waiting there for his dinner, the Bishop was not disposed to dine, till at length about four of the clock cometh in his servant in all post haste from Oxford, assuring the Bishop most certainly that he saw fire put to them. Then cometh out Gardener rejoicing to the Duke, and calleth for dinner, and began merely to eat; but the bloody Tyrant had not eaten a few bits, but the sudden stroke of God his terrible hand fell upon him, in such sort as (to use mine Authors own words) immediately he was taken from the table, and so brought to his bed, where he continued the space of fifteen days, during which time he could not avoid by urine or otherwise anything that he received, whereby his body being miserably inflamed within (who had inflamed so many godly Martyrs before) was brought to a wretched end. And thereof no doubt (as most like it is) came the thrusting out of his tongue from his mouth, so swollen and black with the inflammation of his body. A spectacle worthy to be noted and beholden of all such bloody burning persecutors.

But not to stand upon the devotion of this your mild Bishop, who would not eat till he were sure of the death of these two worthies (a devotion matchable with that of the Tyrant Richard the third, then but Protector, who sware by Saint Paul that he would not dine till the Lord Hastings head were off, and would needs stay so long for his oaths sake) nor upon the great joy this Bishop conceived at the certain report of their deaths, as if the shedding of Christian blood had been to him as the obtaining of great treasures; nor yet upon the fearful judgment of God, so upon the present, and on the sudden inflicted upon him: I will remember this one thing, how that the Dutches of Suffolk espying him in the Tower, (being the prisoner) inking Edwards reign: said it was merry with the Lambes, now the Wolf was shut up: which speech, this your gentle natured Bishop, and nothing vindicatiue (as you term him) well remembered in Queen Mary's time, and therefore in the first lent of her reign, studied an holy practice of revenge, first by touching this Dutches in the person of her husband Master Bertye, for whom he sent an attachment to the Sheriff of Lincolneshire, with a special letter, commanding him most strictly to attach him, and without Bale to bring him up to him to London, whereas he had no cause at all to send for him. Afterwards examineth him of the Dutches his wives Religion, whether she was now as ready to set up the Mass, as before to pull it down, with further objections to the same purpose: by which Master Berty fully perceived the cruel mind of the Bishop set upon bloody revenge, and therefore obtained leave of the Queen for his urgent and important affairs to pass the Seas, secretly appointed how the Duchess should come after, who with her daughter of a year old, with a few of her meanest servants, in great danger took barge at Lion Key, in the misty morning, choosing rather to commit her self to the wind and waves, then to your Gardiners gentle, and nothing vindicatiue disposition.

What should I stand upon any further matter to lay open the nature & disposition of this your mild Prelate? Boner who knew him better then you (Sir Encounterer ) doth more then justify me in that large description of Gardiners nature, & disposition, which he wrote to the Lord Cromwell, wherein he termeth him to be of an hard heart, and cankered malicious stomach, that he spake with a Pilate's voice, and chargeth him that in talk had with him, he bad turde in Boners teeth again and again, that the flesh of his cheeks began to swell and tremble, and that he looked as if he would have run through him, that he behaved himself bedlemly, that in malice and disdain he might be compared to the devil of hell, not yielding to him in pride at all: with sundry other notes of such special commendation, which in that letter of Boners to the Lord Cromwell are to be found. And this (I hope) is sufficient to clear me from malignity, and sycophancie, for calling so unworthy a man a bloody monster.

After this flourish to make show in general of the Bishops mild mature (whereof by these few) particulars the reader may more soundly judge) this his Proctor proceedeth to clear him of seeking her Majesty's life in the reign of her sister: but it seemeth his conscience gave him a secret check, when he set pen to paper about this defense. For how weak an Apology doth make for so heinous an accusation? the lines are few in which he wrappeth up the handling of this weighty case, and the reasons as weak as water that he allegeth for the Bishops clearing. It was so far off from Gardiners condition and nature (saith this forward Proctor) that he dareth say I do him apparent and willful wrong. What (Sir) if for malice he might be compared to the devil, (as Boner witnesseth) what could be more agreeable to his nature, then to seek the blood of so gracious and innocent a Lady? And seemeth not (trow ye) his case to be very good which so wooddie, yea so hot, and fiery a Patron seeks to maintain with so slender and cold a defense, as I dare say he doth him apparunt and willful wrong? But he addeth, she was an object rather of love and compassion, then of envy, and hatred: But what love could proceed from him that was of an hard heart, and cancred malicious stomach? what compassion could he show whose very bowels were cruel? As for the misterious bracelet of which this brabler talketh, in which all the secrecy of Wyats conspiracy was said to lie hidden, which Gardener farther pierced then any other, but never used or urged the knowledge gotten thereof, to the Ladies peril: I answer, that the mystery of this Shemeis treachery against that innocent Lady, & his now Sovereign, may hereby appear to all men; who to grace his client with the commendation of a deep politic, to pearse further into the mystery of that conspiracy, then any other, and of a tender hearted man, in not using nor urging his knowledge gotten thereof to the Ladies peril: layeth the highest disgrace upon his Sovereign that can be imagined; as if she had been secretly confederate with Wyat in his rebellion against her sister; and that this Eagle-eyed Bishop had spied so much in a misterious bracelet, but of pure good will did never urge it to her peril. Whereas forever finding any suspicion against her, through so many hard and earnest siftings, his own mouth is a witness against him, who (kneeling down to her Grace, after long trial had of her loyalty and integrity,) said, Then hath your Grace the advantage of me, and other of the Lord's, for your long and wrong Imprisonment. As for his concealing of anything that he might find against her, or desire to free her from danger: who knoweth not how far both he and the rest of the Clergy were from any such inclination? For when Wyat at his death cleared the Lady Elizabeth, Doctor Weston cried, Believe him not good People, &c. Which being related to Sir Thomas White then Lord Major, he was moved at the bloody humor of this Popish Doctor, and said of him with indignation, In sooth I never took him but for a knave. But was your Bishop more mildlie affected then the Doctor? Nay he was so unwilling to have her cleared, as he chafed exceedinglie at a poor Apprentise in London, for saying that Wyat had cleared her, and the Lord Courtney, and caused the Lord Major to bring this poor youth to the Star Chamber, where he uttered a speech upon that occasion, and pronounced the innocent Lady guilty, and commanded the Apprentise should be punished. And if Master Bridges then Lieutenant of the Tower had not (as is reported) most honestly adventured to Queen Marie, to inform her of a warrant that was out for the execution of this her worthy Sister, the innocent Lady had lost her life, poor England had been deprived of so gracious a Sovereign, and the light of our Candlestick had been put out. But blessed be the Lord who gave not the Soul of his Turtle Dove to the beasts, nor his darling to the power of the dogs.

With this, for good fellowship may walk hand in hand, his plea for the Bishops freedom concerning the bringing in of the Spaniard ; of which I affirm, that Gardener and his complices never rested, until they had brought in the Spaniard, and matched him with Queen Marie: by which they betrayed God, her, and the whole Realm: from which this Proctor first would clear him, by imagining in him a partial affection to the Earl of Devonshire, whom he would have married to the Queen. But it were strange that in a man of Gardiners place, there should be so great fickleness and mutability, that in so short a space, so great love should be turned into such extreme hatred; a little before in his love he would have made him (as you say) as a King, by matching him to Queen Marie: within a while after he would have made him worse then a caitiff, and to suffer as a Traitour, accusing him earnestly in the Star Chamber, when as Wyat had cleared him. Secondly, he demandeth if this had been so (as he saith it was not) why did they betray therein both God, their Queen and their Country? To which his demand I briefelie answer. God was betrayed because his true Religion was exiled, (which Queen Marie, before her obtaining the Crown, promised to the Suffolk men to maintain,) and in steed thereof Idolatry was established. The Queen they betrayed, because they matched her to an vnhusband-like husband, who estranged both his affection and company from her, which was thought to be a great cause of the shortening of her days: for when the cause of her often sighing a little before her death was asked, of her self she confessed this to be one (though not the only) cause, that she could not enjoy the company of her husband. The Realm they betrayed, because they sought to make it subject to a stranger, though yet (blessed be God) do all they what they could, or the Queen herself, they could never set the Crown of England upon King Phillips head: And that the temporal inconveniences by that match were not more fully felt, God is to be praised, who gave him here so short an abode. Further by this match they bringing in the Pope, and resigning the Supremacy to him, did wrong to the Crown: for by the Law of God, the King in his own Realm is chief governor, both in causes Ecclesiastical and Civil; the Pope contrariwise will not only be above the King in all causes Ecclesiastical, but also in some Civil, challenging all Bishops and Clergy men for his subjects, exempting them in things Civil from the Kings authority, whereby he robbeth the King of a great part of his Subjects, and in the Realm doth glean out another Realm to himself: yea challengeth to have power to depose the Prince. Again, the ancient Laws of the Realm were hereby made to stand for cyphers; the Laws of the Realm will have a Priest for debt to be sued before a temporal Judge, but the Popes Law cometh and crieth the contrary: Patrones by the Laws of the Realm should give Benefices; but the Popes Law setteth them besides. All the dangerous consequences threatened to this Realm by that match, it is not my purpose to set down: I will only add a few verses made long since concerning that marriage, by which the Reader may partly see what is to be judged of it.

Now I come to the great fume and chafe of this hot Encounterer, for that I say the Recusants cannot profess more love and loyalty to the Queen that now is, then did Gardener, Boner and Tunstal to her noble Father and Brother, which they did confirm by Printed books: for Gardener in his book de vera obedientia, &c. where like a grave States-man, and another Nestor, he takes upon him to tax me either with ignorance in the matters of our own Realm, or with forwardness to tell untruths. His allegations are two, the first that Gardiners book de vera obedientia was written for fear of the Kings violent proceeding, or not being well instructed perhaps in the controversy of the Supremacy; and that shaken with the frailty of human infirmity, he shrunk with Saint Peter: But he may remember that first Gardener with sundry others, did take a voluntary and solemn oath against the Pope, as by the copy thereof yet extant may appear, wherein he sweareth purely of his own voluntary accord, and absolutely in the word of a Bishop, &c. Then he stayeth not hear but writeth his book de vera obedientia, for the Kings, and against the Popes Supremacy: which he professeth to do with long and mature deliberation, and Boner in his preface before that book, persuadeth the reader to esteem Gardiners censure and authority, to be of more weighty credence, in as much as the matter was not rashlie, and at all adventures, but with judgment and wisdom examined, and discussed, saying, that a man may rightly call him Fabius, that with his advised taking of leisure restored the matter. The second allegation is, that for King Edwards Rain it is a flat fable and fiction that I tell of Bishop Gardiners following the sway also of that time. Gentle (Sir Encounterer ) did not Gardener again in the Rain of King Edward, take a solemn oath against the Popes usurped authority, and subscribed to the Kings lawful Supremacy, 〈◊〉 in causes Ecclesiastical within his own Realm. Yea did he not before King Edward flatlie preach against the Popes Supremacy, as also against Images, Ceremonies, Munkeries, Chauntries, &c. Therefore do no more blasphemouslie compare Saint Peter • fall to Gardiners dissimillation • Saint Peter denied upon the sudden • and within few hours 〈◊〉 : Gardener sware solemnly, preached publikelie, and wrote upon long and advised 〈◊〉 , and so continued many years, till 〈…〉 authority 〈◊〉 another course.

Concerning his sermon made at Paul's Cross upon this text, Hora est • amp • de somno surgere • It is time for us now to arise from 〈◊〉 , I shall need little to answer, because it 〈◊〉 concerneth my former book: but how fir •• e soever your wisdom • thinketh, that the time since King Henry shaking of the Popes tyranny might be compared to a sleep, and the resuming of the Pope withal his wares to be an awaking; yet what more like might then Popery, and the living 〈◊〉 unto a sleep •• For as darkness co • ereth all things in the night, and men cannot walk safelie for want of light: so Ignorance prevaileth in Pop ••• e, and the people are misled therein, so that they cannot see which way they ought to walk, because they are not permitted to exercise themselves in the Word, which is a lantern to our feet, and a light unto our steps: and as in sleep the hungry man dreameth that he careth, but when he awaketh his soul is empty; so in Poper • e the people being fed with men's traditions, think themselves in good plight, but when they are truly wakened (as Jonah ) by God's spirit, they perceive that they were hunger-starved, for want of the true food of their soul, the word of God. Instead of all which large comparison of those times of King Henry and King Edward to a sleep, and commending the Bishops wisdom for the choice of so fit a text: I will set by way of opposition, another euigilate (or caveat to awake) made to the Pope and his Clergy, long before the profounde Sermon of this you •• Bishop, even in the time of Henry the fourth, called the A.B.C.

But to look back a little upon this famous Sermon, in the long narratiō that you set down by occasion of this Sermon, I must examine some few points, wherein either this Proctor belieth the Bishop, or the Bishop the King. And first if it be true that he affirmeth that King Henry the eight appointed Gardener to be one of the sixteen Counselors in his testament to govern his Son, and the Realm: how happened it that Sir Anthony Brown was so earnest and importunate a suitor to the King, to have Gardener put into his Will again when he was put out? And why did the King bid him hold his peace, and trouble him therewith no more? For if he were in, he would trouble them all; and if he moved him anymore for Gardener, he would also put him out. Is not this an argument that the King reposed great trust in Gardener for the government of his Son and the Realm? Another thing you say Gardener uttered in his Sermon, that King Henry in his latter time was inclined to reconcile himself to the Pope. But I would the Bishop had had more wit to speak truth, and less skill in lying: for it is apparent that not long before the Kings death, he with his own mouth answered the Ambassador of Frederick Duke of Saxony, that if the quarrel of the Duke his master were nothing else against the Emperor but for Religion, he should stand to it strongly, and he would take his part. Nay more then this (as the worthy Archbishop of Canterbury Doctor Cranmer, a man far more inward with the King then Gardener was, doth testify) the King but little before his death resolved, talking with the Archbishop, and French Ambassador, that he and the King of France within one half year, would not only change the Mass in both the Realms to a Communion, as it is now used, but utterly to have banished the Bishop of Rome & his usurped authority: Yea they were so thoroughly and firmly resolved in that behalf, that they minded also to exhort the Emperor, to do the like in Flaunders and other his Countries and Seigniories, or else to break off from him.

A third thing in this discourse you allege, that Bishop Gardener was wont to say of King Henry, that after he left to love that person which by God's law, and man's law, he was bound to love above all others (to wit his first wife and Queen) he never loved any person heartily, and constantly after.

Whereunto I shortly answer, that concerning his often changes of his wives putting some to death, and others away, I will not take upon me to answer at all. But to Gardiners report I answer, that this his mutability proceeded not hereof, because he ceased to love the first, but because he first loved where he should not, namely his own brothers wife, against the voice of God and nature: as crouching and glossing Gardener, who flattered with the issue of this unlawful match, not in word only, but in public writing professed to the whole world, utterly condemning the former marriage, with his brothers wife, and approving & justifying the second with Queen Anne. In his book De vera obedientia, he writeth of that point to this purpose. And amongst these, Since there is commandment that a man shall not marry his brother's wife, what could the King: excellent Majesty 〈◊〉 otherwise then he did? by the consent of the people and judgment of his Church, that is, be divorced from unlawful marriage, and use lawful and permitted •••••• tion: and obeying (as 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 ) conformablie 〈◊〉 commandment, cast off her whom neither law, nor right permitted him to have, and take him to chaste and lawful marriage? Wherein although the sentence of God's word (whereto all things ought •• s • oupe) might suffice: yet his Majesty was contented, to have the assisting consents of the most notable grave men, and the censures of the most famous Universities of the whole world: and all to the intent, that men should see he did both that he might, & ought to do uprightly, seeing the best learned, & most worthy men have subcribed to it, showing therein such obedience, as God's word requireth of every good and godly man; so as it may be said that both he obeyed God, and obeyed him truly, &c. Hitherto Gardiners words. Who reading this discourse of Gardener, concerning the kings first unlawful, & his second lawful marriage, would ever have suspected such mutability in y ^e man? so suddenly to turn the Cat (as the Proverb is) in the panne, approving that which before he openly condemned, and condemning that which before he publicly approved? or who noting this his inconstancy, and not this only, but the other of condemning and abjuring the Popes Supremacy, and earnest maintaining of it again; will not think him a very Proteus, which can change himself into all shapes, serve all times, sooth all Princes affections, with, • it, aio, negat, nego? And so I leave, your wavering Bishoppe, and come to your constant Cardinal.

About whom you profess to be very brief; but if you had not spoken in his defense at all, you had shown yet some love of truth, and hate of treason: for as wicked Sheba blew the trumpet of sedition against David ; so hath this your Cardinal done against her Majesty. In my former book, I charge him that though he seemeth to wish that Doctor Saunders, and Doctor Bristow had spared to speak so much in defense of Puis Quintus his Bull against her Majesty: yet he both affirmeth, that these two learned men, of great zeal, and excellency, had their special reasons to do so. And in another treatise, Viz. his defense of Sir William Stanlies act in giving over Deuentre to the King of Spain, he doth as fully approve the Bull, as any of the other: which though I condemn (as good cause I should, being a point of so high treason, as that the Queen being by the Pope deposed, is no longer Queen no • to be obeyed) yet you answer for him smoothly, that he must needs be of like judgment, with Saunders and the rest: and that he might speak his mind plainly, (being in the place and dignity that he was) when occasion should be offered. Which in other words is as much to say, as your Cardinal must needs be of the judgment, that the Queen was no longer Queen after the Bull published, neither might her Subiectes obey her: But yet it was good policy to speak sparingly of that point, and for the Papists to yield for a time outward obedience, to avoid the danger of the law, till a fit time might come, either by open force, or secret treason to put the Bull in execution. And so much do the faculties granted by Gregory the thirteenth to Parsons, and Campion import: which is further warranted by Saunders going after into Ireland with Italian and Spanish forces, to have deprived her Majesty of that kingdom: which fact as you cannot deny, so will you not show to detest in a subject against his Prince, because it was for your Pope.

For a further defense yet of your Cardinal, you allege the example of children's sorrow, to see their parents at jar, that the yonges sort are fitter to weep and mourn, then to determine the controversies, and that the elder sort may speak more freely, and interpose their judgments also, (but ever with due reverence to both parents, &c. ) All which by way of similitude you apply to our Queen as a mother, and your Pope as a father; and to your Saundrs, Allen, Bristow, Stapleton, &c. as elder brethren, and to the Priests and lay men in England as younger brethren, &c. which similitude consisteth of nothing but dissimilitudes. For first the Pope is no way our father, and therefore our obedience, reverence, & love, not to be divided betwixt the Queen and him, as the children's betwixt the father and mother: the Queen is our mother, both nourishing us as a tender parent in things temporal, as also in taking care for the Church of Christ in this land, in things spiritual, according to the Lord's promise by the Prophet to his Church. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and Queens thy nurses: So did Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah, amongst the Jews; Constantine, Justinian, Charles the great, with other like Princes amongst the Christians, command and make laws in causes ecclesiastical, and acknowledged no universal father-hood of your Pope. I wish he did discharge the duty of a true spiritual father within his own Diocese and Bishopric, but it is an hard testimony that Laurentius Valla giveth him. Papas dici nomine Patres, re Parricidas, that the Popes are called fathers in name, but in deed they are Parricides. Again, if the elder brethren interpose their judgment betwixt their Parents, by your own confession it must ever be with due reverence to both partes: this reverence your elder brethren have not shown towards the Queen, (too good a mother for so ungracious Impes,) whom they not only call heretic, pretended Queen, usurper, &c. but have by all means sought the murthering of her sacred person. Thirdly, the younger children (you say) must hold their peace and mourn for the contentions, but not intermeddle: But (Sir) your elder brethren, (whom you allow to speak) are far enough from reach, they may safely define what they will against the Queen, and cast abroad their judgments in railing books to younger brethren, to settle in them a consent thereto: Which being done, they must yet make show not to intermeddle, to the end they may the better avoid peril to their persons, & secretly hearten the people against her Majesty.

Take an instance hereof, from one of your younger brethren, one Paine a Priest: who walked no less closely for his safety, then he was directed; nor less cunningly to corrupt the people's hearts, then he was commanded: who from his own mouth discovered to one Eliot, a bloody platform laid to destroy her iestie, and diverse of her Honorable Council with armed men: the effecting whereof stayed only the coming over of certain Priests which were expected, & in the mean time (through God's goodness) this horrible treason was discovered, and prevented. And Paine being asked, how they durst practice or attempt any such mischievous action? his answer was; that to kill the Queen, or to use any cruelty against her, or any that would take her part, was no offense to God, and that they might do it as lawfully as to a brute beast; and to approve himself a fit messenger to be sent on such a bloody errant, he affirmed that himself would be one of the first that should execute the same: here is one of your younger brothers, whom all the world must confess to be a fit son for such a father as your Pope is.

Besides this, your Cardinal Allen, Doctor Worthington and others (as elder brethren) sent Richard Hesketh a Gentleman of Lancashire and a younger brother, to induce the Lord Strange late Earl of Derbie to make a sudden rebellion in England, and to take upon him the title of the Crown; assuring him from them and others, of treasure and foreign forces to maintain the same: which treason the Honorable Earl dutifully detected, Hesketh himself confessed, and bitterly cursed his elder brethren, to make him a younger brother, to adventure the danger of the treason, that they as elder brethren do teach and devise, far enough from reach. Is this the weeping of your younger brethren without intermeddling? are these the tears? then are they of a right Crocodiles brood, which seemeth to weeepe, but it is to this end, that they may sooner kill and destroy. Nay further then this, these elder brethren commend to their yongers, treason against her Majesty, for a point of their faith, namely, that if the Pope say the word, none of the Papists ought to obey her Majesty, nor to account her Queen of England : for in the cases of conscience (as Doctor Bilson now Bishop of Winchester noteth) wherewith the Jesuits that came into England were furnished, to the 55. Article, when they be asked whether the Bull of Pius Quintus, that was given out, or any Bul that the Bishop of Rome can hereafter give out, all Catholics be bound to yield obedience, faith, and loyalty, to Queen Elizabeth, as to their lawful Prince and Sovereign? the resolution is, he that demandeth this question, asketh (in effect) whether the Pope might do it or no: to which demand, what a Catholic should answer it is plainer then I need here to explicate. If therefore a Catholic be asked, do you believe that the Bishop of Rome may deprive Queen Elizabeth of her crown? he must answer (not regarding any danger of death) I believe he may; for this questiō is a point of faith, and requireth a confessiō of (our) faith. Do not these elder brethrē (think you) dutifully put in their judgments between these two imagined Parēts, the Queen & the Pope, when they teach their younger brethrē treason against the Queen, for an article & point of their faith?

To ende with this Cardinal, who (thanks be to God) ended his life before he could attain the expected end of his traitorous dessignments: doth he not persuade that it is not only lawful, but honorable to murder Princes for Religion? for (saith he) There is no war in the world, so just, or honorable, be it civil, or foreign, as that which is waged for Religion: Now if it be true that civil war (which is the war of Subjects against the Prince) be just, and honorable, then is it an honorable act for Subiectes to kill the Prince; for the ende proposed in war is victory, and the way to victory is bloodshed, and slaughter, not so much of the people (who are not impugned, but for partaking with the Prince) as of the Prince himself, whom you seek to depose and place another in his steed. And this doctrine of your Cardinals, Parrie himself confesseth under his own hand writing, did thoroughly resolve, confirm and strengthen him, in his devilish purpose to kill the Queen. Doctor Allens book (saith he) was sent me out of France, it redoubled my former conceits, every word in it was a warrant to a prepared mind: It taught that Kings may be excommunicated, deprived, and violently handled: It proveth that all war civil, or foreign, undertaken for Religion, is honorable. All which things considered, I appeal to any good natured Papist, who hath in him any spark of loyalty in his heart to his Prince, & love to his native country, whether this Cardinal not only by secret practices seeking to stir rebellion against her Majesty, but by public writing earnestly persuading the same, yea animating, & encouraging her Subjects to lay violent hands upon her sacred person, were not indeed a cardinal and arch-traitor: and for this his Proctor I answer him, and conclude almost with the very words wherewith himself shutteth up this his Encounter, let all men judge of this man's treachery.

Resistance to the fifth Encounter, concerning the Jesuits.

THe sundry occurrence in his last Encounter about Bishop Gardener and Cardinal Allen, did draw from me moe lines, then either at the first entry I purposed, or these two worthy Prelates were worthy of: Now for the ground and foundation of his long and tedious prattle in this fifth Encounter, he saith he will set down my accusation in mine own words which are these that ensue. I do not hear that the Popes holiness is so purged from ambition, or so reconciled to Religion, as he meaneth not to continue his claim for the Supremacy, or will cease to settle the dregs of his poisonful and superstitious doctrine amongst us. I cannot perceive that the thirst of Parsons and his Pew-fellows is yet quenched, for seeking the blood of our dear Sovereign, and in her the destruction of us all, the cause remaining still, for which heretofore they have sought it, &c.

And here first like a right Hicke-scorner (as in deed scorning and railing are the flowers wherewith he doth garnish all his speech) he noteth the fond and ridiculous manner of my fantastical writing (as it is his pleasure to censure it) and because his note, if it were not worth noting, men would think it worth nothing: therefore he also painteth his margent therewith, that ye might not fail to remember it, in these words [ Sir Francis ridiculous. ] Festus called Paul a mad man, who yet spake the words of truth and sobernes, the madness was in Festus himself: even so (gentle Sir) I doubt not, but to sober men I shall appear to write soberlie, howsoever you judge me ridiculous, and the folly shall rest in your own bosom. And therefore I say again, that I do not hear, (nay more then that, I doubt I shall never hear) that the Popes holiness is so purged from ambition, or so reconciled to true Religion, &c. or that the thirst of Parsons and his Pew-fellows is yet quenched, for seeking the blood of our deer Sovereign, &c. And in the first you give me a good satisfaction, for you assure me, that your holy Pope will never leave his claim for Ecclesiastical Supremacy; because when he doth that, he must leave to be Pope. In this I easily believe you, and for this I will never put you to your oath, for it is hard for the Pope to cease to usurp other men's rights: but if you should take a solemn oath upon your holy Mass book, that your Popes Popedom or Supremacy was ordained by our Savior; I could not believe you. Therefore look not that your bare word shall go for a currant proof with me in this behalf, seeing you have no one title of the word of God to warrant it, it being manifestly to be proved thereby, that he is wholly opposite to Christ, both in faith, manners, and government, which long challenge of his, and lean proof of yours, is largelie confuted, and overthrown by sundry learned.

Neither is it like (you say) that he will be so purged to become a Protestant: and I confess this is rather to be wished, then hoped for; but if your reason be, for that the Pope cannot err in doctrine, or become an heretic (such as you mistake Protestants to be) your error is great in the Popes prerogative • wherein not only your own friends, will be your enemies: but the examples of sundry Popes which fell into heresy will disprove you. For Marcellinus fell not only into heresy, but into Idolatry, for he sacrificed to Idols: Honorius held & taught the heresy of the Monothelites, and was therefore accursed by the sixth general Council, Honorio haeretico Anathema ; Cursed be Honorius the heretic: Liberius became an Arian heretic: Stephen fell into the error of the Donatists: and to be short, John the 22. did so notoriouslie err about the state of the Souls after death, that his error was by the Divines of Paris, with sound of Trumpets openly condemned, in the presence of the King himself, who believed rather the Parisien Divines in that point, then the Court of Rome. I would they were not so prone to heresy, nay authors of heresy, but that they would return from whence they are fallen, that is, to that truth of Christian Religion which we profess, which also many Bishops of Rome for the space of some hundreds of years after Christ, religiouslie professed. But though you think the Jesuits much honored by me, in that I join them (as you say) in slander and calumniation with the Pope himself; yet you please not to join them in defense with the Popes holiness, whom for a prerogative you will handle by himself. And in deed I mislike not your method, for it were absurd to make the work equal to the workman, and to join the Creator, and the creature together: for so a learned man writeth of the sect of the Jesuits, that it is Creatura Papae nouissima & nequissima, The last and worst creature of the Popes making.

You therefore enter your plea for the Jesuits, deferring the Popes cause to the last save one, that he might be accompanied with the King of Spain following in the last: whom yet you might, if you had followed your Book of ceremonies, have sent before the Pope to lead his horse by the bridle, that the Pope in his pontificalibus might have come all behind. But your method be at your own choice, for defense of your Jesuits you labor and sweat amaine, but it is like Sisyphus toil;

Your tedious and irksome prolixity, I will recompense with all convenient brevity. You run a long course about the contradictors of the Jesuits, which you acknowledge to be not only those whom you account heretics, but sundry Pope-Catholics, and to them you apply the saying of the Jews against the Christians: That the sect of the Christians was everywhere spoken against, with a long idle discourse to the same purpose. But (Sir) all this is besides the purpose, and it is apparent that all this while you do extra chorum saltare. If you had first by Scripture proved, and strengthened the original of your Jesuitical society together with their doctrine and institute of life; these places might have seemed to serve some turn: but to seek to raise up a building without a sure and sound foundation, is to climb high for a certain, and dangerous downfall. Therefore unless you can fetch their foundation from the word of truth, these places of Scripture shall never be proved to concern them anything at all. A worthy sect it must needs be that was so lately sounded by Ignatius Loiola, a lame Soldier, who when he would trick up these Novices (as the Bear licketh her deformed whelps) and send them abroad into the world, offered by himself and his friends 3000. hoastes or propitiatory sacrifices to God (so many horrible blasphemies against that alone true propitiatory sacrifice of Christ Jesus, which was offered once, and only once for our sins) thereby to obtain grace and favor to his new erected society.

Concerning the profession of these Jesuits, their doctrine, their life, name, and conversation, what is to be objected against them, whether they be seditious troublers of Common-wealths, and seekers of Princes deaths, I need not say anything, since they are by so many, so plainly handled, and laid open, and almost all the Christian world seeth, and abhorreth their treacheries. The Sorbonists of Paris will tell you, that their name is usurped without warrant: for in deed, what presumption is it, that not being content with the ancient and honorable name of Christians, which was first given to the faithful at Antioch, drawn from Christ the name of our Saviors office, who hath made us Kings and Priests to God his father: they will specially be called Jesuits, of Jesus, which is our Saviors name of nature, and so (as much as in them is) divide Jesus from Christ, or over presumptuouslie by a special privilege intrude upon that name: their profession they show to be different from all others, consisting in practicing as deep politikes against Princes and States; their doctrine that it is lawful in some cases for Subjects to kill their Princes, laboring by stirring up seditions, and authorising treasons, to hold up and strengthen the tyranny of Spain. This hath been by the way proved in part in my Resistance to the fourth Encounter, by the example of Cardinal Allen, who publikelie teacheth that there is no war, whether foreign or Civil, so honorable, as that which is undertaken for Religion. By whose persuasions Parrie confessed that he was animated and encouraged to kill the Queen; as also by the cases of conscience, which the Jesuits brought with them into England, in which they teach that it is a point of faith, that if the Pope depose her Majesty, she is no longer to be obeyed nor acknowledge for our Queen.

To which may be added, that Parrie was hartened and resolved likewise by Iulio Palmio a Jesuit, to put in execution his intended treason against her Majesty. And besides this, Edmund York, and Richard Williams (who being apprehended confessed the same) were by Iberra the King of Spain's Secretary, hired to murder the Queen, the assignation for the payment of 40000. Crowns for the performance of this notable exploit, was delivered (as in deposito ) to one Holte a Jesuit an old English Rebell: Many were the conferences held about this villainy, in which Holte the Jesuit did sit in a sort as a President, or head of all these conspiracies, and did vehemently persuaded York and Williams to enterprise the matter, not only receiving of them both an oath to perform it, but also ministering to them the Sacrament thereupon (himself kissing it) and swearing to them solemnly for the assurance of their reward; showing also to them the bill of assignation signed with the King of Spain his Secretaries hand for the more assurance of the payment. Yea further, that the insatiable thirst in this Jesuit after her Majesty's blood, may be more manifest; he told York, that seeing the English had often failed to perform this enterprise, if now it should not be performed by York and his Company, he would afterwards imploie Strangers in it: Which in deed before this he attempted, by persuading one Patrick Cullin an Irishman, and a Pencioner of the King of Spain, to come secretly into England to kill her Majesty, and being his ghostlie Father gave him absolution to this purpose: which Cullin being at his coming apprehended, and examined, confessed the whole, and was accordingly condemned and executed. Whether Doctor Guifford be a Father amongst the Jesuits, or a simple Priest I cannot affirm; sure it is by Sauage his own confession, that he persuaded this Sauage to undertake that most barbarous and savage act of shedding the innocent blood of our gracious Sovereign. The famous Jesuit Posseuine exhorteth the Soldiers of Pius Quintus, sent into France against those of the Religion, that it is their duty to kill all Protestants, otherwise they break their faith, and lose their salvation.

And to leave foreign matters, and to ende with our own (because to prosecute all particulars in this kind were infinite) Wal-pool a Jesuit did by oath latelie bind Squyre, Stanley, and others, either by poison or stabbing to kill her Majesty: By which and sundry other examples it is evident, that this Jesuitical brood is of Cain's humor, who had a bloody heart and hand to shed his brothers blood, and that they follow, nay run far before Chore in conspiracy: For farther insight into this new foundation, I refer the Reader at his leisure to the Bishop of Winchesters book before named, to Doctor Humfreyes Iesuitismus, to Kemnicius, &c. The profession, practice, and virtues of this sect was so fully sifted, and tried by the Catholics of France (that it may not be thought to be done by enemies) that the university of Paris wholly opposed it self against them, and by the mouth of their advocate, pronounced thē worthy of Banishment; and after that, upon farther search into them, the Parliament of Paris by a public decree condemned them and cast them out of the whole Kingdom of France into perpetual Banishment. A worthy example of the wise and politic Kingdom of France, to try out their treacheries, which I wish all Christian Kingdoms would follow, that so all Jesuits might be perpetually banished, into Terra Virginea, or Terra Florida (with which this fellow in the entry of his libel disporteth himself) from whence no danger of them might redound to any Christian Monarch.

Whereto the consideration of the principal vow of this new-found sect might serve to persuade. Their principal vow is (as a Catholic Frenchman setteth it down) to obey their general or superior, who is always a Spaniard, or one of the King of Spaynes Dominions) the words of which vow are set down to be these. That in him they must acknowledge Christ to be present (as it were,) and if Jesus Christ should command to go kill, they must do so. In which vow to omit the intolerable blasphemy, that they make a sinful man equal with God: for God's will is the Rule of Justice, and God doth not command things, because in themselves they are good; but they are therefore good and lawful, because he commandeth them; so that if God command Abraham to kill his own son, he must yield simply obedience, and be content to do so: but it is high sacrilege for any man to usurp this piuiledge of God; all men may and oftentimes do err. So that we may not think anything lawful to be done, because our superiors command it, but we must examine all their commandments whether they be consonant to the revealed will of God, which is the Rule to try right and wrong, good and evil. Cicero an heathen man, and led only by the light of nature, condemneth as most wicked the resolution of Blasius, who professed that he so highly esteemed Gracchus, that he held himself bound to do whatsoever he bad him, who being asked (as before is noted) whether if he should bid him set the Capitole on fire? answered he would never bid me do so, but if he would, I would have done it. But (I say) to omit this blasphemy, is it obscure by the example set down in this vow, (if Jesus Christ should command to go kill, they must do so) whereto this sect tendeth? If Christ command to kill, we must do so; they must acknowledge Christ to be present in their superiors, and yield obedience to them as to Christ: If then the superiors please for the enlarging of the Spaniards territories, or for other reasons pleasing themselves, to command to kill, where is the safety of Princes lives? The Jesuits are sworn men to stir Rebellion, yea and to execute murder upon Princes, if their superiors bid them: Is not the Princes safety made to hang upon the slender twine-thread of the favor, and good liking of the superiors of this sect? And do not the Punies teach to our English Papists for a point of faith, in their cases of Conscience, that the Queen is no longer to be obeyed as our lawful Sovereign if the Pope depose her?

Therefore leaving your Jesuits branded with Cain's bloody work, which is proved (not by my words) but by their own, out of their special vow, and by their many bloody practices: I wish that as England breedeth no Wolves, and Ireland will bear no Snakes & venomous Serpents; so these two kingdoms may never harbor, or foster Jesuits: who pretend the sweet name of Jesus, and come in sheep's clothing; but inwardly are ravening wolves, and as serpents do hiss into the ears of Subiectes sedition and rebellion against their lawful Sovereigns. As for Parsons, because I objected not against him any special, or personal matter, but the general imputation of English Jesuits, I will in that general conclude him, without spending anymore words about his person.

Resistance to the sixth Encounter about Recusants.

TRue is the saying of Tully, Qui semel modestiae limites transilijt, &c. He that hath once broken the bounds of modesty, must be lustily and outrageously impudent: so fareth it with this masked and disguised companion (who being vizoured cannot blush) he hath run a strange vein of immodest and impudent railing in the whole course of his process, in which praise he passeth all that ever I have read; but in this Encounter he is outrageous, and doth here overcome himself: He hath left no corner of his wit unsought, how he might calumniate and slander me, he termeth me an Herodian, without conscience, and ready to pawn my soul for pleasing the Prince and State. He chargeth me with a devilish and detestable disposition against Catholics, that either I have played the part of Judas to betray and take them, or of Caiaphas to condemn and afflict them. And not content herewith (because happily he knoweth no step of any bloody action can be shown in me, that I ever whipped, stocked, fettered, or sought to bring any to death, yea when one Hanse a Priest was by authority committed to me, it is well known, I used him withal humanity, and courtesy, letting him fare no worse then myself, and lodge as might have seemed a better man then himself) he chargeth not only myself, but also my honorable brother that dead is, with a supposal of wishes against her Majesty's safety, having perfectly learned the old lesson of the schoolmaster of railing, Calumniare audacter, &c. Rayle and slander boldly; for though the wound may be cured, yet a blemish or scar will remain. But it is well written of Pliny, that the nature of the Loadstone is to draw Iron to it, but an Adamant set against it doth withstand it that it cannot draw: so though this intemperate & unbridled tongue, would draw upon me ignominy, reproach, and hatred; yet against all his calumniations I will oppose the cleerenes and freedom of a good conscience, and that shall be as a fenced Tower and wall of Brasse, to break and blunt the forces of all the sharp arrows, that this unruly tongue hath or shall shoot against me. And so bequeathing all his railing in his whole libel to the devil from whence it proceeded, (as Saint James teacheth us, speaking of such a tongue as his, that it setteth on fire the whole course of nature, and is set on fire of hell ) and commending his person to the Lord's mercy, if it may please him at any time to indue him with a better spirit: to the substance and matter of his exceptions against me, I will shape a short, yet (I hope) a sufficient answer.

The first exception or rather mere cavil is against these my words that I direct to the common sort. That though some Papists do show a good outward civil carriage in civil matters; yet let not that possess you with too great a regard of them, terming it afterward a deceitful bait. Whence you gather, or rather wring out two things, first that I make little account of good life in Catholics: secondly, that I leave good-works to Catholics, and reserve only thread-bare faith to our selves. But (good Sir) there is no such matter, you miss your aim very much: as I know & grant that not the hearers of the law but the doers shall be justified, and that if we be not doers of the word, but hearers only, we deceive our own selves, having no interest in those three benefits specified in our Creed by Christ purchased to the faithful, Forgiveness of sins, Glorious resurrection of our bodies, Eternal life: so I did never so much as by dream imagine any the least forwardness to good works in Papists above us, to whom (God forbid) that herein we should be inferior. It seemeth you are possessed with Narcissus folly, to fall in love with your own shadow, take heed of his end.

But I pray you are not the vulgar and common sort easily deceived by and outward civil carriage of men? Who when they see a man keep good hospitality, give alms to the poor, perform his word, and such like; (which are all commendable virtues) they pronounce such a man, without further inquiry to be a good Christian, and a religious man: whereas many times they that do such things, not only are not true Christians, but profess no Religion at all: may not these then be truly said to be deceitful baits in such a man? It is written of Julian the Apostate, that he caused alms-houses to be erected, in sundry places of his Empire, appointing that poor Christians as well as others, should be there relieved: yielding this reason, that since the Christians taught to do good not only to friends, but to our enemies, it were ashame for them to be inferior to Christians in doing good. Amongst Turks, Jews, Pagans, many things are done wisely, valiantly, justly, and according to civil honesty; yet are but deceitful arguments to persuade to be of their Religion, and (as Chrysostom I trow termeth such men's outward good works) as gaye apparel put upon a dead carcase. I have ascribed no more to the Papists in this point, then may truly be yielded to the heathen: and yet the Papists especially of the wealthier sort, when now the stream and course of the law goeth against them, using for policy much kindness, courtesy, affability, to the inferior and common sort; may by this means wind themselves into their bosoms; and as a Mirmaiden with her sugared song, and the Scorpion with his fawning and smiling, mean destruction in the ende: fo by this plausible courtesy they seek to draw and induce to their religion, by which sugared bait many are ensnared, with the words of our Savior, Beware of false Prophets, by their fruits ye shall know them, &c. I gladly agree and subscribe to them, as also to the testimony of Saint James: Thou hast faith, and I have works, show me thy faith without works, and I will show thee my faith by my works. For as we see not the soul of man (it being a spiritual substance) yet whom we see to walk, to speak, to have sense and feeling, we know the soul to be in that man: so faith being an inward quality of the soul, cannot be seen of any but by effects, namely good works. And as a painted fire is no fire, because it wanteth heat, and an Image is not a man, because it wanteth sense: so no more is that faith indeed (but only in name) which doth not fructify by good works; as the Church of Sardi had a name that it lived, but indeed it was dead, it was called spiritual, but was carnal. The true justifying faith must be accompanied with an holy conversation: Justification, and sanctification cannot be severed. But being myself in the rank of learners, I confess it becometh me to refer you, for a full answer to your blasphemy against our true doctrine of iustifycation to those that have both learnedlie and diuinelie handled it, to the true comfort of all God's children.

Now to bring you out of your wonder, for my speaking so much of deceit and dissimulation in your Catholics, seeing of all other people in the Realm, these men (say you) dissemble least, &c. I must pray you with patience to peruse some of your Jesuitical instructions, discovered by one of their own crew, some few years past, in the Northparts, to a godly learned man, who by authority was employed in the examination of them, and tell me how you can clear your Recusants, I mean such of them as have been taught these holy lessons, and apprehended them for fit to be followed, and follow them (as too many do) from deceit and deep dissimulation? A seducer being sent over to play his part amongst us, when he was taken, did reveal (amongst many other things) to his assigned examiner these three positions following. First, that the Recusants should reserve themselves both in body and goods in plenitudinē temporis: secondly, that they should not make doubt to present themselves to our Churches; for it should not only not be imputed to them for sin, but takē to be as meritorious, as if they did sit so long in the stocks for Christ his cause: Thirdly, that in all their answers and other behaviors, they should show themselves as dutiful Subjects, till such time as there were certa spes victoriae: these be brought with special direction to be taught and persuaded, and how far these lead wide from deep dissimulation I appeal to the indifferent Reader, but this is no novelty in Popery, though your dim sight cannot discern it. And I pray you (Sir) what meant sundry of your Recusants the last summer (when all the land was in arms) to sell away their goods, and to slide out of the way themselves, when order was given to dsarme them? did not this arguea reserving of themselves in plenitudinem temporis, and that, they had some hope, that their certa spes victoriae was not far off?

You proceed further to my triple accusation (as you term it) against them, which yet is rather an admonition for due providence, then an accusation to draw on any heavy punishment. I note three things. First, the harm they continually do; secondly, the hurt they would do; thirdly, their deep dissimulation: for the first, I only insist in this one hurt, that when the Gentleman recuseth, and is borne withal, the meaner sort receive infection and draw back also: Likewise though the husband come to the Church, if the wife refufe, the danger redoundeth to the whole household, and wives of the meaner sort are by them likewise infected. Of which you make light, but it ought to be of more moment to us; and therefore more heedfully to be seen unto, then you desire to have it. For how shall the child, the servant, the tenant, be forward to know the truth, when the Parent, the Master, the Land-lord refuse knowledge? The wifes recusancie was not so common, till men infected with popery were persuaded, that they could not be drawn by law to pay the penalty for the wives: and the Popes holiness had a dispensation ready for the husband to go to Church. Now that the meaner and poorer sort of women are infected by these of the wealthier, and that they when they come home, labor also to pervert their husbndes, it neither need seem strange to you, and we that live to serve in the country, find too lamentable experience of it. For commonly and for the most part, men prove to be such, as are they whose company they frequent: and daily experience doth teach us the tiuth of the old saying: Cum boni, cum malis conuer santur, &c. When the good converse and keep company with the evil, sooner are the good by the evil corrupted, then the evil by the good converted. Heresy is by sundry writers compared to the plague, as for sundry other respects; so for this, that as the plague doth spread it infection to many, oftentimes infecting the whole house, and reaching the venom thereof to neighbor-houses, so that it sometimes filleth the whole Town or City with dead corpses: so heresy feeketh to infect many, and to spread the poison of it from one to another. Now those that are sick of the plague, by a laudable policy, we seclude from company, that so they may not infect others: greater care ought (in my opinion) to be taken of heretics, that they may not raunge whither they will, and keep company with whom they please, for that the danger is greater of heresy, then of the plague: for the plague killeth but the body, heresy killeth the soul; the plague threateneth temporal death, heresy eternal.

But you ask from what these wives, children, servants, tenants, and husbands do fall? and I answer, as many of them as become Papists, fall from true Religion, and many of them also from loyalty and sound love to their country. But you say conscience is cause of this fall, and not evil will or rebellion? and I answer, it is fancy that leadeth them rather then conscience; for conscientia must be cum scientia, conscience must be grounded upon knowledge, and knowledge is to be fetched not from your traditional doctrine of Rome, and unwritten verities, but from the written word of God, which is able to make a man wise to salvation, through faith which is in Jesus Christ.

The long idle discourse that you run, about forcing men to do an act contrary to their conscience, maketh nothing against us, but much against yourselves: for we never taught it, we do not practice it, we subscribe to the whole discourse of Saint Paul, concerning the meats sacrificed to Idols, as also to the general proposition; whereupon he groundeth that particular argument, that whatsoever is not of faith is sin. Therefore we first tender instruction to inform the conscience, and if that be obstinately refused and rejected (as the fashion of the most Recusants is to answer: They will not confer with any, they are settled: ) then moderate punishment we hold fit to be inflicted, by the Christian Magistrate, thereby to reclaim them from their Idolatry, by which God is dishonored, and to bring them to the true honor and worship of God. Moderate correction of heretics, accompanied with due instruction, was never accounted consciencelesse, and unmerciful dealing, but always practiced in the Church. Augustine commendeth it by experience, Cùm doctrinae vtili, disciplina salutaris adiungitur, &c. When wholesome discipline, is joined to godly doctrine, that not only the light of truth, may expel the darkness of error, but the force of fear may break the bands of evil custom, we rejoice at the conversion of many. This point the same father in sundry places teacheth. But what punishment is laid upon Recusants, by the rare clemency of her Majesty, any way comparable to those that Christian Emperors have made against Recusants, or such as refused to communicate with the Church of Christ? They were discommoned from buying and selling, from bequeathing their goods or lands to others, or receiving any Legacies from others, yea they might not enjoy their fathers inheritance, &c. What like thing is done to English Recusants? or rather what not unlike? they buy, they sell, they bequeath their goods at their pleasure, they receive legacies, and enjoy inheritances. The most that for many years was done to them for their recusancie, was some restraint of their persons, but with free use of their goods, and open resort of their wives, and friends: and after the dangerous attempts of many, yet the greatest increase of penalty is a Multe of monie, which also is easily passed over; for scant the tenth Recusant doth either pay the whole penalty of money, or suffereth the restraint of his person, but liveth at home, and at liberty. But (Sir) you that make such a pitiful complaint, or rather outrageous outcry, against the gentle and motherlie chastisement wherewith her Majesty correcteth Recusants: what say you to your whipping, and scourging, to your torturing, and tormenting, to your holy house in Spain, (because I perceive you are so addicted to Spain? ) what to the infinite fires you kindled in Queen Mary's time, wherein so many hundreds of God's Saints, young and old, learned and unlearned, men and women, without respect of age, or sex were burnt to ashes? what to your sundry massacres? namely of the Albigenses, Calabrians, Merindolians, &c. May your Prelates whip and scourge those that refuse to come to your Idolatry, as Boner did diverse with his own hand? May you torture, and torment men, because they will not believe your unwritten verities, as Boner burnt Tomkins hand, and Tirrell a Justice of peace did Rose Allens hand? May you put men to death for refusing to acknowledge a piece of bread to be their maker? contrary to the judgment of the ancient fathers, as Augustine testifieth: It never pleased any good man in the Catholic Church, that heretics should be put to death: nay may you kill both young and old without difference, (as in the former Massacres) without ever persuading them, or giving them respite to advise upon your doctrine? and may not yourselves be punished? may not moderate corrections be inflicted upon you? shall it be sacrilege to touch the hem of your garments? but God give you grace to repent your own bloody murders, and to take benefit by her Majesty's gentle correction, who sucketh not your blood, but seeketh your benefit and endless salvation.

Touching the hurt Recusants would do, I say, who doubteth but they would have up their Mass again &c. And here he fareth like a mad man, saying: That the Turk, nor any Prince in the world, urgeth men upon vain points of inward wishes, & secret cogitations, & that I, contrary to all reason & humanity, would have it urged vpō Catholics in England; what they wish, & what they desire. But I pray you of what secret wishes speak I? Do I presume to sit in the consistory of men's harts, & to judge their inward thoughts? or rather following the rule of our savior, by their fruits shall ye know thē, do I only speak of such as are by outward actions openlie discovered? or what urging would I have of these wishes? of punishment for their smart? or of providence for our own safety? when he hath answered me this, then let him tell me, whether not only Turks, but all Christian Princes in the world, will have an eye to such subjects, as are by their masters abroad, & by new Inmates & intruding Jesuits at home, taught y ^t it is not only lawful, but honorable to rebel against the prince, upon y ^e Popes command; and from whō the foreign enemy & inuador, doth openlie profess that he expecteth aide. This needeth no further answer because he hath no further mattter to build his calumnious invective upon. This is a point of rare & most insolent barbarity, that condemning my few words of the hurt Recusants would do (though by open effects bewrayed) as more then Turkish, he doth himself (and I am persuaded contrary to his own conscience, only upon an innate and natural engrafted inclination he hath to be mouthed like the devil) burst forth into such a malignant presumption of inward thoughts, against my honorable dead brother and myself, as no barbarous Scythian would ever offer the like. We will examine it in a word. He is not only contented to hold on his railing fit at me, but he must step into the grave of a dead man, my honorable dead brother, and such a dead man, as thousands yet living did know, and will witness him to have been a most religious man, both in knowledge, and practice, and a most loyal and dutiful subject and servant to his Sovereign, which he expressed by his care, diligence, and pains, in all her services, and in sifting out all perils that might impeach her safety: He was precise and strait in his government for his Sovereigns good, and in the execution of Justice in his place, in all causes between party & party, he was of a most upright and indifferent carriage, and that will many Recusants yet living, witness for him against this calumniatour: He continued President of York for many years by her Majesty's commission, who hath given many a most gracious testimony in his life time of his approved fidelity, and her well-liking of his service to his great comfort and commendation, and since his death in her princely affection to him, hath often bewailed the loss of him; and yet this base railing companion blusheth not to strike, at this religious honorable Gentleman, with his malicious pen, by imputing unto him undutiful and disloyal wishes against her highness; for whom all our English world knoweth, he never held his patrimony, nor his life too dear to be spent: As for so much as expecting what person should succeed her, so delightful a thing it was to him, to see the end of her days, as he would often very heartily pray, that he might not live to see her days ended; which his prayer the Lord heard, in whom he died assuredly, and therefore is blessed forever. Therefore thou blasphemous mouth against God and man, cease anymore to bark at this blessed dead man's grave. As for myself, I live to set my foot against any that dare accuse him or me, of the least disloyal thought; and if thou darest not show thy face, I neither will offer nor desire any better clearing, then the course of my dutiful carriage hath done, and shall do to my dying day: I will only add this one sentence, written heretofore by a true hearted Englishman, wherein I join with him from my heart. I like better the honest wisdom of those that study how the Queen may stand and not fall, then the reaching policy of those, that devise how themselves may stand, when the Queen is fallen: And from such reaching Politicians, God deliver and disburthen her Majesty, and her kingdom, and increase the number of such religious honest hearts to her, as will pray daily to God for the prolōging of her days, employ their wits wholly to preserve her person, and put back all perils that may come towards her, and will not think their lives too deer to stand in the gap to withhold danger from her.

The third imputation against the Papists is their dissimulation, of which somewhat hath been already shown: but here you proceed again to rail, cavil, and misconstrue my words: your railing I still pass over, in which kind I list not to contend with you: your cavilling and misconstruing shall briefly be laid open. My words you set down; These civil honest men that under pretence of Conscience rebel against God in religion, and refuse to yield a loyal obedience to their Liege-Lady, seem to carry a most lamentable resolution lurking in their bosoms against Queen, Country, and us all, &c. And if this be conscience, I know not what conscience meaneth, and yet this conscience they fetch from Rome, &c. You begin with the last words, from which you pike out this conclusion against me, that I know not what conscience meaneth, either in nature and definition, or in practice and feeling; the first you say is past my understanding, by reason my bringing up hath hnot been in schools; the other you take upon you to make plain I am void of, by my manner of writing against Catholics, &c. Surely I willingly confess my wants in learning to be very great, and do bewail my loss of time in that behalf, yet this I hope I may say without suspicion of vanity or ostentation, that I laid the grounds of learning in one of the best schools in this land, namely Winchester, and added some further building in one of the best Universities in Christendom, namely Oxford, studying there in Magdaleine College under that worthy Doctor Humfrey, where besides my private study, I wanted not such furtherance, as the conference with sundry of the best learned in the University could afford me; and since I left the University, I have not spent so much time in hunting & hawking, as you presume, although I hold them for lawful recreations moderatelie used in the fear of God. And therefore I did long since know (I praise God) that Conscience is a part of our understanding, determining of our particular actions, either with them or against them: I know also that of this Conscience God only is Lord, and his words and laws, do only bind the same properly; and from hence must we fetch the direction and warrant of our practice of Conscience which will not admit us to depose, and set up, and to obey & disobey Sovereigns at our pleasures, yea and to kill Princes (as your Pope giveth warrant to do) and then to say we do it of Conscience, but will give me a sufficient warrantise, to condemn all such Schoolmasters and Scholars; and so Sir (not as a teacher in our Israel, but as a Scholar) I have told you what Conscience is, and by that touch I have given of the practice and feeling of Conscience (which must be warranted by the word of God, and not by men's dreams, and traditions) I have cancelled the warrant you would take to yourselves, to disobey and resist the authority, given to her Majesty from God.

The rest that you snarl at in these words, or in those that follow, concerning my speeches against Recusants, or anything material thereto belonging, I will briefelie answer: First my terms of falsehood; disloyalty, wicked treasons, and lurking resolutions against Queen and Country, calling them the Catilines of our time, &c. This doth move your patience much, and for this I must undergo the bitter biting of your venomous and slanderous tongue, and be called a monstrous liar, and calumniatour, which by a brick wall will hazard to light upon yourself. For why should I be blamed to charge them with falsehood, disloyalty, treason, and lurking resolutions against Queen and Country, and to be the very Catilines of our age, when your Popes doctrine teacheth nothing else, and they frame themselves in all things to obey him? When Rebellions have been raised within our own bowels? When her Majesty's life hath so many times been shot at, and her Kingdom attempted to be invaded? And in the first two, sundry of your Recusants false fingers have been set on work, and in the third the Inuaders have promised to themselves (and so published) great assistance from them, and both for Invasion, Rebellion, and taking away of her Highnes life; who have been the very Catilines of our Country, but they? Doth not your Captain and Cardinal Allen, openly blow the trumpet of sedition against her Majesty, teaching all English Papists this Catholic doctrine, that, since her excommunication, and deposition by the Pope, she hath no just title or interest to her Crown and Kingdom; and that no Acte done by her authority, since the publishing of that excommunication and deposition, hath been or can be lawful, by the law of God, or man? and therefore that no man may lawfully serve her in any action, be it otherwise never so just? If Catiline himself were alive, could he more pestilentlie persuade to sedition then doth this Cardinal? And are not they Catilines mates, so many as yield to the persuasion of this Catilinarian Cardinal? And what doth the dispensation granted to Parsons and Campion teach our Papists? Doth it not teach them to dissemble? Consider the words of the dispensation: where in the Bull of Pius Quintus all her Subjects are commanded not to obey her, and she being excommunicate and deposed, all that do obey her, are likewise innodate and accursed (which point is perilous to the Catholics, for if they obey her, they are in the Popes curse, and if they disobey, they are in the Queens danger) therefore the present Pope to relieve them hath altered that part of the Bull, and dispensed with them to obey and serve her, without peril of excommunication, which dispensation is to endure, but till that it please the Pope otherwise to determine. First, they teach generally that all which obey the Prince, by the Pope deposed; are accursed, which if it be not a seditious and Catilinarian Doctrine, let the Reader judge. Secondly, Papists are dispensed with, that with • out danger of the Popes curse, they may obey th • Queen; but is it, that the Queen may be safe? N •• care of their own safety procured this dispensatio • or are they taught to obey of Conscience, and fro • the heart? Nay, flatlie for fear, because (saith the ••• pensation) if they disobey they are in the Queen •• danger: and this is contrary to S. Paul's Doctrine • who teacheth to obey the Magistrate not only for wrath, that is fear of punishment, but also for Conscience sake. Lastly, how long are they permitted to obey in this sort? No longer then the Pope please otherwise to appoint: if the Pope send in secretly some Jesuits, to whispher in their ears, that he hath cancelled this dispensation, or otherwise publikelie signify it; then by your doctrine, they must disobey, and rebel, or else they are accursed.

And yet your corrupt construction cannot hereby hold against me, that I accuse all Papists to be guilt, of these crimes, I never said it, I never thought it: for though it be evident, y ^t your Popes doctrine doth teach it generally to all men, yet I assure myself we have many of that professiō in recusancy, who are in simplicity led by the line of their superstiiton very far, which yet will not shake hands with them in their treasons, either against her Majesty, or their country, to please Pope, or any foreign Potentate whatsoever. For that some Papists are not so persuaded of the Popes power, that he hath authority to depose Princes we have examples: Hart plainly writeth (as before was touched) that the opinion of them who hold the Pope to be a temporal Lord over Kings and Princes • s unreasonable and improbable altogether, and that • e hath not to meddle with them and theirs ciuillie, •• ch less to depose them, or give away their king •• mes, that is no part of his commission. Yea fur ••• r he confesseth that we give no more to the •• eene, by the title of Supremacy, then Augustine •• th give to all kings, and to this Supremacy of her • aiestie he subscribed. Besides this, there is a book written by one John Bishop a Recusant Papist, proving that the Pope cannot depose her Majesty, or release her subjects of their allegiance to her: In which he handleth these six propositions. 1. That the Pope and all the Bishops and Priests are subject by the law of God to the temporal Magistrate, in whose Realm and Dominion they do dwell. 2. That they cannot deprive Christian princes of their principalities. 3. That the Pope cannot loose subjects of their natural faith and obedience to their Prince. 4. That it is no determinatiō of faith, that the Pope may depose Princes. 5. That the Canon made at the Council of Lateran, touching the deposing of Princes (the which hath bred the greatest scruple in our English Roman Catholics) neither is, nor ever was of force within this land. 6. That the sentence pronounced against her Majesty, was neither lawfully, nor orderlie done, according to the Lateran Canon. Therefore I am far from imputing the crime of sedition to all Recusantes, and as I do not accuse all, so can no man truly excuse all; for it cannot be denied, but that very many have been overtaken with this humor, by the persuasions of Jesuits and Seminaries, as hath been proved before; and from hence you may pike out your hard and heathenish hearts, whereof you make mention: As for the bare sense of an English heart, which you snatch out of my words, it is such an heart, as having only the light of nature (without any knowledge of the true God at all) would not so brutishly seek the life of their lawful Sovereign, to the betraying of their country into the hands of strangers, and such an honest heart, I wish you at the least.

After this jangling railer hath vngorged his malicious stomach against me, for this my triple accusation (as he will have it) he proceedeth, and that with the gal of bitterness (for the Ethiopian cannot change his blackness) to inuey against me, for setting down a position, which both religion and nature it self doth teach us; the position is this, That every Christian man ought to strive to keep these three things sound within his breast, his conscience before God, his loyalty to his Prince, and his love to his country: Which after he hath frowardly and peruersely wrested to his own fantastical sense, he breaketh forth into this exclamation, what Atheist would ever say so? and I say, who but a wretched wrangler would ever cavil so? for may not men be loyal to their Princes, except they obey all their commandments? Or can they not be loving to their country, except they obey all the laws thereof? Inward loyalty differeth from outward obedience, the first we owe always, the second in all things we may not yield. I hope (Sir) you will not accuse the Apostles of disloyalty, who yet obeyed not all the commandments of their Princes? nor of want of love to their country, though they yielded not to all the laws thereof? But you will prove by sundry examples, and that of the Scripture, that we are not bound always to love our country, as by the examples of Abraham and Lot, yea that we may rebel against Prince and Country by the example of Jeremiah, Jeroboam and Jehu. Did Abraham or Lot cease to love their country, because at God's special commandment they left it? or did not the Prophet Jeremiah love his country, because by special Revelation, and appointment from God, he persuaded the people to deliver up Jerusalem into their enemies hands? for whose destruction foreseen, and by God revealed unto him, he breaketh forth into that pathetical exclamatiō: Oh that my head were full of water, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of my people ! For who • e deliverance he so often & so heartily prayed, and was forbidden by the Lord to pray anymore for them: whose destruction, after it happened, he bitterlie bewailed in his mournful lamentations? do these things prove he loved not his country? Or because the Lord himself did rent the kingdom out of the hands of Solomon, & gave ten Tribes to Jeroboam from Rheboam Solomon's son? And because he also expressly commanded Jehu, to destroy the whole house of Ahab his master, doth it hence follow that subjects may be disloiall, and rebel against their Princes? who but a Popish Parasite would make such conclusions? The general proposition (I trow) holdeth true, that no man may commit murder, though Abraham, by God's commandment, special and extraordinary, might lawfully have slain his own son: and that no private man may usurp the sword, though Phinehas extraordinarilie moved, did execution upon Zimri and Cozbie. A privilege is no law. In sum, God might command Jeremiah to will the Jews to yield to the Chaldeans, and Jeroboam to take ten tribes from Rehoboam, and Jehu the kingdom from Joram, because he alone beareth rule in the kingdoms of the earth, and he may give them to whom he will, he may set up one, and pull down another; but this proveth not, that at the Popes bidding, any may play the lusty swash buckler, and pull the Princes by force from the Throne, which your defender of Catholics laboreth strongly to prove. Therefore this position is not (for ought this wrangler can allege) to be controlled, that every Christian ought to strive to keep these three sound within his breast, his conscience before God, his loyalty to his Prince, and his love to his country. And that his own example of Athanasius will verify, who was far from disloyalty to his Prince, or want of love to his country, for to show his loyalty to his Prince, he departed at his Princes commandment, from his country, which he ceased not to love, though for a time he did leave it: I never resisted the commandments of your highness (saith he) no, no, God forbid I should.

But will you yet further see the lively picture of an impudent caviller? because I say, that all obedience is due to the Sovereign Magistrate, alleging the words of the Apostle; That we must subject our selves to all manner ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be unto the King, as to the superior, &c. And first he exclaimeth, all obedience is due to Princes, yea all obedience, &c. crying out of the conscience of an Atheist, or of a servile mind, &c. If I had said we must obey our Princes in all things, I had used the Apostles phrase, concerning the obedience of children towards their parents, Children obey your parents in all things: shall any Atheist then cry out against the Apostle; Children must obey their parents in all things, yea in all things; a conscience of an Atheist, a servile mind? &c. But as the Apostle by all things, meaneth all such things as are not contrary to God's commandment, as he elsewhere expoundeth himself: Children obey your parents in the Lord: so is my meaning as clear as the light, that we must obey Princes in all things, that imply not disobedience to God: general and unlimited obedience, we teach not to vow and perform to any man, it being due only to God, who cannot err in the things he commandeth. We never held our selves in that sort bound to any King or Emperor, though your Jesuits vow such obedience to their Superiors. The very Poet may teach, that

Therefore since earthly King, are under the King of Kings, we must so obey the inferior, as we disobey not the Superior. The highest King hath set down his law to earthly Kings, as well as others, in the two tables: if they presume to make a law, contrary to this law, therein we are not to obey. It was not disloyalty in the Egyptian Midwiues, in forbearing to murder the male-children of the Israelites at Pharaohs commandment; nor in Obadiah in hiding the Lord's Prophets, contrary to Ahab's will; neither in the Apostles in not forbearing to preach in the name of Jesus, at the Rulers commandment; they did (as they ought) prefer obedience to God, before obedience to man, when they cannot both stand together. By all obedience then, it is plain that I meant, true and sincere obedience from the heart, not dissembling obedience only for fear; as the Apostle when he persuadeth the Philippians to walk worthy of the vocation whereunto they are called, with all humbleness of mind, meaneth by all humbleness, true, sincere, inward humility, not counterfeit, and hypocritical. And if malice had not here lost both her eyes, and her wits, this scoulding caviller might have seen that in the very entry to this point of obedience, I do manifestly affirm it; for I say these three things every man ought to keep sound within his breast, first, his Conscience before God; secondly, his Loyaltie to his Prince; thirdly, his Love to his Country: Now how is it possible a man should keep sound his Conscience before God, which I set in the first place, if he obey his Prince in things against God? nay, that I place first, because it must be the director of us in our Love and Loyaltie both to Prince and Country. If the Laws of the Prince or Country command anything contrary to it, we ought in such things not to obey our Prince, and for such things we may fly our Country; but yet not rebel or fight against them, as you seek to persuade, saying that Christ alloweth greatly of them that despise Father, Mother, Country and Kinred, yea they are willed to hate them and make war against them, for his sake; and consequently also the like is willed against Princes in the same cause, and this out of your conscienceles heart, made fit for Rebellion, you falselie and impudentlie affirm: but we say, we must hate Father and Mother as we must our life for Christ, not to do violence to our selves, or to make war upon them, nor to do anything against either, but in comparison of Christ, and for his sake, not to regard the loss of either; and therefore that which you add of warring against our Country and Prince for Religion, as it is not in any text of holy Writ, so do you plainly discover your traitorous mind, against Queen and Country, and what was the mark you aim at, in all this wrangling against the point of obedience.

His frivolous exception against my translating Saint Peters words, which I allege to prove, That all obedience is due to Civil Magistrates for the Lord's sake, is not worth the answering: he cavilleth first because I translate to every ordinance of man, where he would have it, to every human creature, which I think would afford but a cold sense: But he saith I translate it to every ordinance of man, because it served more to my purpose: what purpose? forsooth a purpose that I detest more then himself, and those of his sect, that we should obey every decree of man. Master Beza translateth it Ordinationi, that is, ordinance, showing that by human ordinance is meant that form of policy and government which is in every Common-wealth: and that this policy or form of a Common-wealth is called an human ordinance, not because it was invented by men (for it is the gift of God) but because it is proper and peculiar unto men, to live under Magistrates and Laws. The next exception hath less color, that I transtate to the King as to the superior, and leave out, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent of him, &c. by calling the King the Superior, he dreameth that I mean the King to be absolute, and all obedience due to Superiors, which I have already answered. But (Sir) if Saint Peter do add (in the leaving out of which words you suppose a mystery) or unto Captains, and under Magistrates sent from him (as you translate) is not the King rightly termed Superior, in regard of the Inferior, and under Magistrates sent by him? I suppose that Saint Peter doth first set down a general proposition, to live obedientlie to that policy under which we are, whether in Monarchy, Aristocracy, &c. and then cometh to the special form under which the Jews did then live, under the Roman Emperors, and their deputies. Therefore I refer to the indifferent reader to judge either of the falsehood and treachery (he saith) I have used in corrupting and translating this little piece of Scripture, or else of his intemperate humor of railing and cavilling; his long digression about Spiritual Magistrates, and formal speeches to Catholic Recusants, I let pass. But if you please to resolve all Recusants, that they are bound in conscience to yield all civil obedience to her Majesty as to their lawful Sovereign, though the Pope send forth never so many Bulls to depose her; you shall deserve thanks of them, in teaching them so godly a lesson, and free yourself from no small suspicion given, that you are of a flat contrary mind, which will stick nearer your conscience (if you continue that mind) then any profane flattery (wrongfully urged by you against me) shall ever do to mine; for God be blessed the truth of his Gospel hath taught me a far better lesson, then to flatter with any.

Resistance to the seventh Encounter, about the Pope.

FRedericke the good Duke of Saxony, requested earnestly that great learned Clarke Erasmus, that he would plainly and truly tell him what he thought of Luther and his writings; to whose request Erasmus answering, and that sincerely, and with great judgment, yet began his answer merilie, saying, that in Luther were two great faults, the one that he spake against the Monks fat panches; the other, that he presumed to touch the Popes triple Crown. But though each of these is a sore that may not be touched, and an evil against which no man may presume to speak, amongst the Papists; yet the least word uttered against the Popes extravagant and usurped authority, is deemed an offense almost inexpiable: for father Bellarmine himself doth teach us, that to call the Popes Crown in question, is to take the foundation from the building, the shepherd from the flock, the General from the army, the Sun from the firmament, and the head from the body. This conceit hath so far prevailed with this libeller, that he reuelleth and raileth against me, for a few words upon most just occasion spoken against the Pope, namely, that I call him the proud Priest, and Archprelate of Rome, bloody monster, Antichrist, the man of sin, &c. that thereupon he outrageth, crying that these are but ravings of a lunatic brain, and belchings of a burdened stomach with the surfeit of heresy: and charging me with audacity (or impudency rather) that I presume to use opprobrious speeches against the sacred honors of anointed Princes, and the greatest Monarchs of Christendom, &c. And here he imagineth (as imagination is strong) that he hath gotten a marvelous advantage against me, and therefore proclaimeth, that I have herein done contrary to the law both of nature and nations, and am to be checked and restrained, even for the very honor of England it self and our Nation.

Yet all this wind shaketh no corn. I doubt not but the wise and discreet reader will follow the counsel of Pythagoras who •• ght that the Muses were to be preferred before the Sirens or Mirmaids, comparing falsehood, varnished to the show with a gay flourish of words, to the Syrenes; and the plain and naked narration of truth, to the Muses: which bare narration I will in very few words here set down, and oppose it against all his Rhetorical amplifications, furious exclamations, and railing calumniations, which is the Iu • e bush he hangeth forth to make his wine seem worthy the uttering.

To come then to a brief declaration of these points, I call the Pope proud Priest and Archprelate of Rome: whereto he answereth, that the words Priest and Prelate, are names of his dignity, as they were in Christ and the Apostles themselves, who were both Priests and Prelates; and Archprelates also, in that they were more principal then others. That Christ was, and is an high Priest, forever, after the order of Melchizedek, is by us confessed; and by you his priesthood by a consequent disanulled, in that you have ordained another Priesthood to offer propitiatory sacrifices to God: that the Apostles were massing or sacrificing Priests, all the Priests in Rome and Reims shall never be able to prove: that they might be called Archprelates, in that they were more principal then others, being sent with joint and equal commission over all the world, and others by them ordained over particular congregations, we gladly yield; but then were they all Archprelates in comparison of those whose calling was not Apostolic, but Pastorlike, and limited to a certain congregation. Peter only was not (as ye would have him) an Archprelate over the rest of the Apostles, but they all were equal with him, which thing Saint Cyprian plainly testifieth. Hoc vti{que} erant & coeteri Apostoli quod erat Petrus, pari consortio praediti & honoris, & potestatis: the rest of the Apostles (out of doubt) were the same that Peter was, endued with the same fellowship both of honor and power.

But (Sir) why seek you to shroud your Popes Archprelacie under that of the Apostles? for it is manifest that Christ gave no such supremacy to any one Apostle above the rest, nay he forbad it saying: That the Kings of the Gentiles reign over them, &c. but ye shall not be so. And whereas the promise of this Universal jurisdiction, seemeth to be made to Peter in these words: To thee will I give the Keys of the kingdom of heaven, &c. it is plain, that where this promise is performed John 20. Peter hath no more authority given him, then the rest of the Apostles, and the keys to open and shut heaven, to loose, and bind sins, is a like given to them all: neither did that most humble servant of Christ, the blessed Apostle, ever challenge any such preeminēt authority; for as he entituleth himself an elder, which is a title of dignity, so he calleth himself a fellow elder, which importeth an equality with, & not a superiority above the rest. And when they of the circumcision contended with Peter about his preaching to the Gentiles, using (as it might seem) rough terms, Thou wentest into men uncircumcised and hast eaten with them: he answered not as his intruding successor, that he is to judge all men, and to be judged of no man, but made a just Apology for himself, and yielded a sufficient reason for his fact. As for that council spoken of in the Acts: the primacy of place, to be as it were moderator, seemeth to be given at that time, not to Peter, but to James, as one of your own side confesseth: Postquam Pe • rus dixisse • , &c. After that Peter had spoken, James by his Bishoplike authority gave the definitive sentence. The rest of the Apostles did not acknowledge in him any such preeminence of jurisdiction, they shown themselves to have power to dispose of Peter, as of any other, for the good of the Church; and therefore when they heard that Samaria had received the word of God, they sent unto them Peter and John: Yea one Apostle Saint Paul, publikelie reproved and withstood Peter to his face, because he was to be blamed: and to take away all occasion of stumbling from those that do not willfully blind their eyes, the same Apostle without tainte of pride, saith of himself, that he was nothing inferior to the chiefest amongst the Apostles. If then neither Christ granted, nor Peter challenged, nor the rest of the Apostles acknowledged any singular Primacie of authority in Peter above them, we may safely subscribe to Cyprians conclusion before alleged, and the Popes usurped Archprelacie shall remain (as it is indeed) not a title of dignity, but a touch of intolerable insolency.

The spiritual supremacy, wherewith you infeofe your Archprelat, as it is not grounded on Saint Peter, who had no such (& if he had it, yet the Pope shall never be able to prove himself Peters heir more then all other Bishops) so began it long after Christ to be challenged, and wanteth the testimony of antiquity. The Council of Nice, which not the Bishop of Rome, but the Emperor Constantine assembled, in which himself was present, and at his right hand sat the Bishop of Antioch, which is called the chief or president of that Council, mentioneth four Patriarchs; of Alexandria, of Rome, of Antioch, of Jerusalem, and appointeth equal privileges to each of them: Now where there is an equality of four, there is not an universality of one above all. The Council of Chalcedon standeth for the dignity of the Bishop of Constantinople, and (because that was now the Emperors seat, and was called new Rome ) defined that it should have equal privileges with old Rome, and in Ecclesiastical matters be of equal power with it. By which it is apparent, that to Rome, and afterwards to Constantinople, some respect of honor was given in regard of the Emperors seat, but neither had primacy of power over all: John Bishop of Constantinople, first challenged this universal spiritual Supremacy, about 600. years after Christ; against whom Gregory of Rome did mightily oppose himself, expostulating with him in an epistle, Quid tu Christo, &c. What answer wilt thou make to Christ the head of the universal Church in the account of the last judgment, that thus goest about by the name of universal Bishop, to make all his members subject to thee? But that which Constantinople sought, Rome shortly after obtained; and whereas Constantinople in seeking it, did show himself to be the forerunner of Antichrist, (as Gregory of Rome then professed) Rome in getting and maintaining it, showeth that Antichrist hath there settled his seat.

But this is not the highest Arch, to which this your Archprelate of Rome mounteth, he claimeth a civil Monarchy and authority over all Kings and Kingdoms, under this title of Supremacy, saying, that Princes hold not their Crowns immediately of God, but of him; and that he hath power to set up and pull down Princes, and to give away their Kingdoms at his pleasure: So one of his Chaplains saith, that the authority of Christ is principally in the Pope, and that the Pope doth call the Emperor to be coadiutor to him in temporal things. By which we may see, that unless it had pleased the Pope, there should have been no King nor Emperor; yea of that counterfeit Donation of Constantine, they say (imagining it to be true) that he gave therein nothing to the Pope, but restored his own, since the Pope is Christ's Vicar, whose is the earth and the fullness thereof. And Boniface the viii. in the year 1300. one day came forth arrayed in his pontificalibus like a Pope, the next day in Imperial Robes with a naked sword carried before him, causing it to be proclaimed that he was both Pope and Emperor, and had the Empire both of heaven and earth.

We have only taken a short scantling of the Popes Archprelacie, which is so far from being grounded upon Peter, that his spiritual Supremacy, was not known till above 600. years after Christ, and his temporal over Kings, and Kingdoms to depose and alter them, hath not been acknowledged of any Christian Prince to this day. Philip King of France writeth to the same Boniface the viii. claiming both spiritual and temporal Supremacy (as it may seem) with small reverence, Philip by the grace of God &c. To Boniface bearing himself for chief Bishop, little health or none at all: Let thy foolishness know, that in temporal things we are subject to no man, and that the gifts of Prebends and Benefices, made, and to be made by us, were and shall be good both in time past, and to come: And that we will defend manfully the possessors of the said Benefices, and we think them that believe or think otherwise to be fools or madmen. Charles the 5. Father to King Philip of Spain, for a less matter then withdrawing his subjects from loyalty, or attempting to depose him and make him no King, rang an hot Alarum at Rome gates by his Soldiers, and did take the Pope himself prisoner. And for all his claim of Monarchy, let him offer to thrust the King of Spain from his throne, and see if (as Catholic as he is,) he will acknowledge this his Supremacy, or rather will not seek by all means to bridle his fury. Therefore (gentle Sir) I must make bold to return your imputation of lunacy upon yourself and your colleagues. Thrasilaus a frenticke person, who (poor man) was not in any proportion worth one ship, yet thought all the ships that arrived in the haven of Athens to be his, he would tell them, survey them, and set down accounts of them: In like sort a melancholic impression hath so deeply settled it self in these men's brains, that though indeed they be destitute of the testimony of Antiquity, yet they boast that the fathers make with them, and that all antiquity is on their side, forsooth, even as all the ships of Athens belonged to poor Thrasilaus.

From his Archprelacie, let us briefly come to his pride, which we shall not need to seek in his inward disposition (as this Popeling imagineth) it showeth it self apparantlie in outward actions. Neither in judging by the external show, may I as well condemn all other Princes and great men in the world, for admitting honor according to their degrees (as he would persuade) there being great difference betwixt the outward honor due to Priests, and that which appertaineth to Princes, and this Luciferian Priest challenging such honor as no prince or monarch the like. The Pope will have the Emperor to hold his stirrope, whilst he mounteth on horseback, and Pope Adrian was angry with the Emperor Frederike for holding his stirrope on the wrong side, when he is mounted: the Emperor must lead his horse by the bridle, and Kings walk along before; yea when he is carried on men's shoulders, the Emperor (they say) must help to carry him for a space. Pope Caelestine the 4. Crowned Henry the 6. Emperor lying prostrate before him, with his feet. Gregory the 7. made Henry the 4. Emperor with his wife and young child to wait at his gate three diaes, bare foot & barelegd to sue for absolution, and at the length made him to surrender his Crown into his hands. Franciscus Dandalùs the Ambassador of the Noble State of Venice, was fain with a chain about his neck to lie under the Popes table like a Dog, to pacify his indignation conceived against the Venetians. What should I speak of his blessed feet, which he maketh Kings and Emperors to kiss? What speak I of kissing his feet? (which barbarous pride yet scarce any heathen Emperor is read to have shown towards inferior persons, but towards Kings I think none) Alexander the third did tread on the neck of Frederick Barbarossa the Emperor, and caused that verse of the Psalm to be song, Thou shalt walk upon the Adder and Cockatrice, and shalt tread the Lyon and Dragon under thy feet. These (I take it) are sufficient evidences of Pride intolerable, and more then heathenish.

Leauing to set down further proofs of his pride, we will now show how justly he is termed a bloody Monster. Cyrus, whose head Queen Tomyris cut off, and cast into a bole of blood with this reproach, Satia te sanguine quem sitijsti, i. Glut thyself with blood after which thou hast thirsted; was but a milk soppe to the blood sucker of Rome. Valla professeth of the Popes in his time that they were called Fathers in name, but in deed were murderers, that the Pope maketh war upon people that lived in peace, and soweth discord amongst Christian Princes. Julius the second played the gallant warrior in his own person, and casting aside Peters keys, did betake himself to Paul's sword. Sundrie Popes have sent their Cardinals to be general of their Armies, and to shed Christian blood: Pope Adrian set Pipine and Charles Kings of France against them of Lombardie: Boniface setteth the King of England against the French King, and another time they have set the French against the English. The examples of this bloody humor in sowing dissention betwixt Kingdoms are so many, that the Popes own Secretary Platina confesseth, Pontifices Romanos inimicitias non secus ac saeuissimos Tirannos exercuisse. i. That the Popes of Rome did exercise hostility and hatred no less then the most cruel Tirants? What should I speak of his bloody trecheries? The Emperor Frederick being in war against the Turk, the Pope did take from him his lands in Apulia, and Lombardie, persuadeth the Turk by letters not to yield up the holy land to him, but to kill him, gave a pardon to whosoever would fight against him. The Hospitalers and Templaries by letters shown the Turk how Frederick might be betrayed; which treason the natural honest Turk detested (in this point honester then the Pope) sent the letters to the Emperor, and said in contempt of Christ and Religion, Eccefidelitas Christianorum. i. Behold the fidelity of Christians. Gregory the seventh, how many ways sought he to destroy Henry the fourth Emperor, and namely once when the Emperor was at his Prayers at Saint Mary's Church in Rome, he appointed by a Nouice hired to that purpose, to have the Emperor murdered, by throwing down a great stone upon him? Henry the sixth Emperor was, by a Frier hired thereto, poisoned in the Sacrament; how barbarouslie Stephanus dealt with his predecessor Formosus after his death; how many Popes Gregory the seventh poisoned to get the Popedom; how Urban the sixth sowed diverse Cardinals in sacks, and drowned them in the Sea; generally of how many massacres the Popes have been authors, and how they have rejoiced at the effussion of Christian blood; these things to set down, were either to write Iliades after Homer, or at the least chiliades after Erasmus. In a word, Alexander the sixth, the Papists themselves condemn for a bloody monster, of whom after his death these verses were publicly scattered.

But these happily were the faults of old times, the Worlde is now amended at Rome? even as sower Alemendeth in summer: view the dealings of our moderne Popes, and those only which concern our own State. First, the Pope most iniuriouslie deposed her Majesty from her Royal Crown, dismissed her Subjects from their obedience due to her, yea cursed as many as did obey her: further he sendeth Murton into England to stir up Rebellion against her, and consequently (as much as in him lay) to fill the land with dead corpses, and to make our floods run died with English blood: when this succeeded not, he sent Saunders with sundry forces to invade Ireland, not only to increase Rebellion there, but to win it quite from her Majesty if he might. The blood by this occasion shed in Ireland, could not yield his holiness an hearty draught, and therefore he setteth on and abetteth the Spanish King in the year 1588. to make Invasion for a full Conquest; and to the ende he might thoroughly speed and not fail, he lendeth him all the help he could, but especially, (as he that writeth the Canonization of Didacus affirmeth) because by divine help he thought this Conquest might quickelie be achieved, Sixtus Quintus then Pope, in that fittest opportunity of time did Canonize Didacus a Spaniard, and placed him in the number of Saints, in whose merits the Spanish King did so greatly trust. And that no property of a bloody monster might be wanting in him, he suborned Parrey, and armed him with full remission of all his sins, besides other promises, murtherouslie to kill her Majesty and to shed her guiltless blood. If these evidences cannot make this popish Sycophant to see and abhor the Popes bloody humor: I can yield no other reason in his excuse, but that which a Poet of their own setteth down;

If this fellow were not an horseleach, that is, bloody minded himself, he would easily acknowledge the bloody humor of the Pope.

To shut up this point, whereas he saith that for my speech against the Pope (which is both just and true) I am to be restrained and checked, even for the very honor of England it self, and our nation; I refer it to the honorable judgment of the higher authority, what check and restraint is fit for this fellow, who so stiffly standeth for her Majesty's professed enemy, and will not endure to have him accused of a bloody humor, who hath pronounced her no Queen, stirred rebellions in her Realm against her, sent an Inuadour to conquer her, and authorised bloody traitors secretly to kill hir; and that for the honor of England it self, that it may be freed from the ignominy of breeding such vipers, and of our Nation, that the people of our Nation may not be so enchanted by the poisoned cup of this Cyrce, as to degenerate from Christian loyalty to Antichristian treachery, whereto the Antichrist of Rome this Encounterers half God doth call them.

Whether the Pope be that special Antichrist, whereof Daniel, our Savior Christ, and his Apostles do speak, I will not stand here to dispute, specially because all the notes set down in the Scripture of Antichrist, are by sundry learned men fully proved to concur in the Pope, and in none other; and that by Babylon in the Revelation is meant Rome, not only as it was when the heathen Emperors held it, (as the Papists say) but as now it is, the Pope reigning in it. The ten reasons (silly ones as they be) which you allege to prove the contrary, with three times ten more set down by your Captain Saunders, are by Doctor Whitaker's thoroughly sifted, and refelled: as also whatsoever the great Jesuit Bellarmine could say for his master to free him from this imputation, is by diverse notably learned fully examined and confuted, whose books, with others of the same argument in English, because they are extant, and almost in every man's hand, I refer the reader to them, contenting myself with a cōpetencie of knowledge for the instruction of mine own conscience, and not presuming to take upon me to be a teacher of others.

To conclude, whereas this Roman advocate saith, that this lande ought to bear more reverence to the sea of Rome then other Nations, for that it hath received more singular benefits from thence, namely that it was converted from Paganism to Christian Religion, by the special diligence, labor, and industry of the same Sea. I answer, first that it is apparent by sundry testimonies, that this land was converted to the faith long before the time by you specified, and not by the Bishop of Rome: Guildas testifieth that Britanie received the Gospel in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, and that Joseph of Arimathia was sent by Philip the Apostle from France hither, where he remained till his death. And Beda (our countryman likewise) doth testify that in his time this land kept Easter after the manner of the East Church: by which may be gathered: that the first preachers came hither from the East parts of the world, and not from Rome: more proofs might be set down, but I spare them. Secondly, though it be granted, that Elutherius sending hither preachers from Rome in king Lucius his time, did first convert this land to the Christian faith; I say there is not now the same faith in Rome, that was then: there was then no Masses said, the partes of it were not then found out, no transubstantiation, no setting up of Images in Churches, the communion was then in both kinds administered to the lay people, no universal Pope, &c. Elutherius writeth thus to King Lucius : Ye have received of late through God's mercy in the Realm of Britanie, the law and faith of Christ; ye have with you within the Realm both the parts of the Scriptures, out of them by God's grace with the counsel of your Realm, take ye a law, and by that law (through God's sufferance) rule your kingdom of Britanie, for you be God's Vicar in your kingdom, according to the saying of the Prophet, &c. Thirdly, the latter Popes have been more beholding to this land for our money, then the land for any good received from them: our kings have often complained that the dropsy thirst of these late Romanists cannot be quenched: The Prior of Winchester one Andrew being expulsed, was fain to give to the Pope 365. marks yearly, to be restored again to his place; this and many such like were but slender gleanings, in comparison of the mighty harvest that from this land they yeerelie gathered. In a word, the Apostle saith of the Thessalonians, that they were examples to all that believe in Macedonia and Achaia, and that from them sounded out the word of God, not to Macedonia and Achaia only, but that their faith was spread abroad in all quarters. Thessalonica was, but is not: and those quarters of the world, that received the faith from thence, must not follow Thessalonica as it is now. And this I leave to the godly and faithful Reader to determine and judge of, whether (because we have received Christianity, and benignity from Rome in ancient times) we ought to embrace the heresy that in these latter times Rome teacheth, and submit our necks to that yoke or tyranny, which it now practiseth.

Resistance to the eight Encounter, touching the Spanish Nation, and the King.

CHrist Jesus our supreme Sovereign and Lord, that hath the Key of David which openeth and no man shutteth, shutteth and no man openeth, hath made the Ward of his truth so strong, as neither papistical nor satanical force can prevail against it; so that your counterfeit Ward is too weak to keep in safety, and strength your Romish Babel or the Bishops thereof, being not only shaken by the wisdom of our watchman, who keeping our Israel, doth neither slumber nor sleep, but beaten down by the power of his might: Therefore you vaunt before the conquest, and triumph before the victory. As for the bickering you begin now about your Spanish King (placed as your second great Monarch before spoken of) it consisteth rather of the ordinary blows of your biting and railing tongue, then of any sound matter of defense for your Kings clearing, which your foul mouthed Rhetoric I have spared hitherto to encounter, and so will I still, carrying the same mind that Cato senior did, who being abused by one of a like intemperate spirit with slanderous and reproachful terms, made this answer: Impar mihi tecū est certandi cōditio, nam vt male audire, & male dicere tibi facillimū simul & promptissimū est; sic & mihi male dicere & insuaue est, & insuetum: i. My encountering with you is not on even ground, for as to you it is very facile and prompt both to be evil spoken of, and to speak evil: so to me to speak evil, is both unpleasing and unusual.

This second Monarch of yours I acknowledge of far more regard in his place then your former without comparison, and of such persons bearing the just titles of Monarchs, I desire in mine own disposition, to speak and write with all reverence; but when I found how Rome had incited this Monarch to take hold of Ambition, and upon this humor to seek the ruin of our Sovereign and Country, and that he bent himself accordingly to give his attempts daily to that end, both by fraud and force: and when I saw how dangerouslie their practices and platforms had prevailed in the hearts of many simple superstitious Subjects, I thought it high time to possess my Countriemen with a true taste of her Majesty's worthy parts, of the many blessings we had from God by her, and of the infinite wrongs done to her, both in person, profession, and government; as also to collect somewhat for their warning, of the nature of the Spanish Nation, whensoever and wheresoever they attained the Soueraigntie to command; that both the profession, person, and government of our liege Lady, might be embraced, honored, and obeyed; and the people's hearts might be held free from forsaking their loyalty to a lawful Queen, and betraying the liberty of their native Country to the making way for an usurping stranger, and the bringing of this our noble nation into perpetual thralldom. And if by this occasion I have been drawn to lay this Monarchs parts more plainly and sharply open, then is either your desire to hear, or my delight to utter: yet my hope is, that the wisdom of every true English heart, will either wholly clear me, or else censure my fault venial and pardonable; seeing the just defense of my Sovereign did perforce draw me to tax this potent enemy with unjust dealing towards her, and the tender care of my Countries good, enforced me to put our men in mind of the Spaniards humors, that they might be armed against the plots and persuasions of Jesuits sent to seduce them, which being hearkened unto and obeyed, might lead them to expose themselves to a most certain and irrecoverable misery. It is not unknown that the Jesuits generally are agents for the King of Spain, and their arrants commonly tend to the raising of sedition and treason, (as their practices have shown many ways amongst us) to the hazard of our Prince and danger of our state; and to this end hath he called into his Seminaries too many of our English youthes qualified with fine natural wits, to their lamentable downfall.

Notwithstanding this just and important occasion drew me to set down that short admonition or cautele of the Spaniards nature, and Spanish Kings intention: this Encounterer (whom all men may see to carry a Spanish heart in an English body) not only seeketh to hold the Spaniards credit upright, among the simpler sort of our Country men, (whose further fetch therein, the godly, wise, and politic of our Land will I doubt not more easily find out then I can conceive,) but belcheth out against me from his malignant stomach, all manner of spiteful and injurious opprobries, thinking thereby to lay a blot of disgrace upon me. But welfare the Poet whose old verse is verified in this new Rayler.

And therefore whereas the wiser sort of our nation have learned by the laws of moral civility, that a man must speak moderatelie of his enemy (a lesson which Papists have not learned, no though it be their natural Prince whom they account their enemy) yet he that speaketh truly, speaketh moderately, especially where the enemies carriage is so immoderate and outrageous, as if a man had an hundredth tongues, he were never able sufficiently to set it forth. That this moderation I have kept in speaking truly that I have said, and saying far less then the enemy deserved, I will show with all convenient brevity: first in the Spanish Nation generally; then particularly in the Spanish King himself.

It needeth not to be so strange to you, to have your Spanish nation noted to be proud, ambitious, bloody, tyrannical, ravening, and voluptuouslie given, all which properties are imputed to them by sundry imprinted books: and yet that concerneth not every particular person in that nation, to be infected withal and every of those faults, (as you absurdlie collect) for in it (I rest assured) God hath his remnant reserved to himself, as in other nations; but that these humors are in the generality of them: France, Italy, Germany, the Low-Countries, Portugale, England, and the very Indiaes are by experience witness; and of this many proofs might be yielded, but for a taste (so as it may not offend your taste) take these few.

You shall find in a Catholic Frenchman entitled the Anti-Spaniard, that the pride of these Spaniards was great, when they durst presume to take a prisoner violentlie from the Parliament Sergeant of Paris, who was convicted and condemned of murder, making him to pass through the chief Chamber of that high and honorable Court: add unto that a villanous attempt offered by them (recorded in the same book) to ravish a young damsel left worth an hundredth thousand crowns, the stopping whereof (some think) did hasten the Countes Edmond and Horne to their deaths, who would not endure such a villainy to be committed. Read you also the estate of English Fugitiues, and there you shall find how kind (or rather how cruel) they are to those, that have adventured their lives (and more then their lives) with them and for them: for when they had discontented Rowland Yor • e, (who betrayed the Sconce of Zutphen to them) by putting him besides the government of Deuenter, doubting what might ensue thereof, by reason of his great stomach, they found the means at a dinner to requite him for all his services with a Spanish fig, killed his Lieutenant, and ransacked all that they had: when the poor Soldiers had their Captain and Lieutenant murdered, and had no means of relief, they made an humble suite to Verdugo and humbly besought his help, who for a gentle reward charitablie cashiered them all, not giving them one penny. You shall also read there, that when there had been a great slaughter of the English at Rosendale without pity, or mercy (which was more then enough) they did deal most barbarouslie with the English that were prisoners to the Italians and Burgognians, who being led quietly by those that had taken them, towards their quarter, the Spaniards spying them cried kill, kill, and drawing their Rapiers, ran furiously upon these naked poor souls, and killed them every man. Further it is worth the noting that which is written of the west Indian people (though not without remorse, and grief) who by the fawning and flattering of the Spaniard were drawn to accept his government, and for a time (the poor souls) did honor them like God's, but when they had tasted of their insolent customs, humors, and cruelties, they did so deeply and despairefully detest them, as men might see the poor wretches go by companies together up to the rocks, and throw themselves down into the sea.

Now (Sir) I pray you tell me, whether this will not satisfy you for sufficient instances to prove your Spaniards proud, ambitious, bloody, tyrannical, ravening, and voluptuous? if not, then call to mind one example more of their barbarous cruelty executed by Don John, after the battle of Ieblours, where having taken near 2000. Wallons, he caused them to be tied by two and two, and to be tumbled headlong over the bridge of Namures into the river of Mewse. If neither this do suffice you, (for to a party so partial what proof can seem sufficient) for the satisfying of the indifferent Reader, I will only add the testimony of Paulus Iouius both a Papist, and there, fore one that will not slander them, especially when he compareth them with Protestants, & who was an eye witness of the thing he writeth, and therefore could not be deceived through other men's information. He writing of the taking of Rome, by the army of Charles the 5. (consisting of Spaniards and Italians, Papists, and the Germane Protestants) saith, that the Germans after the slaughter of their armed enemies at the first Encounter, laid aside their swords, with so calm a carriage, that they set their prisoners at liberty for a very small ransom: their rage they turned against the Churches and Images, defacing them because they were Protestants; and did deride the Popes laws: then speaking of the Spaniards he addeth; Hispani autem astuta & implacabili crudelitate acerbiores, vt abdita arcaná{que} familiarium eruerent, tormentis atque supplicijs in nobilissima corpor a graffabantur, tanta auri cupiditate vt Iulij Pontificis Cadauer, multa exesum carry, eruere, & anulo spoliare non dubitarent : But the Spaniards being more bitter with a subtle and implacable cruelty, did assail the bodies of honorable personages with tortures and torments, to get their secret and hidden treasures, though they had been before that, their familiars, with so great desire of gold, that they doubted not to dig up the body of Pope Julius almost consumed with rottenness, and to spoil it of his ring. Is this the dealing of Spaniards with men of their own Religion? and that in the seat of the holy father himself, whom they profess so highly to reverence? Then (Sir) though you wash them with nitre, and take to you much soape, yet their cruelty is marked, and their bloody stain will not be done away.

But, what a bad bird is this that so defileth his own nest where he was hatched and bred? a few words, and such as all the world knoweth to be true, spoken of the Spaniards, even then when they seek the conquest of our land, do mightily offend him, and drive him into marvelous passions: but what slander doth not he heap up on his own country? The English (saith he) did abuse themselves intollerablit in offering most inhumane and barbarous injuries to the Spaniards, whiles they were here in Queen Mary's time, villanous words were ordinary Salutations both in streets and Churches, our victuals we sold to them at a double price; their water they did drink, we did not only make them buy, but diverse wels we poisoned of malice to destroy the Spaniards: that our men sent their wives and daughters of purpose to allure them by that means to spoil them of their money; and a number of such other heroical acts and honorable histories, which (he saith) Spaniards and others do recount of our civility, &c. If the Spaniards speak so evil of our Nation, as it would make modest Englishmen ashamed, and their ears to burn, in respect of the dishonor of our country, (as this good fellow reporteth) why should this fellow be so enraged? or can any Spaniard be in reason offended, that we use the like liberty of speech concerning them? Lex talionis lex aequa, and like shall have like, why should they complain, if the measure they have met to others, the same be remeasured to them again? And yet it is not altogether the same measure: they speak of our land untruly, and we of them report nothing but known truth. And if affection to Spain prevailed not more with you then truth, you might remember and report, that many outrages were by the Spaniards at that time committed against our countrymen; as namely, that great tumult at Westminster betwixt our men and the Spaniards, whereof great mischief was like to have ensued. What was the ground of it? in whom was the fault? was it not about two harlots? and was not the fault wholly in the Spaniards? for whiles some Spaniards committed wickedness with those strumpets, others with dags and other weapons kept the entry of the cloistures; some of the Deans men came in the mean space into the cloister, at whom the Spaniards discharged their dagges and hurt some of them, whereof great business was like to follow: But you show yourself worse then one of the brood of Cham, who was cursed for uncovering his fathers shame, for you seek to lay shame upon your mother England before she deserve it, to please a foreigner, and a sworn enemy to her. Now let all men of conscience, yea of common reason judge, whether of us two hath the malignant spirit by you named, I in discovering the dangerous humors of the Spaniards for my countries good, or you in not only concealing them, but seeking to clear them, for your countries harm, and hazard of ruin, yea in laboring in your censure to lay so odious a blot of disgrace upon your native country?

Concerning their late King, and that before alleged and proved by me in my former book against him out of the letter of discovery which I cited, this Encounterer promiseth himself great advantage against me, the vanity of whose conceit shall appear by that which followeth for all his great pains taken, and his leaving no stone vnmoued whereby he might discredit either me in cyting such a letter, or the discouerer in writing it, or both. Sometimes he seemeth to doubt whether there were any such letter of discovery sent, or whether the tale be not wholly forged by myself; nay he persuadeth himself to discover both treacherous cogging, and shameless forgery in my heart and hand. Concerning which objection of forgery, I doubt not but to all men indifferent it might be sufficient for me to answer, as one AEmilius Scaurus did, who being by one Varius accused of treason, made this short and plain answer, Varius dicit, Scaurus negat; vtri creditis? Varius saith it, Scaurus denieth it, whether do you believe? In like sort if I should answer concerning this odious crime of forging and inventing this letter, N.D. a Jesuitical scholar and sworn Spanish objecteth it, Francis Hostings a Christian and true hearted Englishman denieth it; whether do you credit? The judgments of as many as were not more then half Spanish would acquit me. But yet for further evidence I add, that this discovery was written in nature of a letter from a true hearted Englishman, dwelling at that time with a great man in Spain, the name of the writer was one John Bradford (not Bradford whom Boner put to death, but Bradford a Papist;) the Nobles to whom this letter was directed, were the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke with other Nobles, and these named I trust you will clear them from being infected with the humor you imagine to be fed by him.

Having little hope to persuade the indifferent reader that I forged this letter of mine own head, he proceedeth to seek to discredit the certificate in it self. For short answer whereto, there be two things material of which I must say somewhat, the marriage it self of this King to Queen Marie, with the conditions thereof insisted upon by this English Spaniard, and made a special color to crush the credit of Bradfords advertisement, and the secret intent of the King by this letter discovered. By the first, viz. the conditions of the marriage together with the Kings usage, towards the English for a space, he would overthrow the second, namely the certificate of the Kings secret meaning. But (Sir) your inference hereupon is very feeble and weak, in taking upon you hereby to control the advertisement of John Bradford to be false. The world hath not found it strange for some politic men to make semblance of love when they mean nothing less; I will not hunt far for proof touching the argument in hand, or for disproof of this Encounterers wrongful exception against me: Let the Anti-Spaniard and Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus both Papists, and Immanuel Lewis a Portugal, in his open confession at the Guild-hall, and sundry others suffice for my clearing, not to have written that I did without ground of proof in my former book. It were not amiss to remember and consider, what moved your Popish Prelates and others to be so busy in hand to have Lady Elizabeth, now our most worthy and happy Queen, married to some Spaniard, and to be posted over with her portion much about the time, that it was said, Queen Marie was with child, and when your Catholic King was concluded to be Protector and governor to the issue hoped for. I dare not say (for offending your Worship) that I fear it should have been the best of our sweet Queens fortune, (if that match had gone forward) to have lived with her husband in Spain, whilst your King Catholic enjoyed by usurpation the possession and government of her Kingdom in England, to the killing of all true English hearts: but I dare boldly say that many thousands in England do praise God from their hearts, that she so happelie escaped so dangerous and base a match, and that we so happelie enjoy so worthy and blessed a Queen.

The conditions of the Marriage and usage of the King for a space being too weak an inference to disprove the certificate concerning his secret meaning, let us in few words consider somewhat both of the person of the Discoverer, and the substance of the discovery: I pray you (Sir) what should move Bradford to write this; but that an honest true Englishmans heart incited him thereunto? he was by profession a Papist, by habitation a Spaniard, for his Master on whom he attended was one, and being amongst them his peril was great in writing this; for if he had been discovered, his life must have paid for it: he did it not then for hatred to Popery, as you would surmise, nor for malice to his Master with whom it appeared he was in good account, nor for any hope of reward being far enough off from receiving any, but near unto danger it is plain he was, only when he heard of such a perilous plot to the utter rooting out of his Country men, and overthrow of his flourishing Country, he was forced out of the remorse of a true English man's heart to expose himself to the hazard of his life, by his setting down, and sending this advertisement to these Lord's.

But to fill up the discredit you desire to lay upon Bradford for this his advertisement so honestlie given to the Nobles of England, you ask How he could in Spain discover so great a secret that lay in the Kings breast in England? For answer I must tell you, that I hope it is not unknown that there was some intermission of time between the Kings marrying of Queen Mary and her death; besides that, when the King was in England I trust he had not all his Nobles and Counselors with him: if this were consulted on, and concluded before the marriage, he might then get notice of it; if it were concluded on after the marriage, why might not this be brought to his Master and others into Spain, by letters from some of the Nobles that were with the King here? So that this is but a poor shift to discredit Bradfords advertisement, and the circumstances considered that I did set down before of his being a Papist in profession, in dwelling a Spaniard, and in place not to write this without peril, I doubt not but to everyone in whom reason ruleth and not passion, it will prove probable enough that there might be a just cause of such an advertisement.

When Lewis the French King his son was by our nobles called into England, and set up for their King against King John, the Viscount Melun (falling deadly sick) upon remorse of conscience, secretly confessed to diverse of the Barons, what was the purpose of Lewis to do when he had once obtained the Crown, namely that Lewis with sixteen of his Counselors (whereof this Viscount was one,) had compacted after possession of the Crown obtained to deprive our chief Nobles of their lands and possessions, and drive them into perpetual exile. And so farther proceeding, and with many tears pitying the extreme misery this land was like to come unto, he brake out into these words: My friends, I counsel you earnestly to look to yourselves, and to provide the remedy in time, least it come upon you unawares; your King for a season hath kept you under, but if Lodowicke prevail he will put you from all. &c. Had Lodowicke so treacherous an intent when our Nobles so highly favored him, and shall it seem strange that King Philip should have such a secret meaning? did a Frenchman and an enemy upon very remorse of conscience bewray this secret? and might not Bradford an Englishman (though a Papist) hazard his life to discover King Philip's dangerous plot against his country? Or may our Chronicles record this purpose of Lodowicke and publish it to posterity? and may it not be lawful for me to set down the discovery of your Catholic Kings secret determination, to admonish my countrymen, to take heed how they lend aide to bring in a foreign ruler into the Realm, least perhaps it follow that they be displaced themselves, and be made strangers in their own land? But the taxes set down by me as intended to be brought upon this land you call childish toys, such as one would not imagine that a man of Sir Francis name, house, and calling, would ever publish: But such childish toys they are, as every sound & true Englishmā, hearing of the servile gonernment of Spain, and feeling the freedom we live withal in England, will from his heart praise God for the blessed freedom we live under, and pray to God forever to deliver us from Spain's bondage, and this do many other Nations besides us, whereof some have been so miserably taxed, that they have been forced (as one doth crediblie report) to sell their beds they lie upon to pay taxations imposed upon them.

In the cloze of this, when I set down what you say of your kings determination concerning the Lady Elizabeth, as well as the rest after, you have referred us to that you have set down before of his kindness to her, when she was prisoner (to which I have made you already a full answer:) you run into your common place of railing again, and add; That no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered to pass to the print, especially containing diverse personal, reproachful, contēptuous calumniations against so great & potent a Prince. &c. I like you well (sir) you are fast to your friends, I wish I could find you as faithful to your Sovereign; then should I find you as hot (if not more hot) in raging against those of your side that have most wretchedlie railed against her Majesty your rightful Sovereign, (if you prove worthy to be her Subject) wherein they have sought to impugn her right, to defame her faith, to discredit her government, to touch her honor, to violate and abate the Majesty of her place, &c. But as Athaliah fled into the Temple and cried out, treason, treason, whereas her self indeed was the traitor, and Hercules furens in the tragedy raged, and threatened to be revenged of those that had slain his children, himself indeed having slain them, in his mad mood: so these good fellows cry out against those that utter opprobrious speeches against Princes, whereas themselves are the peerles and matchles men of all Christendom, in whom the saying of Saint Jude is verified: Which despise government and speak evil of them which are in authority. I protest I am abashed and my pen trembleth to set down those intolerable calumniations that not only foreigners, but home-borne Papists have uttered against her Majesty. I know not how to compare them herein, but to the devil the father of all slander and calumniation, for as it is written in the Revelation, That the Serpent did cast out of his mouth water against the women like a flood, that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood: so have these hell hounds spewed forth whole floods of reproachful and calumnious slanders, thereby to darken and drown the honor of her Majesty if they could possibly. Remember (Sir) in what sort Bartholomaeus de miranda master of the Popes Palace, behaveth himself towards your Sovereign, and with how villanous reproaches he doth load her in his admonition set before the Epistle of Osorius directed to her. Remember how he raileth at her that wrote the cononization of Didacus, who being a Spaniard, was of special purpose sainted by the Pope to further the King of Spain in his intended conquest of England. And though the wiser sort of our Nation have learned even by the laws of moral civility (as yourself confess) that a man must speak moderately also of his enemy, yet the learned'st of our English Papists have not learned to speak moderatelie of their Soueraign, whom they ought not to reckon their enemy: you know how immoderately & immodestly Station, Saunders, and Rishton (to omit others) do rail against her, as against the Turk himself they could not do worse. Now (Sir) how should that which upon urgent occasion (if to invade, and seek to conquer the land, and to make way thereunto by seeking the shortening of my Sovereigns life through treasons may be reckoned an urgent occasion) I say how should that I have set down against your Catholic King, anger you, if so many opprobrious and contumelious reproaches (as you know) uttered against your Sovereign; and that not alone by foreigners, but by such as should be subjects, do not move you? I write against a stranger, truly; these against their Soueraign, falsely: I, to confirm subjects hearts, in loyalty and obedience to their lawful Sovereign; they, to corrupt Subiectes hearts, and to make them disloyal and disobedient to their Sovereign: I, to free my country from all usurpers, they, to fill their country with foreign government: I, to preserve unto us the sincere truth of God's Gospel; they, to thrust upon us a false worship by Popery and superstition. And this shall suffice to shield and deliver me from being harmed, or grieved by your slanders, and for all your malice to me, I am sorry you should carry so vile and villanous a mind, as not to be vexed to see your Soueraign so dispitefully and disloyally dealt withal. But I have now so good cause to guess the unsoundness of your heart to my Sovereign, by this your wrangling, and wicked Ward-word, as I cannot expect or hope for any good fruit of a loyal heart towards her Majesty from you.

And to confirm me and all true Subiectes in this opinion, you close up this your last Encounter with a doubt, whether Lopus ever meant to kill our dear Soraigne; and why you should doubt I see not, but because it was not done, and with a denial that your Catholic King should be privy thereunto, (and yet all the Agents in it do plainly confess so) by the first whereof, you lewdlie labor to tax the seat of our Sovereigns Justice; and by the second you abuse her Majesty and her people: and by both you offer to discredit the honorable testimony in print, of the proofs and proceedings, by examinations before the Lord's of her Majesty's Council. In which you may find, how Lopus was first solicited by Andrada from Mendoza the King of Spain's Ambassador in France, to poison her Majesty: Secondly, by the same Andrada, he was solicited by a token from Christophero de Moro (one of the Kings privy Council,) Thirdly by one Roderoquo Marques a Portugale, unto whom Lopus did undertake to do the abominable fact, for which he was proffered and promised fifty thousands crowns (which I hope cannot be taken to be the gift of any Subject:) fourthly for this purpose, Lopus sent Andrada over to Calais to confer with Counte Fuentes about this practice; and caused Stephano Ferrera de Gomo another Portugale to write letters to Stephano Iberra the Kings Secretary at Brussels, to assure him & Fuentes, that the detestable fact should be performed if the 50000. crowns were paid, which letter Lopus himself sent by one Gomes Dauila a Portugale. But Andrada not being thought fit to follow so great a cause, Ferrera was chosen to manage it, by whom the Doctor did again assure the performance of this villainy; and then there were bills of exchaunge for the money delivered by the Counte Fuentes, the one from Gonzalo Gomez to Pedro de Carreras, the other from Gomez to John Pallacios: And if (through the merciful providence of almighty God) these had not been lingered, and that in the mean time by the diligence and carefulness of one of the Lord's of her Majesty's privy Council the matter had not been discovered, the villainy had been attempted and acted, and so brought out of doubt (as this Espaniolized champiō seemeth to have wished) to the unavoidable hazard of ruin in man's judgment to our Country and State. So have you here upon honorable credence plainly proved, that Lopus should have been the Actor of this villainy, that Andrada, Ferrera Gomez Dauila, and Manuell Louis (all Portugales ) were Agents and Messengers to him about it; that Mendoza your Kings Embassador in France, Christofero de Moro, Count Fuentes, and Secretary Iberra (all Counselors to your King) were Directors to these Agents and Messengers, and how far your King himself did direct herein, let the book tell you: And therefore have you no cause to doubt of Lopus his bloody meaning in this bloody business.

To return to yourself (Sir) I make no doubt but you desire to be believed in all that you have scattered in your Libell, and not least in this last part; for if you could creep into the secret bosoms of our English Nation, and win credit to be believed, that all that you say is Gospel, you might then hope of some likelihood to prevail in your shameless suit for toleration, or alteration in Religion tendered to the Lord's in your Remission immediately following. But as it is well known to them all, that we have been much blessed of God by her Majesty's government (although you invert all out of your popish and traitorous affection into cursings) so I doubt not, but they all see and will acknowledge, that the true worship of God erected and established amongst us by her Majesty, is the very assured and principal ground-work of all our blessings: Religion and piety must be our safety, and so long as we keep God by embracing his truth without halting; so long shall God keep this land safe from all malice of all our enemies whatsoever. Therefore far shall it be from them, so much as to lend an ear to so impudent and evil affected a Sutor, as you show yourself to be, in daring with shameless face to slander and scorn our Religion, to deprave our seat of Justice, to harten disobedience, to excuse traitors, to darken and sometimes to defend y ^e malice of your two Monarchs of Rome and Spain against our Sovereign & Queen; contrariwise when her just commendation was set out, for being God his good instrument of many great blessings brought unto us, you maliciouslie turn them (as I said before) into cursings: when to the praise of almighty God mention is made of her wonderful and happy deliverances, both in the time of Queen Marie, and in her own time, you do in derision call the first a miracle of Milne-wheels, and the second you shameleslie seem to persuade, they were things rather feared by us, then intended to her. When I urge Stories traitorous and bloody words against her, you cunningly seek to turn his meaning to other persons and purposes. When I condemn Cardinal Allin and Bishop Gardiners proud and pernicious dealing towards her, you fall into extraordinary high commendations of them, as if the trumpet of their praises for so dealing had been worthy to be blown over all the world: when I say, that we should keep these three things safe in our breast; first our Conscience to God; secondly, our Love to our Country; thirdly, our Loyaltie to our Prince, you earnestly labor to prove that we are not bound always to love our Country, and to bear Loyaltie to our Prince, but that for Religions sake, we must hate them and war against them: and when I lay down the many, and manifold wrongs most vnchristianlie and unkindly offered to her Majesty by Rome and Spain, you bend your whole force to cover all, and to prove wrongs offered by her Majesty and our Nation to them, such is your special love to these your two Monarchs, and to all treasons, and Traitors plotted and encouraged by them; and so little and key-cold is your love and duty to her Majesty, to whom you owe all love and obedience. But this is the fruit of Pius Quintus his Bull, the peril of which curse you will not incur; and such is the force of your Catholic Religion and Spanish Crowns, as you will rather worship Dagon, then serve the living God, and give your faith to an usurping stranger, then keep yours given, and due to your lawful Sovereign. Yet for all this you doubt not to tender a remission of your whole answer to the judgment of the Lord's of her Majesty's Council, by which your answer, and remission (if it be well scanned in matter and manner) you will be found justly to deserve all the titles contained in this one verse,

And thus much have I adventured to offer to the view of my Christian Countrymen in defense of my former Watch-word, collected by me out of my Christian affection to them for their benefit, that they may know I stand still constant, and confident to defend the truth of my God, against Popery and all other heresies, to perform my Loyalty to my Sovereign against all Popish Espaniolized Traitors, and treason, and to stand for the liberty of my Country against Rome and Spain, and all foreign Potentates whatsoever; as also that my silence should not cause them to conceive, that this masked Champions railing tongue hath any way distempered me, or his threatening brauadoes any whit dismayed me, the first whereof I pass over, with little regard, according to the Counsel of wise Solomon: It is the glory of a man to pass by offenses: the second I scorn, being sent out by a cowardlie Companion that speaks big, and dares not show his face.

To conclude, I delight not in war and hostility between Princes, I wish peace in all States and Common-wealths, from my heart, so far forth as may stand with the glory of almighty God, who is the supreme author of all authority and government, and is only to be served both by Prince and people, as his word prescribeth. For I confess, Dulce est nomen pacis; res vero ipsa, tum iucunda, tum salutaris. And yet can I not subscribe to this blind Peace-makers desire, that longeth for a Peace to the dishonor of God, and laboreth by a Peace to bring in his Idol worship again amongst us: but I heartelie pray to my God, to preserve us from such a Peace, and with Erasmus I affirm, Melior est talis pugna, quae Deo proximum facit, quàm pux illa quae à Deo separate. But if such a Peace may be had, as may not prejudice a good Conscience in the truth of Religion we now hold, nor impeach the safety of our dear Queen, nor hazard bondage to our Country, by the government of foreigners and strangers; blessed be that Peace-maker, and God almighty grant us such a Peace all our days. And this have I presumed to say in answer to this Champions Peace prayed for in the Conclusion of these his Encounters, with a mind rather to raise up the power and pride of Rome and Spain, then for any good mind or meaning he hath to our Queen Elizabeth or England.

And now to knit up this my Resistance to every of your railing Encounters, (Sir N.D. ) I assure myself you shall find all the Protestants and Professors of God's truth in England, as also many of those that are infected with the Romish Religion, so well resolved from your own pen of your want of civility in railing beyond measure, and your want of a found heart to your Sovereign and Country, in so highly extolling your two greatest Monarchs of Rome and Spain, to the prejudice and touch both of Queen and Country (so far forth as the power of your wicked wit and words can devise, and persuade) as your glossing shall gain little credit to work my condemnation in any of their judgments, either for anything that was in my former book, or for anything contained in this latter: For I mean none other in all that is said, but a desire of confirmation to the one in a holy profession, and a reformation to the other of their being any longer seduced, and misled by Rome's enchantments, and a care in both to stand firmelie and faithfully to defend their Sovereign and Country, against foreign malice and home Treason; whereunto if way should be given, God should be dishonored, our Queen endaungered, our Country deprived of it ancient and most comfortable liberties, and then what can either one or other look for but misery, and desolation. For what befell both to Guelphes and Gibellines when the Gibellines brought in a friend of theirs called Facinus Canis, who was to have the goods of the Guelphes for his pay? He was no sooner gotten in, but that without sparing of either, both sides were spoiled; whereof when the Gibellines complained, saying that their goods were spoiled contrary to agreement, this their friend by them brought in answered, That themselves were Gibellines, and they should be safe; but their goods were Guelphes and they must pay for it: Your selves can make the application; and so to your wisdoms I leave it, beseeching God to continue his wonted mercy towards our Queen and land, and to give to this my adversary and all of his faction a better mind, if it stand with his good will and pleasure. Amen.